We're Living Through a Coup in the United States of America
by Heather Cox Richardson
Politics Chat
February 4, 2025
15 hours ago

[Heather Cox Richardson] Hey, folks. Yeah. Good. I'm glad. Louisiana's mad at Senator Cassidy.
Washington state, Saint Louis, Middletown, Connecticut. Am I missing you, Danny? Do you go flying by?
How long of a walk is it? About a mile and a half over here. And, And it was fine.
A little icy, actually. And I like to walk, so it's. I don't feel bad about doing it,
but I didn't necessarily leave enough time for myself. I did in the end, but I didn't. I wasn't sure Nebraska.
One of my favorite states. I mean, do I have a state I don't like? Actually not really.
I like the states that have really cool history. So in Nebraska, one of them actually. Does any state not have a cool history?
No, actually they pretty much all do. You know, someday when all this is over, I'm just going to write some state histories because they're really,
they're really cool. All right. I'm going to get right down to it here because I know you're waiting for, I know, I know coaches elsewhere today.
Because I know you're waiting for me to make comments about what's happening. And I'm going to start with, something that I guess
needs to be said and that's that we don't know. You are used to me being able to say, this happened,
this happened, this happened, this happened. And here are my sources for how I know these things happened. And here's why I trust these sources,
and here's why I don't trust these other sources. But one of the points of where we are right now in this second
administration of President Donald Trump is that there is a lot going on that we don't know about, but transparency is gone.
One of the things that the Biden-Harris administration moved back into the public was transparency, and that's gone.
So we're doing a lot of sort of guessing, even though, you know, that there are people who are deliberately lying to you sometimes
just to cover their, you know, what's because they've made some mistakes. So I'm going to start right there with that, that I sort of feel like usually I can say to you,
unless I slip up and say something, I know exactly what's going on. I don't I don't any longer.
It's taking me forever to write the nightly letters, because so much simply has to be checked and cross-checked
and to see what you've got and what people sources look like and so on. That's got a good side as well as a bad side
that I'll get to on a little bit. But having said that, I also want to say something else, and that is,
we are in a time that is designed to exhaust us, to overwhelm us, and to make us tune out the news and also to make us make bad decisions.
And a lot of people are asking me what you should do with your finances. And I was just joking with, with my husband.
And I said, you know, if you're coming to me for financial advice, you might as well just put it in a pile and burn it, because I have zero qualifications for that.
And a lot of people are going to make suggestions to you about what you should do and what you shouldn't do.
Either with your finances, your health, or anything like that, don't make snap decisions based on the fact you like somebody
or that somebody seems to know something you don't, because then you're acting out of panic and not out of actual, valuable information.
So get that information, but not from people like me. And if people are not forthcoming about the fact they don't
know what they're talking about, don't trust them.
All right. That being said, what I do know is politics and history and that I can give you a lot of which is I mean, we're in an amazing moment. We're living through a coup in America, the United States of America. And we are 248 year old democracy that is right now on the ropes. I want to emphasize again, it's not over yet at all, but I just I truly never thought it would come to this, even though my very first book, which came out in 1997, warned that the Republican Party was going in a really bad direction.
And of course, I've been saying that ever since.
And now we're here, and where we are is that Trump, who is now president, was elected with the help of at least $290 million from the man who at least claims on paper to be the richest man in the world. And he is not elected. He is not a natural born U.S. citizen. He was born in South Africa, so he couldn't be president himself, although he joked before the election that he might be sort of like the president. But what he has done, and I'll talk more about what Trump has done, but what this man Elon Musk has done is he has essentially taken over the mechanics of the United States government. And what I mean by that beginning on Friday after 5:00, at least, that's when the news started to break. And that's not insignificant because that's called a Friday night news dump. Basically, if you were watching the news this weekend, you know, the independent news sources were covering what was happening in in Washington. But, you know, some of the major papers didn't mention it at all. And that's because there were skeleton crews over the weekend. So if you're going to dump scary news, you do it on Friday night. It's called the Friday Night News dump. And this is what happened on last Friday night.
And what happened then was that a team of engineers from Elon Musk's companies -- it appears you got to put together a lot of pieces to make this happen -- tried to strong-arm the person who was in charge of the United States payment systems, into letting them access the computers. And he said, no, he was a courier. A courier civil servant, who had been in the position of essentially keeping the nation's checkbook, I think, for about ten years. That's not sitting in front of me right now. And he knew very well that very few people have access to these systems because essentially you're keeping the checkbook, what comes in and what flows out for the U.S government. Not the Department of Defense, usually, and not the U.S. Postal Service, which has its own payment system, but everything else.
So it's it's not all the way up to 6 trillion, but it's pretty close to $6 trillion. And he was just the bookkeeper, you know, "here's this payment due now, and here's that payment due tomorrow." And and he made it all work. Not literally with a checkbook, but he oversaw the entire system. It's a highly skilled position. And when he refused to let the members of Trump, Musk's engineering team in, somebody, and I have not been able to chase down who, put him on administrative leave, with the idea that they were going to fire him. And then he abruptly resigned.
And a lot of people are angry at these career service people who are resigning. But it is my understanding that if you resign rather than being fired, you get to keep your pension and your benefits, and that may be what was going on there. Again, I'm not an H.R. specialist, but that's my understanding of why people are suddenly resigning, because if they're going to be unemployed, they'd rather be unemployed with a paycheck rather than not. Or with a pension rather than not.
Anyway, he resigned, and as of last night, I'm sorry.
As of Friday night, the 31st of January. Yeah. So 31st of January, at least one
and probably two and maybe three. I'm telling you, things are vague.
Engineers from Musk's former company is the one who did this. Who was the the lead of this team, worked at SpaceX and then at X,
and went into that main system, plugged computers into the system of the United States government
that makes payments from the Treasury of up to $6 trillion a year.
Now, when this happened, lots of Friday night, right? A lot of people weren't paying attention, but others were.
I was one of the lucky ones who saw it early. There was a huge outcry going, what's going on here?
And then people tried to figure out how they got in there. And Scott Bezzant, the new secretary of the Treasury under Donald
Trump, said that he had given them access or somebody said that, but that they were only allowed to read the material that they covered.
Now, what's in those files is going to be the personal information,
social security number, date of birth, address, financial information for every American who has had
any interaction with the United States government financially,
tax returns, unless you filed them, by you know, if you did them electronically, all that sort of thing, if you've had a grant,
Social Security, veterans benefits and so on.
It's also any, any business that has had, contracting business with the United States government.
And that's, of course, Musk's major competitors. Now, we learned, as I think it was 1 or 2 last night,
and it's been picked up today in the technology magazines that,
just just by the way, I am not an investigative reporter. I read a lot, and I can digest for you what's in the investigative reports.
And actually, people have started to send me information myself. But when I tell you this stuff,
I am repeating what intrepid investigative reporters are finding on their own through their sources.
And, and we're going to owe them a lot going forward. I'll speak more to that.
But of I think it was 102 last night. Wired, which has been following this story, reported not only who
the main person engineer was who broke into that system at the Treasury,
but also that he's 25 years old and that the, the on
the somebody else is working on that story and then built on it this morning. And that's Josh Marshall at Talking Points Memo.
His sources told him that, in fact, those engineers had begun to rewrite the code in that system.
And they are doing so apparently to, to be able
to shut off the flow of payments to certain people, certain groups. I shouldn't say people we don't know because we can't
stand over their shoulders and to hide how they have done that. Now, the people who are actually at those IT positions
in the Treasury have been helping reluctantly, only because they're terrified that these people are going to crash
the entire system, take down the entire payment system of the United States government. And Marshall's article pointed out that,
the entire system is supposed to be migrated this weekend, and they're making these changes live as opposed to testing them first.
So it's unclear how that's how that's going to play out and whether or not we're going to have problems with that. But people have noted, for example,
that their login credentials have gone down or so on and so forth. And I don't know if that's related or not,
but I suspect we're going to see a lot of that. All right. So that's what's happening at the Treasury level.
And it's worth now perhaps thinking about what's going on.
You know, what is Musk doing. Musk is,
destroying things. He is he is breaking everything the way he did at Twitter. And his philosophy is get in there fast, break everything.
And if you break something that we turns out we need, we can always bring it back. We can always rebuild it.
That's, I think, the philosophy there. Although he has his own goals for, the United States government that I may or may not have time to talk about today.
Okay. So once they went through Treasury, they've also been systematically going through the other parts of the United States government.
And once they were into the Treasury files, Musk over the weekend
sat there tweeting on his social media platform what he was throwing away.
You know, what he thought was wasted money? He said he was cleaning out diversity, equity and inclusion programs.
And we don't know if he was doing it or not. He said he was doing it. And there's always a difference between those two things.
I'm always hammering on that. But he said he was doing things like throwing away, payments
or getting rid of payments that supported, Lutheran Family Services, for example, which runs a lot of nursing homes
in the, the, in the Midwest, in places like South Dakota.
So he was sitting there saying, now we don't need this, we don't need this, we don't need this. Okay? So why is that a problem?
A lot of mangas that I'm talking to are saying we love him. We think this is great. We wanted to get rid of all the fat in the government.
All right. First of all, as a part of GDP, the gross domestic product, American's expenditures on,
you know, on, on domestic, on domestic stuff in our country, have not gone up at all since the 1950s.
What's changed is who pays them, but they've basically stayed absolutely flat. There was a big spike during Covid, but now it's it's still basically flat.
And the reason that there is a problem, the reason that our budget is in the red, is because of George W Bush, his tax cuts. Remember that Reagan cut a bunch of taxes, and George W. Bush brought a lot of those taxes back because we were so far in the red. And then we had the tech boom under Bill Clinton. And then in the 1990s, the US budget was in the black. We were running a surplus. George W Bush came in and had a massive tax cut with the idea that we would destroy the federal government. There was a reason for that. They wanted to destroy the federal government because they wanted to get rid of regulations, business regulations, and because they wanted to get rid of the taxes that support social programs. This is how we got the $50 trillion moving from the bottom 90% to the top 1% between 1981 and 2021. So we had that and we had the George W Bush tax cuts.
And then we had the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, both started under George W Bush that were not funded. Normally when the US goes to war, it imposes a war tax. He did not do that.
And then of course, we get the 2017 Trump tax cuts, which were hideously expensive. And that has put us even more into the red now, Trump has vowed and investment. The new secretary of the Treasury has said this is the most important thing for the Republicans going forward is to extend those tax cuts to the wealthy and corporations. Otherwise, they say we're going to have a fiscal crisis.
However, there's a problem with that because the US budget is so far in the red. Part of what Musk appears to be trying to do is to cut everything he possibly can
so that they can say, "See, there's plenty of money for another tax cut."
All right? So once they had gone through the treasuries, they say they have gone systematically through different departments going in, going plugging into the computers and then
and then downloading the information and saying, we're going to get rid of this, we're going to get rid of this and so on.
We're going to get rid of employees and so on. Now stop for just a minute.
Did you vote for Elon Musk? This is what is why this is a coup. And why this is stunning is because
nobody elected Elon Musk. And it is
very unclear. Even though Trump tried to give a fig leaf to the Department of Government Efficiency, or dodgy, as I call it,
to say that what he was doing was covered by the executive branch. It is not at all clear that that is a legal organization at all.
Furthermore, they have, not only broached Americans privacy and security
and privacy through the breaches, which is against the law, but also when they
broke into the computers at USA aid, which is the the United States Agency for International Development,
which is less than 1% of our budget. And it has an extraordinary return on investment by helping
American soft power around the world. They broke into computers that were secured
because they had, you have security clearances to look at them because that's it.
Classified information on them. And there was at that point, they got into a fight with,
security people who were trying to protect the information on those computers. And, and that's because the U.S.
agency for International Development, or U.S. aid, takes advice from the State Department.
And so now they've they've have, breached those computers as well. And then, as I say, they've gone on to General Services
Administration, which is what those are our, federal real estate, about 7500 buildings, or or properties.
They've gone on, to the Department of Education and they seem to be going
straight through these, but nobody voted for Elon Musk.
He is a private citizen. He is a private citizen. And these are his six engineers who are going systematically through yours.
And my information, this is shocking.
But there's another element to it as well that is really, really important. And that's that
must can't do this. That is it is not legal for in any way for him to do this,
not only because he doesn't have authorization, but because of the way our Constitution is set up.
It is Congress that spends our money. Remember, that was the whole point of having a fight with the King, King George of the Third of England.
Because it is our Congress that gets to decide how our money is spent.
And once Congress decides that it's the job of the president and the executive branch to carry that out, they can't decide.
I'm not going to spend money on this. That was Richard Nixon tried that. And in 1974, Congress said, don't try it, because that's illegal.
And the courts have upheld that ever since. And so Trump can't do that,
but certainly must can't do that.
So so now, I'm sure you're sitting there going, "Then why is this happening?" It's happening for a couple of reasons. And I want to start with the obvious one. The Republicans in Congress could stop this any time they wanted to. They could stop this any time they wanted to. But I gotta say, not for much longer. Because once Musk and or Trump decide that they can do whatever they want, whether Congress voted for it or not, why do they need Congress? They don't is the bottom line. And the fact that the Democrats are screaming from the rooftops, it will take a number of Republicans to say, "Hang on just a minute here" before it can stop.
And, and the other piece of this is that it appears, as of this afternoon, again, fuzzy, and we're not sure there, when he got into office, Trump's people tried to stop the disbursement of monies -- it's called impoundment, and as I say, in 1974, Congress expressly made it illegal -- to fund things like USAid, which is really an important agency in the government. And the people who were affected by that instantly sued, not just over USAid, but sued over the fact that if we stopped disbursing all the monies that Congress has said we need, -- I mean, that's local law enforcement, that's education, that's everything -- if we do that, again, that flies directly in the face of this Congressional law.
So they went to the federal courts, and the federal courts were like, WTF? Of course you can't do this. They called it blatantly unconstitutional.
Now, as of this afternoon, it appears that the administration is simply ignoring the courts. Okay. If they're ignoring the Congress and they are ignoring the courts, that leaves us with the executive branch being in charge of everything. That leaves us with an authoritarian. At this moment, it's not clear whether that is Elon Musk who is taking all this power, even though he doesn't have it -- he does not have the power to do this; he could be fired or simply arrested at any moment if there were the will to do that. The other person who's supposed to be in charge is Donald Trump, and it's not at all clear to me, although he said yesterday that Musk was acting on his orders, he seems like he does not understand what's going on at all. And they seem to be sort of -- Timothy Snyder put it this weekend that he could be signing ever larger pieces of paper for the cameras. He does not seem to be on top of what's happening. So it's not clear that even though he wants to be a dictator for sure, that he has any concept of what's happening here. And he's just trying to stay out ahead of it. But that's where we are, right now.
And people have asked why? Why aren't there lawsuits being filed? There are. There is a blizzard of lawsuits being filed.
It's not going to help us if they ignore the courts, and and why aren't people trying to stop these guys?
One of the reasons that it's hard to stop them is because normally, when people are breaking the law, or are
trying to make changes or whatever, they try to stay within the law, and there's a mechanism to say, "Oh, you're outside the law."
But if you get somebody who just says, "I don't care, then it's a little hard to know who grabs that person.
What do you do? And you can see this, I think, with the sort of bewilderment over the weekend with people like, "Where are we?
What's happening? What are we going to do?" Because if somebody has breached U.S.
government servers, and is rewriting the code, that was unimaginable a week ago.
And I just think people don't know how to respond.
Now, that being said,
how do what how do we proceed? And then I want to talk a little bit about the history of how we got here.
How do we proceed? Well, there's a really important
connection here between, the fact that the Republican Party as it currently exists
and I've said a million times, this isn't the traditional Republican Party, which once upon a time was a grand party.
It was called the Grand Old Party for a reason. That's where GOP comes from.
If you've ever heard that term, people don't use it much anymore. But this version, the MAGA version
since the 1980s, has not been able to attract a majority of the popular vote.
People don't like the laws that are slashing our social safety net, that are that are destroying education, that are,
cutting regulations, that are moving money upward. They have not liked it since 1986. It was clear by the midterm elections of 1986
that the Republicans had a problem. So increasingly since then, and I've talked about this a gazillion
times, the Republicans stayed in power by suppressing the vote of their opponents
by mechanical things like gerrymandering. And after 2010, by pouring,
by by pouring money, having corporate money pouring into their coffers so they could flood the zone with,
with blanketing ads that made people think that,
Joe Biden was a doddering old man, for example. And again, you could see the media falling for that again and again and again.
The fact that nobody is talking about the fact that Donald Trump can't put together a coherent sentence
and it's not headline news, and then you compare it to how much we heard about Biden, Biden's limp,
after he broke his foot, right after he got elected playing with his dog, just says to you that that flooding of the zone really works.
But by increasingly design that only a few people have the right to make decisions for the American people,
we got to the place we are now, where, as I emphasized last night in the letter I wrote last night, the Republicans
control the House, the Senate, the white House and the Supreme Court. If they wanted to get rid of the Department of Education,
for example, or, U.S. aid, or do any of the things that Elon Musk is doing,
they have control of Congress and the president and the the,
the Supreme Court, but they don't want to do it in Congress because they know they don't even have the votes among their own people.
This is a really small group of extremists who have seized our government,
and they're the ones who are saying, yeah, well, one of them literally said this morning, well, yes, what he is doing is unconstitutional,
but you shouldn't worry too much about that. You shouldn't worry too much about that.
I'm worried about that. Because if you lose the law and the Constitution,
you have nothing left except authoritarianism. And that's where we are headed right now.
So let me go in a little bit more to how we got here, and then how we push back against it. So coming out of World War II with FDR's New Deal, then what Republican Dwight Eisenhower added to it, he called it the Middle Way. Together, those two things made up an ideology that almost every American shared: Republicans, independents, Democrats. They all shared the idea that a government should do basic things. It should provide a basic social safety net. It should regulate business, it should promote infrastructure, and it should protect civil rights. And the reason it should do all those things is because if it did that, it would create a wealthy country. It would create a country where people had good lives, good secure lives. They had education which made them upwardly mobile. They had roads to drive on. They had hospitals to take care of their health. They had vaccines so that they didn't get polio. They had ways to work together to make sure that people were having the things that gave them true wealth in their lives. It made the country really wealthy, a growing GDP because people had the education to create and so on.
Now, the problem with that was that for those few Americans who hated what became known as the liberal consensus, that is a consensus
that there should be a liberal democracy and liberal in this context means protecting the rights of the individual through these government programs that make sure, for example, that we all have equal access to education, or we all have equal access to hospitals or whatever.
There are people who didn't like that, and they didn't like that because creating wealth for everybody meant they got less cash, they got less money. And so they wanted to get rid of especially government regulations on business. That was their big thing more than anything else. They didn't like infrastructure. They wanted to do that themselves, because they could make money off it. They didn't like protecting civil rights, and they didn't really like a basic social safety net, but mostly they didn't want regulation. But every time they tried to say to people, hey, let's get rid of this liberal consensus and go back to the 1920s when businessmen ran everything, everybody looked at them like they were on drugs and said, come on, there's no way we want to do that.
And in 1948, Harry Truman, president Harry Truman begins to desegregate the military and to say, you know what? If we're all going to create this wealth together, everybody's got to be in on it. And that creates the beginnings of the Dixiecrats, the beginnings of a political movement to say, "No, no, no, no, no. This is a white country, and we don't want to do that." And those people are going to make common cause with the businessmen who don't like business regulations. So they're the Dixiecrats.
Chapter Three: Bill Clinton and the Neoliberal PresidencyI used to think if there was reincarnation, I wanted to come back as the president or the pope or a .400 baseball hitter. But now I want to come back as the bond market. You can intimidate everybody.
—Clinton adviser James Carville
The Political Context of the Clinton Presidency
Bill Clinton’s election in 1992 brought an end to a period in which the Republican Party had controlled the White House for 12 consecutive years, and for 20 of the previous 24 years. Clinton won 32 states and the District of Columbia for 370 electoral votes, compared to 18 states and 168 electoral votes for President George H. W. Bush. Clinton was able to capture four of the 11 states of the southern Confederacy (Arkansas, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Georgia), though he garnered only a plurality of the nationwide popular vote (43 percent). In an unusually strong showing for an independent candidate, Texas businessman H. Ross Perot received nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. With his reelection in 1996, Clinton became the first Democratic President since Franklin D. Roosevelt to serve two full terms as president.
As Bill Clinton campaigned for president in 1992, how had the terrain of politics been shaped by the structural factors we foreground in our analysis, especially by changes in the character and direction of the American political economy? The dominant characteristic was a “Right-turn” in American politics that accompanied and responded to the economic downturn, stagflation, and crisis of profitability in the 1970s. This turn was not a response to any upsurge of conservatism in public opinion. Rather, working through a network of think tanks, policy organizations, and media outlets, business elites and conservative political actors mobilized to discredit post–World War II economic and social liberalism and to some extent the New Deal itself. Economist Thomas I. Palley distinguishes between the dominant pre-1980 and post-1980 growth models. Before 1980, economic policy, building on Keynesian insights, aimed at full employment and linked wage and productivity gains in a “virtuous circle of growth.” After 1980 a commitment to full employment was abandoned and the link between productivity and wage growth was severed. “Adherents of the neo-liberal orthodoxy made controlling inflation their primary policy concern, and set about attacking unions, the minimum wage, and other worker protections. Meanwhile, globalization brought increased foreign competition from lower-wage economies and the prospect of off-shoring of employment,” Palley notes.1 Over time this set of macroeconomic policies would come to be known as neoliberalism. 2 The new emphasis was on business-oriented tax cuts, economic deregulation, reductions in social safety net programs, and attacks on the power of labor unions.
While the Right-turn is most strongly associated with President Ronald Reagan (1981–1989), it is important to note the administration of the last Democratic president, Jimmy Carter (1977–1981), was also marked by, and in several ways originated, a shift to the Right. Especially from late 1978 onward Carter embraced fiscal conservatism, balanced budgets, a version of supply-side economics and the deregulation of the airline, railroad, and trucking industries. He also appointed Paul Volcker as chair of the Federal Reserve System in 1979. Volcker, aiming to curb inflation, adopted a restrictive monetary policy that reduced economic growth and led to a severe recession. Finally, in national security policy, Carter reversed the post-Vietnam decline in defense spending and in reaction to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan identified the Middle East as a strategic area of US interests, laying the groundwork for repeated US military interventions in that region in the decades since. This led some observers to call Carter the most conservative Democratic president since Grover Cleveland (1885–1889, 1893–1897).
During the Reagan years some Democratic Party leaders moved to adapt themselves to the conservative environment by courting business interests and countering the progressive presidential campaigns of Jesse Jackson in 1984 and 1988....
-- W. F. Grover et al., The Unsustainable Presidency
When we think of prosperous eras in modern U.S. history, conservatives often point to the Reagan administration as a crucial turning point. To the corporate class, there’s a good deal of truth to this, but mostly to the extent that the seeds of neoliberalism planted in the '70s were watered during this period. The full blossom would come under President William Jefferson Clinton. Today, establishment Democrats recall the Clinton years with the same fondness conservatives treat the Reagan era with. Forget the sex scandals, questionable real estate investments and swirling conspiracies about body counts. The real scandal of the Clinton '90s was the death of progressivism.
-- The Clinton Years: The Most Neoliberal Presidency in U.S. History, by Unfucking the Republic
Dan Lasater is a talented entrepreneur. Born poor in rural Arkansas, he started a chain of hamburger restaurants called Scotty's at the age of 19 and succeeded in undercutting McDonald's by selling burgers at 12 cents instead of 15 cents -- and making up the profits with a higher price for french fries, a formula that apparently made him a millionaire by his mid-twenties. [11] By the time he was 30 he was the owner of the Ponderosa steakhouse chain in Ohio and Indiana, with annual sales of more than $300 million. Cashing in his equity for around $15 million, [12] he turned to horse racing and soon became the most successful breeder and racer of thoroughbreds in the world. With stables of 80 horses in Florida and Kentucky, he was the leading money winner three years in succession -- 1974, 1975, and 1976 -- netting a total of $10 million in prizes, and winning the Eclipse Award of the racing industry. But according to a police statement by one of his employees, Lasater's success with the horses was achieved by "putting in the boot"-fixing the races. [13]
It was at the Oaklawn Race Track in Hot Springs that Lasater first befriended Virginia Kelley, the mother of Governor Clinton, and began to close his vice around the First Family of Arkansas. Collecting governors was one of his business specialties. In early 1983 he bailed out Governor John Y. Brown of Kentucky with $300,000 cash in a paper sack at the Lexington airport. At the time Brown was desperately trying to stay one step ahead of the IRS. He had withdrawn $1 million out of a Florida bank without a "cash transient" report. [14] "I just took care of John Y.'s money problems," Lasater told his colleague Michael Drake. [15]
Lasater also tried to befriend Governor Tony Anaya of New Mexico, offering him a consulting job at the end of his term. Anaya never took up the offer, but he did use taxpayer funds to construct an 8,900-foot runway at the Angel Fire Ski Resort owned by Dan Lasater.
The governor was viewed by his opponents as naive but honest. However, the Attorney General's Office in Santa Fe was later to investigate Lasater for suspected "narcotics trafficking via aircraft with possible Organized Crime ties" operating out of Angel Fire. [16] At the time of the alleged drug trafficking, Angel Fire was managed by Patsy Thomasson, later to become Director of the Office of Administration at the White House [under Bill Clinton]. "I put Patsy in as the assistant chairman, and she pretty well ran that project for me," said Lasater. [17]
But the show trophy of his collection was undoubtedly Governor Clinton, who seemed to require more favors than most. When Clinton needed a safe house for his delinquent half-brother Roger, it was Lasater who spirited him out of Arkansas and gave him a sinecure job as a "stable hand" in Ocala, Florida. And when Roger fell behind in payments to his Medellin contact -- a stash of cocaine had been stolen from his convertible, which his mother had just given him -- it was Lasater who paid the debt, or perhaps a better word is ransom. [18] The Colombians, apparently, were hinting that there could be violent reprisals against the Governor himself. [19]
Always restless, Lasater moved into the bond business in 1980. A brief business partnership with Senator George Locke was dissolved, because of enveloping SEC violations, before Lasater embarked on his own as Lasater & Company. One former broker told me that he never witnessed enough authentic business to justify the existence of Lasater's office at 312 Louisiana Street. He suspected that Lasater was "shuffling money." [20] By the mid-1980s Little Rock was a hub of petty racketeering and fly-by-night securities trading. The target: small, deregulated thrifts that had been neglected by the big firms on Wall Street. "You have no idea how crazy it was here in the mid-eighties," said Ron Davis, a former Lasater broker. "At one point there were 54 investment houses in Little Rock. There were 4,000 brokers working in this city. In 1987 we did more institutional sales than any other city in the world, and that includes New York, London, and Tokyo. You had used car dealers signing up making a $1 million a year in commissions."[21]
For investigators attuned to the methods of organized crime, the Lasater empire looked suspiciously like a laundromat for tens of millions of dollars of drug profits. Nor was this an idle hunch. In 1977 Lasater had lost a Lear jet in Santa Marta, Colombia, after it was confiscated by the Colombian authorities on suspicion of narcotics trafficking. The aircraft was insured at Lloyds of London, so he was not too bothered by the event, but the FBI took note. [22] The jet had been leased to a Las Vegas outfit called Jet Avia, which was under investigation for Mafia ties. It had been flown to Colombia to evacuate a badly burned pilot who had crashed a DC-6 loaded with marijuana in the jungle. [23] Among the passengers on the jet was Jamiel "Jimmy" Chagra, viewed as one of the most dangerous mob bosses in the United States. In 1982 he was prosecuted for conspiring to murder Judge John H. Woods, the first U.S. federal judge to be assassinated this century. He was acquitted on that charge, but was ultimately convicted on charges of cocaine smuggling.
Lasater was a player in the cocaine trafficking network of the Dixie Mafia as early as the mid-1970s. Intelligence reports show that the DEA had opened a file on Lasater in 1983 and had assigned him a tracking number of 141475. [24] Lasater was tipped off at once. A source called him in 1983 to inform him that he was listed in the computer as the subject of a DEA probe. [25]
In February 1984 Lasater, accompanied by Patsy Thomasson, flew to Belize in his private jet to negotiate the purchase of a 24,000-acre ranch. [26] The deal fell through because of a dispute with the "governor of Belize who was hard to deal with." One member of the Lasater party boorishly proposed "that the governor should be wasted." [27] This caused some heartburn for the U.S. Ambassador who was present during these interesting negotiations. Also present was a lawyer from Washington, D.C., named Ed Cummings, who had flown down with Lasater. [28]
Ostensibly, Lasater was looking for a horse farm. But the property, known as the Carver Ranch, was in fact a refueling stop for smugglers coming up from Colombia. Located near the border with the Yucatan, it has cropped up in a number of investigations. One of them was the "Mena" probe of Arkansas State Trooper Russell Welch, which focused on the smuggling empire of Barry Seal. This is what Welch wrote in his notebook during a debriefing of one of Seal's pilots: "With orders from Seal he would fly to a place in Southern Colombia, bordering Peru, and pickup 200 kilos of cocaine. This operation was to be staged from 'Carver Ranch' ... operated by Chester Cotter. Seal met Cotter through Roger Reeves. [Roger Reeves was the intermediary who introduced Barry Seal to the Medellin Cartel.] Seal used this ranch frequently." [29] So, apparently, this ranch was no horse farm. It was part of the Medellin trafficking empire.
It was certainly well known among the drug pilots. Basil Abbott, a convicted smuggler, told me that he used it frequently when he operated from Belize in the early 1980s. He remembers Cotter, the manager, as a man with legendary sway over the local "peons." He would have the fuel supplies ready at the landing strip. The usual route to the United States, explained Abbott, was through a blind spot in the mountains of Mexico, near Monterrey, crossing the border five miles east of the McAllen control tower. "There were about seven or eight of us doing it, and none of us ever got caught," he said. On one occasion in early 1982 he flew a Cessna 210 full of cocaine into Marianna, in the rice delta of eastern Arkansas. The aircraft was met by an Arkansas State Trooper in a marked police car. "Arkansas was a very good place to load and unload," he said. [30]
Lasater had his own agents in the State Police. One of them was a narcotics investigator named Mike Mahone, whom he had befriended at the Oaklawn Race Track in the box of Virginia Kelley -- Governor Clinton's mother. [31] Lasater spotted easy prey. The subsequent courtship offers a revealing insight into his methods of corrupting law enforcement. First he invited Mahone to spend the July 4th weekend, 1985, in one of his condominiums at the Angel Fire Ski Resort. [32] Having broken the ice, the bribery began. It was disguised, of course. What Lasater did was to instruct one of his subordinates to buy a run-down property belonging to Mahone. The price was inflated, netting the State Trooper a windfall profit. [33] Lasater also paid off $7,500 of a delinquent loan that Mahone had taken out in his sister's name.
In return for these little favors, Mahone was generous with police intelligence. In the early summer of 1986 he met with Lasater and Senator Locke at a hotel in Chicago to brief them on the status of the investigation into their drug activities. [34] He warned them to be careful of their telephones and told them that the two State Troopers on the case -- Doc Delaughter and Larry Gleghorn -- had a "hard on" for Lasater. The two officers could be found at "Spanky's" restaurant, he added, as if tempting Lasater to take drastic action.
Trooper Mahone advised Lasater to freshen up his image by donating money to the Gyst House for Drug Abuse. So, with a nice sense of the absurd, Lasater launched a philanthropic Blitzkrieg that included funding for the Florence Crittenden Home for Unwed Mothers. This caused huge amusement at Lasater & Company, where the running joke was guessing which of the unwed mothers Lasater had sent there in the first place. [35] (Years later, Lasater was profiled by CNN's investigative reporter John Camp as a humble born-again Christian, trying to redeem his soul by helping in a soup kitchen.)
It was chilling for Doc Delaughter to discover that he was being betrayed by criminal elements within his own police department. But nothing about this case was normal, least of all the two status reports he gave to Colonel Tommy Goodwin, the commander of the State Police. They were strictly verbal, conducted on the telephone, and both times the calls were patched through to the personal offices of Governor Clinton.
"I don't know if Bill Clinton was listening on the line," said Delaughter. "I wasn't in the room. But he had no business being in the loop." [36]
Delaughter believed that he had sufficient evidence to pursue a full-fledged investigation of Lasater for drug trafficking. At the very least there were grounds for probing his transportation of cocaine on private jets. But Delaughter was squeezed out of the investigation, prevented from attending the critical interviews of Lasater, Senator George Locke, and Roger Clinton. In the end, U.S. Attorney George Proctor offered Lasater a plea agreement that charged Lasater with a conspiracy to distribute cocaine for "recreational use." It was a slap on the wrists. Lasater was paroled after one year, most of it spent at a halfway house in Little Rock. The prosecutor was later appointed to be head of the Justice Department's Office of International Affairs by President Clinton.
At the sentencing U.S. Federal Judge Thomas Eisele said: "There are a lot of people who would like to believe that your financial success was derived, because it was so spectacular, from nothing less than being in the drug business. But I have to rely on the evidence, and there is absolutely no evidence to suggest that you were making money in the drug business," he intoned before falling into tabloid cliche: "I think we are dealing with essentially an American tragedy, a case where the American dream turned into the American nightmare."
Others in law enforcement were less inclined to regard Lasater as a victim. According to The Albuquerque Journal, the FBI and U.S. Customs in New Mexico opened a fresh probe in 1988 under the auspices of the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force, naming Dan Lasater as the chief target. But it fell apart in early 1989 due to jurisdictional bickering between the FBI and Customs on one side, and the DEA on the other. [37]
Governor Clinton gave Lasater a state pardon in 1990, purportedly so that he could regain his hunting license. The pardon was of dubious validity, because Lasater had been sentenced by a U.S. federal court, not a state court. But it sent a signal to the Arkansas authorities that Lasater should be allowed to resume his financial and broking activities without hindrance.
Lasater retreated to a 7,400-acre heavily guarded estate in the Cockspur Mountains of Saline County. (Complaints by neighbors about low-flying aircraft had been passed on to the DEA, according to Captain Gene Donham of the Saline County Sheriffs Department.) But Lasater's influence lives on through the tenacious Patsy Thomasson, his adjutant and partner in adventures at the Carver Ranch. Her rise to prominence in Washington is remarkable, given that she worked so closely with Lasater -- a convicted drug distributor -- continuously from June 1983 until July 1992. "I was his eyes and ears. Whatever needed to be done I did," she explained. [38]
The Albuquerque Journal reported that Thomasson was still listed as the registered agent of Lasater's Phoenix Mortgage Company after she went to work at the White House. She was executive vice president of Lasater & Company, and president of Angel Fire Corporation and the Phoenix Group Incorporated. She was the signing officer for Agency del Sol, Portfolio Services Incorporated, Emerald Isle condominium development, and Starfire Resorts Incorporated.
When Lasater was sent to prison, she was given "durable power of attorney" to manage his business empire. This included everything from signing checks, to selling off his properties, and filing lawsuits in his name.
A self-styled "yellow-dog Democrat" with short black hair and a brusque no-nonsense manner, she had once served on the staff of Arkansas Congressman Wilbur Mills. At Lasater's, she was viewed as the link to the Democratic Party by the firm's employees. "We'd all have to make contributions to the Clinton campaign funds, anywhere from $500 on up, scaled on earnings," said one bond salesman, describing the obligatory tithing system at the firm. "Patsy was the one who handled the money." [39]
Feared and disliked by many members of the firm, she was clearly a favorite with Bill Clinton. He installed her as executive secretary of the Arkansas Democratic Party to help build the foundations for his presidential bid. After the 1992 elections, she was catapulted into one of the most powerful positions in Washington -- Director of the White House Office of Administration, in charge of personnel, computers, security, and drug testing -- where she continued to make her presence felt in the successive scandals that have beset the Clinton presidency.
She participated in a six-hour meeting on May 15, 1994, with the FBI that eventually led to the investigation and firing of the Travel Office staff. And it was, of course, Patsy Thomasson who was found sitting in Vincent Foster's office on the night of his death, rifling through his drawers. All this without benefit of a White House security clearance. For reasons that have never been explained, the Secret Service refused to give Patsy Thomasson a White House security clearance until March 5, 1994. [40]
-- The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: The Unreported Stories, by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard