The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Fri Dec 31, 2021 3:07 am

The Mahawanso [Mahavamsa] in Roman Characters With the Translation Subjoined And an Introductory Essay on Pali Buddhistical Literature
In Two Volumes, Volume I, Containing the First Thirty Eight Chapters
by the Hon. George Turnour, Esq., Ceylon Civil Service
1837
Cotta Church Mission Press

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-- An Analysis of the Dipawanso: An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 4, by the Honorable George Turnour, Esq., Ceylon Civil Service, 1838

-- An Examination Of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, by the Hon'ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service. 1837

-- Further notes on the inscriptions on the columns at Delhi, Allahabad, Betiah, &c., by the Hon'ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service, 1837

-- George Turnour, by Wikipedia

-- VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c., 1837

-- Translation of one of the Inscriptions on the Pillar At Dehlee, called the Lat of Feeroz Shah, Excerpt from Asiatic Researches, Volume 7, by Henry Colebrooke, Esq., With Introductory Remarks by Mr. Harington, 1803

-- XXI. Inscriptions on the Staff of Firuz Shah, translated from the Sanscrit, as explained by Radha Canta Sarman. Excerpt from Asiatic Researches, Volume 1, P. 315-317, 1788

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

-- XVII. Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi of Sultan Firoz Shah, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 374-, 1871

-- Chapter 6: The Sultan of the Age, One Who is Supported by God, Firoz Shah al Sultan, Excerpt from "Tarikh-I Firoz Shahi, An English Translation" [Written by Zia ud Din Barani], by Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli, 2015

-- A Memoir on Kotla Firoz Shah, Delhi, Memoirs Of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 52, by J.A. Page, A.R.I.B.A., Late Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, With a Translation of Sirat-i-Firozshahi by Mohammad Hamid Kuraishi, B.A., Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, 1937

-- The Architecture of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University, by William Jeffrey McKibben, B.A., M.A., 1988

-- Appendix C: On The Early Indian Inscriptions, Excerpt from Greek Buddha: Pyrrho's Encounter With Early Buddhism in Central Asia, by Christopher I. Beckwith

-- Brahmi script, by Wikipedia

The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. I, 1833

The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. II, 1833

The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. III, 1833

The History and Doctrine of Budhism, Popularly Illustrated: With Notices of The Kappooism, or Demon Worship, And of The Bali, or Planetary Incantations of Ceylon, by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S., With 43 Lithographic Prints From Original Singalese Designs, 1829


Table of Contents: [PDF HERE]

• Dedication to General, Sir Edward Barnes, G.C.B., Late Governor and Commander in Chief of Ceylon
• Introductory Essay and Appendices.
• Introduction: To the Editor of the Ceylon Almanac
• Introduction
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

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Dedication

TO GENERAL, SIR EDWARD BARNES, G.C.B., LATE GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF IN CEYLON.

Sir.

In dedicating this volume to you, as the Governor of Ceylon, to whom I am chiefly indebted for the opportunities and facilities which were afforded to me, to prosecute the research which has led to this publication, I cannot allow so appropriate an occasion to pass without assuring you, that l bear in distinct and gratified recollection the many obligations conferred upon me, as well in your private as your public capacity, during the long period I had the honor of serving under you in this colony.

With sentiments, therefore, of the sincerest respect and regard, I subscribe myself,  

Your very faithful and obliged servant,

GEORGE TURNOUR

Kandy, Ceylon. 31 May, 1837.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Fri Dec 31, 2021 3:08 am

Introductory Essay and Appendices.

Introduction


The circumstances under which "The Epitome of the History of Ceylon," which was published in the Ceylon Almanac of 1833, was compiled, are explained in the following letter: --

To the Editor of the Ceylon Almanac.

Sir, -- In compliance with your request, I have the pleasure to send you a chronological table* [This table, divested of the narrative portion of the Epitome, will be found in the Appendix: the names being spelt as they are pronounced in Singhalese.] of the kings of Ceylon compiled from the native annals extant in this island.

In the comparatively short period that this colony has been a British possession, several histories, besides minor historical notices of Ceylon, have already been published in English.

The individuals to whom we are indebted for those works, unacquainted themselves with the native languages, and misguided by the persons from whom they derived their information, have concurred in representing that there were no authentic historical records to be found in Ceylon.

Cordiner affords no information regarding them; and falls at once into an anachronism of 471 years, by applying the following remark to the Buddha worshipped in Ceylon: "Sir W. Jones, on taking the medium of four several dates, fixes the time of Buddha, on the ninth great incarnation of Vishnu, in the year 1014 before the birth of Christ.

Percival asserts, that "the wild stories current among the natives throw no light whatever on the ancient history of the island: the earliest period at which we can look for any authentic information is the arrival of the Portuguese under Almeida, in 1505.”

Bertolacci, in his valuable statistical work, states, "we learn, from tradition, that Ceylon possessed in former times a larger population and a much higher state of cultivation than it now enjoys: although we have no data to fix, with any degree of certainty, the exact period of this prosperity, yet the fact is incontestable. The signs which have been left, and which we observe upon the island, lead us gradually back to the remotest antiquity."

Philalethes, professedly writing "The History of Ceylon from the earliest period," which is prefixed to the last edition of Knox's historical relation of the island, dates the commencement of the Wijayan dynasty in A.D. 106, instead of B.C. 543; and is then reduced to the necessity of adding, "Without attempting to clear a way, where so little light is afforded, through this labyrinth of chronological difficulties, I shall content myself with exhibiting the succession of the Cinghalese sovereigns, with the length of their reigns, as it appears in Valentyn."

Davy appears to have been more accurately informed; but, dependent on the interpretations of the natives who are always prone to dwell on the exaggerations and fictions which abound in all oriental literature, has been induced to form the opinion that "the Singhalese possess no accurate record of events; are ignorant of genuine history and are not sufficiently advanced to relish it. Instead of the one they have legendary tales, and instead of the other historical romances."

To publish now, in the face of these hitherto undisputed authorities, a statement containing an uninterrupted historical record of nearly twenty four centuries, without the fullest evidence of its authenticity, or at least acknowledging the sources from which the data are obtained, would be to require the public to place a degree of faith in the accuracy of an unsupported document, which it would be most unreasonable in me to expect. I must therefore beg
, if you use at all the paper I now send you, that it be inserted in the detailed form it has been prepared by me, together with this letter in explanation.

The principal native historical record in Ceylon is the Mahawanse. It is composed in Pali verse. The prosody of Pali grammar prescribes not only the observance of certain rules which regulate syllabic quantity, but admits of an extensive license of permutation and elision of letters, for the sake of euphony. As the inflexions of the nouns and verbs are almost exclusively in the ultimate syllable, and as all the words in each verse or sentence are connected, as if they composed one interminable word, it will readily be imagined what a variety of constructions each sentence may admit of, even in cases where the manuscript is free from clerical errors: but, from the circumstance of the process of transcription having been almost exclusively left to mere copyists, who had themselves no knowledge of the language, all Pali manuscripts in Ceylon are peculiarly liable to clerical and other more important inaccuracies; many of which have been inadvertently adopted by subsequent authors of Singhalese works, materially altering the sense of the original.
It is, I presume, to enable the reader to overcome these various difficulties, that the authors of Pali works of any note, usually compiled a commentary also, containing a literal rendering of the sense, as well as explanations of abstruse passages.

The study of the Pali language being confined, among the natives of Ceylon, almost entirely to the priesthood, and prosecuted solely for the purpose of qualifying them for ordination, their attention has been principally devoted to their voluminous religious works on Buddhism. I have never yet met with a native who had critically read through, and compared their several historical works, or who had, till lately, seen a commentary on the Mahawanse; although it was the general belief that such a commentary did still exist, or at least had been in existence at no remote period. By the kindness of Galle, the provincial chief priest of Saffragam, I was enabled in 1827 to obtain a transcript of that commentary, from a copy kept in Mulgirigalla wihare, a temple built in the reign of Saidaitissa, about 130 years before the birth of Christ; and when brought with me to Kandy, I found that the work had not before been seen by the chief or any one of the priests, of either of the two establishments which regulate the national religion of this island. It had heretofore been the received opinion of the best informed priests, and other natives, that the Mahawanse was a national state record of recently-past events, compiled at short intervals by royal authority, up to the reign in which each addition may have been made; and that it had been preserved in the archives of the kingdom.

The above-mentioned commentary has not only afforded valuable assistance in elucidating the early portion of the Mahawanse, but it has likewise refuted that tradition, by proving that Mahanama, the writer of that commentary, was also the author of the Mahawanse, from the commencement of the work to the end of the reign of Maha Sen, at least, comprising the history of Ceylon from B.C. 543 to A.D. 301. It was compiled from the annals in the vernacular language then extant, and was composed at Anuridhapura, under the auspices of his nephew Dasen Kelliya, between A.D. 459 and 477. It is still doubtful whether Mahanama was not also the author of the subsequent portion, to his own times. As the commentary, however, extends only to A.D. 301, and the subsequent portion of the work is usually called the Sulu Wanse, I am disposed to infer that he only wrote the history to A.D. 301.


From the period at which Mahanama’s work terminated, to the reign of Prakrama Bahu in A.D. 1260, the Sulu Wanse was composed, under the patronage of the last named sovereign, by Dharma Kirti, at Dambedeniya. I have not been able to ascertain by whom the portion of the history from A.D. 1267 to the reign of Prakrama Bahu of Kurunaigalla was written, but from that reign to A.D. 1758, the Maha or rather Sulu Wanse was compiled by Tibbottuwewe, by the command of Kirti-Sree, partly, from the works brought to this island during his reign by the Siamese priests, (which had been procured by their predecessors during their former religious missions to Ceylon), and partly from the native histories, which had escaped the general destruction of literary records, in the reign of Raja Singha I.

The other works from which the accompanying statement has been framed, and which have supplied many details not contained in the Mahawanse, are the following; which are written in Singhalese, and contain the history of the island, also from B.C. 543, to the period each work was written.

The Pujawalliya, composed by Mairupida, in the reign of Prakrama Bahu, between A.D. 1266 and 1301.

The Nikayasangraha or Saisanawatara, by Daiwarakhita Jaya-Bahu, in the reign of Bhuwaneka Bahu in A.D. 1347.

The Rajaratnaikara, written at a more recent period (the exact date of which I have not been able to ascertain) by Abhayaraja of Walgampaye wihare.

The Rajawallaya, which was compiled by different persons, at various periods, and has both furnished the materials to and borrowed from, the Mahawanse.

Lastly, Willagedera Mudiyanse's account of his embassy to Siam in the last century.

From these native annals I have prepared hastily, and I am aware very imperfectly, an Epitome of the History of Ceylon, containing its chronology, the prominent events recorded therein, and the lineage of the reigning families; and given, in somewhat greater detail, an account of the foundation of the towns, and of the construction of the many stupendous works the remains of which still exist, to attest the authenticity of those annals.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 19, 2022 10:45 pm

Part 1 of __

INTRODUCTION

The materials, from which this statement is framed, were collected by me (assisted in the translation from the Pali by my native instructors) some years ago, when it was my intention to have arranged them for publication. Subsequent want of leisure, and the announcement of the proposal of publishing, in England, the translation of the greater part of the works noticed by me, have deterred me from prosecuting that project. By the last accounts received from home, the translation was in an advanced stage of publication. Its appearance in this country may, therefore, now be early looked for.

In the mean time, the circulation of this abstract of the History of Ceylon may be the means of making the translation more sought for when it arrives; and, at the present moment, when improved means of communication are being established to Anuradhapura and to Trincomalie, traversing the parts of the island in which the ruins of the ancient towns, tanks, and other proofs of the former prosperity of Ceylon are chiefly scattered, this statement will perhaps be considered an appropriate addition to your Almanac for the ensuing year.

I am, Sir, your faithful obedient servant,

George Turnour,
Ceylon Civil Service

Kandy, September 14, 1832.

***

A few private copies, as well of the "Epitome” as of the "Historical Inscriptions" which appeared in the local almanac of the ensuing year, were printed for me at the time those periodicals were in the press; — the distribution of which, from various causes, was deferred for a considerable period of time.

In this interval, the long expected edition of the Mahawanso, translated in this island and published in England, under the auspices of Sir A. Johnston, arrived in India, forming the first of three volumes of a publication, entitled “The Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon.”

This laudable endeavour on the part of the late chief justice of this colony, to lay before the European literary world a correct translation of an Indian historical work — the most authentic and valuable perhaps ever yet brought to its notice — having, most unfortunately, failed, I have decided on proceeding with the translation commenced some years ago; the prosecution of which I had abandoned under the circumstances explained in the foregoing letter.


In now recurring to this task, however, the object I have in view, is not solely to illustrate the local history (the importance of which it is by no moans my intention to depreciate by this remark), but also to invite the attention of oriental scholars to the historical data contained in the ancient Pali Buddhistical records, as exhibited in the Mahawanso, contrasted with the results of their profound researches in the ancient Sanscrit Hindu records, as exhibited in their various publications and essays, commencing from the period when the great Sir William Jones first brought oriental literature under the scrutiny and analysis of European criticism.

Before I enter upon this interesting question, in justice equally to Sir A. Johnston, and to the native literature of Ceylon, I have, on the one hand, to endeavour to account for one of the most extraordinary delusions, perhaps, ever practised on the literary world; and, on the other, to prevent these “Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon,” as well as the "History of Buddhism,” (also published under that right honorable gentleman’s auspices) being recognized to be works of authority, or adduced to impugn the data which may hereafter be obtained from the Buddhistical records in the Pali or any other oriental language.

The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. I, 1833

The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. II, 1833 The Mahavansi, The Raja-Ratnacari, and the Raja-Vali, Forming the Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon; Also, a Collection of Tracts Illustrative of the Doctrines and Literature of Buddhism, Translated from the Singhalese, Edited by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S. & F.S.A., Author of the History and Doctrines on Buddhism, The History of the Ottoman Empire, &c. &c., In Three Volumes. Vol. III, 1833 The History and Doctrine of Budhism, Popularly Illustrated: With Notices of The Kappooism, or Demon Worship, And of The Bali, or Planetary Incantations of Ceylon, by Edward Upham, M.R.A.S., With 43 Lithographic Prints From Original Singalese Designs, 1829


The course pursued by Sir A. Johnston, both in collecting the originals, and procuring translations of "The Sacred and Historical Works of Ceylon,” is detailed in the following letter, which is embodied in the preface to these translations: —

To the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors [by Sir A. Johnston]

Gentlemen,

I have the honour, at the request of Mr. Upham, to enclose to you a letter from him soliciting the patronage of your honourable court to an English translation which he is about to publish of the three works called Mahavansi, the Rajavali, and the Rajaratnacari. The first is written in the Pali, and the other two in the Singhalese language, and they are all three explanatory of the origin, doctrines, and introduction into the island of Ceylon, of the Buddhist religion.

The English translation was a short time ago given by me to Mr. Upham, upon his expressing a wish to publish some genuine account of a religion which, whatever may be the nature and tendency of its doctrines, deserves the consideration of the philosopher and the statesman, from the unlimited influence which it at present exercises over so many millions of the inhabitants of Asia.

The circumstances under which I received the three works to which I have just alluded afford such strong evidence of their authenticity, and of the respect in which they are held by the Buddhists of Ceylon, that I shall take the liberty of stating them to you, that your honourable court may form some judgment as to the degree of encouragement which you may be justified in giving to Mr. Upham.

After a very long residence on Ceylon as chief justice and the first member of his majesty's council on that island, and after a constant intercourse, both literally and official, for many years, with the natives of every cast and of every religious persuasion in the country, I felt it to be my duty to submit it, as my official opinion, to his majesty's government, that it was absolutely necessary, in order to secure for the natives of Ceylon a popular and a really efficient administration of justice, to compile, for their separate use, a special code of laws, which at the same time that it was founded upon the universally admitted, and therefore universally applicable, abstract principles of justice, should be scrupulously adapted to the local circumstances of the country, and to the peculiar religion, manners, usages, and feelings of the people. His majesty's government fully approved of my opinion and officially authorised me to take the necessary steps for framing such a code.


Having publicly informed all the natives of the island of the wise and beneficial object which his majesty's government had in view, I called upon the most learned and the most celebrated of the priests of Buddha, both those who had been educated on Ceylon, and those who had been educated in the Burmese empire, to co-operate with me in carrying his majesty's gracious intention into effect, and to procure for me, as well from books as other sources, the most authentic information that could be obtained relative to the religion, usages, manners, and feelings of the people who professed the Buddhist religion on the island of Ceylon.

The priests, after much consideration amongst themselves, and after frequent consultations with their followers in every part of the island, presented to me the copies which I now possess of the Mahawansi, Rajawali, Rajaratnacari, as containing, according to the judgment of the best informed of the Buddhist priests on Ceylon, the most genuine account which is extent of the origin of the Budhu religion, of its doctrines, of its introduction into Ceylon, and of the effects, moral and political, which those doctrines had from time to time produced upon the conduct of the native government, and upon the manners and usages of the native inhabitants of the country. And the priests themselves, as well as all the people of the country, from being aware of the object which I had in view, felt themselves directly interested in the authenticity of the information which I received; and as they all concurred in opinion with respect to the authenticity and value of the information which these works contain, I have no doubt whatever that the account which they give of the origin and doctrines of the Buddhist religion is that which is universally believed to be the true account by all the Buddhist inhabitants of Ceylon.

The copies of these works which were presented to me by the priests, after having been, by my direction, compared with all the best copies of the same works in the different temples of Buddha on Ceylon, were carefully revised and corrected by two of the ablest priests of Buddha on that inland.

An English translation of them was then made by my official translators, under the superintendence of the late native chief of the cinnamon department, who was himself the best native Pali and Singhalese scholar in the country; and that translation is now revising for Mr. Upham by the Rev. Mr. Fox, who resided on Ceylon for many years as a Wesleyan Missionary, and who is the best European Pali and Singhalese scholar at present in Europe.


I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant,

(Signed) Alex Johnston
 

Nothing surely, could be more commendable than the object and the proceeding here detailed; nor could any plan have been adopted, apparently, better calculated to supply the deficiency arising from his own want of knowledge of the languages in which these works are composed, than the precautions thus taken for the purpose of insuring the authenticity of the translations. Who those individuals may be whom Sir A. Johnston was induced to consider "two of the ablest priests of Buddha on that island," by whom "the copies of these works which were presented to me (Sir A. Johnston) after having been compared by my direction with all the best copies of the same works in the different temples of Buddha on Ceylon, were carefully revised and corrected,” I have not ascertained. But it is evident that they were either incompetent to perform the task they undertook, of rendering the Pali Mahawanso into Singhalese, or they totally misunderstood the late chief justice's object. Instead of procuring an authentic copy of the Pali original, and translating it into the vernacular language (from which "the official translators” were to transpose it into English), they appear, (as regards the period of the history embraced in some of the early chapters) to have formed, to a certain extent, a compilation of their own; amplifying it considerably beyond the text with materials procured from the commentary on the Mahawanso, and other less authentic sources; and in the rest of the work, the original has, for the most part, been reduced to a mutilated abridgment.

This compilation, or abridgment, extends only to the 88th chapter of the Mahawanso, which brings the history of Ceylon down to A.D. 1319; within that period, moreover, the reigns of several kings are omitted: whereas in the perfect copies, the historical narration is continued for four centuries and a half further
, extending it to the middle of the last century.

The "official translators,” by whom this Singhalese version is stated to have been rendered into English, were, and to a certain extent still are, selected from the most respectable, as well in character as in rank, of the maritime chiefs’ families. They profess, almost without exception, the Christian faith; and for the most part, are candidates for employment in the higher native offices under government. Their education, as regards the acquisition of their native language, was formerly seldom persevered in beyond the attainment of a grammatical knowledge of Singhalese:the ancient history of their country, and the mysteries of the religion of their ancestors, rarely engaged their serious attention. Their principal study was the English language, pursued in order that they might qualify themselves for those official appointments, which were the objects of their ambition. The means they possessed of obtaining an education in English, within the colony, at that period, prior to the establishment of the valuable missionary institutions since formed, were extremely limited; while the routine of their official duties, after they entered the public service, were not calculated to improve those limited attainments. These remarks, however, apply rather to the past, than to the present condition of the colony; and I should be doing the higher orders of the natives — of the maritime provinces at least — great injustice if I did not add, that they have both readily availed themselves of the improved means since placed within their reach, and amply proved, by several highly creditable examples, their capacity as well as their anxiety to derive the fullest benefit from the opportunities so afforded to them. Nevertheless to the causes above suggested must, I believe, be attributed both the defects in composition, and the numerous obvious perversions of the sense of the Singhalese abridgment of the text, exhibited in the translations of "The Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon.”

As illustrations of the latter description of defects, I shall confine myself to noticing two instances.

Page 74. ‘'The son of the late king Muttesiwe, called Second Petissa, became king of the island of Ceylon. He was a fortunate king:" p. 33. "This was in the year of our Buddho 236, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the king Darmasoka, and of the first year of the reign of Petissa the second, on the fifteenth day of the month of poson:" and similarly in every instance in which that sovereign is named, he is called "Petissa the second.” Now, the monarch here spoken of, is the most celebrated raja in the history of Ceylon; the ally of Asoko, the emperor of India, and the founder of buddhism in this island. His individual name was "Tisso.” From his merits (according to the buddhistical creed) in a former existence, as well as in this world, he acquired the appellation of "Dewananpiyatisso;" literally, "of-the-dewos-the-delight-tisso.” This title in the Singhalese histories is contracted into "Dewenipaitissa;" and in the vernacular language, "deweni" also signifies “second.” These "official translators,” ignorant of the derivation of this appellation, and of these historical facts, and unmindful of the circumstance of no mention having previously been made of "Petissa the first" in the work they were translating, at once designate this sovereign "Petissa the second"!!
But in my preceding notice, I trust that this point has been set at rest, and that it has been satisfactorily proved that the several pillars of Delhi, Allahabad, Mattiah and Radhia were erected under the orders of king Devanampiya Piyadasi of Ceylon, about three hundred years before the Christian era.

-- VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c., 1837

In explaining the second unintentional perversion of the text above referred to, I shall have to notice the mischievous effects which result from appending notes of explanation, when the text is not thoroughly understood.

Page 1. "In former times, our gracious Buddhu, who has overcome the five deadly sins, having seen Buddhu Deepankare,* ["In the Budhist doctrine (according to the first note) there are to be five Budhus in the present kalpe: Maha'dewa'nan Goutama, Deepankara — these have already existed and are in niewana; — Gua'dma, the fourth, is the Budhu of the present system, which has lasted years in 1830; the Budhu verousa or era, according to the greatest number of coincident dates, having commenced about the year 540 B.C.”] did express his wish to attain the state of Budhu, to save living beings, as twenty four subsequent Budhus* ["The Loutoros Budhus (according to the second note) are inferior persons, being usually the companions of the Budhu, for their zeal and sidelity exalted to the divine privileges.”] had done; from whom also, he having obtained their assent, and having done charities of various descriptions, became sanctified and omniscient: he is the Budhu, the most high lord Guadma, who redeemed the living beings from all their miseries.”

The rendering of this passage, as a specimen of the translators’ style, compared with the rest of the translation, is rather above than below par. The only intrinsic errors imputable to it, if no notes had been appended, would have consisted, — first, in the statement that there were "twenty four" instead of "twenty three Buddhus” subsequent to Deepankara; and, secondly, in adopting the peculiar spelling, "Guadma,” for the name of the present Buddho, in the translation of a Ceylonese work, in which he is invariably designated “Goutama.” But two fatal notes are given on this passage, which cruelly expose the true character, or origin, of these blunders: viz.,

"In the Budhist doctrine (according to the first note) there are to be five Budhus in the present kalpe: Maha'dewa'nan Goutama, Deepankara — these have already existed and are in niewana; — Gua'dma, the fourth, is the Budhu of the present system, which has lasted years in 1830; the Budhu verousa or era, according to the greatest number of coincident dates, having commenced about the year 540 B.C.”

***

"The Loutoros Budhus (according to the second note) are inferior persons, being usually the companions of the Budhu, for their zeal and sidelity exalted to the divine privileges.”


The former of these notes makes "Deepankara" the immediate predecessor of "Guadma;" all "subsequent Buddhos,” therefore, must become equally subsequent to him, — and yet the term is applied in the translation to those predecessors of "Guadma,” by whom his advent was predicted!

In this instance also, as in the case of "Petissa the second,” the error lies in the rendering of the word, which has been translated into "subsequent.”

There are two classes of Buddhos, styled, respectively, in Pali, "Lokuttaro" and "Pachcheko.” The former term, derived from "Lokassa-uttaro contracted into "Lokuttaro,” signifies "the supreme of the universe." The latter from "Pati-ekan,” by permutation of letters contracted into "Pachcheko" and “Pachche,” signifies “severed from unity (with supreme buddhohood);” and is a term applied to an inferior being or saint who is never coexistent with a supreme Buddho, as he is only manifested during an "abuddhotpado,” or the period intervening between the nibbana of one, and the advent of the succeeding supreme Buddho; and attains nibbana without rising to supreme buddhohood. These terms in Singhalese are respectively written "Loutura" and "Pase.” But "passe" (with a double s.) in the vernacular language, also signifies "subsequent.” No native Buddhist, however uneducated, would have committed the error of asserting, that there were twenty four Buddhos exclusive of Dipankaro; as the prediction of Gautama's advent is a part of a religious formula in constant use, which specifies either “the twenty four Buddhos and the Pase Buddhos,” or “the twenty four Buddhos, commencing with Dipankaro, and the Pase Buddhos,” as having been the sanctified characters who vouchsafed to him the “wiwerana” or sacred assurance. By some jumble, however, the word "pase” has been translated into "subsequent,” and made to agree with the "twenty four supreme Buddhos,” instead of being rendered as the appellation of an inferior Buddho. Hence the rendering of the passage "did express his wish to attain the state of Budhu, to save living beings, as twenty four subsequent Budhus had done.”

The revisers of this translation appear to have been aware that there was some confusion or obscurity in this passage, and therefore appended the second note of explanation. In that note, however, an explanation is given, conveying, unfortunately, a meaning precisely the reverse of the correct one. The “Loutura Budhus” are stated to be “inferior persons, usually the companions of the Budhu;" whereas the word literally signifies "supreme of the universe;" and on the other hand, the appellation "Pase Buddho” signifies, as specifically, the reverse of co-existence or companionship.

The first note, quoted above, is, if possible, still more calculated than the translation itself, to prejudice the authenticity of the buddhistical scriptures in Ceylon, when compared with the sacred records of other buddhistical countries.

In the translation, the present Buddho is called "Guadma.” As the English writers on subjects connected with buddhism in the various parts of Asia rarely spell the name similarly, it would have been reasonable to infer that "Guadma” was here intended for the Ceylonese appellations (Pali) "Gotamo,” (Singhalese) “Goutama.” The revisers, however, of the translation, in this instance also, think it necessary to offer a note of explanation. The object of their note appears to be to give the names of the four Buddhos of this (Pali) “kappo,” (Singhalese) "kalpa,” who have already attained buddhohood. They specify them to be Mahadewanan, Goutama, Deepankara, and Guadma: in which enumeration, with their usual ill luck, they are wrong in every single instance. "Mahadewanan" is not the individual name of any one of the twenty four Buddhos. It is an epithet applying equally to all of them, and literally means "the chief of the dewos.” The first Buddho of this kappo was "Kakusandho.” The second was not "Goutama,” (for when speaking of the twenty four Buddhos there is no other Goutama than the Buddho of the present period) but "Konagamano.” The third is not "Deepankara,” for he is the first of the twenty four Buddhos, but "Kassapo.” The fourth, or present Buddho, is not “Guadma,” but, in Pali, Gotamo; and, in Singhalese, Goutama. As this name, however, had been already appropriated in this work for the second Buddho of this kappo, the publishers have, I presume, adopted the spelling "Guadma" to distinguish the one from the other.

It will scarcely be believed that all this confusion arises from the endeavour to illustrate a work, which, in the clearest manner possible, in its fifteenth chapter, gives a connected history of these four Buddhos; nor can the publishers altogether throw the blame of these mistakes on their coadjutors, the "two ablest priests of Buddha,” and the “official translators;" for even in their translated abridgment of the fifteenth chapter (p. 92) the names of these four Buddhos are specified.  

In another respect, however, either the said priests, or the translators, must be held responsible for a still more important error, which has led Mr. Upham, in his Introduction (p. xxii.) to notice, and comment on, the discrepancies of the buddhistical records of Ceylon, as compared with those of Nepal.
He observes, "of these personages (the Buddhos mentioned in the Nepal records) only the four last are mentioned in the pages of Singhalese histories. References are indeed occasionally made to an anterior Budhu, but as no names or particulars are given, we are chiefly indebted for our knowledge of these preceding Budhos, viz., Wipasya, Sikhi, and Wisabhu, to the Nepalese and Chinese histories."

It is indeed unfortunate for the native literature of Ceylon, that it should be so misrepresented in an introduction to a work, which in the original contains in the first page, the name of every one of the twenty four Buddhos, stated in the order of their advent; to which work there is a valuable commentary, either giving the history of every one of these Buddhos, or referring to the authorities in which a detailed account of them may be found. Nor can the "two ablest priests of Buddha” and the other parties employed by Sir A. Johnston in collecting these records, plead ignorance of the existence of that valuable commentary (Mahawansa-Tiku), for I observe in the list of Pali and Singhalese books [???], — vol. iii. p. 170, — two copies of that work are mentioned; one in the temple at Mulgirigalla, from which my copy was taken; and the other in the temple at Bentotte.

This translation, which abounds in errors of the description above noticed, is stated to have been made "under the superintendence of the late native chief of the cinnamon department, (Rajapaxa, maha modliar), who was himself the best Pali and Singhalese scholar in the country.” I was personally acquainted with this individual, who was universally and deservedly respected, both in his official and private character. He possessed extensive information, and equally extensive influence, among his own caste at least, if not among his countrymen generally; and as of late years, the intercourse with the budhistical church in the Burmese empire had been chiefly kept up by missions from the priesthood of his (the chalia) caste in Ceylon, the late chief justice could not, perhaps, have applied to any individual more competent to collect the native, its well as Burmese, Pali annals; or more capable of procuring the best qualified translators of that language into Singhalese, from among the Pali scholars resident in the maritime districts of the island, than Rajapaxa was. This was, however, the full extent to which this chief could have efficiently assisted Sir A. Johnston, in his praiseworthy undertaking; for the maha modliar was not himself either a Pali, or an English scholar. That is to say, he had no better acquaintance with the Pali, than a modern European would, without studying it, have of any ancient dead language, from which his own might be derived. As to his acquaintance with the English language, though he imperfectly comprehended any ordinary question which might be put to him, he certainly could not speak, much less write, in reply, the shortest connected sentence in English.* [In 1822, five years after Sir A. Johnston lest Ceylon, and before I had acquired a knowledge of the colloquial Singhalese, as Magistrate of Colombo, I had to examine Rajapaxa, maha modliar, as a witness in my court. On that occasion, I was obliged to employ an interpreter (the present permanent assessor, Mr. Dias, modliar) not only to convey his Singhalese answers in English to me, but to interpret my English questions in Singhalese to him, as he was totally incapable of following me in English. With Europeans he generally conversed in the local Portuguese.] He must, therefore, (unless he has practised a most unpardonable deception on Sir A. Johnston) be at once released from all responsibility, as to the correctness, both of the Pali version translated into Singhalese, and of the Singhalese version into English.

I proceed now to give my authority for pronouncing Piyadasi to be Dhanmasoko.

From a very early period, extending back certainly to 800 years, frequent religious missions have been mutually sent to each other's courts, by the monarchs of Ceylon and Siam, on which occasions an exchange of the Pali literature extant in either country appears to have taken place. In the several Solean and Pandian conquests of this island, the literary annals of Ceylon were extensively and intentionally destroyed. The savage Rajasingha in particular, who reigned between A.D. 1581 and 1592, and became a convert from the Buddhistical to the Brahmanical faith, industriously sought out every Buddhistical work he could find, and "delighted in burning them in heaps as high as a cocoanut tree." These losses were in great measure repaired by the embassy to Siam of Wilbagadere Mudiyanse, in the reign of Kirtisri Rajasingha in A.D. 1753, when he brought back Burmese versions of most of the Pali sacred books, a list of which is now lodged in the Dalada temple in Kandy.

The last mission of this character, undertaken however without any royal or official authority, was conducted by the chief priest of the Challia or cinnamon caste of the maritime provinces, then called Kapagama thero. He returned in 1812 with a valuable library, comprising also some historical and philological works. Some time after his return, under the instructions of the late Archdeacon of Ceylon, the Honorable Doctor Twisleton, and of the late Rev. G. Bisset, then senior colonial chaplain, Kapagama became a Convert to Christianity, and at his baptism assumed the name of George Nadoris de Silva, and he is now a modliar or chief of the cinnamon department at Colombo. He resigned his library to his senior pupil, who is the present chief priest of the Challias, and these books are chiefly kept at the wihare at Dadala near Galle. This conversion appears to have produced no estrangement or diminution of regard between the parties. It is from George Nadoris, modliar, that I received the Burmese version of the Tika of the Mahawanso, which enabled me to rectify extensive imperfections in the copy previously obtained from the ancient temple at Mulgirigalla, near Tangalle.

Some time ago the modliar suggested to me that I was wrong in supposing the Mahawanso and the Dipawanso to be the same work, as he thought he had brought the Dipawanso himself from Burmah. I was sceptical. In my last visit, however, to Colombo, he produced the book, with an air of triumph. His triumph could not exceed my delight when I found the work commenced with these lines quoted by the author of the Mahawanso as taken from the Mahawanso (another name for Dipawanso) compiled by the priests of the Utaru wihare at Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of Ceylon. "I will perspicuously set forth the visits of Buddho to Ceylon; the histories of the convocations and of the schisms of the theros; the introduction of the religion (of Buddho) into the island; and the settlement and pedigree of the sovereign Wijayo."...

In one of the narratives of this book, containing the history of Dhanmasoko, of Asandhimitta his first consort after his accession to the Indian empire, of his nephew Nigrodho, by whom he was converted to Buddhism, and of his contemporary and ally Dewananpiyatisso, the sovereign of Ceylon, — Dhanmasoko is more than once called Piyadaso, viz.:


"The honey-dealer who was the donor thereof (to the Pache Buddho) descending by his demise from the Dewaloko heavens; being born in the royal dynasty at Pupphapura (or Patilipura, Patna); becoming the prince Piyadaso and raising the chhatta, [Parasol of dominion.] established his undivided sovereignty over the whole of Jambudipo'' — and again —  "Hereafter the prince Piyadaso having raised the chhatta, will assume the title of Asoka the Dhanma Raja, or righteous monarch."


It would be unreasonable to multiply quotations which I could readily do, for pronouncing that Piyadaso, Piyadasino or Piyadasi, according as metrical exigencies required the appellation to be written, was the name of Dhanmasoko before he usurped the Indian empire; and it is of this monarch that the amplest details are found in Pali annals.

-- Further notes on the inscriptions on the columns at Delhi, Allahabad, Betiah, &c., by the Hon'ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service, The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, Jul-Dec, 1837


There is some similar misapprehension in pronouncing the late Rev. Mr. Fox, by whom the English translation is stated to have been revised in England, to be "the best European Pali and Singhalese scholar at present in Europe.” I had not the pleasure of being personally acquainted with this gentleman, who left the colony, I believe, soon after I arrived in it. I have always heard him spoken of with respect, in reference to his zeal in his avocation, and his attainments as an European classical scholar. I am, however, credibly informed, that this gentleman also had no knowledge of the Pali language.

A letter from Mr. Fox is inserted in the Introduction, p. xi, of which I extract the three first sentences.

"Having very carefully compared the translations of the three Singhalese books submitted to me with the originals, I can safely pronounce them to be correct translations, giving, with great sidelity the sense of the original copies.

"A more judicious selection, in my judgment, could not have been made from the numerous buddhist works extant, esteemed of authority among the professors of buddhism, to give a fair view of the civil and mythological history of buddhism and countries professing buddhism.

"The Mahavansi is esteemed as of the highest authority, and is undoubtedly very ancient. The copy from which the translation is made is one of the temple copies, from which many things found in common copies are excluded, as not being found in the ancient Pali copies of the work. Every temple I have visited is furnished with a copy of this work, and is usually placed next the Jatakas or incarnations of Buddha."


This extract serves to acquit him most fully of laying claim to any knowledge of the Pali language; as he only speaks of having "carefully compared the translations of the three Singhalese books submitted to him with the originals." But what shall I say of the prejudice he has raised against, and the injustice he has done to, the native literature of Ceylon, when he pronounces the wretched jargon into which a mutilated abridgment of the Mahawanso is translated "to be correct translations, giving with great sidelity the sense of the original copies;” and then proceeds to declare, (in reference to that mutilated abridgment and its accompaniments), "a more judicious selection, in my judgment, could not have been made from the numerous buddhist works extant"!!

Mr. Fox labors also under some unaccountable delusion, when he speaks of “abridged temple copies,” and calls the Mahawanso a “sacred work,” found in almost all the temples. It is, on the contrary, purely and strictly, an historical work, seldom consulted by the priesthood, and consequently rarely found in the temples; and I have never yet met with, or heard of, any abridged copy of the work. In direct opposition to this statement[???], as to its being an “abridged copy,” Mr. Upham, to whom the publication of these translations was intrusted, and who was the author of "The History of Buddhism,” makes the following note at p. 7 of that work:


"According to the information prefixed in a manuscript note, by the translator, Raja-pakse, a well known intelligent native of Ceylon, the Mahawansi is one of the most esteemed of all the sacred books of his countrymen, and has the character of being among the oldest of their writings, being throughout composed in Palee, the sacred buddhist language. This work has been so carefully preserved, that but slight differences are observable between the most ancient and most modern copies. It does not appear at what period it was composed, but it has been in existence from the period that the books of Ceylon were originally written, and it contains 'the doctrine, the race, and lineage of Budha,’ and is, in fact, the religion and history of buddism."
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 19, 2022 10:48 pm

Part 2 of __

I need hardly suggest, after what has been already stated, that Rajapaxa, as an intelligent native of Ceylon, never could have been the real author of this note, in any language, asserting that the Mahawanso "is one of the most esteemed of all the sacred books of his countrymen;" nor could he, without recording a self-evident absurdity, have represented an history extending to the middle of the last century, and containing in it the specification of the reign in which several portions of it were composed, to have “been in existence from the periods that the books of Ceylon were originally written.”[???]

In his preface to the same work, Mr. Upham distinctly "disclaims all pretension to the philological knowledge and local information, requisite to render discussion useful, and illustration pertinent.” The spirit of candour in which this admission is made, would entitle Mr. Upham to be considered exclusively in the light of a publisher, irresponsible for any material defect the work he edites may contain. A fatality, however, appears to attach to the proceedings of every individual connected with the publication of these Ceylonese works, from which Mr. Upham himself is not exempt, if the introduction, and the notes appended, to the translation of "The Sacred and Historical Books" are to be attributed to him.

Thus, p. 83, the translator states that "Mahindo was accompanied with his nephew Sumenow, a samanere priest, seven years old, the son of his sister Sangamittrah;" and p. 97, "The first queen Anulah, and 500 other queens, having obtained the state of Sakertahgamy, and also 500 pleasure women, put on yellow robes; that is, became priestesses.” But when this publisher touches upon the same subjects in the following passage, p. 100, "in these days, the queen Anulah, together with 1000 women, were created priestesses by Sangamittrah, and obtained the state of rahat;" he thinks it necessary to enlighten his readers with a note: and forgetting altogether that he has to deal with "matron queens and pleasure women," he gravely remarks, that priestesses, although not now existing among the buddhists, were at this period of such sanctity, that an offender when led forth to be put to death, who was so fortunate as to meet one of these sacred virgins, was entitled, at her command, to a pardon; and this privilege was subsequently copied, and adopted among the Romans, in the case of the vestal virgins.” Mr. Upham has no more valid authority for saying that these "matrons and pleasure women" were considered either to assume the character of "sacred virgins" by their ordination, or to have been held in greater veneration than the rahat priests, than that the privilege of demanding the pardon of offenders, "was subsequently copied, and adopted among the Romans.” Again, p. 222, in a note, he states correctly enough, that the "upasampada were the priests of the superior quality.” But at p. 300, where the ceremony of upasampada (which simply signifies ordination) is mentioned, he forgets the former and the correct rendering, and adds a note in these words: "this was the burning the various priests’ bodies, and forming them into dawtoos, which had been preserved for that purpose.” These instances of the same facts and circumstances being correctly stated in one, and incorrectly in another part, of both these publications, are by no means of infrequent occurrence; which only tend to aggravate the neglect or carelessness of the parties employed in conducting this publication. Where such inaccuracies could be committed in the "Sacred and Historical Books," when an occasional note only is attempted, it may readily be imagined what the result must be, when Mr. Upham is employed to write "The History and Doctrine of Buddhism from Sir A. Johnston’s collection of manuscripts.”

Imperfect as the information connected with buddhism possessed by Europeans at present is, it would not have been reasonable to have expected any connected and correct account of the metaphysical and doctrinal portions of that creed; and until the "pitakattaya,” or the three pitakas, which contain the buddhistical scriptures, and the ancient commentaries on them, are either consulted in the original, or correctly translated, there must necessarily prevail great diversity of opinions on these abstruse and intricate questions. But in the historical portion, at least, for which the data are sufficiently precise, and readily obtained, in the native annals of this island, "The History of Buddhism" ought to have been exempt from any material inaccuracies. Even in this respect, however, the work abounds in the grossest errors. Thus, p. 1., in describing Ceylon, Mr. Upham speaks of "that island which the Buddha Guadma, this distinguished teacher of the eastern world, has chosen to make the scene of his birth, and the chief theatre of his acts and miracles: p. 2. referring to Adam’s peak, he says, "it is celebrated for possessing the print of Buddha’s foot left on the spot, whence he ascended to the Dewaloka heavens:" p. 73. “The buddhist temple of Mulgirigala on Adams peak, is declared to be within this region (Jugandara Parwatte.”)

CHAPTER XV. THE SAME CONTINUED. THE HISTORY OF SAGAMONI BORCAN [SAKYA-MUNI] AND THE BEGINNING OF IDOLATRY.

Furthermore you must know that in the Island of Seilan [Ceylon] there is an exceeding high mountain; it rises right up so steep and precipitous that no one could ascend it, were it not that they have taken and fixed to it several great and massive iron chains, so disposed that by help of these men are able to mount to the top. And I tell you they say that on this mountain is the sepulchre of Adam our first parent; at least that is what the Saracens say. But the Idolaters say that it is the sepulchre of SAGAMONI BORCAN, before whose time there were no idols. They hold him to have been the best of men, a great saint in fact, according to their fashion, and the first in whose name idols were made.[NOTE 1]

He was the son, as their story goes, of a great and wealthy king. And he was of such an holy temper that he would never listen to any worldly talk, nor would he consent to be king. And when the father saw that his son would not be king, nor yet take any part in affairs, he took it sorely to heart. And first he tried to tempt him with great promises, offering to crown him king, and to surrender all authority into his hands. The son, however, would none of his offers; so the father was in great trouble, and all the more that he had no other son but him, to whom he might bequeath the kingdom at his own death. So, after taking thought on the matter, the King caused a great palace to be built, and placed his son therein, and caused him to be waited on there by a number of maidens, the most beautiful that could anywhere be found. And he ordered them to divert themselves with the prince, night and day, and to sing and dance before him, so as to draw his heart towards worldly enjoyments. But 'twas all of no avail, for none of those maidens could ever tempt the king's son to any wantonness, and he only abode the firmer in his chastity, leading a most holy life, after their manner thereof. And I assure you he was so staid a youth that he had never gone out of the palace, and thus he had never seen a dead man, nor any one who was not hale and sound; for the father never allowed any man that was aged or infirm to come into his presence. It came to pass however one day that the young gentleman took a ride, and by the roadside he beheld a dead man. The sight dismayed him greatly, as he never had seen such a sight before. Incontinently he demanded of those who were with him what thing that was? and then they told him it was a dead man. "How, then," quoth the king's son, "do all men die?" "Yea, forsooth," said they. Whereupon the young gentleman said never a word, but rode on right pensively. And after he had ridden a good way he fell in with a very aged man who could no longer walk, and had not a tooth in his head, having lost all because of his great age. And when the king's son beheld this old man he asked what that might mean, and wherefore the man could not walk? Those who were with him replied that it was through old age the man could walk no longer, and had lost all his teeth. And so when the king's son had thus learned about the dead man and about the aged man, he turned back to his palace and said to himself that he would abide no longer in this evil world, but would go in search of Him Who dieth not, and Who had created him.[NOTE 2]

So what did he one night but take his departure from the palace privily, and betake himself to certain lofty and pathless mountains. And there he did abide, leading a life of great hardship and sanctity, and keeping great abstinence, just as if he had been a Christian. Indeed, and he had but been so, he would have been a great saint of Our Lord Jesus Christ, so good and pure was the life he led. And when he died they found his body and brought it to his father. And when the father saw dead before him that son whom he loved better than himself, he was near going distraught with sorrow. And he caused an image in the similitude of his son to be wrought in gold and precious stones, and caused all his people to adore it. And they all declared him to be a god; and so they still say.

They tell moreover that he hath died fourscore and four times. The first time he died as a man, and came to life again as an ox; and then he died as an ox and came to life again as a horse, and so on until he had died fourscore and four times; and every time he became some kind of animal. But when he died the eighty-fourth time they say he became a god. And they do hold him for the greatest of all their gods. And they tell that the aforesaid image of him was the first idol that the Idolaters ever had; and from that have originated all the other idols. And this befel in the Island of Seilan in India.

The Idolaters come thither on pilgrimage from very long distances and with great devotion, just as Christians go to the shrine of Messer Saint James in Gallicia. And they maintain that the monument on the mountain is that of the king's son, according to the story I have been telling you; and that the teeth, and the hair, and the dish that are there were those of the same king's son, whose name was Sagamoni Borcan, or Sagamoni the Saint. But the Saracens also come thither on pilgrimage in great numbers, and they say that it is the sepulchre of Adam our first father, and that the teeth, and the hair, and the dish were those of Adam....

Whose they were in truth, God knoweth; howbeit, according to the Holy Scripture of our Church, the sepulchre of Adam is not in that part of the world.

Now it befel that the Great Kaan heard how on that mountain there was the sepulchre of our first father Adam, and that some of his hair and of his teeth, and the dish from which he used to eat, were still preserved there. So he thought he would get hold of them somehow or another, and despatched a great embassy for the purpose, in the year of Christ, 1284. The ambassadors, with a great company, travelled on by sea and by land until they arrived at the island of Seilan [Ceylon], and presented themselves before the king. And they were so urgent with him that they succeeded in getting two of the grinder teeth, which were passing great and thick; and they also got some of the hair, and the dish from which that personage used to eat, which is of a very beautiful green porphyry. And when the Great Kaan's ambassadors had attained the object for which they had come they were greatly rejoiced, and returned to their lord. And when they drew near to the great city of Cambaluc, where the Great Kaan was staying, they sent him word that they had brought back that for which he had sent them. On learning this the Great Kaan was passing glad, and ordered all the ecclesiastics and others to go forth to meet these reliques, which he was led to believe were those of Adam.

And why should I make a long story of it? In sooth, the whole population of Cambaluc went forth to meet those reliques, and the ecclesiastics took them over and carried them to the Great Kaan, who received them with great joy and reverence.[NOTE 6] And they find it written in their Scriptures that the virtue of that dish is such that if food for one man be put therein it shall become enough for five men: and the Great Kaan averred that he had proved the thing and found that it was really true.[NOTE 7]

So now you have heard how the Great Kaan came by those reliques; and a mighty great treasure it did cost him! The reliques being, according to the Idolaters, those of that king's son.

NOTE 1.—Sagamoni Borcan is, as Marsden points out, SAKYA-MUNI, or Gautama-Buddha, with the affix BURKHAN, or "Divinity," which is used by the Mongols as the synonym of Buddha.

"The Dewa of Samantakúta (Adam's Peak), Samana, having heard of the arrival of Budha (in Lanka or Ceylon) … presented a request that he would leave an impression of his foot upon the mountain of which he was guardian…. In the midst of the assembled Dewas, Budha, looking towards the East, made the impression of his foot, in length three inches less than the cubit of the carpenter; and the impression remained as a seal to show that Lanka is the inheritance of Budha, and that his religion will here flourish."
(Hardy's Manual, p. 212.)

[Ma-Huan says (p. 212): "On landing (at Ceylon), there is to be seen on the shining rock at the base of the cliff, an impress of a foot two or more feet in length. The legend attached to it is, that it is the imprint of Shâkyamuni's foot, made when he landed at this place, coming from the Ts'ui-lan (Nicobar) Islands. There is a little water in the hollow of the imprint of this foot, which never evaporates. People dip their hands in it and wash their faces, and rub their eyes with it, saying: 'This is Buddha's water, which will make us pure and clean.'"—H.C.]...

"The veneration with which this majestic mountain has been regarded for ages, took its rise in all probability amongst the aborigines of Ceylon…. In a later age, … the hollow in the lofty rock that crowns the summit was said by the Brahmans to be the footstep of Siva, by the Buddhists of Buddha, … by the Gnostics of Ieu, by the Mahometans of Adam, whilst the Portuguese authorities were divided between the conflicting claims of St. Thomas and the eunuch of Candace, Queen of Ethiopia." (Tennent, II. 133.)

["Near to the King's residence there is a lofty mountain reaching to the skies. On the top of this mountain there is the impress of a man's foot, which is sunk two feet deep in the rock, and is some eight or more feet long. This is said to be the impress of the foot of the ancestor of mankind, a Holy man called A-tan, otherwise P'an-Ku." (Ma-Huan, p. 213.)—H.C.]

Polo, however, says nothing of the foot; he speaks only of the sepulchre of Adam, or of Sakya-muni. I have been unable to find any modern indication of the monument that was shown by the Mahomedans as the tomb, and sometimes as the house, of Adam; but such a structure there certainly was, perhaps an ancient Kist-vaen, or the like. John Marignolli, who was there about 1349, has an interesting passage on the subject: "That exceeding high mountain hath a pinnacle of surpassing height, which on account of the clouds can rarely be seen. [The summit is lost in the clouds. (Ibn Khordâdhbeh, p. 43.)—H.C.] But God, pitying our tears, lighted it up one morning just before the sun rose, so that we beheld it glowing with the brightest flame. [They say that a flame bursts constantly, like a lightning, from the Summit of the mountain.—(Ibn Khordâdhbeh, p. 44.)—H.C.] In the way down from this mountain there is a fine level spot, still at a great height, and there you find in order: first, the mark of Adam's foot; secondly, a certain statue of a sitting figure, with the left hand resting on the knee, and the right hand raised and extended towards the west; lastly, there is the house (of Adam), which he made with his own hands. It is of an oblong quadrangular shape like a sepulchre, with a door in the middle, and is formed of great tabular slabs of marble, not cemented, but merely laid one upon another. (Cathay, 358.) A Chinese account, translated in Amyot's Mémoires, says that at the foot of the mountain is a Monastery of Bonzes, in which is seen the veritable body of Fo, in the attitude of a man lying on his side" (XIV. 25). [Ma-Huan says (p. 212): "Buddhist temples abound there. In one of them there is to be seen a full length recumbent figure of Shâkyamuni, still in a very good state of preservation. The dais on which the figure reposes is inlaid with all kinds of precious stones. It is made of sandalwood and is very handsome. The temple contains a Buddha's tooth and other relics. This must certainly be the place where Shâkyamuni entered Nirvâna."—H.C.] Osorio, also, in his history of Emanuel of Portugal, says: "Not far from it (the Peak) people go to see a small temple in which are two sepulchres, which are the objects of an extraordinary degree of superstitious devotion. For they believe that in these were buried the bodies of the first man and his wife" (f. 120 v.). A German traveller (Daniel Parthey, Nurnberg, 1698) also speaks of the tomb of Adam and his sons on the mountain. (See Fabricius, Cod. Pseudep. Vet. Test. II. 31; also Ouseley's Travels, I. 59.)

It is a perplexing circumstance that there is a double set of indications about the footmark. The Ceylon traditions, quoted above from Hardy, call its length 3 inches less than a carpenter's cubit. Modern observers estimate it at 5 feet or 5-1/2 feet. Hardy accounts for this by supposing that the original footmark was destroyed in the end of the sixteenth century. But Ibn Batuta, in the 14th, states it at 11 spans, or more than the modern report. [Ibn Khordâdhbeh at 70 cubits.—H.C.] Marignolli, on the other hand, says that he measured it and found it to be 2-1/2 palms, or about half a Prague ell, which corresponds in a general way with Hardy's tradition. Valentyn calls it 1-1/2 ell in length; Knox says 2 feet; Herman Bree (De Bry ?), quoted by Fabricius, 8-1/2 spans; a Chinese account, quoted below, 8 feet. These discrepancies remind one of the ancient Buddhist belief regarding such footmarks, that they seemed greater or smaller in proportion to the faith of the visitor! (See Koeppen, I. 529, and Beal's Fah-hian, p. 27.)

The chains, of which Ibn Batuta gives a particular account, exist still. The highest was called (he says) the chain of the Shahádat, or Credo, because the fearful abyss below made pilgrims recite the profession of belief. Ashraf, a Persian poet of the 15th century, author of an Alexandriad, ascribes these chains to the great conqueror, who devised them, with the assistance of the philosopher Bolinas,[1] in order to scale the mountain, and reach the sepulchre of Adam. (See Ouseley, I. 54 seqq.) There are inscriptions on some of the chains, but I find no account of them. (Skeen's Adam's Peak, Ceylon, 1870, p. 226.)

NOTE 2.—The general correctness with which Marco has here related the legendary history of Sakya's devotion to an ascetic life, as the preliminary to his becoming the Buddha or Divinely Perfect Being, shows what a strong impression the tale had made upon him. He is, of course, wrong in placing the scene of the history in Ceylon, though probably it was so told him, as the vulgar in all Buddhist countries do seem to localise the legends in regions known to them.

Sakya Sinha, Sakya Muni, or Gautama, originally called Siddhárta, was the son of Súddhodhana, the Kshatriya prince of Kapilavastu, a small state north of the Ganges, near the borders of Oudh....

The latter part of the story told by Marco, about the body of the prince being brought to his father, etc., is erroneous. Sakya was 80 years of age when he died under the sál trees in Kusinára.

The strange parallel between Buddhistic ritual, discipline, and costume, and those which especially claim the name of CATHOLIC in the Christian Church, has been often noticed; and though the parallel has never been elaborated as it might be, some of the more salient facts are familiar to most readers. Still many may be unaware that Buddha himself, Siddhárta the son of Súddodhana, has found his way into the Roman martyrology as a Saint of the Church....

NOTE 6.—The Pâtra, or alms-pot, was the most valued legacy of Buddha. It had served the three previous Buddhas of this world-period, and was destined to serve the future one, Maitreya. The Great Asoka sent it to Ceylon. Thence it was carried off by a Tamul chief in the 1st century, A.D., but brought back we know not how, and is still shown in the Malagawa Vihara at Kandy. As usual in such cases, there were rival reliques, for Fa-hian found the alms-pot preserved at Pesháwar. Hiuen Tsang says in his time it was no longer there, but in Persia. And indeed the Pâtra from Pesháwar, according to a remarkable note by Sir Henry Rawlinson, is still preserved at Kandahár, under the name of Kashkul (or the Begging-pot), and retains among the Mussulman Dervishes the sanctity and miraculous repute which it bore among the Buddhist Bhikshus. Sir Henry conjectures that the deportation of this vessel, the palladium of the true Gandhára (Pesháwar), was accompanied by a popular emigration, and thus accounts for the transfer of that name also to the chief city of Arachosia. (Koeppen, I. 526; Fah-hian, p. 36; H. Tsang, II. 106; J.R.A.S. XI. 127.)

Sir E. Tennent, through Mr. Wylie (to whom this book owes so much), obtained the following curious Chinese extract referring to Ceylon (written 1350): "In front of the image of Buddha there is a sacred bowl, which is neither made of jade nor copper, nor iron; it is of a purple colour, and glossy, and when struck it sounds like glass. At the commencement of the Yuen Dynasty (i.e. under Kúblái) three separate envoys were sent to obtain it." Sanang Setzen also corroborates Marco's statement: "Thus did the Khaghan (Kúblái) cause the sun of religion to rise over the dark land of the Mongols; he also procured from India images and reliques of Buddha; among others the Pâtra of Buddha, which was presented to him by the four kings (of the cardinal points), and also the chandana chu" (a miraculous sandal-wood image). (Tennent, I. 622; Schmidt, p. 119.)

The text also says that several teeth of Buddha were preserved in Ceylon, and that the Kaan's embassy obtained two molars. Doubtless the envoys were imposed on; no solitary case in the amazing history of that relique, for the Dalada, or tooth relique, seems in all historic times to have been unique. This, "the left canine tooth" of the Buddha, is related to have been preserved for 800 years at Dantapura ("Odontopolis"), in Kalinga, generally supposed to be the modern Púri or Jagannáth. Here the Brahmans once captured it and carried it off to Palibothra, where they tried in vain to destroy it. Its miraculous resistance converted the king, who sent it back to Kalinga. About A.D. 311 the daughter of King Guhasiva fled with it to Ceylon. In the beginning of the 14th century it was captured by the Tamuls and carried to the Pandya country on the continent, but recovered some years later by King Parakrama III., who went in person to treat for it. In 1560 the Portuguese got possession of it and took it to Goa. The King of Pegu, who then reigned, probably the most powerful and wealthy monarch who has ever ruled in Further India, made unlimited offers in exchange for the tooth; but the archbishop prevented the viceroy from yielding to these temptations, and it was solemnly pounded to atoms by the prelate, then cast into a charcoal fire, and finally its ashes thrown into the river of Goa.

The King of Pegu was, however, informed by a crafty minister of the King of Ceylon that only a sham tooth had been destroyed by the Portuguese, and that the real relique was still safe. This he obtained by extraordinary presents, and the account of its reception at Pegu, as quoted by Tennent from De Couto, is a curious parallel to Marco's narrative of the Great Kaan's reception of the Ceylon reliques at Cambaluc. The extraordinary object still so solemnly preserved at Kandy is another forgery, set up about the same time. So the immediate result of the viceroy's virtue was that two reliques were worshipped instead of one!

The possession of the tooth has always been a great object of desire to Buddhist sovereigns. In the 11th century King Anarauhta, of Burmah, sent a mission to Ceylon to endeavour to procure it, but he could obtain only a "miraculous emanation" of the relique. A tower to contain the sacred tooth was (1855), however, one of the buildings in the palace court of Amarapura. A few years ago the King of Burma repeated the mission of his remote predecessor, but obtained only a model, and this has been deposited within the walls of the palace at Mandalé, the new capital. (Turnour in J.A.S.B. VI. 856 seqq.; Koeppen, I. 521; Tennent, I. 388, II. 198 seqq.; MS. Note by Sir A. Phayre; Mission to Ava, 136.)

Of the four eye-teeth of Sakya, one, it is related, passed to the heaven of Indra; the second to the capital of Gandhára; the third to Kalinga; the fourth to the snake-gods. The Gandhára tooth was perhaps, like the alms-bowl, carried off by a Sassanid invasion, and may be identical with that tooth of Fo, which the Chinese annals state to have been brought to China in A.D. 530 by a Persian embassy. A tooth of Buddha is now shown in a monastery at Fu-chau; but whether this be either the Sassanian present, or that got from Ceylon by Kúblái, is unknown. Other teeth of Buddha were shown in Hiuen Tsang's time at Balkh, at Nagarahára (or Jalálábád), in Kashmir, and at Kanauj. (Koeppen, u.s.; Fortune, II. 108; H. Tsang, II. 31, 80, 263.)...

NOTE 7.—Fa-hian writes of the alms-pot at Pesháwar, that poor people could fill it with a few flowers, whilst a rich man should not be able to do so with 100, nay, with 1000 or 10,000 bushels of rice; a parable doubtless originally carrying a lesson, like Our Lord's remark on the widow's mite, but which hardened eventually into some foolish story like that in the text.

The modern Mussulman story at Kandahar is that the alms-pot will contain any quantity of liquor without overflowing.

This Pâtra is the Holy Grail of Buddhism. Mystical powers of nourishment are ascribed also to the Grail in the European legends. German scholars have traced in the romances of the Grail remarkable indications of Oriental origin. It is not impossible that the alms-pot of Buddha was the prime source of them. Read the prophetic history of the Pâtra as Fa-hian heard it in India (p. 161); its mysterious wanderings over Asia till it is taken up into the heaven Tushita where Maitreya the Future Buddha dwells. When it has disappeared from earth the Law gradually perishes, and violence and wickedness more and more prevail...

In a paper on Burkhan printed in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, XXXVI., 1917, pp. 390-395, Dr. Berthold Laufer has come to the following conclusion: "Burkhan in Mongol by no means conveys exclusively the limited notion of Buddha, but, first of all, signifies 'deity, god, gods,' and secondly 'representation or image of a god.' This general significance neither inheres in the term Buddha nor in Chinese Fo; neither do the latter signify 'image of Buddha'; only Mongol burkhan has this force, because originally it conveyed the meaning of a shamanistic image. From what has been observed on the use of the word burkhan in the shamanistic or pre-Buddhistic religions of the Tungusians, Mongols and Turks, it is manifest that the word well existed there before the arrival of Buddhism, fixed in its form and meaning, and was but subsequently transferred to the name of Buddha."

--The Travels of Marco Polo, by Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa

It is scarcely possible for a person, not familiar with the subject, to conceive the extent of the absurdities involved in these, and other similar passages.[???] It is no burlesque to say, that they would be received, by a Ceylonese buddhist, with feelings akin to those with which an Englishman would read a work, written by an Indian, professedly for the purpose of illustrating the history of Christianity to his countrymen, which stated, — that England was the scene of the birth of our Saviour; that his ascension took place from Derby peak; and that Salisbury cathedral stood on Westminster abbey.

And yet these are the publications put forth, as correct translations of, and compilations from, the native annals of Ceylon. Such is the force, respectability, and apparent competency of the attestations by which “The Sacred and Historical Works of Ceylon” are sustained, that they have been considered worthy of being dedicated to the king, patronised by the court of directors, and sent out to this island, by the secretary of state, to be preserved among the archives of this government!!

After this signal failure in Sir A. Johnston’s well intentioned exertions, and after the disappointments which have hitherto attended the labors of orientalists, in their researches for historical annals, comprehensive in data, and consistent in chronology, I have not the hardihood to imagine, that the translation alone of a Pali history, containing a detailed, and chronologically continuous, history of Ceylon, for twenty four centuries; and a connected sketch of the buddhistical history of India, embracing the interesting period between B.C. 600, and B.C. 300; besides various other subsequent references, as well to India, as the eastern peninsula, would, without the amplest evidence of its authenticity, receive the slightest consideration from the literary world. I have decided, therefore, on publishing the text also, printed in roman characters, pointed with diacritical marks.

George Turnour: The thorough investigation of this subject is of such paramount importance and deep interest, and as (if I have rightly read the concluding sentence of "the fifth inscription round the shaft of Feroz's pillar," which appears for the first time in the July journal,) we have yet five more similar columns to discover in India, I venture to suggest that you should publish my translation also, together with the text in the ancient character, transposed literatim from my romanized version.

[James Prinsep: (Re 10 pillars) We know of five, therefore three remain — the Bhittri may be a fragment of one; that at Bakrabad, and one near Ghazeepore are without inscriptions.

(Re publishing Turnour’s translation of Feroz’s pillar) To this we must demur: we have examined the greater part from perfect facsimiles, and cannot therefore consent to publish a version which we know to deviate materially from the original text.]


George Turnour: The five short insulated lines at the foot of the Allahabad pillar, having reference to this second empress, is, by its position in the column, a signal evidence of the authenticity, and mutual corroboration of these inscriptions and the Pali annals. As Dhanmasoko married her in the 34th year of his reign, she could not have been noticed in the body of the inscriptions which were recorded on the 27th. I fear we do not yet possess a correct transcript of these five lines*.

[James Prinsep: See page 966 which had not reached the author when the above was written.
The five short lines in the old character that follow the Dharmalipi at a short distance below (see Capt. Burt's lithograph) were the next object of my inspection, I have represented what remains of them faithfully in fig. 1, of PI. LVI. which will be seen to differ considerably from Lieut. Burt's copy of the same. The reading is now complete and satisfactory in lines 1, 2, and 5. The 3rd and 4th lines are slightly effaced on the right hand. We can also now construe them intelligibly, though in truth the subject seems of a trivial nature to be so gravely set forth.
Devanampiyasa vachanena savata mahamata Vataviya: Eheta dutiyaye deviye rane Ambavadika va alameva danam: Ehevapati. . . Kichhiganiya titiye deviye senani sava. . . Dutiyaye deviyeti ti valamatu karuvakiye

'By the mandate of Devanampiya, at all times the great truth (Mahamata* [See page 574. In Sanskrit [x] (or perhaps rather [x] by his desiring, wishing) [x] (fit or proper to be said,) meaning perhaps that this object had been provided for by pecuniary endowment.]) is appointed to be spoken. These also, (namely) mango-trees and other things are the gist of the second princess (his) queen. [[x].] And these for. . . of Kichhigani the third princess, the general (daughter's . . . ?) Of the second lady thus let the act redound with triple force [[x], corresponding as nearly as the construction of the two languages will allow.].

Unable to complete the sentence regarding the third queen, it is impossible to guess why the second was to enjoy so engrossing a share of the credit of their joint munificence, unless she did the whole in the name and on the behalf of them all! — It will be interesting to inquire whether by any good chance the name of queen Kichhigani is to be found in the preserved records of Asoka's reign, which are so circumstantial in many particulars. It is evident the Buddhist monarch enjoyed a plurality of wives after his conversion, and that they shared in his religious zeal.

As for the interlineation, it may be dismissed with a very few words. Instead of being a paraphrase or translation of the ancient text as from its situation had been conjectured, it is merely a series of unconnected scribblings of various dates, cut in most likely by the attendants on the pillar as a pretext for exacting a few rupees from visitors,—and while it was in a recumbent position. In the specimen of a line or two in plate LVI. the date Samvat 1413 is seen along with the names of Gopala putra, Dhanara Singh and others undecipherable. In plate LV. also may be seen a Bengali name with Nagari date 1464 and a bottle-looking symbol; and another below [x] Samvat 1661 Dhamaraja. These may be taken as samples of the rest which it would be quite waste of time to examine.

It is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs of its being re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording the latter event. Thus, that it was overthrown, sometime after its first erection as a Silasthambha or religious monument by order of the great Asoka in the third century before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names (of visitors ?) in a character intermediate between No. 1. and No. 2. in which the m, b, &c. retain the old form, as in the Gujerat grants dated in the third century of the Samvat. Of these I have selected all I can find on the pillar:—they are easily read as far as they go. Thus No. 7, under the old inscription in Plate LVI. is [x] narasa. It was read as Baku tate in the former copy. No. 8 is nearly effaced: No. 9 may be Malavadi ro lithakandar (?) prathama dharah. The first depositor of something ? No. 10, is a name of little repute: [x] ganikakasya, 'of the patron of harlots.' No. 11 is clearly [x] Narayana. No. 12,[x] Chandra Bhat. No. 13 appears to be halachha seramal. And No. 14 is not legible though decidedly in the same type.

Now it would have been exceedingly inconvenient if not impossible to have cut the name, No. 10, up and down at right angles to the other writing while the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the case since the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unreadable position.

This epoch seems to have been prolific of such brief records: it had become the fashion apparently to use seals and mottos; for almost all (certainly all the most perfect) yet discovered have legends in this very character. One in possession of Mr. B. Elliott of Patna, has the legend lithographed as fig. 15, which may be read [x] Sri Lokanavasya, quasi 'the boatman of the world.' General Ventura has also brought down with him some beautiful specimens of seals of the same age, which I shall take an early opportunity of engraving and describing.

Image
Selections From the Allahabad Column

But to return from this digression. The pillar was re-erected as 'Samudra gupta's arm' in the fourth or fifth century, and there it probably remained until overthrown again by the idol-breaking zeal of the Musalmans: for we find no writings on it of the Pala or Sarnath type, (i.e. the tenth century), but a quantity appear with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, (A.D. 1363) down to 1660, odd: and it is remarkable that these occupy one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. There it lay, then, until the death of the Emperor Akber; immediately after which it was once more set up to commemorate the accession (and the genealogical descent) of his son Jehangir.

A few detached and ill executed Nagari names, with Samvat dates of 1800, odd, shew that even since it was laid on the ground again by general Garstin, the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity has been at work, and will only end with the approaching re-establishment of the pillar in its perpendicular pride under the auspices of the British government.


-- VII. Note on the Facsimiles of the various Inscriptions on the ancient column at Allahabad, retaken by Captain Edward Smith, Engineers, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c. &c., The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, July to December, 1837.]

George Turnour: I have not had time to examine the fifth inscription round the Delhi column carefully, and I apprehend that the transcript is not altogether perfect yet. The last line and half of this inscription, I should be disposed to read thus:
"Dewananpiya delivered this (injunction). Thereafter eight stone columns have been erected in different quarters like the inscriptions on Dhanmo established at Wesali. By this means this (inscription) will be perpetuated forever."


If this reading be correct*, as I have said before, we have still five more of these columns to discover in India.

[James Prinsep: This reading involves so many alterations of the text that I must demur to it, especially as on re-examination I find it possible to improve my own reading so as to render it (in my own opinion at least) quite unobjectionable. The correction I allude to is in the reading of atha, which from the greater experience I have now gained of the equivalents of particular letters, I am inclined to read as the Sanskrit verb astat (Pial atha). — The whole sentence Sanskritized will be found to differ in nothing from the Pali — except in that stambha is masculine in the former and neuter in the latter: — and that the verb kataviya is required to agree with it. Iyam dharmalipi ata astat, sila-stambha (ni)va siladharika(ni)va tatah kartaviya (ni), ena (or yena) esha chirasthiti syat. "In order that this religious edict may stand (remain), stone pillars and stone slabs (or receptacles) shall be accordingly prepared;— by which the same may endure unto remote ages." Atha might certainly be read as ashto eight, but the construction of the sentence is thereby much impaired, and further it is unlikely that any definite number should be fixed upon, without a parallel specification of the places where they should be erected.]

George Turnour: The Inscription fronting West….
9. rodhanani paticharisanti; tepi chakkena wiyowadisanti ye na me rajjaka


[James Prinsep: The letter chh is read as r throughout; and the letter u as ru.]

George Turnour: 20. wadhati: wiwidhadanmacharane; sayame danasan wibhagoti."

[James Prinsep: By comparing this version with that published in July [VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c., The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, July to December, 1837 ], it will be seen to what extent the license of altering letters has been exercised. The author has however since relinquished the change of the Raja's name, in consequence of his happy discovery of Piyadasi's identity.]

-- "Editor" James Prinsep's notes to "Further notes on the inscriptions on the columns at Delhi, Allahabad, Betiah, &c., by the Hon'ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service, The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, Jul-Dec, 1837
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 19, 2022 10:52 pm

Part 3 of __

My object in undertaking this publication (as I have already stated) is, principally, to invite the attention of oriental scholars to the historical data contained in the ancient Pali buddhistical records, as exhibited in the Mahawanso; contrasted with the results of their profound researches, as exhibited in their various publications and essays, commencing from the period when Sir W. Jones first brought oriental literature under the scrutiny and analysis of European criticism.

Half a century has elapsed since that eminent person formed the Bengal Asiatic Society, which justly claims for itself the honor of having "numbered amongst its members all the most distinguished students of oriental literature, and of having succeeded in bringing to light many of the hidden stores of Asiatic learning.” Within the regions to which their researches were in the first instance directed, the prevailing religion had, from a remote period, extending back, perhaps, to the Christian era, been uninterruptedly hinduism. The priesthood of that religion were considered to be exclusively possessed of the knowledge of the ancient literature of that country, in all its various branches. The classical language in which that literature was embodied was Sanscrit.

The rival religion to hinduism in Asia, promulgated by Buddhos antecedent [previous] to Gotamo, from a period too remote to admit of chronological definition, was buddhism.[???] The last successful struggle of buddhism for ascendency in India, subsequent to the advent of Gotamo, was in the fourth century before the Christian era. It then became the religion of the state. The ruler of that vast empire was, at that epoch, numbered amongst its most zealous converts; and fragments of evidence, literary, as well as of the arts, still survive, to attest that that religion had once been predominant throughout the most civilized and powerful kingdoms of Asia. From thence it spread to the surrounding nations; among whom, under various modifications, it still prevails.

Hinduism, as the religion at least of its rulers, after an apparently short interval, regained its former ascendency in India; though the numerical diminution of its antagonists would appear to have been more gradually brought about. Abundant proofs may be adduced to shew the fanatical ferocity with which these two great sects persecuted each other, — a ferocity which mutually subsided into passive hatred and contempt, only when the parties were no longer placed in the position of actual collision.

European scholars, therefore, on entering upon their researches towards the close of the last century, necessarily, by the expulsion of the buddhists, came into communication exclusively with hindu pundits; who were not only interested in confining the researches of orientalists to Sanscrit literature, but who, in every possible way, both by reference to their own ancient prejudiced authorities, and their individual representations, labored to depreciate in the estimation of Europeans, the literature of the buddhists, as well as the Pali or Magadhi language, in which that literature is recorded.

The profound and critical knowledge attained by the distinguished Sanscrit scholars above alluded to, has been the means of elucidating the mysteries of an apparently unlimited mythology; as well as of unravelling the intricacies of Asiatic astronomy, mathematics, and other sciences, — of analysing their various systems of philosophy and metaphysics,— and of reducing tracts, grammatical as well as philological, into condensed and methodised forms; thereby establishing an easier acquirement of that ancient language, and of the varied information contained in it.

The department in which their researches have been attended with the least success, is History; and to this failure may perhaps be justly attributed the small portion of interest felt by the European literary world in oriental literature. The progress of civilization in the west has, from age to age, nay, from year to year, added some fresh advancement or refinement to almost every branch of the arts, sciences, and belles lettres; while there is scarcely any discovery made, as hitherto developed in Asiatic literature, which could be considered either as an acquisition of practical utility to European civilization, or as models for imitation or adoption in European literature.

In the midst, nevertheless, of this progressively increasing discouragement, the friends of oriental research have proportionately increased their exertions, and extended the base of their operations. The formation of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, and of similar institutions on the continent of Europe; and the more rapid circulation of discoveries made in Asia, through the medium of the monthly journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, during the last four years, afford undeniable proofs of unabated exertion in those researches.
To those who have watched the progress of the proceedings of these institutions, no small reward will appear to have crowned the gratuitous labors of orientalists. In the pages of the Asiatic Journal alone, the deciphering of the alphabets, in which the ancient inscriptions scattered over Asia are recorded, (which is calculated to lead to important chronological and historical results); the identification and arrangement of the ancient coins found in the Punjab; the examination of the recently discovered fossil geology of India: the analysis of the Sanscrit and Tibetan buddhistical records, contained in "hundreds of volumes,” by M. Csoma Korosi and professor Wilson; and the translation of the hindu plays, by the latter distinguished scholar; exhibit triumphant evidence, that at no previous period had oriental research been exerted with equal success. Yet it is in the midst of this comparatively brilliant career, and at the seat of the operations of the Bengal Asiatic Society, that the heaviest disappointment has visited that institution. It has within the last year been decided by the supreme government of India, that the funds which "have hitherto been in part applied to the revival and improvement of the literature, and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, are henceforth to be appropriated to purposes of English education." In an unavailing effort of the Asiatic Society to avert that decision, the supreme government has thought proper to designate the printing of several standard oriental works, then in progress, to be "to little purpose but to accumulate stores of waste paper.”

I advert not to these recent discussions in Bengal with any view to take part in them. My object is exclusively to show that the increasing discouragement or indifference, evinced towards oriental research, does not proceed either from the exhaustion of the stores to be examined, or from the relaxation of the energy of the examiners; and to endeavour to account for the causes which have produced these conflicting results.

The mythology and the legends of Asia, connected with the fabulous ages, contrasted with those of ancient Europe and Asia Minor, present no such glaring disparity in extravagance,* [Vide Appendix for a comparison of Mahanamo with Herodotus and Justinus.] as should necessarily lead an unprejudiced mind to cultivate the study and investigation of the one, and to decide on the rejection and condemnation of the other. Almost every well educated European has exerted the first efforts of his expanding intellect to familiarize himself with the mythology end fabulous legends of ancient Europe. The immortal works of the poets which have perpetuated this mythology, as well as these legends, have from his childhood been presented to his view, as models of the most classical and perfect composition. In the progress to manhood, and throughout that period of life during which mental energy is susceptible of the greatest excitement, — in the senate, at the bar, on the stage, and even in the pulpit, — the most celebrated men of genius have studiously borrowed, more or less of their choicest ornaments, from the works of the ancient poets and historians.

To those, again, to whom the fictions of the poets present no attractive charms, the literature of Europe, as soon as it emerges from the darkness of the fabulous ages, supplies a separate stream of historical imitation, distinctly traced, and precisely graduated, by the scale of chronology. On the events recorded and timed in the pages of that well-attested history, a philosophical mind dwells with intense interest. The rise and fall of empires; the origin, growth, and decay of human institutions; the advancement or arrest of civilization; and every event which can instruct or influence practical men, in every station of life, are there developed, with the fullest authenticity. Whichever of these two departments of literature — fiction or fact — the European student may find most congenial to his taste, early associations and prepossessions have equally familiarized either to his mind.

As regards oriental literature, the impressions of early associations never can, nor is to be wished that they ever should, operate on the European mind. Even in Europe, where the advantages of the spread of education, and of the diffusion of useful knowledge, are the least disputed of the great principles which agitate the public mind, there are manifest indications that it is the predominant opinion of the age, that into the scheme of that extended education — more of fact and less of fiction — more of practical mathematics and less of classics — should be infused, than have hitherto been adopted in public institutions. Mutatis mutandis [(used when comparing two or more cases or situations) making necessary alterations while not affecting the main point at issue. "What is true of undergraduate teaching in England is equally true, mutatis mutandis, of American graduate schools."], I regard the recent Indian fiat ‘‘that the funds which have hitherto been in part applied to the revival and improvement of the literature, and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, shall be exclusively appropriated to purposes of English education,” to be conceived in the same spirit.

These early associations then, being thus unavailing and unavailable, (if the foregoing remarks are entitled to any weight) the creation of a general interest towards, or the realization of the subsiding expectations, produced at the formation of the Bengal Asiatic Society, in regard to, oriental literature, seems to depend on this single question; viz.,

Does there exist now, or is there a prospect of an authentic history of India being developed hereafter, by the researches of orientalists?

On the solution of this question, as it appears to me, depends entirely, whether the study of oriental literature (with reference not to languages, but the information those languages contain) shall continue
, like the study of any of the sciences, to be confined to the few whose taste or profession has devoted them to it; or whether it shall some day exercise an influence over that more extended sphere, which belongs to general history alone to exert.

This is an important, though not, perhaps, altogether a vital, question: — important, more especially at the present moment, as regards the interest it can create, and the resources it can thence derive, for the purpose of extending the basis of research; but not vital, in as much as there is no more reason for apprehending the extinction of oriental research, from its having failed to extend its influence over the whole educated community of the world, than that geology, mineralogy, botany, or any of the other sciences should become extinct, because the interest each individually possesses is of a limited character. Nor does the continuance of oriental research, conducted by Europeans, appear, in any degree, to depend on the contingency of the permanence of British sway over its present Asiatic dominions; for the spirit of that research has of late years gained even greater strength on the continent of Europe than in the British empire. But to return to the question: —

Does there exist now, or is there a prospect of an authentic history of India being developed hereafter, by the researches of orientalists?

Preparatory to answering this question, I shall briefly touch on the published results of our countrymen’s researches in the department of History; premising, that in the earlier period of their labors, their publications partook more of the character of theoretical or critical treatises, than accurate translations of the texts they professed to illustrate. This course was adopted, under the suggestion of Sir W. Jones; who in his preliminary discourse on the institution of the Asiatic Society, remarked: "You may observe I have omitted their languages, the diversity and difficulty of which are a sad obstacle to the progress of useful knowledge; but I have ever considered languages as the mere instruments of real learning, and think them improperly confounded with learning itself. The attainment of them is, however, indispensably necessary.” Again, "You will not perhaps be disposed to admit mere translations of considerable length, except such unpublished essays and treatises as may be transmitted to us by native authors.”


Sir W. Jones himself led the way in the discussion of the chronology of the hindus.* [A.R. vol. i. p. 71.] After a speculative dissertation, tending to an identification or reconciliation, in some particular points, of the hindu with the mosaic history, he has with all that fascination which his richly stored mind enabled him to impart to all his discussions, developed the scheme of hindu chronology, as explained to him from hindu authorities, by Radhacanta Serman [Radha Canta Sarman], "a pundit of extensive learning and great same among the hindus.” The chronology treated of in this dissertation, extends back through “the four ages,” which are stated to embrace the preposterous period of 4,320,000 years; and contains the genealogies of kings collected from the puranas, which were then considered works of considerable antiquity. It is only in the middle of the “fourth age,” when he comes to the Magadha dynasty, that hindu authorities enable him to assign a date to the period at which any of those kings ruled. On obtaining this “point d'appui,” [strategic point] Sir W. Jones thus expresses himself: —

Paranjaya, son of the twentieth king, was put to death by his minister, Sunara, his own son Pradyota on the throne of his master; and this revolution constitutes an epoch of the highest importance in our present inquiry; first, because it happened, according to the Bhagawatanwerta, two years before Baddha's appearance in the same kingdom: next, because it is believed by the hindus to have taken place 3333 years ago, or 2100 before Christ; and, lastly, because a regular chronology, according to the number of years in each dynasty, has been established, from the accession of Pradyota, to the subversion of the genuine hindu government, and that chronology I will now lay before you, after observing only, that Radhacanta himself says nothing of Buddha in this part of his work, though he particularly mentions two preceding avataras in their proper places.  
Kings of Magadha / Y.B.C. Pradyota
Palaca / 2100
Visachayupa
Rajaca
Nandiwerdhana / 5 reigns = 133
Sisunaga
Cacaverna / 1962
Cshemadherman
Cshetrajnya
Vidhisara
Ajatasatru
Darbhaca
Ajaya
Nandiverdhana
Mahanandi / 10 reigns = 360 years 1602
Nanda

"This prince, of whom frequent mention is made in the Sanscrit books is said to have been murdered, after a reign of a hundred years, by a very learned and ingenious, but passionate and vindictive, brahman, whose name was Chanacya [Chanakya], and who raised to the throne a man of the Maurya race, named Chandragupta. By the death of Nanda and his sons, the Cshatriya family of Pradyota became extinct.
Maurya Kings / Y.B.C.

Chandragupta / 1502
Varisara
Asocaverdhana
Sunyasas
Desaratha / 5
Sangata
Salisuca
Somasarman
Satadhanwas
Vrihadratha / 10 reigns = 137
 
"On the death of the tenth Maurya king, his place was assumed by his commander-in-chief, Pushamitra, of the Sanga nation or family."


It is thus shown that, according to the hindu authorities, Chandragupta, the Sandracottus, who was contemporary with Alexander and Sileucus Nicator, to whose court at Palibothra Megasthenes was deputed, is placed on the throne about B.C. 1502; which is at once an anachronism of upwards of eleven centuries.

Sir W. Jones sums up his treatise by commenting on this fictitious chronology of the hindus, with the view to reconciling it, by rational reasoning, founded on the best attainable data, with the dates which that reasoning would suggest, as the probably correct periods of the several epochs named by him.


The whole of that paper, but more particularly as it treats of the "fourth age,” bears a deeply interesting relation to the question of the authenticity of the buddhistical chronology; and it exhibits, in a remarkable degree, the unconscious approaches to truth, as regards the history of the Buddhos, made by rational reasoning, though constantly opposed by the prejudices and perversions of hindu authorities, and his hindu pundit, in the course of the examination in which Sir W. Jones was engaged.


Wilford [XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford]* [A.R. vol. v. p. 241.] next brought the chronology of the hindus under consideration, by his "Genealogical Table, extracted from the Vishnu purana, the Bhagavat, and other puranas, without the least alteration.” He however borrows from hindu annals, nothing but the names of the kings.

"When the puranas, (he says) speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally extravagant. According to them, king Yudhishthir reigned seven and twenty thousand years; king Nanda, of whom I shall speak more fully hereafter, is said to have possessed in his treasury above 1,584,000,000 pounds sterling, in gold coin alone: the value of the silver and copper coin, and jewels, exceeded all calculation; and his army consisted of 100,000,000 men. These accounts, geographical, chronological, and historical, as absurd, and inconsistent with reason, must be rejected. This monstrous system seems to derive its origin from the ancient period of 12,000 natural years, which was admitted by the Persians, the Etruscans, and, I believe, also by the Celtic tribes; for we read of a learned nation in Spain, which boasted of having written histories of above six thousand years.

"The hindus still make use of a period of 12,000 divine years, after which a periodical renovation of the world takes place. It is difficult to fix the time when the hindus, forsaking the paths of historical truth, launched into the mazes of extravagance and fable. Megasthenes, who had repeatedly visited the court of Chandragupta [No, Sandrocottus] and of course had an opportunity of conversing with the best informed persons in India, is silent as to this monstrous system of the hindus. On the contrary, it appears, from what he says, that in his time they did not carry back their antiquities much beyond six thousand years, as we read in some MSS. He adds also, according to Clemens of Alexandria, that the hindus and the Jews were the only people who had a true idea of the creation of the world, and the beginning of things. There was then obvious affinity between the chronological system of the Jews and the hindus. We are well acquainted with the pretensions of the Egyptians and Chaldeans to antiquity: this they never attempted to conceal. It is natural to suppose, that the hindus were equally vain: they are so now; and there is hardly a hindu who is not persuaded of, and who will not reason upon, the supposed antiquity of his nation. Megasthenes, who was acquainted with the antiquities of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Jews, whilst in India made inquiries into the history of the hindus, and their antiquity, and it is natural to suppose that they would boast of it as well as the Egyptians or Chaldeans, and as much then as they do now. Surely they did not invent fables to conceal them from the multitude, for whom, on the contrary, these fables were framed.”


It may not here be out of place to offer a few observations on the identification of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus. It is the only point on which we can rest with anything like confidence in the history of the Hindus, and is therefore of vital importance in all our attempts to reduce the reigns of their kings to a rational and consistent chronology. It is well worthy, therefore, of careful examination; and it is the more deserving of scrutiny, as it has been discredited by rather hasty verification and very erroneous details.

Sir William Jones first discovered the resemblance of the names, and concluded Chandragupta to be one with Sandrocottus (As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11). He was, however, imperfectly acquainted with his authorities, as he cites "a beautiful poem” by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra, for the history of this prince. By the first is no doubt intended the large collection of tales by Somabhatta, the Vrihat-Katha, in which the story of Nanda's murder occurs: the second is, in all probability, the play that follows, and which begins after Chandragupta’s elevation to the throne. In the fifth volume of the Researches the subject was resumed by the late Colonel Wilford, and the story of Chandragupta is there told at considerable length, and with some accessions which can scarcely be considered authentic.
He states also that the Mudra-Rakshasa consists of two parts, of which one may be called the coronation of Chandragupta, and the second his reconciliation with Rakshasa, the minister of his father. The latter is accurately enough described, but it may be doubted whether the former exists.

Colonel Wilford was right also in observing that the story is briefly related in the Vishnu-Purana and Bhagavata, and in the Vrihat-Katha; but when he adds, that it is told also in a lexicon called the Kamandaki he has been led into error. The Kamandaki is a work on Niti, or Polity, and does not contain the story of Nanda and Chandragupta. The author merely alludes to it in an honorific verse, which he addresses to Chanakya as the founder of political science, the Machiavel of India.

The birth of Nanda and of Chandragupta, and the circumstances of Nanda’s death, as given in Colonel Wilford’s account, are not alluded to in the play, the Mudra-Rakshasa, from which the whole is professedly taken, but they agree generally with the Vrihat-Katha and with popular versions of the story. From some of these, perhaps, the king of Vikatpalli, Chandra-Dasa, may have been derived, but he looks very like an amplification of Justin's account of the youthful adventures of Sandrocottus. The proceedings of Chandragupta and Chanakya upon Nanda's death correspond tolerably well with what we learn from the drama, but the manner in which the catastrophe is brought about (p. 268), is strangely misrepresented. The account was no doubt compiled for the translator by his pandit, and it is, therefore, but indifferent authority.

It does not appear that Colonel Wilford had investigated the drama himself
, even when he published his second account of the story of Chandragupta (As. Res. vol. ix. p. 93), for he continues to quote the Mudra-Rakshasa for various matters which it does not contain. Of these, the adventures of the king of Vikatpalli, and the employment of the Greek troops, are alone of any consequence, as they would mislead us into a supposition, that a much greater resemblance exists between the Grecian and Hindu histories than is actually the case.

Discarding, therefore, these accounts, and laying aside the marvellous part of the story
, I shall endeavour, from the Vishnu and Bhagavata-Puranas, from a popular version of the narrative as it runs in the south of India, from the Vrihat-Katha, [For the gratification of those who may wish to see the story as it occurs in these original sources, translations are subjoined; and it is rather important to add, that in no other Purana has the story been found, although most of the principal works of this class have been carefully examined.] and from the play, to give what appear to be the genuine circumstances of Chandragupta's elevation to the throne of Palibothra.


-- Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, Translated from Original Sanskrit in Two Volumes, by Horace Hayman Wilson, Volume II, 1871


Thus rejecting the whole scheme of hindu chronology, and adopting the date of the age of Alexander for the period at which Chandragupta reigned in India, Wilford, as regards chronology, simply tabularizes his list of kings, according to the average term of human life; and thereby approximates the hindu to the European chronology. “The puranas,” he adds, “are certainly a modern compilation from valuable materials, which I am afraid no longer exist;" but from several hindu dramas (which have been recently translated and published by professor Wilson,) he deduces particulars connected with the personal history of Chandragupta, and supplies also some valuable geographical illustrations, — to both which I shall hereafter have occasion to advert. Wilford recurs to these subjects in greater detail, and with more close reference to buddhistical historical data, in his several essays on the Gangetic provinces, the kings of Magadha, the eras of Vicramaditya and Salivahana, and in his account of the jains or buddhists. Want of space prevents my making more than one extract. I shall only notice, therefore, as regards chronology, that Wilford in this instance* [A.R. vol. ix. p. 87. ( III. An Essay on the Sacred Isles in the West, with other Essays connected with that Work, by Captain Wilford; Essay II. Anu Gangam, or the Gangetic Provinces, and more particularly of Magadha (p. 32); Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology (p. 82); Essay IV. Vicramaditya and Salivahana; their respective Eras, with an account of the Bala-Rayas, or Balhar Emperors (p. 117).)] also bases his calculations on the European date assignable to the reign of Chandragupta; and that in doing so, it will be seen, by the following admission, that he disturbs the epoch of the Kaliyuga by upwards of seventeen centuries.

“The beginning of the Cali-yuga, considered as an astronomical period, is fixed and unvariable; 3044 years before Vicramaditya, or 3100 B.C. — But the beginning of the same, considered either as a civil, or historical period, is by no means agreed upon.

"In the Vishnu, Brahmanda, and Vayu puranas, it is declared, that from the beginning of the Cali-yuga, to Mahananda's accession to the throne, there were exactly 1015 years. This emperor reigned 23 years, his sons 12, in all 40; when Chandragupta ascended the throne, 315 years B.C. — The Cali-yuga, then, began 1370 B.C., or 1314 before Vicramaditya: and this is confirmed by an observation of the place of the solstices, made in the time of Parasara; and which, according to Mr. Davis, happened 1391 years B.C. or nearly so. Parasara, the father of Vyasa, died a little before the beginning of the Cali-yuga. It is remarkable that the first observations of the colures, in the west, were made 1353 years before Christ, about the same time nearly, according to Mr. Bailly.”


Bentley, Davis, and others, have also discussed, and attempted to unravel and account for, these absurdities of the hindu chronology. Great as is the ingenuity they have displayed, and successful as those inquiries have been in other respects, they all tend to prove the existence of the above mentioned incongruities, and to shew that they are the result of systematic perversions, had recourse to, since the time of Megasthenes, by the hindus, to work out their religious impostures; and that they in no degree originate in barbarous ignorance, or in the imperfect light which has glimmered on a remote antiquity, or on uncivilized regions involved in a fabulous age.

The strongest evidence I could adduce of the correctness of this inference, will be found in the remarks of professor Wilson, in his introductory observations on the "Raja Taringini, a history of Cashmir.” He thus expresses himself: —

"The only Sanscrit composition yet discovered, to which the title of history can with any propriety be applied, is the Raja Taringini, a history of Cashmir. This work was first introduced to the knowledge of the Mohammedans by the learned minister of Acber, Abulfazl; but the summary which he has given of its contents, was taken, as he informs us, from a Persian translation of the hindu original, prepared by order of Acbar. The example set by that liberal monarch, introduced amongst his successors, and the literary men of their reigns, a fashion of remodelling, or re-translating the same work, and continuing the history of the province, to the periods at which they wrote.

The earliest work of this description, after that which was prepared by order of Acber, is one mentioned by Bernier, who states, an abridged translation of the Raja Taringini into Persian to have been made, by command of Jehangir. He adds, that he was engaged upon rendering this into French, but we have never heard any thing more of his translation. At a subsequent period, mention is made in a later composition, of two similar works, by Mulla Husein, Kari, or the reader, and by Hyder Malec, Chadwaria, whilst the work in which this notice occurs, the Wakiat-i-Cashmir, was written in the time of Mohammed Shah; as was another history of the province, entitled, the Nawadir-ul-Akhbar. The fashion seems to have continued to a very recent date, as Ghulam Husein notices the composition of a history of Cashmir having been entrusted to various learned men, by order of Jivana the Sich, then governor of the province; and we shall have occasion to specify one history, of as recent a date as the reign of Shah Alem.  

The ill directed and limited inquiries of the first European settlers in India, were not likely to have traced the original of these Mohammedan compositions; and its existence was little adverted to, until the translation of the Ayin Acberi, by the late Mr. Gladwin, was published. The abstract then given, naturally excited curiosity, and stimulated inquiry; but the result was unsatisfactory, and a long period intervened before the original work was discovered. Sir W. Jones was unable to meet with it, although the history of India from the Sanscrit Cashmir authorities, was amongst the tasks his undaunted and indefatigable intellect had planned; and it was not until the year 1805, that Mr. Colebrooke was successful in his search. At that time he procured a copy of the work from the heirs of a brahman, who died in Calcutta, and about the same time, or shortly afterwards, another transcript of the Raja Taringini was obtained by the late Mr. Speke from Lucknow. To these two copies I have been able to add a third, which was brought for sale m Calcutta, and I have only to add, that both in that city and at Benares, I have been hitherto unable to meet with any other transcript of this curious work.[???!!!]

The Raja Taringini has hitherto been regarded as one entire composition: it is however in fact a series of compositions, written by different authors, and at different periods; a circumstance that gives greater value to its contents; as, with the exceptions of the early periods of the history, the several authors may be regarded almost as the chroniclers of their own times. The first of the series is the Raja Taringini of Calhana [Kalhana] pandit, the son of Champaca [Chanpaka]; who states his having made use of earlier authorities, and gives an interesting enumeration of several which he had employed. The list includes the general works of Suvrata[???]and Narendra[???]; the history of Gonerda[???] and his three successors, by Hela Raja, an ascetic;...
Helaraja (Ca.980 CE) who comes almost five hundred years after Bhartrhari is identified as the son of Bhutiraja who was a descendent of Laksmana, Minister in the Court of King Muktapida of Kashmir. (Some say that Helaraja was one of the teachers of Abhinavagupta.) Helaraja is said to have written a set of three separate commentaries, one each on the three Khanda-s of the Vakyapadiya (Sabda-prabha; Vakya-pradipa; and, Prakirnaka-prakasha). However, his commentaries on the first and the second Khanda-s are, sadly, lost; and, only the commentary on the third Khanda (Prakirnaka-Khanda) has come down to us.

-- Commentaries on Vakyapadiya, by sreenivasarao's blogs

of Lava[???], and his successors to Asoca [Ashoka], by Padma Mihira; and of Asoca [Ashoka] and the four next princes, by Sri Cahavillacara.....
Ashoka: Great-grandson of Shakuni and son of Shachinara's first cousin. Built a great city called Srinagara (near but not same as the modern-day Srinagar). In his days, the mlechchhas (foreigners) overran the country, and he took sannyasa. According to Kalhana's account, this Ashoka would have ruled in the 2nd millennium BCE, and was a member of the dynasty founded by Godhara. Kalhana also states that this king had adopted the doctrine of Jina, constructed stupas and Shiva temples, and appeased Bhutesha (Shiva) to obtain his son Jalauka. Despite the discrepancies, multiple scholars identify Kalhana's Ashoka with the Mauryan emperor Ashoka, who adopted Buddhism.[Guruge 1994, pp. 185–186. Guruge, Ananda (1994). "King Aśoka and Buddhism: historical and literary studies". In Nuradha Seneviratna (ed.). King Asoka and Buddhism: Historical and Literary Studies. Buddhist Publication Society. ISBN 978-955-24-0065-0.] Although "Jina" is a term generally associated with Jainism, some ancient sources use it to refer to the Buddha.[Lahiri 2015, pp. 378–380. Lahiri, Nayanjot (2015). Ashoka in Ancient India. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-91525-1.]

-- Rajatarangini, by Wikipedia

He also cites the authority of Nila Muni, meaning probably the Nila Purana [Nilamata Purana], a purana known only in Cashmir:...
From the Rajatarangini we learn that, when Kasyapa raised Kashmir above the waters, Nila, whose royal canopy was the hood of the serpent, reigned there over the Nagas.1 [Rajatarangini, Calc. ed. i. 4.]

-- Art. VII. Serpent-Worship in India, by Surgeon-Major C.F. Oldham, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1891

The Nilamata Purana, also known as the Kasmira Mahatmya, is an ancient text (6th to 8th century CE) from Kashmir which contains information on its history, geography, religion, and folklore. It was used by Kalhana as one of sources of his history.

-- Nilamata Purana, by Wikipedia

the whole forming a remarkable proof of the attention bestowed by Cashmirian writers upon the history of their native country: an attention the more extraordinary, from the contrast it affords, to the total want of historical inquiry in any other part of the extensive countries peopled by the hindus. The history of Calhana [Kalhana] commences with the fabulous ages, and comes down to the reign of Sangrama Deva, the nephew of Didda Rani, in Saca 949, or A.D. 1027, approaching to what appears to have been his own date, Saca 1070, or A.D. 1148.

The next work is the Rajavali of Jona Raja, of which, I regret to state, I have not yet been able to meet with a copy. It probably begins where Calhana [Kalhana] stops, and it closes about the time of Zein-ul-Ab-ad-din, or the year of the Hijra 815, as we know from the next of the series.

Jonaraja (died A.D. 1459) was a Kashmiri historian and Sanskrit poet. His Dvitīyā Rājataraṅginī is a continuation of Kalhana's Rājataraṅginī and brings the chronicle of the kings of Kashmir down to the time of the author's patron Zain-ul-Abidin (r. 1418-1419 and 1420-1470). Jonaraja, however, could not complete the history of the patron as he died in the 35th regnal year. His pupil, Śrīvara continued the history and his work, the Tritīyā Rājataraṅginī, covers the period 1459–86.

-- Jonaraja, by Wikipedia
The Sri Jaina Raja Taringini is the work of Sri Vara [Shrivara] Pandita, the pupil of Jona Raja, whose work it professes to continue, so as to form with it, and the history of Calhana [Kalhana], a complete record of the kingdom of Cashmir. It begins with Zein-ul-Ab-ad-din, whose name the unprepared reader would scarcely recognize, in its Nagari transfiguration of Sri Jaina Ollabbha Dina, and closes with the accession of Fatteh Shah, in the year of the Hijra 882, or A.D. 1477. The name which the author has chosen to give his work of Jaina Taringini, has led to a very mistaken notion of its character; it has been included amongst the productions of jain literature, whilst in truth the author is an orthodox worshipper of Siva, and evidently intends the epithet he has adopted as complimentary to the memory of Zein-ul-Ab-ad-din, a prince who was a great friend to his hindu subjects, and a liberal patron of hindu letters, and literary men.
After Jonaraja's death in 1459, his disciple Shrivara Pandita continued his work. He titled his work Jaina-Rajatarangini, and it is also known as Tritiya Rajatarangini ("third Rajatarangini"). It gives an account of Kashmir from 1459 CE to 1486 CE.

-- Rajatarangini, by Wikipedia

The fourth work, which completes the aggregate current under the name of Raja Taringini, was written in the time of Acber, expressly to continue to the latest date, the productions of the author's predecessors, and to bring the history down to the time at which Cashmir became a province of Acber's empire. It begins accordingly where Sri Vara [Shrivara] ended, or with Fatteth Shah, and closes with Nazek Shah; the historian apparently, and judiciously, avoiding to notice the fate of the kingdom during Hamayun’s retreat into Persia. The work is called the Rajavali Pataca, and is the production of Punja or Prajuga Bhatta [Prajyabhatta].
Prajyabhatta's Rajavalipataka gives an account of Kashmir from 1486 to 1512.
-- Rajatarangini, by Wikipedia

Of the works thus described, the manuscript of Mr. Speke, containing the compositions of Calhana [Kalhana] and Sri Vara [Shrivara], came into my possession at the sale of that gentleman’s effects. Of Mr. Colebrooke’s manuscript, containing also the work of Punja Bhatta [Prajyabhatta], I was permitted by that gentleman, with the liberality I have had on former occasions to acknowledge, to have a transcript made: and the third manuscript, containing the same three works, I have already stated I procured by accidental purchase. Neither of the three comprises the work of Jona Raja; and but one of them, the transcript of Mr. Colebrooke's manuscript, has the third tarong or section of Calhana's [Kalhana's] history. The three manuscripts are all very inaccurate; so far so, indeed, that a close translation of them, if desirable, would be impracticable. The leading points, however, may be depended upon, agreeing not only in the different copies, but with the circumstances narrated in the compendium of Abulfazl, and in the Mohammedan or Persian histories which I have been able to procure."
 
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 19, 2022 10:53 pm

Part 4 of __

For the purposes of the comparative view I shall presently draw, I wish to notice pointedly here, that the earliest portion of this history comes down to A.D. 1027; that the author of it flourished about A.D. 1148; and that "the three manuscripts are all very inaccurate; so far so, indeed, that a close translation of them, if desirable, would be impracticable."

In reviewing his sketch of the Cashmirian history, the professor observes, in reference to its chronology: --

"The chronology of the Raja Taringini is not without its interest. The dates are regular, and for a long time both probable and consistent, and as they may enable us to determine the dates of persons and events, in other parts of India, as well us in Cashmir, a short review of them may not be wholly unprofitable.

The more recent the period, the more likely it is that its chronology will be correct; and it will be therefore advisable to commence with the most modern, and recede gradually to the most remote dates. The table prefixed was necessarily constructed on a different principle, and depends upon the date of Gonerda the third, which, as I have previously explained is established according to the chronology of the text. Gonerda the third lived, according to Calhana [Kalhana] pandit, 2330 years before the year Saca 1070, or A.D. 1148, and consequently his accession is placed B.C. 1182; the periods of each reign are then regularly deduced till the close of the history, which is thus placed in the year of Christ 1025, or about 120 years before the author's own time. That the reign of the last sovereign did terminate about the period assigned, we may naturally infer, not only from its proximity to what we may conclude was the date at which the work was written, but from the absence of any mention of Mahmud’s invasions, and the introduction of a Prithivi Pala, who is very possibly the same with the Pitteruge Pal of Lahore, mentioned in the Mohammedan histories.”


In applying the proposed test of "receding gradually to the most remote dates," the anachronism at the period of the reign of Gonerda the third is not less than 796 years: the date arrived at by this recession being B.C. 388, while the text gives B.C. 1182: and various collateral evidences are adduced by the professor to shew that the adjusted is the probably correct one * [I have ventured to suggest in an article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society for September 1336, that this anachronism amounts to about 1177 instead of 796 years.]. This anachronism of course progressively increases with the recession. At the colonization of Cashmir, it amounts to 1048 years The respective dates being, text B.C. 3714, and adjusted epoch B.C. 2666.

In Colonel Tod’s superb publication, "The Annals of Rajasthan,” the whole of the above data are reconsidered in reference to the hindu texts; but some trifling alterations only are made in those early dynasties. From poetical legends, the successful decyphering of inscriptions, and the discovery of a new era, (the Balabhi) a very large mass of historical information has, with incredible industry, been arranged into the narrative form of history; the chronology of which has been corrected and adjusted, as far as practicable, according to the occasional dates developed in that historical information.

At the end of these remarks will be found reprinted, portions of professor Wilson's prefaces to his translations of the historical dramas — the Mudra Rakshasa, and the Retnavali; to both which I shall have to refer, in commenting on the chapters of the Mahawanso, which embrace the periods during which the events represented on these hindu plays occurred.

I believe, I have now adverted to the principal published notices of hindu literature, in reference to continuous hindu history. And if I were called upon to answer the question, suggested by myself; upon the evidence adduced, I should say, in reply to the first part of that proposition — That there does not now exist an authentic, connected, and chronologically correct hindu history; and that the absence of that history proceeds, not from original deficiency of historical data, nor their destruction by the ravages of war, but the systematic perversion of those data, adopted to work out the monstrous scheme upon which the hindu faith is based.  

In regard to the second part of the proposition, the answer can only be made inferentially and hypothetically. Judging from what has already been effected, by the collateral evidence of the history of other countries, and the decyphering of inscriptions and coins, I am sanguine enough to believe that such a number of authentic dates will in time be verified, as will leave intervals of but comparatively short duration in the ancient Indian dynasties between any two of those authentic dates; thereby rescuing hindu history in some degree from the prejudice under which it has been brought by the superstitions of the native priesthood.

One of the most important services rendered to the cause of oriental research of late years, is, perhaps, “the restoration and decyphering of the Allahabad inscription, No. 2,” achieved by Doctor Mill, and published in the Asiatic Journal of June, 1834. I. Restoration of the Inscription, No. 2, on the Allahabad Column, by the Rev. W.H. Mill, D.D. Principal of Bishop's College, Vice-President of the Asiatic Society, &c. (Read at the Meeting of the 28th ultimo.), Journal of the Asiatic Society, No. 30, June, 1834, p. 257-270.

In reference to this historical inscription, the learned Principal observes,

"Were there any regular chronological history of this part of Northern India, we could hardly fail in the circumstances of this inscription, even if it were without names, to determine the person and the age to which it belongs. We have here a prince who restores the fallen fortunes of a royal race that had been dispossessed and degraded by the kings of a hostile family — who removes this misfortune from himself and his kindred by means of an able guardian or minister, who contrives to raise armies in his cause; succeeding at last in spite of vigorous warlike opposition, including that of some haughty independent princesses, whose daughters, when vanquished, become the wives of the conqueror — who pushes his conquests on the east to Assam, as well as to Nepal and the more western countries — and performs many other magnificent and liberal exploits, constructing roads and bridges, encouraging commerce, &c. &c. -- in all which, allowing fully for oriental flattery and extravagance, we could scarcely expect to find more than one sovereign, to whom the whole would apply. But the inscription gives us the names also of the prince and his immediate progenitors: and in accordance with the above mentioned account, while we find his dethroned ancestors, his grandfather and great grandfather, designated only by the honorific epithet Maha-raja, which would characterize their royal descent and rights — the king himself (Samudragupta) and his father are distinguished by the title of Mahu-raja-Adhi-raja, which indicates actual sovereignty. And the last mentioned circumstance might lead some to conjecture, that the restoration of royalty in the house began with the father, named Chandragupta, whose exploits might be supposed to be related in the first part of the inscription, to add lustre to those of the son.

"Undoubtedly we should be strongly inclined, if it were possible, to identify the king thus named— though the name is far from being an uncommon one) with a celebrated prince so called, the only one in whom the Puranic and the Greek histories meet, the Chandragupta or Sandracoptus, to whom Seleucus Nicator sent the able ambassador, from whom Strabo, Arrian, and others derived the principal part of their information respecting India. This would fix the inscription to an age which its character (disused as it has been in India for much more than a thousand years), might seem to make sufficiently probable, viz. the third century before the Christian era. And a critic, who chose to maintain this identity, might find abundance of plausible arguments in the inscription: he might imagine he read there the restoration of the asserted genuine line of Nanda in the person of Chandragupta, and the destruction of the nine usurpers of his throne: and in what the inscription, line 16, tells of the guardian Giri-Kalkaraka-Svami, he might trace the exploits of Chandragupta's wily brahman counsellor Chanakya, so graphically described in the historical play called the Mudra-Raxasa [Rakshasa], in levying troops for his master, and counterplotting all the schemes of his adversaries able minister Raxasa [Rakshasa], until he recovered the throne: nay the assistance of that Raxasa [Rakshasa] himself, who from an enemy was turned to a faithful friend, might be supposed to be given with his name in line 10 of the inscription. And the discrepancy of all the other names besides these two, viz. of Chandragupta’s son, father, grandfather, and guardian minister, to none of whom do the known Puranic histories of that prince assign the several names of the inscription, might be overcome by the expedient — usual among historical and chronological theorists in similar cases, — of supposing several different names of the same persons.

"But there is a more serious objection to this hypothesis than any arising from the discrepancy of even so many names — and one which I cannot but think fatal to it. In the two great divisions of the Xattriya Rajas of India, the Chandragupta of the inscription is distinctly assigned to the Solar race — his son being styled child of the Sun. On the other hand, the celebrated founder of the Maurya dynasty, if reckoned at all among Xattiiyas, (being, like the family of the Nandas, of the inferior caste of Sudras, as the Greek accounts unite with the Puranas in respecting him,) would rather find his place among the high-born princes of Magadha whose throne he occupied, who were children of the moon: and so he is in fact enumerated, together with all the rest who reigned at Pataliputra or Patibothra, in the royal genealogies of the Hindus. It is not therefore among the descendants or successors of Curu, whether reigning (like those Magadha princes) at Patna, or at Delhi, that we must look for the subject of the Allahabad inscription; but if I mistake not, in a much nearer kingdom, that of Canyacubja or Canouje.”


Laudable as is the caution with which Dr. Mill abandons this important identification, the annals of Pali literature appear to afford several interesting notices, well worthy of his consideration, tending both to remove some of these doubts, and to aid in elucidating this valuable inscription. It will be found in the ensuing extracts from the commentary on the Mahawanso, that the Moriyan was a branch of the Sakyan dynasty, who were the descendants of Ixkswaku, of the solar line: though the name of Chandragupta’s father is not given in the particular work under consideration, to admit of its being compared with the inscription, it is specifically stated that he was the last sovereign of Moriya of that family, and lost his life with his kingdom: his queen, who was then pregnant, fled with her brothers to Pataliputta (where Chandragupta was born) to seek protection from their relations the Nandos, whose grandfather, Susunago, was the issue of a Lichchawi raja, by a "nagarasobhini,” — one of the Aspasias of Rajagaha: he married the daughter of the eldest of these maternal uncles, who were of the Lichchawi line: the issue of that princess would hence appropriately enough be termed “maternal grandson of Lichhawi and he and his son, the subject of this inscription, as the supreme monarchs of India could alone he entitled, of all the rajas whose names are inscribed, to the title Maha raja Adhi raja.” Dr. Mill thus translates the 26th line of the inscription.

"Of him who is also maternal grandson of Lichchawi, conceived in the great goddess-like Cumara- Dewi, the great king, the supreme monarch Samudra Gupta, illustrious for having filled the whole earth with the revenues arising from his universal conquest, (equal) to Indra, chief of the gods" —


If, under these multiplied coincidences and similarities, and this apparent removal of the Reverend Principal’s objections, the identity of Chandragupta may be considered to be established, Samudragupta would be the Bindusaro of Pali history, to whom, as one of the supreme monarchs of India, the designation would not be inappropriate. And indeed, in the Mahawanso, in describing the completion of the buddhistical edifices in the reign of his son and successor, Dhammasoko, a similar epithet is applied to his empire.

Sammuddapariyantan so Jambudipan samantato passi sabbe wiharecha nana, puja wibhusite.

"He saw (by the power of a miracle) all the wiharos, situated in every direction through the ocean-bound Jambudipo, resplendent with offerings."


Also within a few months, another orientalist, the Rev. Mr. Stevenson of Poonah, "through the aid afforded by the Allahabad inscription, and assistance from other sources," has been enabled to decypher some of the inscriptions at the caves of Carli; which will probably prove the key to the inscriptions in the stupendous temples at Ellora. Mr. Stevenson adds, "many important duties prevent me from allotting much time to studies of this nature, and the time I can spare for such a purpose will be better spent in endeavouring to elucidate the history of the Dakhan (Dekan) from the numerous inscriptions, in this and other ancient characters, which are to be found up and down the country; assured that the learned in Calcutta will soon reveal to us whatever mysteries the Allahabad and Delhi columns conceal."

The Journal of September last, contains the translation of the inscriptions upon two sets of copper plates found "several years since" in the western part of Gujerat, which Mr. Secretary Wathen has now been enabled to translate; and by means of those two inscriptions alone, to fix the period of the reigns of no less than eighteen sovereigns of the Valabhi or Balhavi dynasty, between the years A.D. 144 and 559.

Contemporaneously with this decyphering of inscriptions, the pages of the Asiatic Journal have displayed the successful labors of Mr. Prinsep, its editor and the secretary of the society, in identifying and classifying various ancient coins, equally conducive to the supply of the grand desideratum in oriental literature, -- -CHRONOLOGY.

In the midst of this interesting and triumphant career of oriental research, I have undertaken the task of inviting the attention of orientalists to the Pali buddhistical literature of India, the examination of which is not within my own reach. If they are found to approximate, in any degree, to the authenticity of the Pali historical annals of Ceylon, we shall not only be able to unveil the history of India from the 6th century before Christ, to the period to which those annals may have been continued in India; but they will also serve to elucidate there, as they have done here, the intent and import of the buddhistical portion of the inscriptions now in progress of being decyphered.

To do justice, however, to the important question under consideration, I must briefly sketch the history of the Magadhi or Pali language, and the scheme of buddhism in reference to history, as each is understood in Ceylon.

Buddhists are impressed with the conviction that their sacred and classical language, the Magadhi or Pali, is of greater antiquity than the Sanscrit; and that it had attained also a higher state of refinement than its rival tongue had acquired. In support of this belief they adduce various arguments, which, in their judgment, are quite conclusive. They observe, that the very word "Pali" signifies, original, text, regularity; and there is scarcely a buddhist Pali scholar in Ceylon, who, in the discussion of this question, will not quote, with an air of triumph, their favorite verse,--

Sa Magadhi; mula bhasa narayeyadi kappika, brahmanochassuttalapa, Sa,mbuddhachapi bhasari.

"There is a language which is the root (of all languages); men and brahmans at the commencement of the creation, who never before heard nor uttered an human accent, and even the supreme Buddhos, spoke it: it is Magadhi."


This verse is a quotation from Kachchayano's grammar, the oldest referred to in the Pali literature of Ceylon. The original work is not extant in this island. I shall have to advert to it hereafter.

Into this disputed question, as to the relative antiquity of these two ancient languages, it is not my intention to enter. With no other acquaintance with the Sanscrit, than what is afforded by its affinity to Pali, I could offer no opinion which would be entitled to any weight. In abstaining, however, from engaging in this discussion, I must run no risk of being considered a participator in the views entertained by the Ceylon buddhists; nor of being consequently regarded in the light of a prejudiced advocate in the cause of buddhistical literature. Let me, therefore, at once avow, that, exclusive of all philological considerations, I am inclined, on prima facie evidence -- external as well as internal -- to entertain an opinion adverse to the claims of the buddhists on this particular point. The general results of the researches hitherto made by Europeans, both historical and philological, unquestionably converge to prove the greater antiquity of the Sanscrit. Even in this island, all works on astronomy, medicine, and (such as they are) on chemistry and mathematics, are exclusively written in Sanscrit. While the books on buddhism, the histories subsequent to the advent of Gotamo Buddho, and certain philological works, alone, are composed in the Pali language.

As for other well-known but evidently spurious "Asokan" inscriptions, note that the "Minor Pillar Inscription" at Lumbini not only mentions "Buddha" (as does, otherwise uniquely, the Calcutta-Bairat Inscription), it explicitly calls him Sakyamuni 'the Sage of the Scythians (Sakas)',64 [The Lumbini Inscription, line 3, has Budhe jate Sakyamuni ti "the Buddha Sakyamuni was born here" (Hultzsch 1925: 164).] who it says was born in Lumbini.65 [See the discussion of this and other related issues in Phelps (2008).] The use of the Sanskrit form of his epithet, Sakyamuni, rather than the Prakrit form, Sakamuni, is astounding and otherwise unattested until the late Gandhari documents; that fact alone rules out ascription to such an early period. But it is doubly astounding because this Sanskritism occurs in a text otherwise written completely in Mauryan Prakrit and Brahmi script. What is a Sanskrit form doing there? Sanskrit is not attested in any inscriptions or manuscripts until the Common Era or at most a few decades before it.66 [Bronkhorst (2011: 46, 50), who cites Salomon (1998:86) on the existence of four inscriptions ascribed by some, including Salomon, to the first century BC; otherwise the earliest inscriptions in Sanskrit are from Mathura in the first and second centuries AD (Salomon 1998: 87).] -- Appendix C: On The Early Indian Inscriptions, Excerpt from Greek Buddha: Pyrrho's Encounter With Early Buddhism in Central Asia, by Christopher I. Beckwith


The earliest notice taken of the Magadhi or Pali by our countrymen, is contained, I believe, in Mr. Colebrooke's essay* [A.R. vol. vii. p. 199.] on the Sanscrit and Pracrit languages, which commences in these words:--

"In a treatise on rhetoric, compiled for the use of Manicya Chandra, Raja of Tirabhucti or Tirhut, a brief enumeration of languages, used by hindu poets, is quoted from two writers on the art of poetry. The following is a literal translation of both passages.

Sanscrita, Pracrita, Paisachi, and Magadhi, are in short the four paths of poetry. The gods, &c. speak Sanscrita; benevolent genii, Pracrita; wicked demons, Paisachi; and men of low tribes and the rest Magadhi. But sages deem Sanscrita the chief of these four languages. It is used three ways, in prose, in verse, and in a mixture of both.

Language, again, the virtuous have declared to be fourfold: Sanscrita (or the polished dialect,) Pracrita (or the vulgar dialect), Apabhransa (or jargon), and Misra (or mixed). Sanscrita is the speech of the celestials, framed in grammatical institutes. Pracrita is similar to it, but manifold as a provincial dialect, and otherwise; and those languages which are ungrammatical, are spoken in their respective districts.

The Paisachi seems to be gibberish, which dramatic poets make the demons speak, when they bring these fantastic beings on the stage. The mixture of languages, noticed in the second quotation, is that which is employed in dramas, as is expressly said by the same author in a subsequent verse. It is not then a compound language, but a mixed dialogue, in which different persons of the drama employ different idioms. Both the passages above quoted are therefore easily reconciled. They in fact notice only three tongues: 1, Sanscrit, a polished dialect, the inflections of which, with all its numerous anomalies, are taught in grammatical institutes. This the dramatic poets put into the mouths of gods and of holy personages. 2, Pracrit, consisting of provincial dialects, which are less refined, and have a more imperfect grammar. In dramas it is spoken by women, benevolent genii, &c. 3, Magadha, or Apabhransa, a jargon destitute of regular grammar. It is used by the vulgar, and varies in different districts: the poets, accordingly, introduce it into the dialogue of plays as a provincial jargon spoken by the lowest persons of the drama.

Panini, the father of Sanscrit grammar, lived in so remote an age, that he ranks among those ancient sages whose fabulous history occupies a conspicuous place in the puranas, or Indian theogonies.

It must not be hence inferred, that Panini was unaided by the labours of earlier grammarians; in many of his precepts he cites the authority of his predecessors, sometimes for a deviation from a general rule, often for a grammatical canon which has universal cogency. He has even employed some technical terms without defining them, because, as his commentators remark: 'Those terms were already introduced by earlier grammarians.' None of the more ancient works, however, seem to be now extant; being superseded by his, they have probably been disused for ages, and are now perhaps totally lost.

A performance such as the Paniniya grammar must inevitably contain many errors. The task of correcting its inaccuracies has been executed by Catyayana, an inspired saint and lawgiver, whose history, like that of all the Indian sages, is involved in the impenetrable darkness of mythology. His annotations, entitled Varticas, restrict those among the Paniniya rules which are too vague, enlarge others which are too limited, and mark numerous exceptions which had escaped the notice of Panini himself.

The amended rules of grammar have been formed into memorial verses by Bhartri-hari, whose metrical aphorisms, entitled Carica, have almost equal authority with the precepts of Panini, and emendations of Catyayana. If the popular traditions concerning Bharti-hari be well founded, he lived m the century preceding the Christian era; for he is supposed to be the same with the brother of Vicramaditya, and the period when this prince reigned at Ujjayini is determined by the date of the samvat era."


It can be no matter of surprize, when so eminent a scholar as Mr. Colebrooke was led by prejudiced hindu authorities to confound Magadhi with Apabhrasa, and to describe it as "a jargon destitute of regular grammar, used by the vulgar, and spoken by the lowest persons of the drama;" that that language, and the literature recorded in it, should not have attracted the attention of subsequent orientalists. With the exception of the notice it has received in Ceylon, and from scholars on the continent of Europe, I apprehend, I may safely say, that it is not otherwise known, than as one of the several minor dialects emanating from the Sanscrit, and occasionally introduced into hindu works, avowedly for the purpose of marking the inferiority, or provinciality, of the characters who speak, or inscribe those Pracrit passages.

To an attentive observer of the progress made in oriental philological research, various literary notices will suggest themselves, subsequent to the publication of Mr. Colebrooke’s essay, which must have the tendency of raising a doubt in his mind as to the justice of the criticisms of the hindu philologists, which imputes this inferiority to the Magadhi language. Without any acknowledged advocacy of its cause, professor Wilson, by the notes appended to his translations of the Hindu Plays, has done much towards rescuing Magadhi from its unmerited degradation. Although in his introductory essay on "the Dramatic System of the Hindus" he expresses himself with great caution, in discussing the merits of the Pracrit generally, and the Magadhi in particular; yet, in his introduction to "the Drama of Vikrama and Urvasi, one of the three plays attributed to Kalidas" he bears the following decided testimony in its favour: —

"The richness of the Pracrit in this play, both in structure and in its metrical code, is very remarkable. A very great portion, especially of the fourth act, is in this language; and in that act also a considerable variety of metre is introduced: it is clear, therefore, that this form of Sanscrit must have been highly cultivated long before the play was written, and this might lead us to doubt whether the composition can bear so remote a date as the reign of Vicramaditya (56 B.C.) It is yet rather uncertain whether the classical language of hindu literature had at that time etched so high a polish as appears in the present drama; and still less, therefore, could the descendants here been exquisitely refined, if the parent waas comparatively rude. We can scarcely conceive that the cultivation of Pracrit preceded that of Sanscrit, when we advert to the principles on which the former seems to be evolved from the latter; but it must be confessed that the relation between Sanscrit and Pracrit has been hitherto very imperfectly investigated, and is yet far from being understood."


What the extent of the progress made may be by the savans of Europe, in attaining a proficiency in the Magadhi language, I have had no other opportunities of ascertaining in this remote quarter of the globe, than by the occasional allusions made to their labours in the proceedings of our societies connected with Asiatic literature; and considering that so recently as 1827, the members of the Asiatic Society of Paris were so totally destitute of all acquaintance of the language, as not to have possessed themselves of a single elementary work connected with it, and that they were actually forming a grammar for themselves, the advancement made in the attainment of Pali on the continent of Europe surpasses the most sanguine expectation which could have been formed. In proof of this assertion, I cite a passage from an essay on the Pali language, published by Messieurs Burnouf and Lassen, members of the Asiatic Society of Paris in 1827.

Et d 'bord on peut se demander quel est le caractere de la langue palie? Jusqu’a quel point s'eloigne-t-elle, ou se rapproche-t-elle du sanskrit? Dans quelle contree a-t-elle pris la forme que nous lui voyons maintenant dans l'Inde, ou dans les pays dont le boudhisme est la loi religieuse? Le pali differe-t-il suivant les diverses contrees ou il domine comme langue sacree, ou bein est-il patrout uniformement et invariablement le meme? Enfin, le pali presente-t-il quelques analogies avec les dialectes derives de la meme source qui lui; et, s'il en presente, de quelle nature sont-elles? On conviendra sans peine que le seul moyen d'essayer de resoudre de pareilles questions, est de donner une analyse exacte de la structure grammaticale du pali: c'est ce que nous allons tenter de faire; mais, avant que nous commencions, qu'on nous permette quelques remarques sur les materiaux et les sources, ou nous avons puiser la connaissance de cette langue.

Il y a deux moyens d'arriver a la connaissance d'un idiome auquel les travaux des grammairiens ont donne, pour ainsi dire, une constitution propre, et dont la culture est attestee par des compositions litteraires; c'est de l'apprendre dans le grammaires originales, c'est-a-dire, aller de l'inconnu au plus inconnu, ou d'en abstraire la connaissance des livres et de la litterature meme. Les secours de la premier espece existent pour le pali, au moins leyden affirme-t-il qu'on possede a Ceylan quelques vocabulaires et grammaires de cette langue, et Joinville donne en effect le titre de plusieurs ouvrages de ce genre, dans son Memoire citee plus haut. Pour nous, ce secours nous a complement manque; il nous a donc fallu faire la grammaire nous-memes, mais les ouvrages qui nous ont servi pour ce dessein, quoi qu' extremement interessans sous un autre rapport, se sont malheureusement trouves les moins propres a faciliter un pareil travail. On verra par les notices, que nous avons donne dans l'appendice, des manuscrits dont nous avons fait usage, qu'ils sont presqu' exclusivement d'une nature philosophique et religieuse. Dans les compositions de ce genre, le style est peu varie, et il reproduit constamment, avec le retour des memes formules, la monotone repetition des memes inflexions grammaticals. Il eut ete a desirer que nous eussions pu consulter un plus grand nobre d'ouvrages historiques, qui nous cussent donne une grande variete de mots et de formes, et c'est pour n'avoir pas eu ce secours que nous n'avons pu determiner l'etendue reele de la conjugaison pali."

[Google translate: And first we can ask ourselves what is the character of the Pali language? How far does it move away, or does it resemble Sanskrit? In what country did it take the form that we see it now in India, or in the countries where Buddhism is the religious law? Does Pali differ according to the various countries where it dominates as a sacred language, or is it throughout uniformly and invariably the same? Finally, Pali presents some analogies with the dialects derived from the same source as it; and, if present, of what nature are they? It will easily be agreed that the only way to try to resolve such questions is to give an exact analysis of the grammatical structure of Pali: this is what we are going to try to do; but, before we begin, allow us a few remarks on the materials and sources from which we have drawn our knowledge of this language.

There are two ways of arriving at the knowledge of an idiom to which the labors of grammarians have given, so to speak, a proper constitution, and whose culture is attested by literary compositions; it is to learn it in the original grammars, that is to say, to go from the unknown to the most unknown, or to abstract the knowledge from books and from literature itself. Aids of the first kind exist for Pali, at least Leyden affirms that there are some vocabularies and grammars of this language in Ceylon, and Joinville indeed gives the title of several works of this kind, in his Memoir cited above. For us, this help has completely failed us; we therefore had to do the grammar ourselves, but the works which served us for this purpose, although extremely interesting in another respect, unfortunately turned out to be the least suitable for facilitating such a task. It will be seen from the notes, which we have given in the appendix, of the manuscripts which we have made use of, that they are almost exclusively of a philosophical and religious nature. In compositions of this kind, the style varies little, and it constantly reproduces, with the return of the same formulas, the monotonous repetition of the same grammatical inflections. It would have been desirable for us to have been able to consult a greater number of historical works, which would have given us a great variety of words and forms, and it is because we did not have this help that we were unable to determine the true extent of pali conjugation.


In no part of the world, perhaps, are there greater facilities for acquiring a knowledge of Pali afforded, than in Ceylon. Though the historical data contained in that language have hitherto been underrated, or imperfectly illustrated, the doctrinal and metaphysical works on buddhism are still extensively, and critically studied by the native priesthood; and several of our countrymen have acquired a considerable proficiency therein. The late Mr. W. Tolfrey, of the Ceylon civil service, projected the translation of the most practical and condensed Pali Grammar extent in Ceylon, called the Balavataro, and of Moggallana's Pali vocabulary, both which, as well as the Singhalese dictionary, scarcely commenced, I understand, at that gentleman’s death, have been successfully completed, and published by the Rev. B. Clough, a Wesleyan missionary, by whose labour and research, the study of both the ancient and the vernacular languages of this island has been facilitated in no trifling degree.

I might safely rest on this translation of the Balawataro, and on the Pali historical work I have now attempted to give to the public, the claims both of the Pali language for refinement and purity; and of the historical data its literature contains for authenticity. I shall, however, now proceed to give a brief, but more precise account of both.

The oldest Pali grammar noticed in the literature of Ceylon, is that of Kachchayano. It is not now extant. The several works which pass under the name of Kachchayano's grammars, are compilations from, or revisions of, the original: made at different periods, both within this island and in other parts of Asia. I have never waded through any of them, having only consulted the Balawataro.

The oldest version of the compilation from Kachchayano's grammar is acknowledged to be the Rupasiddhi. I quote three passages; two from the grammar, and the other from its commentary. The first of these extracts, without enabling me to fix (as the name of the reigning sovereign of Ceylon is not given) the precise date at which this version was compiled, proves the work to be of very considerable antiquity, from its having been composed in the Daksina, while buddhism prevailed there as the religion of the state. The second and third extracts, in my opinion. satisfactorily established the interesting and important point that Kachchayano,* [Catyayana.] whose identity, Mr. Colebrooke says in his essay, is "involved in the impenetrable darkness of mythology,” was one of the eighty celebrated contemporary disciples of Gotamo Buddho, whose names are repeatedly mentioned in various portions of the Pitakattaya. He flourished therefore in the middle of the sixth century before the birth of Christ, and upwards of four hundred years before Bhatrihari, the brother of Vicramaditya, by whom, according to Mr. Colebrooke’s essay, "the amended rules of grammar were formed into memorial verses;" as well as before Kalidas, on whose play professor Wilson comments.”

The first quotation is from the conclusion of the Rupasiddhi: —

Wikl hyatanandatherawhaya waragurunan Tambapanniddhajanan sisso Dipankarakkhye Damilawasumati dipaladdhappakaso Baladichchadi wasaddwitayamadhiwasan, sasanan jotayi yo, soyam Buddhappiyawho yati; imamujukan Rupasiddhinakasi.

A certain disciple of Anando, a preceptor who was* [The parenthetical additions are made from a commentary.] (a rallying point) unto eminent preceptors like unto a standard, in † [Ceylon.] Tambapanni, named Dipankaro, renowned in the Damila kingdom (of Chola) and the resident-superior of two fraternities, there, the Bladichcha, (and the Chudamanikyo), caused the religion (of Buddho) to shine forth. He was the priest who obtained the appellation of Buddhappiyo (the delight of Buddho.) and compiled this perfect Rupasiddhi.


Buddhappiyo commences the Rupasiddhi in these words: —

Kachchayananchachariyan namitwa; nissaya Kachchayanawannanadin, balappabodhatthamujun karissan wyattan sukandan padarupasiddhin.

Reverentially bowing down to the Acharayo Kachchaano, and guided by the rules laid down by the said Kachchayano, I compose the Rupasiddhi, in a perspicuous form, judiciously subdivided into sections, for the use of degenerated intellects (of the present age, which could not grasp the original).


In the commentary on the Rupasiddhi, we find the following distinct and important particulars rewarding Kachchayano, purporting to be conveyed in his own words: —

Kachchassa apachchan, Kachchayano. Kachchotikira, tasmin gotten pathamapuriso, Tappabhawanta tubbansil a sabbewa Kachchayana jata. "Tabbansi kochayamiti Kachchayano, Kochayan Kachchayano nama? Yo etadaggan, Bhiklhawe? mama sawakanan bhikkhunan sankhittena bhasitassa wittharena atthan wibbajantanan yadidan Mahakachchayanoti etadagge thapito Bhagawa man chatuparisamajjhe nisinno. Suriyarasmisamphassawikasamdsamiwa paduman sassirikan mukhan wiwaritwd, Brahmaghosan nichchharento. Gangaya waluka khiye; ndakan khiye mahannawe; mahiya mattika khiye; lakkhena mama buddhiya, adinanana gajjanan gajjitun, samattho makapanno, bhikklhawe; Sariputtoti adida; tesu tesu suttisu attanawa; Lokanathan thapetwana yechanne idhapanino pannaya Sariputtassa kalan nagghanti solasanti adina; achariychi wannitanane Sariputtocha; tadannesucha pabhinnapatisambhidesu mahasawakesu wijjamanesupi; Chakkawattiraja wiya rajjawahanasamatthan jetthaputtan parinayakatthane thapento Tathagatawachanan wibhajantanan etadagge thapesi. Handahan Tathagatassa pachchupakdrank karissami. Databbamewathanantaran Bhagawa adasi. Bhagawato yathabhuchchakathanan saddahapessami. Ewan sait nand desa bhasa Sakkatadi khalitawachana manakaranjetwd, Tathagatina wuttaya sabhawa niruttiya, sukhena Buddhawachanan ugganbissantiti: attano balan dassento Niruttipitakan attho akkharasnnnatoti imassa wakkyassa yatha buthan saddalakkhanamakasi, So Mahakachchayanatthero idha Kachchayanoti wutto.

Kachehayano signifies the son of Kachcho. The said Kachcho was the first individual (who assumed that name as a patronymic) in that family. All who are descended from that stock are, by birth, Kachchayani.

(If I am asked) Who is this Kachchayano? Whence his name Kachchayano ( I answer). It is he who was selected for the important office (of compiling the first Pali grammar, by Buddho himself; who said on that occasion): 'Bhikkhus from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are capable of elucidating in detail, that which is expressed in the abstract, the most eminent is this Mahakachchayano.’’’  

Bhagawa (Buddho) seated in the midst of the four classes of devotees, of which his congregation was composed, (viz. priests and priestesses, male and female lay ascetics:) — opening his sacred mouth, like unto a flower expanding under the genial influence of Surio’s rays, and pouring forth a stream of eloquence like unto that of Brahmo said: 'My disciples! the profoundly wise Sariputto is competent to spread abroad the tidings of the wisdom (contained in my religion) by his having proclaimed of me that,' — ‘To define the bounds of his omniscience by a standard of measure, let the grains of sand in the Ganges be counted; let the water in the great ocean be measured; let the particles of matter in the great earth be numbered; as well as bv his various other discourses.’

It has also been admitted that, excepting the saviour of the world, there are no others in existence whose wisdom is equal to one sixteenth part of the profundity of Sariputto. By the Acharayos also the wisdom of Sariputto has been celebrated. Moreover, while the other great disciples also, who had overcome the dominion of sin and attained the four gifts of sanctification, were yet living; he (Buddho) allotted, from among those who were capable of illustrating the word of Tathagato, this important task to me, — in the same manner that a Chakkawatti raja confers on an eldest son, who is capable of sustaining the weight of empire, the office of Parinayako. I must therefore render unto Tathagato a service equivalent to the honor conferred. Bhagawa has assigned to me a most worthy commission. Let me place implicit faith in whatever Bhagawa has vouchsafed to propound.

This being achieved, men of various nations and tongues, rejecting the dialects which have become confused by its disorderly mixture with the Sanscrit and other languages, will, with facility, acquire, by conformity to the rules of grammar propounded by Tathagato, the knowledge of the word of Buddho.” Thus the thero Mahakachchayano. who is here (in this work) called simply Kachchayano, setting forth his qualification; pursuant to the declaration of Buddha, that "sense is represented by letters,” composed the grammatical work called Niruttipitako.* [Another name for the Rupasiddhi.]


There are several other editions or revisions of Kachchayano’s grammar, each professing, according as its date is more modern, to be more condensed and methodized than the preceding one. In the version entitled the Payoghasiddhi alone (as far as my individual knowledge extends) is to be found the celebrated verse, —

"Sa Magadhi; mula bhasa, narayeyadi kappika, brahmanochassuttalapa, Sambuddhachapi bhassare.


From these different grammars, the Balawataro, translated by the Rev. Mr. Clough, was compiled. The last Pali edition of that work brought to my notice, is reputed to have been revised at the commencement of the last century.

I am not aware that there is more than one edition of the vocabulary called the Abhidhanappadipika, a translation of which is annexed to Mr. Clough’s grammar. The Pali copy in my possession was compiled by one Moggallano, at the Jeto wiharo, in the reign of Purakkamo; whom I take to be the king Parakkamo, who reigned at Pulatthinagaro, between A.D. 1153, and 1186, and the work itself is almost a transcript of the Sanscrit Amerakosha; which is also extant in Ceylon. There is also another series of grammars called the Moggallano, deriving their name from the author of the Abhidhanappadipika, above mentioned.

The foregoing observations, coupled with the historical data, to which l shall now apply myself, will serve, I trust, to prove, that the Pali or Magadhi language had already attained the refinement it now possesses, at the time of Gotamo Buddho’s advent. No unprejudiced person, more especially an European who has gone through the ordinary course of a classical tuition, can consult the translation of the Balawataro, without recognizing in that elementary work, the rudiments of a precise and classically defined language, bearing no inconsiderable resemblance, as to its grammatical arrangement, to the Latin; nor without indeed admitting that little more is required than a copious and critical dictionary, to render the acquisition of that rich, refined, and poetical language, the Pali, as facile as the attainment of Latin.  
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Tue Jan 25, 2022 5:05 am

Part 5 of __

In developing the more interesting question, involving the character, to of the historical data contained in the Pali buddhistical annals, I must enter into greater detail; and quote with greater explicitness the authorities from which my exposition is derived; -- as it is opposed in many essential respects, to the views entertained by several eminent orientalists who have hitherto discussed this subject, from records extant in other parts of India.

It is an important point connected with the buddhistical creed, which (as far as I am aware) has not been noticed by any other writer, that the ancient history, as well as the scheme of the religion of the buddhists, are both represented to have been exclusively developed by revelation. Between the manifestation of one Buddho and the advent of his successor, two periods are represented to intervene; — the first is called the buddhantaro or buddhotpado, being the interval between the manifestation of one Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes extinct. The age in which we now live is the buddhotpado of Gotamo. His religion was destined to endure 5000 years; of which 2380 have now passed away (A.D. 1837) since his death, and 2620 are yet to come. The second is the abuddhotpado, or the term between the epochs when the religion revealed by one Buddho becomes extinct, and another Buddho appears, and revives, by revelation, the doctrines of the Buddlhistical faith. It would not be practicable, within the limits which I must here prescribe for myself, to enter into an elucidation of the preposterous term assigned to an abuddhatpado; or to describe the changes which the creation stated to undergo, during that term. Suffice it to say, that during that period, not only does the religion of each preceding Buddho become extinct, but the recollection and record of all preceding events are also lost. These subjects are explained in various portions of the Pitakattaya, but in too great detail to admit of my quoting those passages in this place.

By this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in which the buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data, contained in its literature, anterior to the advent of Gotamo. While in the hindu literature there appears to be no such limitation; in as much as professor Wilson in his analysis of the Puranas, from which (excepting the Raja Taringini) the hindu historical data are chiefly obtained, proves that those works are, comparatively, of modern date.

The distinguishing characteristics, then, between the hindu and buddhistical historical data appear to consist in these particulars; — that the mystification of hindu data is protracted to a period so modern that no part of them is authentic, in reference to chronology; and that there fabulous character is exposed by every gleam of light thrown on Asiatic history by the histories of other countries, and more especially by the writers who flourished, respectively, at the periods of, and shortly after, the Macedonian and Mahomedan conquests. While the mystification of the Buddhistical date ceased a century at least prior to B.C. 588. when prince Siddhato attained buddhohood, in the character of Gotamo Buddho.

According to the buddhistical creed, therefore, all remote historical data, whether sacred or profane, anterior to Gotama's advent, are based on his revelation. They are involved in absurdity as unbounded as the mystification in which hindu literature is enveloped.

For nearly five centuries subsequent to the advent of Gotamo, the age of inspiration and miracle is believed to have endured among the professors of his faith. His last inspired disciple, in Ceylon at least, was Malayadewo thero, the kinsman of Watagamini, who reigned from B.C. 104 to B.C. 76. It would be inconsistent with the scheme of such a creed, and unreasonable also on our part, to expect that the buddhistical data, comprised in those four and half centuries, should be devoid of glaring absurdities and gross superstitions. These defects, however, in no degree prejudice those data, in as far as they subserve the chronological, biographical, and geographical, ends of history.

Gotamo Buddho, by whom, according to the creed of the buddhists, the whole scheme of their historical data, anterior to his advent, was thus revealed, entered upon his divine mission in B.C. 588, in the fifteenth year of the reign of Bimbisaro, sovereign of Magadha (who became a convert to buddhism); and died in B.C. 543, in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasatto, the son of the preceding monarch. These revelations are stated to have been orally pronounced in Pali, and orally perpetuated for upwards of four centuries, until the close of the buddhistical age of inspiration. They compose the "Pitakattaya," or the three Pitakas, which now form (if I may so express myself) the buddhistical scriptures, divided into the Wineyo, Abhidhammo, and Sutto pitako.

At the demise of Gotamo, Mahakassapo was the hierarch of the buddhistical church, in which a schism arose, even before the funeral obsequies of Buddho had terminated. For the suppression of this schism, and for asserting the authenticity of the Pitakattaya, the first "Dhammasangiti," or convocation on religion, was held at Rajagaha, the capital of Ajatasatto, in B.C. 543. The schism was suppressed, and the authenticity of the Pitakattaya in Pali was vindicated and established. Upon that occasion, dissertations, or commentaries, called "Atthakatha" on the Pitakattaya, were also delivered.

In B.C. 443, at the lapse of a century from Gotamo’s death, the second Dhammasangiti was held, in the tenth year of the reign of Kalasoko, at Wesali, for the suppression of a heresy raised by certain priests natives of Wajji, resident in that city. The hierarch was the venerable Sabbakami; and under his direction, Rewato conducted the convocation. The authority of the Pitakattaya was again vindicated; and the Atthakatha, delivered on that occasion, serve to develope the history of buddhism for the interval which had elapsed since the last convocation.

In B.C. 309, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammasoko, the supreme sovereign of India, who was then a convert to buddhism, the third convocation was held at Patilipura; Moggaliputtatisso being then the hierarch.

In the ensuing analysis of the Mahawanso, will be found references to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, in which detailed accounts of these convocations may be found.

In B.C. 307, the thero Mahindo, the son of the emperor Dhammasoko, embarked on his mission for the conversion of Ceylon. The reigning sovereign of this island, Dewananpiyatisso, was converted to buddhism, and several members of his family were ordained priests. Many wiharos were founded by this monarch in this island, of which the Mahawiharo at Anuradhapura, was the principal. His minister Dighasandano built the pariweno, or college, called after himself, Dighasanda-senapoti-pariweno, which, as well as the royal incumbencies, were bestowed on Mahindo.

Under the control of that high priest of Ceylon, fraternities were formed for all these religious establishments. The successions to which, regulated by certain laws of sacerdotal inheritance, still prevalent in the island, were uninterruptedly kept up, as will be seen by the ensuing pages.

The Pitakattaya, as well as Atthakatha propounded up to the period of the third convocation in India were brought to Ceylon by Mahindo, who promulgated them, orally, here; -- the Pitakattaya in Pali and the Atthakatha in Singhalese, together with additional Atthakatha of his own. His inspired disciples, and his successors, continued to propound them, also orally, till the age of inspiration passed away; which took place in this island (as already stated) in the reign of Wattagamini, between B.C. 104 and B.C. 76. They were then embodied into books; the text in the Pali, and the commentaries in the Singhalese language. The event is thus recorded in the thirty third chapter of the Mahawanso p. 207.

The profoundly wise (inspired) priests had theretofore orally perpetuated the text of the Pitakattaya and their Atthakatha. At this period, these priests, foreseeing the perdition of the people (from the perversions of the true doctrines) assembled; and in order that religion might endure for ages, recorded the same in books.


In the reign of the raja Mahanamo, between A.D. 410 and 432, Buddhaghoso transposed the Singhalese Atthakatha, also, into Pali. The circumstance is narrated in detail in the thirty seventh chapter of the Mahawanso, p. 250.

This Pali version of the Pitakattaya and of the Atthakatha, is that which is extant now in Ceylon; and it is identically the same with the Siamese and Burmese versions. In the appendix will be seen a statement of the divisions, and subdivisions, contained in the Pitakattaya. A few of these subdivisions are not now to be obtained complete in the chief temples of Kandy, and are only to be found perfect, among those fraternities in the maritime districts, who have of late years derived their power of conferring ordination from the Burmese empire; and they are written in the Burmese character.

The identity of the buddhistical scriptures of Ceylon with those of the eastern peninsula is readily accounted for, independently of the consideration that the missions for the conversion of the two countries to buddhism, originally proceeded to these parts at the same time, and from the same source; viz. at the close of the third convocation, as stated in the twelfth chapter of the Mahawanso: for Buddhaghoso took his Pali version of those scriptures, after leaving Ceylon, to the eastern peninsula. This circumstance is noticed even in the "essai sur le pali par Messieurs Burnouf and Lassen;" though, at the same time, those gentlemen have drawn two erroneous inferences; first, that buddhism was originally introduced by Buddhaghoso into Pegu; and, secondly, that his resort to the eastern peninsula was the consequence of his expulsion from India under the persecutions of the brahmans.

Passons maintenant dans la presqu ile au-dela du Gange, et cherchons-y le date de l'etablissement du bouddhisme, et, avec lui, du pali et de l'ecriture. Nous n'avons plus ici l'avantage de nous appuyer aur un texte original, comme pour l'histoire cingalaise. Car, bien que les Barmans possedent, dit-on, des livres historiques fort etendus, nul, que nous sachions, n'a encore eti traduit dans aucune langue d'Europe; nous sommes done reduits aux temoignages souvent contradictoires des voyageurs. Suivant Ie P. Carpanus, l'histoire des Bramans appelee Maharazoen (mot sans doute derive du sanskrit Maharadja), rapporte que les livres et l'ecriture palis furent apportes de Ceylan au Pegu, par un brnhmane nomme Bouddhaghosa (voix de Bouddha) l'an 940 de leur ere sacree, c'est-a-dire, l'an 397 de la notre. Cette date nous donne pour le commencement de l'ere sacree des Barmans, l'an 543 avant J.C., l'annee meme de la mort de Bouddha, suivant la chronologie cingalaise.

Il n'est pas etonnant que les habitans de la presqu' ile s'accordent en ce point avec les cingalaise, puisque c'est d'eux qu'ils disent avoir recu leur culte. Il est cependant permis de remarquer que leur temoignage sert encore de confirmation a la date de la mort de Bouddha (543 ans avant J. C.) que nous avons choisie entre toutes celles que nous offraient les diverses autorites. Celle de l'introduction du bouddhisme au Pegu, l'an 397 de notre ere, s'accorde egalement avec les dates qui ont ete exposeds et discutecs plus haut. On a vu, en effet que les livres bouddiques ecrits en pali, existaient a Ceylan, vers 407 de J. C., ce qui ne dit pas que cette langue n'ait puy etre connue anterieurement. Le pali a done pu rigoureusement etre porte de la dans la presqu'ile au-dela du Gange, l'an 397 de notre ere. D'ailleurs, le voyage de Bouddhaghosa se rattache a l'histoire generale de culte, de Bouddha dans l'Inde; car a l'epoque ou il a eu lieu la lutte du brahmanisme contra le bouddhisme s'achevait par la defaite de celui-ci, et nous avons vu ke dernier patriarche du culte proscrit quitter alors l'Inde pour toujours.

[Google translate: Let us now pass to the peninsula beyond the Ganges, and seek there the date of the establishment of Buddhism, and, with him, Pali and writing. We no longer have here the advantage of relying on an original text, as for the story Sinhalese. For, although the Brahmens are said to possess very extensive historical books, no one, as far as we know, has yet translated into any European language; we are therefore reduced to the often contradictory testimonies of travellers. According to P. Carpanus, the story of the Brahmens called Maharazoen (a word no doubt derived from the Sanskrit Maharadja), relates that Pali books and writing were brought from Ceylon to Pegu, by a Brahman named Buddhaghosa (voice of Buddha) the year 940 of their sacred era, that is to say, the year 397 of ours. This date gives us for the beginning of the sacred era of the Brahmens, the year 543 BC, the very year of the death of Buddha, according to the Sinhalese chronology.

It is not surprising that the inhabitants of the peninsula agree on this point with the Sinhalese, since it is from them they say they have received their worship. It is, however, allowed to remark that their testimony still serves as confirmation to the date of the death of Buddha (543 years before J. C.) which we chose among all those offered to us by the various authorities. That of the introduction of Buddhism in Pegu, the year 397 of our era, also agrees with the dates which have been exposed and discussed above. We have seen, in fact, that Buddhist books written in Pali existed in Ceylon around 407 AD. J. C., which does not say that this language could not have been known previously. The pali could therefore be rigorously worn thence to the peninsula the peninsula beyond the Ganges, the year 397 of our era. Moreover, the journey of Buddhaghosa is linked to the history general worship of Buddha in India; because at the time when the struggle of Brahmanism against Buddhism took place ended with his defeat, and we have seen the last patriarch of the proscribed cult then leave India forever.]


It will be observed, that the date mentioned here, docs not accurately accord with that of the Mahawanso. Mahanamo, the sovereign of Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghoso's visit, came to the throne A.D. 410, and he reigned twenty two years. The precise extent, however, of this trifling discrepancy cannot be ascertained, as the date is not specified of either Buddhaghoso's arrival at, or departure from, this island.

The subsequent portions of the Mahawanso contain ample evidence of the frequent intercourse kept up, chiefly by means of religious missions. between the two countries, to the close of the work. A very valuable collection of Pali books was brought to Ceylon, by the present chief of the cinnamon department, George Nadoris, modliar, so recently as 1812. He was then a buddhist priest, and had proceeded to Siam for the purpose of obtaining from the monarch of that buddhist country, the power (which a Christian government could not give him) of conferring ordination on other castes than the wellala; to whom the Kandyan monarchs, in their intolerant observance of the distinctions of caste, had confined the privilege of entering into the priesthood.

Tile contents of these Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, divested of their buddhistical inspired character, may be classed under four heads.

1. The unconnected and desultory references to that undefined and undefinable period of antiquity, which preceded the advent of the last twenty four Buddhos.

2. The history of the last twenty four Buddhos, who appeared during the last twelve Buddhistical regenerations of the world.

3. The history from the last creation of the world, containing the genealogy of the kings of India, and terminating in B.C. 543.

4. The history from B.C. 543 to the age of Buddhaghoso, between A.D. 410 and 432.

With these ample and recently revised annals, and while the Singhalese Atthakatha of the Pitakattaya, and various Singhalese historical works, were still extant, Mahanamo thero composed the first part of the Mahawanso. It extends to the thirty seventh chapter, and occupies 119 pages of the talipot leaves of which the book is formed. He composed also a Tika, or abridged commentary on his work. It occupies 329 pages. The copy I possess of the Tika in the Singhalese character, is full of inaccuracies; while a Burmese version, recently lent to me by Nadoris modliar, is almost free from these imperfections.

The historian does not perplex his readers with any allusion to the first division of buldhistical history. In the second, he only mentions the names of the twenty four Buddhos, though they are farther noticed in the Tika. In the third and fourth, his narrative is full, instructive, and interesting.

He opens his work with the usual invocation to Buddho, to the explanation of which he devotes no less than twenty five pages of the Tika. Without stopping to examine these comments, I proceed to his notes on the word “Mahawanso."

"Mahawanso” is the abbreviation of “Mahantanan wanso;" the genealogy of the great. It signifies both pedigree, and inheritance from generation to generation; being itself of high import, either on that account, or because it also bears the two above significations; hence "Mahawanso."

What that Mahawanso contains (I proceed to explain). Be it known, that of these (i.e., of the aforesaid great) it illustrates the genealogy, as well of the Buddhos and of their eminently pious disciples, as of the great monarchs commencing with Mahasammato. It is also of deep import, in as much as it narrates the visits of Buddho (to Ceylon). Hence the work is (Maha) great. It contains, likewise, all that was known to, or has been recorded by, the pious men of old, connected with the supreme and well defined history of those unrivalled dynasties ("wanso”). Let (my hearers) listen (to this Mahawanso).

Be it understood, that even in the (old) Atthakatha, the words "Dipatthutiya sadhasakkatan” are held as of deep import. They have there (in that work) exclusive reference to the visits of Buddho, and matters connected therewith. On this subject the ancient historians have thus expressed themselves: “I will perspicuously set forth the visits of Buddho to Ceylon; the arrival of the relic and of the bo-tree; the histories of the convocations, and of the schisms of the theros; the introduction of the religion (of Buddho) into the island; and the settlement and pedigree of the sovereign (Wijayo)." It will be evident, from the substance of the quotations here made, that the numerical extent of the dynasties (in my work) is exclusively derived from that source; (it is no invention of mine).

Thus the title “Mahawanso” is adopted in imitation of the history composed by the fraternity of the Mahawiharo (at Anuradhapura). In this work the object aimed at is, setting aside the Singhalese language, in which (the former history) is composed, that I should sign in the Magadhi. Whatever the matters may be, which were contained in the Atthakatha without suppressing any part thereof rejecting the dialect only. I compose my work in the supreme Magadhi language, which is thoroughly purified from all imperfections. I will brilliantly illustrate, then, the Mahawanso, replete with information on every subject, and comprehending the amplest detail of all important events; like unto a splendid and dazzling garland strung with every variety of flowers, rich in color, taste, and scent.

The former historians, also, used an analogous simile. They said, "I will celebrate the dynasties ("wanso") perpetuated from generation to generation; illustrious from the commencement, and lauded by many bards: like unto a garland strung with every variety of flowers; do ye all listen with intense interest.”


After some further commentaries on other words of the first verse, Mahanamo thus explains his motives for undertaking the compilation of his history, before he touches on the second.

Thus I, the author of the Mahawanso, by having rendered to religion the reverence due thereto, in my first verse, have procured for myself immunity from misfortune. In case it should he asked in this particular place. “Why, while there are Mahawansos composed by ancient authors in the Singhalese language, this author has written this Palapadoru-wanso?" In refutation of such an unmeaning objection, I thus explain the advantage of composing the Palapadoru-wanso; viz., that m the Mahawanso composed by the ancients, there is the defect, as well of prolixty, as of brevity. There are also (other) inaccuracies deserving of notice. Avoiding these defects, and for the purpose of explaining the principle on which the Palapadoru-wanso I am desirous of compiling, is composed, I proceed to the second verse.


On the twenty four Buddhos, Mahanamo comments at considerable length in his Tika. In some instances those notes are very detailed, while in others he only refers to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha from which he derives his data. It will be sufficient in this condensed sketch, that I should furnish a specification of the main points requisite to identify each Buddho, and to notice in which of the regenerations of the world each was manifested, reckoning back from the present kappo or creation.

The following particulars are extracted from the "Buddhawansadesana,” one of the subdivisions of the Suttapitaka, of the Pitakattaya.

The twelfth kappo, or regeneration of the world, prior to the last one, was a "Saramando kappo,” in which four Buddhos appeared. The last of them was the first of the twenty four Buddhos above alluded to: viz.,

1. Dipankaro, born at Rammawatinagara. His parents were Sudhewo raja and Sumedhaya dewi He, as well as all the other Buddhos, attained buddhohood at Uruwelaya, now called Buddhaghya. His bo-tree was the “pipphala.” Gotamo was then a member of an illustrious brahman family in Amarawatinagara.

The eleventh regeneration was a "Sarakappo” of one Buddho.

2. Kondanno, born at Rammawatinagara. Parents, Sunanda raja and Sujatadewi. His bo-tree, the “salakalyana." Gotamo was then Wijitawi, a chakkawati raja of Chandawatinagara in Majjhimadesa.

The tenth regeneration was a "Saramando kappo" of four Buddhos.

3. Mangalo, born at Uttaranagara iu Majjhimadesa. Parents, Uttararaja and Uttaradewi. His bo-tree, the “naga." Gotamo was then a brahman named Suruchi, in the village Siribrahmano.

4. Sumano, born at Mekhalanagara. Parents, Sudassano maharaja and Sirimadewi. His bo-tree the "naga." Gotamo was then a Naga raja named Atulo.

5. Rewato, born at Sudhannawatinagara. Parents, Wipalo maharaja and Wipuladewi. His bo-tre. the "naga." Gotamo was then a brahman versed in the three wedos, at Rammawatinagara.

6. Sobhito, born at Sudhammanagara. His parents bore the name of that capital. His bo-tree, the "naga." Gotamo was then a brahman named Sujato, at Rammawati.

The ninth regeneration was a "Warakappo" of three Buddhos.

7. Anomadassi, born at Chandawatinagara. Parents, Yasaworoja and Yasodararadewi. His bo-tree, the “ajjuna." Gotamo was then a Yakkha raja.

8. Padumo, born at Champayanagara. Parents, Asamo maharaja and Asamadewi. His bo-tree, the “sonaka.” Gotamo was then a lion, the king of animals.

9. Narado, born at Dhammawatinagara. Parents, Sudhewo maharaja and Anopamadewi. His bo-tree, the “sonaka.” Gotamo was then a tapaso in the Himawanto country.

The eighth regeneration was a ‘‘Sarakappo” of one Buddho.

10. Padumuttaro, born at Hansawatinagara. Parents, Anurulo raja and Sujatadewi. His bo-tree the “salala.” Gotamo was then an ascetic named Jatilo.

The seventh regeneration was a “Mandakappo” of two Bnddhos.

11. Sumedo, born at Sudassananagara. Parents bore the same name. His bo-tree, the "nipa." Gotamo was then a native of that town, named Uttaro.

12. Sujato, born at Sumangalanagara. Parents, Uggato raja and Pabbawatidewi. His bo-tree, the "welu.” Gotamo was then a chakkawati raja.

The sixth regeneration was a “Warakappo,” of three Bnddhos.

13. Piyadassi, born at Sudannanagara. Parents, Sudata maharaja and Subaddhadewi. His bo-tree, the “kakudha.” Gotamo was then a brahman named Kassapo, at Siriwattanagara.

14. Atthadassi, born at Sonanagara. Parents, Sagara raja and Sudassanadewi. His bo-tree, the "champa.” Gotamo was then a brahman named Susimo.

15. Dhammadassi, horn at Surananagara. Parents, Saranamaha raja and Sunandadewi. His bo-tree, the "bimbajala.” Gotamo was then Sakko, the supreme of dewos.

The fifth regeneration was a "Sarakappo,” of one Buddho.

16. Siddhatho, born at Wibharanagara. Parents, Udeni maharaja and Suphasadewi. His bo-tree, the “kanihani.” Gotamo was a brahman named Mangalo.

The fourth regeneration was a "Mandakappo.’’ of two Buddhos.

17. Tisso, born at Khemanagara. Parents, Janasando raja and Padumadewi. His bo-tree, the “assana.” Gotamo was then Sujato raja at Yasawatinagara.

18. Phusso, born at Kasi. Parents, Jayaseno raja and Siremaya dewi. His bo-tree, the "amalaka." Gotamo was then Wijitawi, an inferior raja.

The third regeneration was a "Sarakappo," of one Buddho.

19. Wipassi, born at Bandhuwatinagara. Parents bore the same name. His bo-tree the “patali.” Gotamo was then Atulo raja.

The last regeneration was a "Mandakappo,” of two Buddhos.

20. Sikhi, born at Arunawattinagara. Parents, Arunawattiraja and Paphawattidewi. His bo-tree, the "pundariko.” Gotamo was then Arindamo raja at Paribhuttanagara.

21. Wessabhu, born at Anupamanagara. Parents, Suppalittha maharaja and Yasawatidewi. His bo-tree, the "sala.” Gotamo was then Sadassano raja of Sarabhawatinagara.

The present regeneration is a "Mahabadda kappo,” of five Buddhos.

22. Kakusando, born at Khemawatinagara. Parents, Aggidatto, the porahitto brahman of Khemaraja and Wisakha. His bo-tree the "sirisa” Gotamo was then the aforesaid Khemaraja.

23. Konagamano, born at Sobhawatinagara. Parents, a brahman named Yannadattho and Uttara, His bo-tree, the “udumbara.” Gotamo was Pabbato raja (the mountain monarch) at Mithila.

24. Kassapo, born at Baranasinagara. Parents, the brahman Brahmadatto and Dhanawati. His bo-tree, the “nigrodha.” Gotamo was a brahman named Jotipalo at Wappulla.

Gotamo is the Buddho of the present system, and Metteyyo is still to appear, to complete the number of the present “Mahabadda kappo.”

The Buddhos of this kappo, Gotamo excepted, are represented to have appeared in the long period which intervened between the reigns of Neru and Makhadewo. The recession to an age so immeasurably and indefinitely remote is a fiction, of course, advisedly adopted, to admit of the intervention of an “abuddhotpado,” with its progressive decrease and readjustment of the term of human life; which, according to the buddhistical creed, precedes the advent of each supreme Buddho. The Mahawanso does not attempt to give the designations of these preposterous series of monarchs, who are stated to have reigned during that interval; but the Pitakattaya and the Atthakatha do contain lists of the names of all the rajas of the smaller, and of the initial rajas of the larger, groups. Whenever these buddhistical genealogical materials are tabulurized and graduated, on the principle applied to the hindu genealogies, they will probably be found to accord with them to a considerable degree; making due allowance for the variation of appellations made by either sect, in reference to, or in consequence of, events and circumstances connected with their respective creeds.

In reference to the twelfth verse, the Tika explains that the name Uruwelaya, — the present Buddhagya, where the sacred bo-tree still stands, and at which place several inscriptions are recorded, some of which have been translated and published in the Asiatic Researches and Journals, -- is derived from "Uru” (sands) and “welaya” (mounds or waves); from the great mounds or columns of sand which are stated to be found in its vicinity, and which have attracted the attention of modern travellers also.

I shall only notice further, in regard to the first chapter, that the isle of Giridipo is mentioned as being on the south east coast of Ceylon, and is represented to abound in rocks covered with enormous forest trees. The direction indicated, points to the rocks nearly submerged, which are now called the Great and Little Basses. But as speculation and hypothesis are scrupulously avoided in my present sketch, I abstain from further comment on this point. Mahiyangano, the spot on which Buddho alighted in his first visit to Ceylon, is the present post of Bintenne, where the dagoba completed by Dutthagamini still stands. Selasumano, or Sumanakuto. is Adam’s peak. The position of Nagadipo, the scene of Buddho's second visit, I am not able to identify. It is indicated to have been on the north western coast of the island. The alleged impression of Buddho’s foot on Adam’s peak; the dagoba constructed at Kalyani, near Colombo; as well as the several dagobas built at Anuradhapura, and at Dhigawapi, and the bo-tree subsequently planted at Anuradhapura; together with the numerous inscriptions,— the more modern of which alone have yet been decyphered, are all still surviving and unobliterated evidences confirmatory of Gotamo’s three visits to Ceylon.

In opening the second chapter, Mahanamo supplies detailed data touching several of Gotamo's incarnations, prior to his manifestation in the person of Mahasammato, the first monarch of this creation. I shall confine myself to a translation of the portion of the commentary which treats of that particular incarnation. It will serve to assimilate his production or manifestation, by “opapatika” or apparitional birth, with the hindu scheme of the origination of the solar race.  

At the close of that existence (in the Brahma world) he was regenerated a man, at the commencement of this creation, by the process of "opapatika." From the circumstance of mankind being then afflicted with unendurable miseries, resulting from the uncontrolled state of the sinful passions which had been engendered, as well as from the consternation created by the murder, violence, and rapine produced by a condition of anarchy, a desire manifested itself among men to live subject to the control of a ruler. Having met and consulted together, they thus petitioned unto him (the Buddho elect), "O great man! from henceforth it belongs to thee to provide for our protection and common weal." The whole human race having assembled and come to this decision, the appellation was conferred on him of "Mahasammato," "the great elect."


Valuable as the comments are on the genealogy of the Asiatic monarchs -- the descendants and successors of Mahasammato, -- they are still only abridged and insulated notes deduced (as already noticed) from the Pitakattaya and the Atthakatha; to which justice would not be done in this limited sketch of the buddhistical annals. As a proof, however of Mahanamo's general rigid adherence to the data from which his history is compiled, I may here advert to one of the instances of the care with which he marks every departure, however trivial, from the authorities by which he is otherwise guided. He says, in reference to the twenty eight kings mentioned in the 6th verse: "In the Atthakatha composed by the Uttarawiharo priests, omitting Chetiyo, the son of Upacharako, and representing Muchalo to be the son of Upacharako, it is stated that there were only twenty seven rajas, whose existence extended to an asankya of years."

In reference to these genealogies, I shall now only adduce the following extracts from the Tika, containing the names of the capitals at which the different dynasties reigned; and giving a distinct account of Okkako, (Ixkswaku of the hindus) and of his descendants, as well as the derivation of the royal patronymic "Sakya," -- to which no clue could be obtained in hindu annals; but which is nearly identical with the account extracted by Mr. Csoma de Koros from the Tibetan "kahgyur," and published in the Bengal Asiatic Journal of August, 1833.

Those nineteen capitals, were. — Kusawati, Ayojjhapura, Baranasi, Kapila, Hatthipura, Ekachakkhu, Wajirawutti, Madhura, Aritthapura, Indapatta, Kosambi, Kannagochha, Roja, Champa, Mithila, Rajagaha, Takkasilla, Kusnara, Tamalitti.

The eldest son of Okkako was Okkakamukho. The portion of the royal dynasty from Okkakamukkho to Suddhodano, (the father of Gotamo Buddho) who reigned at Kapila, was called the Okkako dynasty. Okkako had five consorts, named Hattha, Chitta, Jantu, Palini, and Wisakha. Each had a retinue of five hundred females. The eldest had four sons, named, Okkakamukho, Karakando, Hatthineko, and Nipuro: and five daughters, Piya, Sapiya, Ananda, Sananda, and Wiyitasena. After giving birth to these nine children she then died, and the raja then raised a lovely and youthful princess to the station of queen consort. She had a son named Jantu, bearing also his father’s title. This infant on the fifth day after his nativity was presented to the raja, sumptuously clad. The delighted monarch promised to grant any prayer of her's (his mother) she might prefer. She, having consulted her relations, prayed that the sovereignty might be resigned to her son. Enraged. he thus reproached her: "Thou outcast, dost thou seek to destroy my (other) children?" She, however, taking every private opportunity of lavishing her caresses on him, and reproaching him at the same time, with "Raja! it is unworthy of thee to utter an untruth;" continued to importune him. At last, the king assembling his sons, thus addressed them. "My beloved, in an unguarded moment, on first seeing your younger brother Junta, I committed myself in a promise, to his mother. She insists upon my resigning, in fulfilment of that promise, the sovereignty to her son. Whatever may be the number of state elephants and state carriages ye may desire; taking them, as wall as a military force of elephants, horses, and chariots, depart. On my demise, return and resume your rightful kingdom." With these injunctions he sent them forth, in the charge of eight officers of state. They, weeping and lamenting, replied, "Beloved parent, grant us forgiveness for any fault (we may have committed.”) Receiving the blessing of the raja, as well as of the other members of the court, and taking with them their sisters who had also prepared to depart, — having announced their intention to the king in these words, "We accompany our brothers," — they quitted the capital with their army, composed of its four constituent hosts. Great crowds of people, convinced that on the death of the king they would return to resume their right, resolved to adhere to their cause, and accompanied them in their exile.

On the first day, this multitude marched one yojana only; the second day, two; and the third day, three yojanas. The princes thus consulted together: "The concourse of people has become very great: were we to subdue some minor raja, and take his territory; that proceeding also would be unworthy of us. What benefit results from inflicting misery on others? Let us, therefore, raise a city in the midst of the wilderness, in Jambudipo." Having decided accordingly, repairing to the frontier of Himawanto, they sought a site for their city.

At that period, our Bodhisatto, who was born in an illustrious brahman family, and was called Kapilo brahman, leaving that family, and assuming the sacerdotal character in the "Isi" sect, sojourned in the Himawanto country in a "pannasala" (leaf hut) built on the borders of a pond, in a forest of sal trees. This individual was endowed with the gift called the "bhomilakkhanan;" and could discern good from evil, for eighty cubits down into the earth, and the same distance up into the air. In a certain country, where the grass, bushes, and creepers had a tendency in their growth, taking a southerly direction then to face the east: where lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which chased deer and hog; and cats and snakes, which pursued rats and frogs, on reaching that division, were incapacitated from persevering in their pursuit; while, on the other hand, each of the pursued creatures, by their growl or screech only, could arrest their pursuers; there this (Kapila Isi,) satisfied of the superiority of that land, constructed this pannasala.

On a certain occasion, seeing these princes who had come to his hut, in their search of a site for a city, and having by inquiring ascertained what their object was; out of compassion towards them, he thus prophesied: “A city founded on the site of this pannasala will become an illustrious capital in Jambudipo. Amongst the men born here, each will be able to contend with a hundred or a thousand (of those born elsewhere). Raise your city here, and construct the palace of your king on the site of my pannasala. On being established here, even a chandalo will become great like unto a Chakkawatti raja." "Lord" observed the princes, “will there be no place reserved for the residence of Ayyo?” “Do not trouble yourselves about this residence of mine: building a pannasala for me in a corner, found your city, giving it the name 'Kapila.'" They, conforming to his advice, settled there.

The officers of state thus argued: "If these children had grown up under their father's protection, he would have formed matrimonial alliances for them; they are now under our charge:" and then addressed themselves on this subject to the princes. The princes replied: "We see no royal daughters equal in rank to ourselves; nor are there any princes of equal rank to wed our sisters. By forming unequal alliances, the children born to us, either by the father's or mother's side, will become degraded by the stain attached to their birth; let us therefore form matrimonial alliances with our own sisters." Accordingly, recognizing in their eldest sister the character and authority of a mother, in due order of seniority (the four brothers) wedded (the other four sisters).

On their father being informed of this proceeding, he broke forth (addressing himself to his courtiers) into this exultation; "My friends, most assuredly they are sakya. My beloved, by the most solemn import of that term, they are unquestionably sakya," (powerful, self-potential).

From that time, to the period of king Suddhodano, all who were descended (from those alliances) were (also) called Sakya.

As the city was founded on the site where the brahman Kapilo dwelt, it was called Kapilanagara.


The account of the first convocation on religion, after Gotamo's death, is so clearly and beautifully given in the third chapter, that no explanatory comments are requisite from me. For detailed particulars regarding the construction of the convocation hall at Rajagaha, and the proceedings held therein, the Tika refers to the Samantapasada Atthakatha on the Díghanikayo, and the Sumangala wilasini Attakattha.

The fourth and fifth chapters are the most valuable in the Mahawanso, with reference to the chronology of Indian history. It will be observed that in some respects, both in the names and in the order of succession, this line of the Magadha kings varies from the hindu genealogies.

Reserving the summing up of the chronological result till I reach the date at which the Indian history contained in the Mahawanso terminates, I shall proceed to touch on each commentary which throws any light on that history, in the order in which it presents itself, in that interval.

The first of the notes I shall select, contains the personal history of Susunago, who was raised to the throne on the deposition of Nagadasako. With the exception of a somewhat far-fetched derivation suggested of that usurper's name, the account bears all the external semblance of authenticity. This note is interesting in more than one point of view. It describes the change in the Magadha dynasty to have proceeded from the deposition, and not from the voluntary abdication, of Nagadasako. It, likewise, is not only corroborative of the tolerance of courtesans in the ancient social institutions of India, which was, I believe, first developed by professor Wilson's translation of the hindu plays; but shows also that there was an office or appointment of "chief of courtesans," conferred and upheld by the authority of the state. Professor Wilson thus expresses himself in his essay on the dramatic system of the hindus, on this point.

"The defective education of the virtuous portion of the sex, and their consequent uninteresting character, held out an inducement to the unprincipled members, both of Greek and Hindu society, to rear a class of females, who should supply those wants which rendered home cheerless, and should give to men hetæra or female friends, and associates in intellectual as well as in animal enjoyment. A courtesan of this class inspired no abhorrence: she was brought up from her infancy to the life she professed, which she graced by her accomplishments, and not unfrequently dignified by her virtues. Her disregard of social restraint was not the voluntary breach of moral, social, or religious precepts -- it was the business of her education to minister to pleasure; and in the imperfect system of the Greeks, she committed little or no trespass against the institutes of the national creed, or the manners of society. The Hindu principles were more rigid; and not only was want of chastity in a female a capital breach of social and religious obligations, but the association of men with professed wantons was an equal violation of decorum, and, involving a departure from the purity of caste, was considered a virtual degradation from rank in society. In practice, however, greater latitude seems to have been observed; and in the "Mrichchakatí "a brahman, a man of family and repute, incurs apparently no discredit from his love for a courtesan. A still more curious feature is, that his passion for such an object seems to excite no sensation in his family, nor uneasiness in his wife; and the nurse presents his child to his mistress, as to its mother; and his wife, besides interchanging civilities (a little coldly, perhaps, but not compulsively), finishes by calling her 'sister,' and acquiescing therefore in her legal union with her lord. It must be acknowledged that the poet has managed his story with great dexterity, and the interest with which he has invested his heroine, prevents manners so revolting to our notions, from being obtrusively offensive. No art was necessary, in the estimation of a hindu writer, to provide his hero with a wife or two, more or less; and the acquisition of an additional bride is the ordinary catastrophe of the lighter dramas."




The following is a literal translation of the note in question, in the Tika.

Who is this statesman named Susunago? By whom was he brought up? He was the son of a certain Lichchawi raja of Wesali. He was conceived by a courtesan ("Naggarasobhini," literally "a beauty of the town") and brought up by an officer of state. The foregoing is recorded in the Atthakatha of the priests of the Uttarawiharo (of Anuradhapura). Such being the case, and as there is no want of accordance between our respective authorities, I shall proceed to give a brief sketch of his history.

Upon a certain occasion, the Lichchawi rajas consulted together, and came to the resolution, that it would be prejudicial to the prosperity of their capital, if they did not keep up the office of "Naggarasobhini tharantaran" (chief of courtesans). Under this persuasion, they appointed to that office a lady of unexceptionable rank. One of these rajas, receiving her into his own palace, and having lived with her, there, for seven days, sent her away. She had then conceived unto him. Returning to her residence, she was delivered, after the ordinary term of pregnancy. The issue proved to be an abortion. Deeply afflicted, and overwhelmed with shame and fear, causing it to be thrown into a basket, carefully covered with its lid, and consigning it to the care of a female slave, she had it placed, early in the morning, at the Sankharatanan (where all the rubbish and sweepings of a town are collected). The instant it was deposited there (by the slave), a certain nagaraja, the tutelar of the city, observing it, encircling it in its folds and sheltering it with its hood, assumed a conspicuous position. The people who congregated there, seeing (the snake), made the noise "su," "su," (to frighten it away); and it disappeared. Thereupon a person who had approached the spot, opening (the basket) and examining it, beheld the abortion matured into a male child, endowed with the most perfect indications of greatness. On making this discovery, great joy was evinced. A certain chief who participated in this exultation, taking charge of the infant removed him to his house; and on the occasion of conferring a name on him, in reference to the shouts of "su," "su," above described, and to his having been protected by the nagaraja, conferred on him the name of "Susunago."

From that time protected by him (the chief), and in due course attaining the wisdom of the age of discretion, he became an accomplished acharayo; and among the inhabitants of the capital, from his superior qualifications, he was regarded the most eminent person among them. From this circumstance, when the populace becoming infuriated against the raja Nagadasako deposed him, he was inaugurated monarch, by the title of Susunago raja.


In the tenth year of the reign of Kalasoko, the son and successor of Susunago, a century had elapsed from the death of Gotamo, and the second convocation on religion was then held, under that monarch's auspices, who was a buddhist, at Wesali; -- his own capital being Pupphapura. The fourth chapter contains the names of the sovereigns, and the term of their respective reigns during that period, as well as the circumstances under which the second convocation originated, and the manner in which it was conducted. The Tika contains some important comments on the "schisms” with which the fifth chapter commences. Not to interrupt the continuity of the historical narrative of India, I shall proceed with the translation of the notes on the Nandos, and on Chandagutto and his minister Chanakko. I regret that want of space prevents my printing the text of these valuable notes. I have endeavoured to make the translation as strictly literal as the peculiarities of the two languages would admit.

Subsequent to Kalasoko, who patronised those who held the second convocation, the royal line is stated to have consisted of twelve monarchs to the reign of Dhammasoko, when they (the priests) held the third convocation. Kalasoko's own sons were ten brothers. Their names are specified in the Atthakatha. The appellation of "the nine Nandos" originates in nine of them bearing that patronymic title.

The Atthakatha of the Uttarawiharo priests sets forth that the eldest of these was of an extraction (maternally) not allied (inferior) to the royal family; and that he dwelt in one of the provinces: it gives also the history of the other nine. I also will give their history succinctly, but without prejudice to its perspicuity.

In aforetime, during the conjoint administration of the (nine) sons of Kalasoko, a certain provincial person appeared in the character of a marauder, and raising a considerable force, was laying the country waste by pillage. His people, who committed these depredations on towns, whenever a town might be sacked, seized and compelled its own inhabitants to carry the spoil to a wilderness, and there securing the plunder, drove them away. On a certain day, the banditti who were leading this predatory life having employed a daring, powerful, and enterprising individual to commit a robbery, were retreating to the wilderness, making him carry the plunder. He who was thus associated with them, inquired: "By what means do you find your livelihood?" "Thou slave," (they replied) "we are not men who submit to the toils of tillage, or cattle tending. By a proceeding precisely like the present one, pillaging towns and villages, and laying up stores of riches and grain, and providing ourselves with fish and flesh, toddy and other beverage, we pass our life jovially in feasting and drinking.” On being told this, he thought: "This mode of life of these thieves is surely excellent: shall I, also, joining them, lead a similar life?" and then said, "I also will join you, I will become a confederate of your’s. Admitting me among you, take me (in your marauding excursions).” They replying "sadhu,” received him among them.

On a subsequent occasion, they attacked a town which was defended by well armed and vigilant inhabitants. As soon as they entered the town the people rose upon and surrounded them, and seizing their leader, and hewing him with a sword, put him to death. The robbers dispersing in all directions repaired to, and reassembled in, the wilderness. Discovering that he (their leader) had been slain; and saying. "In his death the extinction of our prosperity is evident: having been deprived of him, under whose control can the sacking of villages be carried on? even to remain here is imprudent: thus our disunion and destruction are inevitable:” they resigned themselves to desponding grief. The individual above mentioned, approaching them, asked: "What are ye weeping for?" On being answered by them, "We are lamenting the want of a valiant leader, to direct us in the hour of attack and retreat in our village sacks;" "In that case, my friends, (said he) ye need not make yourselves unhappy; if there be no other person able to undertake that post, I can myself perform it for you; from henceforth give not a thought about the matter.” This and more he said to them. They, relieved from their perplexity by this speech, joyfully replied "sadhu;" and conferred on him the post of chief.

From that period proclaiming himself to be Nando, and adopting the course followed formerly (by his predecessor), he wandered about, pillaging the country. Having induced his brothers also to cooperate with him, by them also he was supported in his marauding excursions. Subsequently assembling his gang, he thus addressed them: "My men! this is not a career in which valiant men should be engaged; it is not worthy of such as we are; this course is only befitting base wretches. What advantage is there in persevering in this career, let us aim at supreme sovereignty?" They assented. On having received their acquiescence, attended by his troops and equipped for war, he attacked a provincial town, calling upon (its inhabitants) either to acknowledge him sovereign, or to give him battle. They on receiving this demand, all assembled, and having duly weighed the message, by sending an appropriate answer, formed a treaty of alliance with them. By this means reducing under his authority the people of Jambudipo in great numbers, he finally attacked Patiliputta (the capital of the Indian empire), and usurping the sovereignty, died there a short time afterwards, while governing the empire.

His brothers next succeeded to the empire in the order of their seniority. They altogether reigned twenty two years. It was on this account that in the Mahawanso) it is stated that there were nine Nandos.

Theır ninth youngest brother was called Dhana nando, from his being addicted to hoarding treasure. As soon as he was inaugurated, actuated by miserly desires the most inveterate, he resolved within himself; "It is proper that I should devote myself to hoarding treasure;" and collecting riches to the amount of eighty kotis, and superintending the transport thereof himself, and repairing to the banks of the Ganges -- by means of a barrier constructed of branches and leaves interrupting the course of the main stream, and forming a canal, he diverted its waters into a different channel; and in a rock in the bed of the river having caused a great excavation to be made, he buried the treasure there. Over this cave he laid a layer of stones, and to prevent the admission of water, poured molten lead on it. Over that again he laid another layer of stones, and passing a stream of molten lead (over it), which made it like a solid rock, he restored the river to its former course. Levying taxes among other articles, even on skins, gums, trees, and stones, he amassed further treasures, which he disposed of similarly. It is stated that he did so repeatedly. On this account we call this ninth brother of theirs, as he personally devoted himself to the hoarding of treasure, "Dhana-nando."

The appellation of "Moriyan sovereigns” is derived from the auspicious circumstances under which their capital, which obtained the name of Moriya, was called into existence.

While Buddho yet lived, driven by the misfortunes produced by the war of (prince) Widhudhabo, certain members of the Sakya line retreating to Himawanto, discovered a delightful and beautiful location, well watered, and situated in the midst of a forest of lofty bo and other trees. Influenced by the desire of settling there, they founded a town at a place where several great roads met, surrounded by durable ramparts, having gates of defence therein, and embellished with delightful edifices and pleasure gardens. Moreover that (city) having a row of buildings covered with tiles, which were arranged in the pattern of the plumage of a peacock's neck, and as it resounded with the notes of flocks of "konchos” and "mayuros" (pea fowls) it was so called. From this circumstance these Sakya lords of this town, and their children and descendants, were renowned throughout Jambudipo by the title of "Moriya." From this time that dynasty has been called the Moriyan dynasty.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

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Part 6 of __

After a few isolated remarks, the Tika thus proceeds in its account of Chanakko and Chandagutto.

It is proper that, in this place, a sketch of these two characters should be given. Of these, if I am asked in the first place, Where did this Chanakko dwell? Whose son was he? I answer, He lived at the city of Takkasila. He was the son of a certain brahman at that place, and a man who had achieved the knowledge of the three wedos; could rehearse the inantos; skilful in stratagem; and dexterous in intrigue as well as policy. At the period of his father's death he was already well known as the dutiful maintainer of his mother, and as a highly gifted individual worthy of swaying the chhatta.

On a certain occasion approaching his mother, who was weeping, he inquired: "My dear mother! why dost thou weep?" On being answered by her: "My child, thou art gifted to sway a chhatta. Do not, my boy, endeavour, by raising the chhatta, to become a sovereign. Princes every where are unstable in their attachments. Thou, also, my child, wilt forget the affection thou owest me. In that case, I should be reduced to the deepest distress. I weep under these apprehensions." He exclaimed: "My mother, what is that gift that I possess? On what part of my person is it indicated?" and on her replying, "My dear, on thy teeth," smashing his own teeth, and becoming "Kandhadatto" (a tooth-broken-man) he devoted himself to the protection of his mother. Thus it was that he became celebrated as the filial protector of his mother. He was not only a tooth-broken-man, but he was disfigured by a disgusting complexion, and by deformity of legs and other members, prejudicial to manly comeliness.* [Hence his name "Kautilya" in the Hindu authorities.]

In his quest of disputation, repairing to Pupphapura, the capital of the monarch Dhana-nando, -- who, abandoning his passion for hoarding, becoming imbued with the desire of giving alms, relinquishing also his miserly habits, and delighting in hearing the fruits that resulted from benevolence, had built a hall of alm-offerings in the midst of his palace, and was making an offering to the chief of the brahmans worth a hundred kotis, and to the most junior brahman an offering worth a lac, -- this brahman (Chanakko) entered the said apartment, and taking possession of the seat of the chief brahman, sat himself down in that alms-hall.

At that instant Dhana-nando himself, -- decked in regal attire, and attended by many thousands of "siwaka" (state palanquins) glittering with their various ornaments, and escorted by a suite of a hundred royal personages, with their martial array of the four hosts, of cavalry, elephants, chariots, and infantry, and accompanied by dancing girls, lovely as the attendants on the dewos; himself a personification of majesty, and bearing the white parasol of dominion, having a golden staff and golden tassels,—with this superb retinue, repairing thither, and entering the hall of alms-offerings, beheld the brahman Chanakko seated. On seeing him, this thought occurred to him (Nando): "Surely it cannot be proper that he should assume the seat of the chief brahman.” Becoming displeased with him, he thus evinced his displeasure. He inquired: "Who art thou, that thou hast taken the seat of the chief brahman?" and being answered (simply), "It is I;" "Cast from hence this cripple brahman; allow him not to be seated,” exclaimed (Nando) and although the courtiers again and again implored of him, saying, "Dewo! let it not be so done by a person prepared to make offerings as thou art; extend thy forgiveness to this brahman;" he insisted upon his ejection. On the courtiers approaching (Chanakko) and saying, "Achariyo! we come, by the command of the raja, to remove thee from hence; but incapable of uttering the words 'Achariyo depart hence,' we now stand before thee abashed;" enraged against him (Nando), rising from his seat to depart, he snapt asunder his brahmanical cord, and dashed down his jug on the threshold; and thus invoking malediction, "Kings are impious: may this whole earth, bounded by the four oceans, withhold its gifts from Nando;" he departed. On his sallying out, the officers reported this proceeding to the raja. The king, furious with indignation, roared, "Catch, catch the slave." The fugitive stripping himself naked, and assuming the character of an ajiwako, and running into the centre of the palace, concealed himself in an unfrequented place, at the Sankharathanan. The pursuers not having discovered him, returned and reported that he was not to be found.

In the night he repaired to a more frequented part of the palace, and meeting some of the suite of the royal prince Pabbato,* [Parawatte of the Hindus.] admitted them into his confidence. By their assistance, he had an interview with the prince. Gaining him over by holding out hopes of securing the sovereignty for him, and attaching him by that expedient, he began to search the means of getting out of the palace. Discovering that in a certain place there was a ladder leading to a secret passage, he consulted with the prince, and sent a message to his (the princes) mother for the key of the passage, Opening the door with the utmost secrecy, and escaping with the prince out of that passage, they fled to the wilderness of Winjjha.

While dwelling there, with the view of raising resources, he converted (by recoining) each kahapanan into eight, and amassed eighty kotis of kahapana. Having buried this treasure, he commenced to search for a second individual entitled (by birth) to be raised to sovereign power, and met with the aforesaid prince of the Moriyan dynasty called Chandagutto.

His mother, the queen consort of the monarch of Moriya-nagara, the city before mentioned, was pregnant at the time that a certain powerful provincial raja conquered that kingdom, and put the Moriyan king to death. In her anxiety to preserve the child in her womb, departing for the capital of Pupphapura, under the protection of her elder brothers and under disguise, she dwelt there. At the completion of the ordinary term of pregnancy, giving birth to a son, and relinquishing him to the protection of the dewos, she placed him in a vase, and deposited him at the door of a cattle pen. A bull named Chando† [From a round white mark on his forehead, like a moon.] stationed himself by him, to protect him; in the same manner that prince Ghoso, by the interposition of the dewata, was watched over by a bull. In the same manner, also, that the herdsman in the instance of that prince Ghoso repaired to the spot where that bull planted himself, a herdsman, on observing this prince, moved by affection, like that borne to his own child, took charge of and tenderly reared him; and in giving him a name, in reference to his having been watched by the bull Chando, he called him "Chandagutto;" and brought him up. When he had attained an age to be able to tend cattle, a certain wild huntsman, a friend of the herdsman, becoming acquainted with, and attached to him, taking him from (the herdsman) to his own dwelling, established him here. He continued to dwell in that village.

Subsequently, on a certain occasion, while tending cattle with other children in the village, he joined them in a game, called "the game of royalty." He himself was named raja; to others he gave the offices of sub-king, &c. Some being appointed judges, were placed in a judgment hall; some he made officers of the king's household; and others, outlaws or robbers. Having thus constituted a court of Justice, he sat in judgment. On culprits being brought up, regularly impeaching and trying them, on their guilt being clearly proved to his satisfaction, according to the sentence awarded by his judicial ministers, he ordered the officers of the court to chop off their hands and feet. On their replying, "Dewo! we have no axes;" he answered: "It is the order of Chandagutto that ye should chop off their hands and feet, making axes with the horns of goats for blades, and sticks for handles." They acting accordingly, on striking with the axe, the hands and feet were lopt off. On the same person commanding, "Let them be re-united," the hands and feet were restored to their former condition.

Chanakko happening to come to that spot, was amazed at the proceeding he beheld. Accompanying (the boy) to the village, and presenting the huntsman with a thousand kahapana, he applied for him; saying, "I will teach your son every accomplishment; consign him to me." Accordingly conducting him to his own dwelling, he encircled his neck with a single fold of a woollen cord, twisted with gold thread, worth a lac.

The discovery of this person is thus stated (in the former works): "He discovered this prince descended from the Moriyan line."

He (Chanakko) invested prince Pabbato, also, with a similar woollen cord. While these youths were living with him, each had a dream which they separately imparted to him. As soon as he heard each (dream), he knew that of these prince Pabbato would not attain royalty; and that Chandagutto would, without loss of time, become paramount monarch in Jambudípo. Although he made this discovery, he disclosed nothing to them.

On a certain occasion having partaken of some milk-rice prepared in butter, which had been received as an offering at a brahmanical disputation; retiring from the main road, and lying down in a shady place protected by the deep foliage of trees, they fell asleep. Among them the Achariyo awaking first, rose; and, for the purpose of putting prince Pabbato's qualifications to the test, giving him a sword, and telling him: "Bring me the woollen thread on Chandagutto's neck, without either cutting or untying it," sent him off. Starting on the mission, and failing to accomplish it, he returned. On a subsequent day, he sent Chandagutto on a similar mission. He repairing to the spot where Pabbato was sleeping, and considering how it was to be effected, decided: "There is no other way of doing it; it can only be got possession of, by cutting his head off." Accordingly chopping his head off, and bringing away the woollen thread, presented himself to the brahman, who received him in profound silence. Pleased with him, however, on account of this (exploit), he rendered him in the course of six or seven years highly accomplished, and profoundly learned.

Thereafter, on his attaining manhood, deciding: "From henceforth this individual is capable of forming and controlling an army;" and repairing to the spot where his treasure was buried, and taking possession of, and employing it; and enlisting forces from all quarters, and distributing money among them, and having thus formed a powerful army, he entrusted it to him. From that time throwing off all disguise, and invading the inhabited parts of the country, he commenced his campaign by attacking towns and villages. In the course of their (Chanakko and Chandagutto's) warfare, the population rose en masse, and surrounding them, and hewing their army with their weapons, vanquished them. Dispersing, they re-united in the wilderness; and consulting together, they thus decided: "As yet no advantage has resulted from war; relinquishing military operations, let us acquire a knowledge of the sentiments of the people." Thenceforth, in disguise, they travelled about the country. While thus roaming about, after sunset retiring to some town or other, they were in the habit of attending to the conversation of the inhabitants of those places.

In one of these villages, a woman having baked some "appalapuwa" (pancakes) was giving them to her child, who leaving the edges would only eat the centre. On his asking for another cake, she remarked: "This boy's conduct is like Chandagutto's in his attempt to take possession of the kingdom." On his inquiring, "Mother, why, what am I doing; and what has Chandagutto done?" Thou, my boy, (said she,) throwing away the outside of the cake, eat the middle only. Chandagutto also in his ambition to be a monarch, without subduing the frontiers, before he attacked the towns, invaded the heart of the country, and laid towns waste. On that account, both the inhabitants of the town and others, rising, closed in upon him, from the frontiers to the centre, and destroyed his army. That was his folly."

They, on hearing this story of hers, taking due notice thereof, from that time, again raised an army. On resuming their attack on the provinces and towns, commencing from the frontiers, reducing towns, and stationing troops in the intervals, they proceeded in their invasion. After a respite, adopting the same system, and marshalling a great army, and in regular course reducing each kingdom and province, then assailing Patiliputta and putting Dhana-nando to death, they seized that sovereignty.

Although this had been brought about, Chanakko did not at once raise Chandagutto to the throne; but for the purpose of discovering Dhana-nando's hidden treasure, sent for a certain fisherman (of the river): and deluding him with the promise of raising the chhatta for him, and having secured the hidden treasure; within a month from that date, putting him also to death, inaugurated Chandagutto monarch.

Hence the expression (in the Mahawanso) "a descendant of the dynasty of Moriyan sovereigns;” as well as the expression "installed in the sovereignty.” All the particulars connected with Chandagutto, both before his installation and after, are recorded in the Atthakatha of the Uttarawiharo priests. Let that (work) be referred to, by those who are desirous of more detailed information. We compile this work in an abridged form, without prejudice however to its perspicuity.

His (Chandagutto's) son was Bindusaro. After his father had assumed the administration, (the said father) sent for a former acquaintance of his, a Jatilian, named Maniyatappo, and conferred a commission on him." My friend, (said he) do thou restore order into the country; suppressing the lawless proceedings that prevail.” He replying "sadhu," and accepting the commission, by his judicious measures, reduced the country to order.

Chanakko, determined that to Chandagutto -- a monarch, who by the instrumentality of him (the aforesaid Maniyatappo) had conferred the blessings of peace on the country, by extirpating marauders who were like unto thorns (in a cultivated land)—no calamity should befall from poison, decided on inuring his body to the effects of poison. Without imparting the secret to any one, commencing with the smallest particle possible, and gradually increasing the dose, by mixing poison in his food and beverage, he (at last) fed him on poison; at the same time taking steps to prevent any other person participating in his poisoned repasts.

At a subsequent period his queen consort was pronounced to be pregnant. Who was she? Whose daughter was she? "She was the daughter of the eldest of the maternal uncles who accompanied the raja's mother to Pupphapura." Chandagutto wedding this daughter of his maternal uncle, raised her to the dignity of queen consort.

About this time, Chanakko on a certain day having prepared the monarch's repast sent it to him, himself accidentally remaining behind for a moment. On recollecting himself, in an agony of distress, he exclaimed, "I must hasten thither, short as the interval is, before he begins his meal;” and precipitately rushed into the king's apartment, at the instant that the queen, who was within seven days of her confinement, was in the act, in the raja's presence, of placing the first handful of the repast in her mouth. On beholding this, and finding that there was not even time to ejaculate, "Don't swallow it," with his sword he struck her head off; and then ripping open her womb, extricated the child with its caul, and placed it in the stomach of a goat. In this manner, by placing it for seven days in the stomach of seven different goats, having completed the full term of gestation, he delivered the infant over to the female slaves. Causing him to be reared by them, on conferring a name on him — in reference to a spot (Bindu) which the blood of the goats had left -- he was called Bindusaro.


Then follows another long note, which represents that the monarch whose corpse was reanimated after his death, was not Nando's, as stated in the hindu authorities, but Chandagutto's, by a yakkho named Dewagabbho. The imposture was detected by Chandagutto's prohitto brahman: and Bindusaro with his own hands put him to death, and buried his parent with great pomp.

The next extract I shall make from the Tika, contains the personal history of Nigrodho, as well as of Asoko, who was converted by the former to the buddhistical creed.

This Nigrodho, where did he dwell? Whose son was he? To answer the inquiry of the sceptical, (the Mahawanso has stated): "This royal youth was the son of prince Sumano, the eldest of all the sons of Bindusaro.” From the circumstance of their having been intimate in a former existence (as dealers in honey), and as he was the son of his elder brother, he was moved with affection towards him, the instant he saw him. Although they did not recognise each other, the impulse was mutual.

When his parent was on the point of death, Asoko quitted the kingdom of Ujjeni, which had been conferred on him by his father, and hastening to Pupphapura, established at once his authority over the capital. As soon as his sire expired, putting to death his brother Sumano, the father of Nigrodho, in the capital, he there usurped the sovereignty without meeting with any opposition. He came from Ujjeni, on receiving a letter of recall from his father, who was bed-ridden. In his (Bindusaro's) apprehension, arising from a rumour which had prevailed that he (Asoko) would murder his own father, and being therefore desirous of employing him at a distance from him, he had (previously) established him in Ujjeni, conferring the government of that kingdom on him.

While he was residing happily there, having had a family consisting of Mahindo and other sons and daughters, on the receipt of a leaf (letter) sent by the minister, stating that his father was on his death bed, without stopping any where, he hastened to Patiliputta, and rushing straight to the royal apartment, presented himself to his parent. On his (father's)death, having performed the funeral obsequies, he consulted with the officers of state, and asserting his authority over the capital, assumed the monarchy.


The rest of the fifth chapter, containing the account of Asoko's conversion -- the history of Moggaliputtatisso, by whom the third convocation was held, as well as of that convocation, is full of interesting matter, detailed with peculiar distinctness, on which the comments of the Tika throw no additional light.

At this stage of his work, being at the close of the third convocation, Mahanamo abruptly interrupts his history of India, and without assigning any reason in the sixth chapter for that interruption, resumes the history of Lanka, in continuation of the visits of Budho, given in the first chapter, commencing with the landing of Wijayo. His object in adopting this course is sufficiently manifest to his readers, when they come to the twelfth chapter. In the Tika, however, he thus explains himself for following this course, at the opening of the sixth chapter.

As soon as the third convocation was closed, Maha Mahindo, who was selected for, and sent on, that mission, by his preceptor Moggaliputto, who was bent on establishing the religion of Buddho in the different countries (of Jambudípo) came to this island, which had been sanctified, and rescued from evil influences, by the three visits paid, in aforetime, by the supreme Buddho; and which had been rendered habitable from the very day on which Bhagawa attained parinibbanan.

Accordingly, at the expiration of two hundred and thirty six years from that event, and in the reign of Dewananpiyatisso, (Mahindo) arrived. Therefore (the Mahawanso) arresting the narrative of the history (of Jambudípo) here, where it was requisite that it should be shown how the inhabitants of this island were established here; with that view, and with the intent of explaining the arrival of Wijayo, it enters (at this point), in detail, into the lineage of the said Wijayo, by commencing (the sixth chapter) with the words: "In the land of Wangu, in the capital of Wangu, & c."


The Tika adds nothing to the information contained in the Mahawanso, as to the fabulous origin of the Síhala dynasty. There are two notes on the first verse, on the words "Wangesu" and "pure," which should have informed us fully as to the geographical position of the country, and the age in which the Wangu princes lived. They are however unsatisfactorily laconic, and comprised in the following meagre sentences.

There were certain princes named Wangu. The country in which they dwelt becoming powerful, it was called "Wangu," from their appellation.

The word "pure" "formerly," signifies anterior to Bhagawa becoming Buddho."


All that can be safely advanced in regard to the contents of the sixth chapter is that Wijayo was descended, through the male branch, from the rajas of Wangu (Bengal proper), and, through the female line, from the royal family of Kalinga (Northern Circars); that his grand mother, the issue of the alliance above mentioned, connected herself or rather eloped with, some obscure individual named Siho (which word signifies "a lion"); that their son Sihabahu put his own father to death, and, established himself in Lala, a subdivision of Magadha, the capital of which was Sihapura, probably the modern Synghaya on the Gunduck river; (in the vicinity of which the remains of buddhistical edifices are still to be found;) and that his son Wijayo, with his seven hundred followers, landed in Lanka, outlawed in their native land, from which they came to this island. I shall hereafter notice the probability of the date of his landing having been antidated by a considerable term, for the purpose of supporting a pretended revelation or command of Buddho, with which the seventh chapter opens.

It became a point of interesting inquiry to ascertain, whether the buddhists of Ceylon had ventured to interpolate this injunction, as well as the five resolves silently willed by Gotamo," mentioned in the seventeenth chapter, into the Pitakattaya, for the purpose of deluding the inhabitants of this island; as that imposition might, perhaps, have been detected by comparing those passages with the Pitahattaya of the Burmese empire, and the Sanscrit edition presented to the Bengal Asiatic Society, by Mr. Hodgson. On referring, accordingly, to the Parinibbanasuttan in the Dighanikayo, no trace whatever was to be found there of these passages. But the "five resolves” alone are contained in the Atthakatha to that Suttan; but even there the command to Sakko, predictive of Wijayo's landing in Ceylon, is not noticed.

I took the opportunity of an official interview with the two high priests of the Malwatte and Asgiri establishments and their fraternity, to discuss this, apparently fatal, discrepancy, with them. They did not appear to be aware that the "five resolves” were only contained in the Atthakatha; nor did they attach any kind of importance to their absence from the text. They observed, that the Pitakattaya only embodied the essential portions of the discourses, revelations, and prophecies of Buddho. That his disciples for some centuries after his nibbanan, were endowed with inspiration; and that their supplements to the Pitakattaya were as sacred in their estimation as the text itself. On a slight hint being thrown out, whether this particular supplement might not have been "a pious fraud” on the part of Mahindo, with the view of accelerating the conversion of the ancient inhabitants of Ceylon; the priests adroitly replied, if that had been his object, he would have accomplished it more effectually by altering the Pitakattaya itself. Nothing can exceed the good taste, the unreserved communicativeness, and even the tact, evinced by the heads of the buddhistical church in Ceylon, in their intercourse with Europeans, as long as they are treated with the courtesy, that is due to them.

The fabulous tone of the narrative in which the account of Wijayo's landing in Lanka is conveyed in the seventh chapter, bears, even in its details, so close a resemblance to the landing of Ulysses at the island of Circe, that it would have been difficult to defend Mahanamo from the imputation of plagiarism, had he lived in a country in which the works of Homer could, by possibility, be accessible to him. The seizure and imprisonment of Ulysses' men, and his own rencontre with Circe, are almost identical with the fate of Wijayo and his men, on their landing in Lanka, within the dominions of Kuweni.

"We went, Ulysses! (such was thy command!)
Through the lone thicket and the desert land.
A palace in a woody vale we found,
Brown with dark forests, and with shades around.
A voice celestial echoed from the dome,
Or nymph or goddess, chanting to the loom.
Access we sought, nor was access denyd:
Radiant she came; the portals open'd wide:
The goddess mild invites the guest to stay:
They blindly follow where she leads the way.
I only wait behind of all the train:
I waited long, and ey'd the doors in vain:
The rest are vanish'd none repass'd the gate;
And not a man appears to tell their fate."

"Then sudden whirling, like a waving flame,
My beamy falchion, I assault the dame.
Struck with unusual fear, she trembling cries;
She faints, she falls; she lifts her weeping eyes.
What art thou? say! from whence, from whom you came?
O more than human! tell thy race, thy name.
Amazing strength, these poisons to sustain!
Not mortal thou, nor mortal is thy brain.

Or art thou he? the man to come (foretold
By Hermes powerful with the wand of gold),
The man from Troy, who wandered ocean round;
The man for wisdom's various arts renown'd,
Ulysses? Oh! thy threatening fury cease,
Sheath thy bright sword, and join our hands in peace
Let mutual joys our mutual trust combine,
And love, and love-born confidence, be thine.
And how, dread Circe! (furious I rejoin)
Can love, and love-born confidence be mine!
Beneath thy charms when my companions groan,
Transform'd to beasts, with accents not their own?
O thou of fraudful heart, shall I be led
To share thy feast-rites, or ascend thy bed;
That, all unarm'd, that vengeance may have vent,
And magic bind me, cold and impotent?
Celestial as thou art, yet stand denied;
Or swear that oath by which the gods are tied.
Swear, in thy soul no latent frauds remain,
Swear by the vow which never can be vain.
The goddess swore: then seiz'd my hand, and led
To the sweet transports of the genial bed."


It would appear that the prevailing religion in Lanka, at that period, was the demon or yakkha worship. Buddhists have thence thought proper to represent that the inhabitants were yakkhos or demons themselves, and possessed of supernatural powers. Divested of the false colouring which is imparted to the whole of the early portion of the history of Lanka in the Mahawanso, by this fiction, the facts embodied in the narrative are perfectly consistent, and sustained by external evidence, as well as by surviving remnants of antiquity. No train of events can possibly bear a greater semblance of probability than that Wijayo, at his landing, should have connected himself with the daughter of some provincial chieftain or prince; by whose means he succeeded in overcoming the ruling powers of the island; -- and that he should have repudiated her, and allied himself with the sovereigns of Southern India, after his power was fully established in the island.

Scientific naturalism is a view according to which all objects and events are part of nature, i.e. they belong to the world of space and time. Therefore everything, including the mental realm of human beings, is subject to scientific enquiry.

-- Naturalistic theories, by https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/han ... 8/041.html


The narrative is too full and distinct in all requisite details, in the ensuing three chapters, to make any further remarks necessary from me.

The eleventh chapter possesses more extended interest, from the account it contains of the embassy sent to Asoko by Dewananpiyatisso, and of the one deputed to Lanka in return.

The twelfth chapter contains the account of the dispersion of the buddhist missionaries, at the close of the third convocation, in B.C. 307, to foreign countries, for the purpose of propagating their faith. I had intended in this place to enter into a comparison of the data contained in professor Wilson's sketch of the Raja Taringini, with the details furnished in this chapter of the Mahawanso, connected with the introduction of buddhism in Cashmir. The great length, however, of the preceding extracts from the Tika, which has already swelled this introduction beyond the dimensions originally designed, deters me from undertaking the task in the present sketch. I shall, therefore, now only refer to the accordance between the two authorities (though of conflicting faiths) as to the facts of that conversion having taken place in the reign of Asoko; of the previous prevalence of the naga worship; and of the visitation by tempests, which each sect attributed to the impiety of the opposite party; as evidences of both authorities concurring to prove the historical event here recorded, that this mission did take place during the reign of that supreme ruler of India.

As to the deputations to the Mahísamandala, Wanawasa, and Aparantaka countries, I believe it has not been ascertained whether any of their ancient literature is still extant; nor, indeed, as far as I am aware, have their geographical limits even been clearly defined. Although we are equally without the guidance of literary records in regard to the ancient history of Maharatta, also, the persevering progress of oriental research has of late furnished some decisive evidence, tending to prove that the sitpendous works of antiquity on the western side of India, which had heretofore been considered of hindu origin, are connected with the buddhistical creed. The period is not remote, I hope, when the successful decyphering of the more ancient inscriptions will elicit inscribed evidence, calculated to afford explicit explanation of the pictorial or sculptural proofs on which the present conclusions are chiefly based. In regard to the geographical identification of the Yona country, I am of opinion we shall have to abandon past speculations, founded on the similarity of the names of "Yona” and "Yavana”; and the consequent inferences that the Yavanas were the Greeks of Bactriana; -- as Yona is stated to be mentioned long anterior to Alexander's invasion, in the ancient Pali works. The term in that case can have no connection with the Greeks.

If in the "regions of Himawanto” are to be included Tibet and Nepal, the collection of Sanscrit and Tibetan buddhistical works, made by Mr. Hodgson -- -cursorily as they have hitherto been analyzed,—has already furnished corroborative evidence of the deputation above-mentioned to Cashmir, and of the three convocations. When the contents of those works have been more carefully examined, that corroboration will probably be found to be still more specific and extensive.

As to the deputation into Sowanabhumi; the Pitakattaya of the Burmese are, minutely and literally, identical with the buddhist scriptures of Ceylon. The translations which appeared in the Bengal Asiatic Journal for May, 1834, of the inscriptions found at Buddhaghya and Ramree island, are valuable collateral evidence, both confirmatory of the authenticity of the Pitakattaya, and explanatory of the deputation to Sowanabhumi; the latter agreeing even in respect to the names of the theros employed in the mission, with the Mahawanso.

In entering upon the thirteenth chapter, a note is given in the Tika, which I extract in this place, as containing further particulars of the personal history of Asoko; and I would take this opportunity of correcting a mistranslation, by altering the passage "she gave birth to the noble (twin) sons Ujjenio and Mahindo,” into "she gave birth to the noble Ujjenian prince Mahindo.” The other children born to Asoko at Ujjeni, alluded to in a former note, were probably the offspring of different mothers.

Prior to this period, prince Bindusaro, the son of Chandagutto of the Moriyan dynasty, on the demise of his father, had succeeded to the monarchy, at Patiliputta. He had two sons who were brothers. Of them (the sons) there were, also, ninety other brothers, the issue of different mothers. This monarch conferred on Asoko, who was the eldest* [This is at variance with a preceding note, which made Sumano the eldest of all Bindusaro's sons.] of all of them, the dignity of sub-king, and the government of Awanti. Subsequently, on a certain occasion, when he came to pay his respects to him (the monarch), addressing him, "Sub-king, my child! repairing to thy government, reside at Ujjeni," ordered him thither. He, who was on his way to Ujjeni, pursuant to his father's command, rested in his journey at the city of Chetiyagiri, at the house of one Dewo, a settho. Having met there the lovely and youthful daughter of the said settho, named Chetiya dewi and becoming enamoured of her; soliciting the consent of her parents, and obtaining her from them, he lived with her. By that connection she became pregnant; and being conveyed from thence to Ujjeni, she gave birth to the prince Mahindo. At the termination of two years from that date, giving birth to her daughter Sanghamitta, she continued to dwell there. Bindusaro, the father of the sub-king, on his death bed, calling his son Asoko to his recollection sent messengers to require his attendance. They accordingly repaired to Uijini, and delivered their message to Asoko. Pursuant to those instructions, he hastened to his father by rapid stages, leaving his son and daughter, in his way, at Chetiyagiri; and hurrying to his father at Patiliputta, performed the funeral obsequies of his parent, who died immediately on his arrival. Then putting to death the ninety nine brothers of different mothers, and extirpating all disaffected persons and raising the chhatta, he there solemnized his inauguration. The mother of the thero (Mahindo), sending her children to the king's court, continued to reside herself at the city of Chetiyagiri. It is from this circumstance (that the author of the Mahawanso has said), "While prince Asoko was ruling over the Awanti country."


The Tika affords no new matter, as far as regards the interesting narrative contained in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth chapters. The twentieth chapter contains a chronological summary of the reign of Dhammasoko, at the opening of which the Tika gives the following note, affording another proof of the minute attention paid by the author to prevent any misapprehension in regard to the chronology of his history.

After describing the arrival of the bo-tree, and preparatory to entering upon the chapter on the subject of the theros obtaining "parinibbinan,” the account of the death of the two monarchs, Dhammasoko and Dewananpiyatisso, is set forth (in the Mahiwanso in these words): "In the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammasoko, the bo-tree was placed in the Mahameghawanna pleasure garden."

(In the Mahawanso it is stated), "these years collectively amount to thirty seven." By that work it might appear that the total (term of his reign) amounted to forty one years. That reckoning would be erroneous; the last year of each period being again counted as the first of the next period. By avoiding that double appropriation, the period becomes thirty seven years. In the Atthakatha, avoiding this absurd (literally laughable) mistake, the period is correctly stated. It is there specified to be thirty seven years."


I have now rapidly gone through the first twenty chapters of the Mahawanso, making also extracts from the most interesting portions of the Tika which comment on them. These chapters have been printed also in the form of a pamphlet to serve as a prospectus to this volume of the Mahawanso. That pamphlet has been already distributed among Literary Societies and Oriental scholars, whose criticism I invited, not on the translation (for the disadvantages or advantages under which this translation has been attempted will be undisguisedly stated) but on the work itself.

The chronological data of the Indian history herein contained, may be thus tabularized.

Name / Accession of each king / Reign
-- / B.C. / B.B. / Years


Bimbisaro / 603 / 60 / 52
Ajatasattu / 551 / 8 / 32 (Gotamo died in the eighth year of this king's reign, which event constitutes the buddhistical epoch.)
Udayibhaddako / 519 / 24 / 16
Anuraddhako / 503 / 40 / 8 (Collectively)
Mundho / 503 / 40 / 8 (Collectively)
Nagadasako / 495 / 48 / 24
Susunago / 471 / 72 / 18
Kalasoko / 453 / 90 / 28
Nandos / 425 / 118 / 22 (Collectively)
Nandos / 403 140 / 22 (Individually)
Chandagutto / 381 / 162 / 34
Bindusaro / 347 / 196 / 28
Asoko / 319 / 224 (An anachronism of 6 years the specified date being A.B. 218) / 37


If Chandagupta and Seleucus Nicator be considered contemporaries, and the reign of the latter be taken to have commenced in B.C. 323 (the year in which Alexander died) a discrepancy is found to exist of about 60 years, between the date of the western authorities, and that given in the Mahawanso. The buddhist era, from which these dates are reckoned, appears to be too authentically fixed to admit of its being varied from B.C. 543 to about B.C. 480, for the adjustment of this difference. On the other hand, as during the 218 years comprised in the reigns of the above mentioned rajas, there are two correcting epochs given, -- one at the 100th and the other at the 218th year, —while the accession of Chandagupta is represented to have taken place in the 162nd year of Buddho; it is equally inadmissible, to make so extensive a correction as 60 years within two such closely approximated dates, by any attempt at varying the terms of the reigns of the kings who ruled in that interval. The attention paid by the author to ensure chronological accuracy (as noticed on various occasions in the foregoing remarks) is moreover so scrupulously exact, that it appears to me that the discrepancy can only proceed from one of these two sources; viz., either it is an intentional perversion adopted to answer some national or religious object, which is not readily discoverable; or, Chandagupta is not identical with Sandracottus.[!!!]

As to the detection of any intentional perversion; I have only the means at present of consulting the Burmese Pali annals, which version of the Pitakattaya is entirely in accordance with the Ceylonese authorities. Even in the Buddhaghya inscription, the accession of Asoko is stated to have been in A.B. 218. I have not met with any integral analysis of the Nepal Sanscrit annals. Professor Wilson however has furnished an abstract of the Tibetan version, made from an analysis prepared by Mr. Csoma de Korosi, which is published in the January and September numbers of the Journals of 1832. [The former contains the following observations in reference to this particular point.

"On the death of Sakya, Kasyapa, the head of the Bauddhas, directs 500 superior monks to make a compilation of the doctrines of their master. The "Do" is also compiled by Ananda; the "Dul-va" by Upali; and the "Ma-moon," Abhidharma, or Prajna-paramita, by himself. He presides over the sect at Rajagriha till his death.

Ananda succeeds as hierarch. On his death his relics are divided between the Lichchivis and the king of Magadha; and two chaityas are built for their reception, one at Allahabad, the other at Pataliputra.

One hundred years after the disappearance of Sakya, his religion is carried into Kashmir.

One hundred and ten years after the same event, in the reign of Asoka, king of Pataliputra, a new compilation of the laws of Sakya was prepared by 700 monks, at Yanga-pa-chen-Allahabad.


The twelfth and thirteenth volumes contain supplementary rules and instructions, as communicated by Sakya to Upali, his disciples, in answer to the inquiries of the latter.

We shall be better prepared, upon the completion of the catalogue of the whole of the Kahgyar, to offer any remarks upon the doctrines it inculcates, or the historical facts it may be supposed to preserve. It is, therefore, rather premature to make any observations upon the present analysis, confined as that is to but one division of the work, and unaccompanied by extracts, or translations; but we may perhaps be permitted to inquire what new light it imparts, as far as it extends, to the date and birthplace of Sakya.

Any thing like chronology is, if possible, more unknown in Bauddha than Brahmanical writings; and it is in vain therefore to expect any satisfactory specification of the date at which the Buddha Sakya flourished. We find however that 110 years after his death, Asoka, king of Pataliputra, reigned: now in the Vishnu Purana, and one or two other Puranas, the second king of Magadha from Chandragupta, or Sandracoptos, bears the title of Asoka, or Asokaverdhana. If this be the prince intended, Sakya lived about 430 years before the christian era, which is about one century posterior to the date usually assigned for his appearance. It is not very different, however, from that stated by the Siamese to Mr. Crawfurd. By their account, his death took place in the first year of the sacred era, being the year of the little snake; on Tuesday, being the full moon of the sixth month. The year 1822, was the year 2364 of the era in question; and as Buddha is stated by them to have died when 80 years of age, his birth by this account took place 462 years before the christian era."


If the inference here drawn could be sustained, the discrepancy above noticed, between the chronology of the western and the buddhistical authorities would be more than corrected; making the era of Gotamo fall between 430 and 462 years before the christian epoch. I have reason to believe, however, that this conclusion is deduced from a misconception (and a very natural one) on the part of Mr. Csoma de Korosi, in forming his analysis from the Tibetan versions. In the buddhistical works extant in Ceylon, whenever a consecutive series of events is specified in chronological order, the period intervening between any two of those events is invariably reckoned from the date of the event immediately preceding, and not from the date of the first event of the series. On re-examination of the text of the Sanscrit versions at least — this gentleman will probably find that the three events here alluded to are the three convocations, which are described in the Mahawanso: the first as being held in the year of Gotamo's death; the second, one hundred years afterwards; and the third, one hundred and thirty four years after the second, in the seventeenth year of the reign of Asoko; making the date of Asoko's accession to be the 218th, instead of the 110th year of Buddho, falling within that monarch's rule.

In the absence of other data the learned professor reverts, allowably enough, in this inquiry, to the only established epoch of hindu history, the age of Chandagupta; and thence infers that “Sakya lived about 430 years before the Christian era;" in support however of his inference he quotes a most palpable mistake contained in Crawfurd's Siam. It is there correctly enough stated that "the year 1822 was 2364 of the era in question.” The revolution of the buddhist year takes place in May: the first year of that era therefore comprised the last eight months of B.C. 543, and the first four of B.C. 542. Mr. Crawfurd then proceeds to say, "and as Buddho is stated to have died when 80 years of age, his birth by this account took place 462 years before the Christian era." This gentleman forgets that he has to deal with a calculation of recession, and proceeds to deduct from, instead of adding 80 years to, 542: thereby making it appear that Gotamo was born 80 years after the date assigned for his death; or B.C. 462 instead of 622.


Here, again, as Mr. Colebrooke in his essay, professor Wilson has inadvertently lent the authority of his high reputation as an oriental scholar, in passing a sentence of unmerited condemnation on "Bauddha writings." He says, "any thing like real chronology is, if possible, more unknown in the Bauddha than the brahmanical writings; and it is in vain, therefore, to expect any satisfactory specification of the date at which the Buddha Sakya flourished.” Even if a discrepancy, to the extent he notices, of about one hundred years, had really existed, among the various versions of the buddhist annals scattered over the widely separated regions in which buddhism has prevailed; instead of that anachronism being founded on an error so self-evident that it ought not to have escaped detection; still I would ask, wherein does this chronological inferiority of the buddhistical, as compared with the brahmanical annals, consist? Are we not indebted to his own valuable researches for evidence of the Puranas being comparatively modern compilations? And does not the anachronism at the period of the reign of Chandragupta, in them, amount to nearly 1200 years? And have we not his own authority for saying, that, "the only Sanscrit composition yet discovered, to which the title of history can with any propriety be applied, is the Raja Taringini, a history of Cashmir?" And does he not himself, exhibit in that work an anachronism of upwards of 700 years in the age of Gonerda III.; which is nearly two centuries posterior to the age of Sakya Buddho?

As to the second point, -- the identity of Chandragupta with Sandracottus, -- it will be observed, that the author of the Mahawanso, in his history, gives very little more than the names of the Indian monarchs, and the term of their reigns; which are, moreover, adduced solely for the purpose of fixing the dates of the three convocations, till he comes to the accession of the great patron of buddhism, Asoko.
I have, therefore, extracted every passage in his Tika, which throws any light on this interesting historical point. I have taken the liberty, also, of reprinting, in the appendix, professor Wilson's notes on the Mudra Rakshasa; both because many of the authorities he quotes are not accessible to me, and as it is desirable that this identity in the buddhistical annals should be tested by the same evidence by which the question is tried in the brahmanical annals. The points both of accordance and discordance, between the buddhistical data, and, on the one hand, the brahmanical, and, on the other, the European classical, data, are numerous. I could not enter into an illustrative examination of these particulars, without going into details, inadmissible in this place. Those who are interested in the inquiry, will be left to form their own comparisons, and draw their own conclusions in this respect. I shall only venture to observe, that, at present, I incline to the opinion that this discrepancy of nearly 60 years proceeds from some intentional perversion of the buddhistical chronology.

I here close my remarks on the Mahawanso, as regards the historical information it contains of India. When we find that all these valuable data, regarding India, are met with in an epitomised introduction, or episode, to a buddhistical history of Ceylon; and that the termination of this historical narrative of India occurs at this particular point, not from any causes which should render that narrative defective here, but because the Ceylonese branch of buddhistical history diverges at this date from the main stream; is it not reasonable to infer, that in those regions of Asia, where the Pali buddhistical literature is still extant, it will be found to contain the history of those countries in ampler detail, and continued to a later period than only to the reign of the first supreme monarch of India, who became a convert to Gotamo Buddho's religion? That such literary records are extant, we have the following unqualified testimony of Colonel Tod.

"Immense libraries, in various parts of India, are still extant, which have survived the devastations of the Islamite. The collections of Jessulmer and Puttam, for example, escaped the scrutiny of even the lynx-eyed Alla, who conquered both these kingdoms, and who would have shown as little mercy to those literary treasures, as Omar displayed towards the Alexandrine library. Many other minor collections, consisting of thousands of volumes each, exist in central and western India; some of which are the private property of princes, and others belong to the Jain communities.”

"Some copies of these Jain MSS from Jessulmer, which were written from five to eight centuries back, I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society. Of the vast numbers of these MS books in the libraries of Puttan and Jessulmer, many are of the most remote antiquity, and in a character no longer understood by their possessors, or only by the supreme pontiff and his initiated librarians. There is one volume held so sacred, for its magical contents, that it is suspended by a chain in the temple of Chintamun, at the last named capital in the desert, and is only taken down to have its covering renewed, or at the inauguration of a pontiff. Tradition assigns its authorship to Samaditya Sooru Acharya, a pontiff of past days, before the Islamite had crossed the waters of the Indus, and whose diocese extended far beyond that stream. His magic mantle is also here preserved, and used on every new installation. The character is, doubtless, the nail-headed Pali; and could we introduce the ingenious, indefatigable, and modest Mon. Burnouf with his able coadjutor, Dr. Lassen, into the temple, we might learn of this sybilline volume, without their incurring the risk of loss of sight, which befell the last individual, a female Yati of the Jains, who sacrilegiously endeavoured to acquire its contents."


To which testimony, I cannot refrain from adding the following note, appended to the proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society, in April, 1835.

Passage of a letter published by Lieut. Webb in a Calcutta periodical, in the year 1833.

"You are yet all in the dark, and will remain so, until you have explored the grand libraries of Patan, a city in Rajputana, and Jessulmer a town north west of Joadpur, and Cambay; together with the travelling libraries of the Jain bishops. These contain tens of thousands of volumes, and I have endeavoured to open the eyes of some scholars here on the subject. At Jessulmer are the original books of Bhanda (Buddha), the sybilline volumes which none dare even handle. Until all these have been examined, let us declare our ignorance of hindu literature, for we have only gleaned in the field contaminated by conquest, and where no genuine record could be hoped for.”


Here, then, is a new, inciting, and extensive field of research, readily accessible to the oriental scholar. The close affinity of Pali to Sanscrit, together with the aid afforded by Mr. Clough's translated Pali Grammar, in defining the points in which they differ, will enable any Sanscrit scholar to enter upon that interesting investigation with confidence; and the object I have principally in view will have been realized, if I shall have in any degree stimulated that research.

It scarcely falls within the scope of this introduction to enter into any detailed examination of the Mahawanso, as regards the continuous history of Ceylon, nor have I been able, from the disadvantages under which I have conducted this publication, to append notes to the translated narrative. Suffice it to say, that from the date of the introduction of buddhism into Ceylon, in B.C. 307, that history is authenticated by the concurrence of every evidence, which can contribute to verify the annals of any country; as, was shown in the "Epitome, "alluded to above, imperfectly and hastily as it was been compiled; and will further appear in the second volume of this translation.

In regard to the 236 years which elapsed, from the death of Gotamo to the introduction of buddhism in Ceylon, in B.C. 307; there is a ground for suspecting that sectarian zeal, or the impostures of superstition, have led to the assignment of the same date for the landing of Wijayo, with the cardinal buddhistical event, —the death of Gotamo. If historical annals did exist (of which there is ample internal evidence) in Ceylon, anterior to Mahindo's arrival, buddhist historians have adapted those data to their falsified chronology. The otherwise apparent consistency of the narrative contained in that portion of the history of Ceylon, together with the established facts of the towns and edifices, therein described, having been in existence at the period of Mahindo's landing, justify the inference, that the monarchs named, and the events described, are not purely buddhistical fictions. My reluctance, moreover, to admit the particular date assigned to the landing of Wijayo, does not proceed solely from its suspicious coincidence with the date of Gotamo's death. The aggregate period comprised in those 236 years, it will be observed, has been for the most part apportioned, on a scale of decimation, among the six rajas who preceded Dewananpiyatisso, which distribution is not in itself calculated to concilate confidence; and in the instance of the fifth raja, Pandukabhayo, it is stated that he married at 20 years of age, succeeded in dethroning his uncle when he was 37 years, and reigned for 70 years. He is therefore 107 years old when he dies, having been married 87 years; and yet the issue of that marriage, Mutasíwo, succeeds him and reigns 60 years! One of the Singhalese histories does, indeed, attempt to make it appear that Mutasíwo was the grandson; but I now find that that assertion is founded purely on an assumption, made possibly with the view of correcting the very imperfection now noticed. It is manifest, therefore, that there is some inaccuracy here, which calls for a curtailment of the period intervening between the landing of Wijayo and the introduction of buddhism; and it is not unworthy of remark, that a curtailment of similar extent was shown to be requisite in the Indian portion of this history, of that particular period, to render the reigns of Chandragupta and Seleucus Nicator contemporanious. This principle of decimating has also been applied in filling up the aggregate term comprised in the reigns of the four brothers of Dewananpiyatisso, who successively ascended the throne after him. But subsequently to Dutthagamini, in B.C. 164, there does not appear to be the slightest ground for questioning the correctness of the chronology of the Ceylonese history, even in these minute respects.

Whether these unimportant falsifications have, or have not been intentionally had recourse to, they in no degree affect the reputation of Mahanamo, as an historian; for the following very curious passage in Buddhaghoso's Atthakatha on the Wineyo, which was composed only fifty years before Mahanamo compiled his history, shows that great pains had been taken, even at that period, to make it appear the chronology of these three centuries of buddhistical history, which preceded Asoko's conversion, was correct, as exhibited in those Atthakatha.

In the eighteenth year of the reign of Ajatasattu, the supreme Buddho attained parinibbanan. In that very year, prince Wijayo, the son of prince Sího, and the first monarch of Tambapanni, repairing to this island, rendered it habitable for human beings. In the fourteenth year of the reign of Udayabhado, in Jambudipo, Wijayo died here. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Udayabhado, Panduwasadewo came to the throne in this island. In the twentieth year of the reign of Nagadaso there, Panduwasadewo died here. In the same year Abhayo succeeded to the kingdom. In the seventeenth year of the reign of Susunago there, twenty years of the reign of Abhayo had been completed; and then, in the said twentieth year of Abhayo, the traitor Pandukabhayo usurped the kingdom. In the sixteenth year of the reign of Kalasoko there, the seventeenth year of Pandukabhayo's reign had elapsed here. The foregoing (years) together with this one year, will make the eighteenth (of his reign). In the fourteenth year of the reign of Chadagutto, Pandukabhayo died here; and Mutasíwo succeeded to the kingdom. In the seventeenth year of the reign Dhammasoko raja, Mutasíwo raja died, and Dewananpiya tisso raja succeeded to the kingdom.

From the parinibbảnan of the supreme Buddho, Ajatasattu reigned twenty four years. Udayabhado, sixteen. Anuruddho and Mundho, eighteen. Nagadasako twenty four. Susunago eighteen years. His son Kalasoko twenty eight years. The ten sons of Kalasoko reigned twenty two years. Subsequently to them, Nawanando reigned twenty two years. Chandagutto twenty four years. Bindusaro, twenty eight years. At his demise Asoko succeeded, and in the eighteenth year after his inauguration, Mahindo thero arrived in this island. This royal narration is to be thus understood.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 26, 2022 4:42 am

Part 7 of 7

The synchronisms attempted to be established in this extract, between the chronology of India and of Ceylon, are it will be observed, most successfully made out. The discrepancies as to the year of Ajatasattu's reign, in which Gotamo Buddho died; as to the comparison between Kalasoko and Pandukabhayo, and as to the duration of the joint rule of Anuruddho and Mundho, as well as that of Chandagutto, all manifestly proceed from clerical errors of the transcribers; as will be seen by the following juxtapositions:

-- / A.B. / -- / A.B.

18th of Ajatasattu / 1 / Buddho died, and Wijayo landed in Ceylon / 1
14th of Udayabhaddako / 38 / last of Wijayo / 38
15th of Do. / 39 / first of Panduwaso / 39
20th of Nagadaso / 68 / last of Do / 69
17th of Susunago / 89 / 20th of Abhayo / 89
16th of Kalasoko / 106 / 17th of Pandukabhayo / 124
14th of Chandagutto / 176/ last of Do / 176
17th of Dhammasoko / 241* [This anachronism has been already explained.] / last of Mutasíwo / 236


After the most minute examination of the portion of Mahawanso compiled by Mahanamo, I am fully prepared to certify, that I have not met with any other passage in the work, (unconnected with religion and its superstitions), than those already noticed, which could by the most sceptical be considered as prejudicial to its historical authenticity. In several instances he adverts prospectively to events which took place posterior to the date at which his narrative had arrived, but in every one of these cases, it is found that the anticipated incidents are invariably anterior to his own time.

The Tika also to the Mahawanso is equally faultless in these respects, save in one single, but very remarkable, instance. In enumerating, at the opening of the 5th chapter, the "schisms" which had prevailed in the buddhistical church, the Mahawanso states, that six had arisen in India, and two in Ceylon. The Tika, however, in commenting on this point, mentions three schisms in Ceylon, and specifies the dates when each occurred. I quote this passage, as it will serve to illustrate, what I have already suggested, as to the mode of computing the dates of a consecutive series of chronological events in buddhistical works.

Of these (schisms) the fraternity of Abhayagiri, at the expiration of 217 years after the establishment of religion in Lanka, in the reign of king Wattagamini, by separating the Pariwanan section of Bhagawa from the Wineyo, which had been propounded for the regulation of sacerdotal discipline; by both altering its meaning and misquoting its contents; by pretending also that they were conscientious seceders, according to the "therawada" rules; and assuming the name of the Dhammaruchika seceders, established themselves at the Abhayagiriwiharo, which was constructed by Wattagamini.

At the expiration of 341 years from that event, the fraternity (subsequently established) at the Jetawanno, even before the said Jetawanno wiharo was founded, severing themselves from the Dhammaruchika schismatics, and repairing to the Dhakkhina wiharo, they also by separating the two Wibhangos of Bhagawa from the Wineyo, which had been propounded for the regulation of sacerdotal discipline; by both altering their meaning and misquoting their contents, and assuming the appellation of the Sagalika schismatics; and becoming very powerful at the Jetawanno wiharo built by raja Mahaseno, established themselves there.


Hence the expression in the Mahawanso, "the Dhammaruchiya and Sagaliya secessions in Lanka."

At the expiration of 350 years from that event, in the reign of the raja Dathapatisso (also called Agyrabhodi) the maternal nephew (of the preceding monarch) a certain priest named Dathawedhako resident at the Kurundachatta pariweno at the Jetawanno wiharo, and another priest also named Dathawedhako, resident at the Kolombalako pariweno of the same wiharo; -- these two individuals, influenced by wicked thoughts, lauding themselves, vilifying others, extolling their heresies in their own nikayas, dispelling the fear which ought to be entertained in regard to a future world, and discouraging the resort for the purpose of listening to dhamma; and representing also that the separation of the two Wibhangos in the Dhammaruchika schism, and the Pariwaran section in the Sagalika schism, proceeded, severally, from the misconduct of the Mahawiharo fraternity; and propagating this unfounded statement, together with other deceptions usual among schismatics; and recording their own version in a form to give it the appearance of antiquity, they imposed (upon the inhabitants).


These dates give the following result:

Buddhism introduced in 307 B.C. / 236 A.B. in the reign of Dewananpiyatisso (Vide Appendix)
The Dhammaruchika schism, 217 years thereafter 90 B.C. / 453 A.B. do. Wattagamini (Vide Appendix)
The Sagalika schism, 311 years thereafter 251 A.D. / 794 A.B. do. Gothabhayo (Vide Appendix)
The third schism, 350 years thereafter 601 A.D. / 1144 A.B. do. Aggrabhodi (Vide Appendix)


In this case, also, for the conjectural solution of the difficulty in question, I am reduced to a selection between two alternatives. Either Mahanamo was not the author of the Tika, or the last sentence has been subsequently added by another hand.

In the reign of the raja Mahanamo, between A.D. 410 and 432, Buddhaghoso transposed the Singhalese Atthakatha, also, into Pali....

Mahanamo, the sovereign of Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghoso's visit, came to the throne A.D. 410, and he reigned twenty two years.

[T]he following very curious passage in Buddhaghoso's Atthakatha on the Wineyo, which was composed only fifty years before Mahanamo compiled his history, shows that great pains had been taken, even at that period, to make it appear the chronology of these three centuries of buddhistical history, which preceded Asoko's conversion, was correct, as exhibited in those Atthakatha.


When I consider the general tenor of this commentary, more particularly in its introductory portions, as well as the passage in this particular extract, intervening between the notices of the second and third schisms, "Hence the expression in the Mahawanso, the Dhammaruchiya and Sagaliya secessions in Lanka;" which is in fact an admission that the comment on the third schism had no reference to the Mahawanso; and the total absence of all precedent of a buddhist author attributing his work to another individual, I cannot hesitate to adopt the latter alternative. But the interpolation (if interpolation it be) is of old date, as it is found in Nadoris Modliar's Burmese edition also.

I shall now close my remarks on the portion of the Mahawanso composed by Mahanamo
, with three quotations; the first his own concluding sentence in the Tika, which affords an additional, if not conclusive, argument to justify my judgment in pronouncing him to be the author of that commentary; the other two from the 38th chapter of the Mahawanso, which will serve to shew, in connection with the extract above mentioned, that "Mahanamo resident at the pariweno founded by the minister Dighasandano," was Dhatuseno's maternal uncle, by whom that raja was brought up under the disguise of a priest; and that the completion and public rehearsal of his work took place towards the close of that monarch's reign.

Kumara Dhatusena was King of Anuradhapura [The Anuradhapura Kingdom, named for its capital city, was the first established kingdom in ancient Sri Lanka and Sinhalese people. Founded by King Pandukabhaya in 437 BC, the kingdom's authority extended throughout the country.] in the 6th century, whose reign lasted from 515 to 524. He succeeded his father Moggallana I as King of Anuradhapura and was succeeded by his son Kittisena.

-- Kumara Dhatusena of Anuradhapura, by Wikipedia


Extract from the Tika.

Upon these data, by me, the thero, who had, with due solemnity, been invested with the dignified title of Mahanamo, resident at the pariweno founded by the minister Dighasandano* [Vide p. 102 for the construction of this pariweno.]; endowed with the capacity requisite to record the narrative comprised in the Mahawanso; -- in due order, rejecting only the dialect in which the Singhalese Atthakatha are written, but retaining their import and following their arrangement, this history, entitled the "Palapadoruwanso,” is compiled.

As even in the times, when the despotism of the ruler of the land, and the horrors arising from the inclemencies of the seasons, and when panics of epidemics and other visitations prevailed, this work escaped all injury; and moreover as it serves to perpetuate the fame of the Buddhos, their disciples and of the Pache Buddhos of old, it is also worthy of bearing the title of "Wansutthappakasiní."


Extracts from the Mahawanso -- Chapter 38.

Certain members of the Moriyan dynasty, dreading the power of the (usurper) Subho, the balatho, had settled in various parts of the country, concealing themselves. Among them, there was a certain landed proprietor named Dhatuseno, who had established himself at Nandiwapi. His son named Dhata, who lived at the village Ambiliyago, had two sons, Dhatuseno and Silatissabodhi, of unexceptionable descent; their mother's brother, devoted to the cause of religion, continued to reside (at Anuradhapura) in his sacerdotal character, at the edifice built by the minister Dighasandano. The youth Dhatuseno became a priest in his fraternity, and on a certain day while he was chaunting at the foot of a tree, a shower of rain fell,” &c.

Causing an image of Maha Mahindo to be made, and conveying it to the edifice (the Ambamalako) in which his body had been burnt, in order that he might celebrate a great festival there; and that he might, also, promulgate the contents the† [Another title of this work. Dípawanso, distributing a thousand pieces, he caused it to be read aloud thoroughly."


***

As a specimen of the style in which a subsequent portion of the Mahawanso is composed by a different author, I have added the fifty ninth chapter also to the appendix. This particular chapter has been specially selected, that I might draw attention to another instance of the mutual corroboration afforded to each other, by professor Wilson's translations of the hindu historical plays and this historical work.

It will be found in the Retnawali, and the professor's preface thereto, (which is reprinted in the appendix) that that play was written between A.D. 1113 and 1125, and that its principal Ceylonese historical characters are "Retnawali” and "her father Wikkramabahu, king of Sinhala.” Now. on referring to the appendix, in which the narrative portion of the Epitome, as regards these reigns, has been retained‡ [Appendix A.D. 1071; A.B. 1614 p. 38.] it will be seen that the only discrepancies apparent between the two works, are those variations which would reasonably be expected in productions of such opposite characters.

From the circumstances of the name of Wikkramabalu,§ [Appendix A.D. 1127; A.B. 1670 p. 40.] who was Retnawali's brother, being given to her father, whose name was Wijayabahu, who reigned from A.D. 1071 to A.D. 1126; and of Vatsa's solicitation of Retnawali proving unsuccessful according to the Mahawanso, instead of its being successful as it is represented in this play, it would appear to be allowable to infer (unsatisfactory as such inferences generally are) that this play was written while the embassy was pending, and in anticipation of a favorable result: all the details connected with the shipwreck of Retnawali, and the return of the embassy to the court of the Kosambiam monarch, being purely the fictions of the poet.

With the view of attempting to account for Vasavadata, Vatsa's queen, calling the monarch of Ceylon "uncle," and Ratnawali "sister,” I may suggest, that the term "matulo,” in Pali, or its equivalent in Sanscrit, applies equally to "a maternal uncle" "the husband of a paternal aunt,” and to a "father in law;" and that there is no term to express the relationship of "cousin." The daughter of a maternal aunt would be called "sister.” I should hence venture to infer, that Wijayabahu was Vasavadatta's uncle only by his marriage to her maternal aunt; in which case her mother, "the consort of the raja of Ujeni,” would, as well as Tilokasundari, the wife of Wijayabahu, be princesses of the Kalinga royal family. Colonel Tod's Annals notice the matrimonial alliances which had been formed, between the rajas of western India and Kalinga, about that period.

By the publication of this volume, unaccompanied by any allusion to Mr. Hodgson's labours, in illustrating the buddhistical system now prevalent in Nepal and countries adjacent to it, I might unintentionally render myself accessory to the protraction of an unavailing discussion, which has been pending for some time past, between that gentleman and other orientalists, who derive their information connected with buddhism entirely from Pali annals.

I trust that I shall not incur the imputation of presumption, when I assert that the two systems are essentially different from each other; their non-accordance in no degree proceeding, as it appears to be considered by each of the contending parts, from erroneous inferences drawn by his opponent.

Mr. Hodgson's sketch of Buddhism, prepared as it has been with the assistance of one of the most learned of the buddhists in Nepal, is presented in a form too complete and integral, to justify any doubt being entertained as to its containing a correct and authentic view of the doctrines now recognized by, a portion at least of, the inhabitants of the Himalayan regions.

According to that sketch the buddhistical creed recognises but one Swyambhu; designates the Buddhos to be "manusiya” and "dhyani Buddhos;" the former inferior to the latter, and both subordinate or inferior to the Swyambhu; defines a "Tathagata" to signify a being who has already attained "nibbuti,” and past away; and, moreover, Mr. Hodgson advances, that in the early ages the sacerdotal order had no existence, as an institution contradistinguished from the lay ascetics.

This scheme is, unquestionably, entirely repugnant to that of the buddhism of Ceylon and the eastern peninsula; wherein every Buddho is a Swyambhu, -- the self-created, self-existent, supreme and uncontroled author of the system, to reveal and establish which he attained buddhohood: "manushi" and “dhyani Buddhos” are terms unknown in the Pali scriptures: the order and ordination of priests are institutions prominently set forth in Gotamo's ordinances, and rigidly enforced, even during his mission on earth, as will be seen even in the details of a work purely historical, as the Mahawanso is; and "Tathagata” is by no means restricted to the definition of a person who has ceased to exist by the attainment of "nibbuti."

Mr. Hodgson has been at some pains to explain the meaning of the word "Tathagata," as recoguized in the countries to which his researches extended. Among other essays, in a contribution to the Bengal Asiatic Journal of August, 1834, he says:

The word "tathagata" is reduced to its elements, and explained in three ways: 1st thus gone, which means, gone in such a manner that he (the tathagata) will never appear again; births having been closed by the attainment of perfection. 2nd thus gone or obtained, which is to say (cessation of births) obtained, degree by degree in the manner described in the Buddha scriptures, and by observance of the precepts therein laid down. 3rd thus gone, that is, gone as it (birth) came; the pyrrhonic interpretation of those who hold that doubt is the end, as well as beginning, of wisdom; and that that which causes birth, causes likewise the ultimate cessation of them, whether that ‘final close' be conscious immortality or virtual nothingness. Thus the epithet tathagata, so far from meaning 'come' (avenu), and implying incarnation, as Remusat supposed, signifies the direct contrary, or 'gone for ever ' and expressly announces the impossibility of incarnation; and this according to all the schools, sceptical, theistic, and atheistic.

I shall not, I suppose, be again asked for the incarnations of the tathagatas.* [To the question, "What is the tathagata?” the most holy of buddhist scriptures returneth for answer, "It does not come again."] Nor, I fancy, will any philosophical peruser of the above etymology of this important word have much hesitation in refusing, on this ground alone, any portion of his serious attention to the 'infinite' of of the buddhist avatars, such as they really are. To my mind they belong to the very same category of mythological shadows with the infinity of distinct Buddhas, which latter, when I first disclosed it as a fact in relation to the belief of these sectaries, led me to warn my readers "to keep a steady eye upon the authoritative assertion of the old scriptures, that Sakya is the 7th and last of the Buddhas.† [Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 445.]

P. S. -- Whether Remusat's 'avenu'‡ [Avenu, signifies quod evenit, contigit, that which hath happened. -- (Dictionnaire de Trevoux.) Tathagata-tatha thus (what really is), gata (known, obtained). -- Wilson's Sans. Dict. Ed.] be understood loosely, as meaning 'come,' or strictly as signifying 'come to pass,' it will be equally inadmissible as the interpretation of the word tathagata; because tathagata is designed expressly to announce that all reiteration and contingency whatever is barred with respect of the beings so designated. They cannot come; nor can any thing come to pass affecting them.


Without the remotest intention of questioning the correctness of Mr. Hodgson's inferences, as drawn from the authorities accessible to him, I may safely assert that the late Mons. Able Remusat's definition of that term by rendering it "avenu" is also perfectly correct according to the Pali scriptures. The following quotations will suffice, according to those authorities, to shew both the derivation of that word, and that Sakya so designated himself, while living, and actively engaged in the promulgation of his creed, in the character of Buddho.

Taken from the Sumangala-wilasini Atthakatha, on the Brahmajala Suttan, which is the first discourse in the Dighanikayo of the Sutto-pittako.

"Of the word Tathagato. I (proceed to) give the meaning of the appellation Tathagato which was adopted by Buddho himself. Bhagawa is Tathagato from eight circumstances. Tatha agato, he who had come in the same manner (as the other Buddhos) is Tathagato. Tatha gato, he who had gone in like manner, is Tathagato. Tathalakkhanan agato, he who appeared in the same (glorious) form, is Tathagato. Tatha dhamme yathawato, abhesumbuddho, he who had, in like manner, acquired a perfect knowledge of, and revealed, the dhammos, is Tathagato. Tatha dassitaya, as he, in like manner, saw, or was inspired, he is Tathagato. Tatha waditaya, as he was similarly gifted in language, he is Tathagato. Tatha karitaya, as he was similarly gifted in works, he is Tathagato. Abhibhawanattena, from his having converted (the universe to the recognition of his religion) he is Tathagato."

The following are extracts from different sections of the Pitakattaya, showing that Gotamo Buddho designated himself Tathagato in his discourses. Buddho invariably speaks in the third person in the Pitakattaya.

In the Lakkhanasuttan in the Dighanika'yo. "Bhikkhus! this Tathagato, in a former existence, in a former habitation, in a former world, in the character of a human being, having abjured the destruction of animal life, & c." In the Dakkhinawibhangasuttan in the Majjhimanika'yo. "Anando! the offerings made in common to the assembled priesthood are seven. The offering that is made in the presence of Buddho to both classes (priests and priestesses) is the first of (all) offerings made in common. After Tathagato has attained parinibbuti, (similar) offerings will continue to be made to both classes of the priesthood. In the Dhammachakkappawattanasuttan in the Sanyuttakanika'yo (Buddho's first discourse, delivered on his entrance into Benares, as noticed in the first chapter of the Mahawanso). "Bhikkhus! without adopting either of these extremes, by Tathagato, an intermediate course has been discovered, & c.

In the Werangasuttan in the Anguttaranikayo. "Brahman! the repose of Tathagato, in another (mortal) womb, his reappearance by any other birth in this world, is at an end: -- like the tree uptorn by the root, like the palmyra lopt (of its head), the principle of (or liability to) regeneration is overcome; the state of exemption from future reproduction has been achieved."


Under these circumstances, it cannot be possible to deprecate too earnestly a perseverance in the fruitless attempt to reconcile the conflicting doctrines of two antagonist sects, professing the same faith. It is to Mr. Hodgson that the literary world is indebted for having obtained access to the Sanscrit and Tibetan works on buddhism. Much remains to be done in analyzing the Sanscrit version; defining the age in which they were compiled; ascertaining the extent of their accordance with the Pali version; and deducing from thence a correct knowledge, as to whether the differences now apparent, between the buddhistical systems of the northern and southern portions of Asia, are discernible as exhibited in those ancient texts, or are the results of subsequent sectarian divisions in the buddhistical church.

In these introductory remarks, I have shewn that "Pali” is synonymous with Magadhi, the language of the land in which buddhism, as promulgated by Sakya or Gotamo, had its origin; and that it was at that period no inferior provincial dialect, but a highly refined and classical language. I have fixed the dates at which the buddhistical scriptures, composed in that language, were revised at three solemn convocations held under regal authority; traced their passage to Ceylon, and defined the age in which the commentaries on those scriptures (which also are considered inspired writings) were translated into Pali in this island. Although there can be no doubt as to the belief entertained by buddhists here, that these scriptures were perpetuated orally for 453 years, before they were reduced to writing, being founded on superstitious imposture, originating perhaps in the priesthood denying to all but their own order access to their scriptures; yet there is no reasonable ground for questioning the authenticity of the history thus obtained, of the origin, recognition and revisions of these Pali scriptures.

As far as an opinion may be formed from professor Wilson's analysis of M. Csoma de Koros' summary of the contents of the Tibetan version (which is pronounced to be a translation from the Sanscrit made chiefly in the ninth century), that voluminous collection of manuscripts contains several, distinct editions of the buddhistical scriptures, as they are embodied in the Pali version; enlarged in various degrees, probably, by the intermixture into the text of commentaries, some of which appear to be of comparatively modern date.

The least tardy means, perhaps, of effecting a comparison of the Pali with the Sanscrit version, will be to submit to the Asiatic Society in Calcutta (by whom the Sanscrit works could be consulted in the original) a series of summaries of the Pali scriptures, sufficiently detailed to afford a tolerably distinct perception of the contents of the text; and embodying at the same time in it, from the commentaries, whatever may be found in them either illustrative of the text, or conducive of information in the department of general history.

It only remains for me now to explain the disadvantages, or advantages, under which I have undertaken the translation of the Mahawanso, in order that no deficiency on my part may prejudice an historical work of, apparently, unquestionable authenticity, and, compared with other Asiatic histories, of no ordinary merit. I wish to be distinctly understood, that in turning my mind to the study of Pali, I did not enter upon the undertaking, with the view of either attaining a critical knowledge of the language, or prosecuting a purely philological research. A predilection formed, at my first entrance into the civil service, to be employed in the newly acquired Kandyan provinces, which had been ceded on a convention which guaranteed their ancient laws, led me to study the Singhalese tongue. The works I was referred to, for the information I sought, though they contained much that was valuable, as regarded both the institutions and the history of the land, all professed to derive their authority from Pali sources. In further pursuit of the objects I had in view, I undertook the study of Pali, aided by the translation of the grammar before noticed. The want, however, of dictionaries, to assist in defining the meaning of words and terms in a language so copious and refined as the Pali is, was a great drawback; and the absence of Pali instructors in the island, who possessed an adequate knowledge of English, to supply the place of dictionaries, left me dependent on my knowledge of Singhalese, in rendering their vernacular explanations into English. I may, therefore, have formed erroneous conceptions of the meaning of some of the Pali roots and compound terms. On the other hand, I have possessed the advantage, from my official position, of almost daily intercourse with the heads of the buddhistical church, of access to their libraries, and of their assistance both in the selection of the works I consulted, and in the explanation of the passages which required elucidation.

This translation, however, has been hastily made, at intervals of leisure, snatched from official occupations; and each chapter was hurried to the press as it was completed. It has not, therefore had the benefit of a general revision, to admit of a uniformity of terms and expressions being preserved throughout the work; nor have I for the same reason been able to append notes to the translation; the absence of which has rendered a glossary necessary, which also is very imperfectly executed. The correction of the press also (with which I had to communicate by the post at a distance of nearly eighty miles) has been conducted under similar disadvantages.

For the errata that have resulted from these causes, as well as from my total want of practice in conducting a publication through the press, it is scarcely possible for me to offer a sufficient apology; the more especially as nothing could exceed the readiness of the attention shown to my wishes and instructions by the establishment at which this volume was printed. The task of translating this historical work, as I have already shown, was tardily, and I may add, reluctantly, undertaken by me, solely influenced by the desire of rescuing the native literature from unmerited, though unintentional, disparagement. With perfect sincerity can I add, that could I have foreseen that the publication would have occupied so much of my time, or would ultimately have appeared disfigured so extensively with errata, I should certainly not have embarked in it. Nor have I, in its progress, been free from misgivings, as to my having, in my unassisted judgment, over-estimated the value and authenticity of the materials I was engaged in illustrating. To satisfy myself on these points, before this volume issued from the press, I circulated the Pamphlet before mentioned. However conscious I may be of my individual merits being overrated, in the decision pronounced on that Pamphlet, by the Asiatic Society (as recorded in their Journal of December last) I ought not to entertain any now as to those of the Mahawanso, considering that it is founded on the report of the Rev. Dr. Mill, the learned Principal of Bishop's College.

I have also recently seen, for the first time, through the kindness of Mr. Prinsep, the Secretary of the Asiatic Society, the numbers of the Journal des savans, which contain the criticisms of Mons. Burnouf, on the translation of the Mahawanso on which I have commented in this Introduction. Had that profound orientalist possessed the advantage of being able to consult the Tika to the Mahawanso, his practised judgment as a critic, and his extensive acquaintance with the literature of the east, would have efficiently accomplished what my humble endeavours can scarcely hope to effect, in directing the attention of our fellow laborers in India, to the investigation of the buddhistical annals still extant in it.

In fulfilment of the conditional promise made in my Pamphlet, I shall now proceed with the translation of the second volume of the Mahawanso. Although deprived of the aid of a Tika (which I have already explained extends only to the reign of Mahaseno) the narrative contained in the ensuing chapters of the Mahawanso, is not deficient in interest. A new series of links is formed with the southern kingdoms of continental India, the first of which arises out of the barbarously tragical incidents detailed in the concluding chapters of this volume; while the lapse of the age of pretended inspiration and miracles necessarily gives to the history a less fabulous character.

The second volume will contain also, as will be seen by the statement of the contents of the Mahawanso given in the appendix, twice as much of the text of the original work, as the present volume embodies, but I apprehend that I shall neither possess the materials[???], nor will there be the same necessity for affording any lengthened introductory illustration.

The map, and the plan of Anuradhapura, which was promised with this volume is withheld, as it cannot be completely filled up, till the second volume is translated; when separate copies will be furnished to those who possess the first volume. I regret to be obliged to add that as far as this volume is concerned, I have only been able to identify, and fix the positions of a few of the places mentioned, and those of the principal ones.

In printing the text together with the translation, every Pali or Sanscrit scholar is enabled to rectify any mistranslation into which I may have fallen. I have made no alteration in the text beyond separating the words, as far as the confluent character of the language would admit; punctuating the sentences; and introducing capital letters. In the translation no additions have been admitted but what are enclosed in parentheses; and those additions (as will be suggested by the passages themselves) are either derived from the Tika, or were considered necessary for the due explanation of their meaning, in rendering those sentences into English. A synopsis of the Roman alphabet, adopted as the substitute for the Pali in the Singhalese character, as well as a Glossary are appended to this volume.
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