The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Wed Jan 26, 2022 5:21 am

APPENDIX I. A REVISED CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SOVEREIGNS OF CEYLON, AS PUBLISHED IN THE CEYLON ALMANAC OF 1834.

The dates at which the following events occurred being specified in the Native Histories, they have been used for the purpose of correcting the anachronism unavoidable in historical narratives which give only the number of years in each reign, without stating in every instance the fractional parts of a year, or the date at which, each reign commenced.

B.C. / BUD. Y. / BUD M. / BUD. D./ DESCRIPTION

543 / 0 / 0 / 0 /The landing of Wejaya, in the year of Buddha's death.

307 / 236 / 0 / 0 / The arrival of the mission sent by Dharmasoka, emperor of Dambadiva, to establish Buddhism in Ceylon, in the first year of Dewenipeatissa's reign.

104 / 539 / 9/ 10 / The deposition of Walagambahu in the 5th month of his reign, and the conquest of Ceylon by the Malabars.

90 / 453 / 10 / 10 / This is the date at which, according to the MAHAWANSE, Walagambahu, on his restoration, founded Abhayagiri, being in the 217th year, 10th month and 10th day after buddhism was orally promulgated by the mission sent by Dharmasoka. But, according to Singhalese authority, it is the date at which the doctrines of Buddhism were first reduced to writing in Ceylon, while Walagambahu was still a disguised fugitive. In the former case, there would be an anachronism of at least 2 years at the restoration of this sovereign,—which, however, in this uncertainty, as to the event to which the date is applicable, I have not attempted to rectify.

A.D. / BUD. Y. / BUD M. / BUD. D./ DESCRIPTION

209 / 752 / 4 / 10 / The date of the origin of the Wytuliya heresy, which occurred in the first year of the reign of Waiwahara Tissa. The anachronism up to this period is consequently 6 years; and the error is adjusted accordingly.

252 / 795 / 0 / 0 / The date of a revival of the Wytuliya heresy in the 4th year of the reign of Golu Abha. At the accession of this sovereign, so recently after the foregoing adjustment, there is no anachronism.

275/ 818 / 0 / 0 / Accession of Mahasen -- anachronism 4 years -- adjusted.

301 / 844 / 9 / 20 / Death of Mahasen -- anachronism 4 years -- adjusted.

545 / 1088 / 0/ 0 / The date of another revival of the Wytuliya heresy, in the 12th year of the reign of Ambahaira Sala Maiwan -- anachronism 1 year, 6 months -- adjusted.

838 / 1381 / 0 / 0 / The date of the origin of the Wijrawadiya heresy, in the reign of Mitwella Sen, but the year of the reign is not given. Supposing it to have originated even in the year of his accession, the anachronism would amount to 4 years -- adjusted to that extent.

1153 / 1696 / 0 / 0 / The accession of Prakramabahu 1st.; error 6 years -- adjusted.

1200 / 1743 / 0 / 0 / The accession of Sahasa Mallawa, which is corroborated by the inscription on the Dambulla rock.

1266 / 1809 / 0 / 0 / The accession of Panditta Prakrama Bahu 3rd -- error 7 years -- adjusted.

1347 / 1890 / 0 / 0 / The accession of Bhuwaneka Bahu 4th -- As the term of the reign of the three immediately preceding sovereigns is not given, the extent of the anachronism at this date cannot be ascertained.


In the remaining portion of the history of Ceylon, there is no want of dates for the adjustment of its chronology, which, however, it would be superfluous to notice here.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Thu Jan 27, 2022 2:12 am

Part 1 of 3

APPENDIX II. SOVEREIGNS OF CEYLON.

-- / -- / -- Accession / -- / Reign / Relationship of each succeeding Sovereign.

No. / Name / Capital / B.C. / Bud. / Y. / M. / D. / --


1 / Wejaya / Tamananuwera / 543 / 1 / 38 / 0 / 0 / The founder of the Wejayan dynasty

2 / Upatissa 2st / Upatissanuwera / 505 / 38 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Minister - regent

3 / Panduwasa / Upatissanuwera / 504 / 39 / 30 / 0 / 0 / Paternal nephew of Weyaya

-- / Rama / Ramagana / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

-- / Rohona / Rohona / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

-- / Diggaina / Diggamadulla / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

-- / Urawelli / Mahawelligama / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

-- / Anuradha / Anuradhapura / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

-- / Wijitta / Wijittapura / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brothers-in-law

4 / Abhaya / Upatissanuwera / 474 / 69 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Son of Panduwasa -- dethroned

-- / Interregnum / -- / 454 / 89 / 17 / 0 / 0

5 / Pandukabhaya / Anuradhapura / 437 / 106 / 70 / 0 / 0 / Maternal grandson of Panduwasa

6 / Mutasiwa / Anuradhapura / 367 / 176 / 60 / 0 / 0 / Paternal grandson

7 / Devenipiatissa / Anuradhapura / 307 / 236 / 40 / 0 / 0 / Second son

-- / Mahanaga / Magama / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brother

-- / Yatalatissa / Kellania / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Son

-- / Gotabhaya / Mayama / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Son

-- / Kellani-tissa / Kellanta / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Not specified

-- / Kawantissa / Magama / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Son of gotabhaya

8 / Uttiya / Anuradhapura / 267 / 276 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Fourth son of Mutasiwa

9 / Mahasiwa / Anuradhapura / 257 / 286 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Fifth son of Mutasiwa

10 / Suratissa / Anuradhapura / 247 / 296 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Sixth son of Mutasiwa, put to death

11 / Sena and Guttika / Anuradhapura / 237 / 306 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Foreign usurpers -- put to death

12 / Asela / Anuradhapura / 216 / 328 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Ninth son of Mutasiwa -- deposed

13 / Elala / Anuradhapura / 205 / 338 / 44 / 0 / 0 / Foreign usurper -- killed in battle

14 / Duttugaimunu / Anuradhapura / 161 / 382 / 24 / 0 / 0 / Son of Kawantissa

15 / Saidaitissa / Anuradhapura / 137 / 406 / 18 / 0 / 0 / Brother

16 / Tuhl or Thullathanaka / Anuradhapura / 119 / 424 / 0 / 1 / 10 / Younger son -- deposed

17 / Laiminitissa 1st or Lajjitissa / Anuradhapura / 119 / 424 / 9 / 8 / 0 / Elder brother

18 / Kalunna or Khallatunaga / Anuradhapura / 109 / 434 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Brother -- put to death

19 / Walagambahu 1st or Wattagamini / Anuradhapura / 104 / 439 / 0 / 5 / 0 / Brother -- deposed

20 / Pulahattha / Anuradhapura / 103 / 440 / 3 / 0 / 0 / 14 7 Foreign usurpers -- successively deposed and put to death

20 / Bayiha / Anuradhapura / 100 / 443 / 2 / 0 / 0 / 14 7 Foreign usurpers -- successively deposed and put to death

20 / Panayamara / Anuradhapura / 98 / 445 / 7 / 0 / 0 / 14 7 Foreign usurpers -- successively deposed and put to death

20 / Peliyamata / Anuradhapura / 91 / 452 / 0 / 7 / 0 / 14 7 Foreign usurpers -- successively deposed and put to death

20 / Dathiya / Anuradhapura / 90 / 453 / 2 / 0 / 0 / 14 7 Foreign usurpers -- successively deposed and put to death

21 / Walagambahu 1st / Anuradhapura / 88 / 455 / 12 / 5 / 0 / Reconquered the kingdom

22 / Mahadailitissa or Mahachula / Anuradhapura / 76 / 467 / 14 / 0 / 0 / Son

23 / Chora Nagu / Anuradhapura / 62 / 481 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Son -- put to death

24 / Kuda Tissa / Anuradhapura / 50 / 493 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Son -- poisoned by his wife

25 / Anula / Anuradhapura / 47 / 496 / 5 / 4 / 0 / Widow

26 / Makalantissa or Kallakanni Tissa / Anuradhapura / 41 / 502 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Second son of Kudatissa

27 / Batiyatissa 1st or Batikabhaya / Anuradhapura / 19 / 324 / 28 / 0 / 0 / Son

28 / Maha Dailiya Mana or Dathika / Anuradhapura / 9 / 552 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Brother

29 / Addagaimunu or Amanda Gamini / Anuradhapura / 21 / 564 / 9 / 8 / 0 / Son -- put to death

30 / Kinihirridaila or Kanijani Tissa / Anuradhapura / 30 / 573 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Brother

31 / Kuda Abha or Chulabhaya / Anuradhapura / 33 / 576 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Son

32 / Singhawalli or Siwalli Interregnum / Anuradhapura / 34 / 577 / 0 / 4 / 0 / Sister -- put to death

-- / Interregnum / Anuradhapura / 35 / 578 / 3 / 0 / 0 / --

33 / Elluna or Ila Naga / Anuradhapura / 38 / 581 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Maternal nephew of Addagaimunu

34 / Sanda Muhuna or chanda Mukha Siwa / Anuradhapura / 44 / 587 / 8 / 7 / 0 / Son

35 / Yasa Silo or Yatalakatissa / Anuradhapura / 52 / 585 / 7 / 8 / 0 / Brother -- put to death

36 / Subha / Anuradhapura / 60 / 603 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Usurper -- put to death

37 / Wahapp or Wasahba / Anuradhapura / 66 / 609 / 44 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of Laiminitissa

38 / Waknais or Wanka Nasika / Anuradhapura / 110 / 653 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Son

39 / Gajabahu 1st or Gamini / Anuradhapura / 113 / 656 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Son

40 / Mahalumana or Mallaka Naga / Anuradhapura / 125 / 668 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Maternal cousin

41 / Batiya Tissa 2d or Bhatika Tissa / Anuradhapura / 131 / 674 / 24 / 0 / 0 / Son

42 / Chula Tissa or Kanitthatissa / Anuradhapura / 155 /698 / 18 / 0 / 0 / Brother

43 / Kahuna or Chudda Naga / Anuradhapura / 173 / 716 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Son -- murdered

44 / Kudanama or Kuda Naga / Anuradhapura / 183 / 726 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Nephew -- deposed

45 / Kuda Sirina or Siri Naga 1st / Anuradhapura / 184 / 727 / 19 / 0 / 0 / Brother-in-law

46 / Waiwahairatissa or Wairatissa / Anuradhapura / 209 / 752 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Son -- murdered: error 6 years

47 / Abha Sen or Abha Tissa / Anuradhapura / 231 / 774 / 8 / 0 / 0 / Brother

48 / Siri Naga 2d / Anuradhapura / 239 / 782 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Son

49 / Weja Indn or Wejaya 2d / Anuradhapura / 241 / 784 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Son -- put to death

50 / Sangatissa 1st / Anuradhapura / 242 / 785 / 4 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of Laiminitissa -- poisoned

51 / Dahama Sirisanga Bo or Sirisanga Bodhi 1st / Anuradhapura / 246 / 789 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do. Deposed

52 / Golu Abha, Gothabhaya or Meghawarna Abhaya / Anuradhapura / 248 / 791 / 13 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do.

53 / Makalan Detu Tissa 1st / Anuradhapura / 261 / 804 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Son

54 / Maha Sen / Anuradhapura / 275 / 818 / 27 / 0 / 0 / Brother: error 4 years

55 / Kitsiri Maiwan 1st or Kirtisari Megha warna / Anuradhapura / 302 / 845 / 28 / 0 / 0 / Son

56 / Detu Tissa 2d / Anuradhapura / 330 / 873 / 9 / 0 / 0 / Brother

57 / Bujas or Buddha Dasa / Anuradhapura / 339 / 882 / 29 / 0 / 0 / Son

58 / Upatissa 2d / Anuradhapura / 368 / 911 / 42 / 0 / 0 / Son

59 / Maha Nama / Anuradhapura / 410 / 953 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Brother

60 / Senghot or Sotthi Sena / Anuradhapura / 432 / 975 / 0 / 0 / 1 / Son -- poisoned

61 / Laimini Tissa 2d or Chatagahaka / Anuradhapura / 432 / 975 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of Laiminitissa

62 / Mitta Sena or Karalsora / Anuradhapura / 433 / 976 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Not specified -- put to death

63 / Pandu / Anuradhapura / 434 / 977 / 5 / 0 / 0 / 24. 9-- Foreign usurpers

63 / Parinda Kuda / Anuradhapura / 439 / 982 / 16 / 0 / 0 / 24. 9-- Foreign usurpers

63 / Khudda Parinda / Anuradhapura / 455 / 998 / 0 / 2 / 0 / 24. 9-- Foreign usurpers

63 / Datthiya / Anuradhapura / 455 / 998 / 3 / 0 / 0 / 24. 9-- Foreign usurpers

63 / Pitthiya / Anuradhapura / 458 / 1001 / 0 / 7 / 0 / 24. 9-- Foreign usurpers

64 / Dasenkelleya or Dhatu Sena / Anuradhapura / 459 / 1002 / 18 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of the original royal family* [ ] -- put to death

65 / Sigiri Kasumbu or Kasyapa 1st / Sigiri Galla Nuwera / 477 / 1020 / 18 / 0 / 0 / Son -- committed suicide

66 / Mugallana 1st / Anuradhapura / 495 / 1038 / 13 / 0 / 0 / Brother

67 / Kumara Das or Kumara Dhatu Sena / Anuradhapura / 513 / 1056 / 9 / 0 / 0 /Son -- immolated himself

68 / Kirti Sena / Anuradhapura / 522 / 1065 / 9 / 0 / 0 / Son -- murdered

69 / Maidi Siwu or Siwaka / Anuradhapura / 531 / 1074 / 0 / 0 / 25 / Maternal uncle -- murdered

70 / Laimini Upatissa 3d / Anuradhapura / 531 / 1074 / 1 / 6 / 0 / Brother-in-law

71 / Ambaherra Salamaiwan or Silakala / Anuradhapura / 534 / 1077 / 13 / 0 / 0 / Son-in-law: error 1 year 6 months

72 / Dapulu 1st or Datthapa Bhodhi / Anuradhapura / 547 / 1090 / 0 / 6 / 6 / Second Son -- committed suicide

73 / Dalamagalan or Mugallana 2d / Anuradhapura / 547 / 1090 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Elder brother

74 / Kuda Kitsiri Maiwan 1st or Kirtisri Megha warna / Anuradhapura / 567 / 1110 / 19 / 0 / 0 / Son -- put to death

75 / Sinewi or Maha Naga / Anuradhapura / 586 / 1129 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of the Okaka branch

76 / Aggrabodhi 1st or Akho / Anuradhapura / 589 / 1132 / 34 / 2 / 0 / Maternal nephew

77 / Aggrabodhi 2d or Sula Akbo / Anuradhapura / 623 / 1166 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Son-in-law

78 / Sanghatissa / Anuradhapura / 633 / 1176 / 0 / 2 / 0 / Brother -- decapitated

79 / Buna Mugalan or Laimini Bunaya / Anuradhapura / 633 / 1176 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Usurper -- put to death

80 / Abhasiggahaka or Asiggahaka / Anuradhapura / 639 / 1182 / 9 / 0 / 0 / Maternal grandson

81 / Siri Sangabo 2d / Anuradhapura / 648 / 1191 / 0 / 6 / 0 / Son -- deposed

82 / Kaluna Detutissa or Laimina Katuriya / Dewunuwera or Dondera / 648 / 1191 / 0 / 5 / 0 / Descendant of Laiminitissa -- committed suicide

82 / Siri Sangabo 2d / Anuradyapura / 649 / 1192 / 16 / 0 / 0 / Restored, and again deposed

83 / Dalupiatissa 1st or Dhatthopatissa / Anuradhapura / 665 / 1208 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Laimini branch -- killed in battle

84 / Paisulu Kasumbu or Kusyapa 2d / Anuradhapura / 677 / 1220 / 9 / 0 / 0 / Brother of Sirisangabo

85 / Dapulu 2d / Anuradhapura / 686 / 1229 / 7 / 0 / 0 / Okaka branch -- deposed

86 / Dalapiatissa 2d or Hattha-Datthopatissa / Anuradhapura / 693 / 1236 / 0 / 0 / 0 / Son of Dalupiatissa 1st

87 / Paisulu Siri Sanga Bo 3d or Aggrabodhi / Anuradhapura / 702 / 1245 / 16 / 0 / 0 / Brother

88 / Walpitti Wasidata or Dantanama / Anuradhapura / 718 / 1261 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Okaka branch

89 / Hununaru Riandalu or Hatthadatha / Anuradhapura / 720 / 1263 / 0 / 6 / 0 / Original royal family -- decapitated

90 / Mahalaipanu or Manawamma / Anuradhapura / 720 / 1263 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do. Do.

91 / Kasiyappa 3d or Kasumbu / Anuradhapura / 726 / 1269 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Son

92 / Aggrabodhi 3d or Akbo / Anuradhapura / 729 / 1272 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Nephew

93 / Aggrabodhi 4th or Kuda Akbo/ Pollonnaruwa / 769 / 1312 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Son

94 / Mihindu 1st or Salamaiwan / Anuradhapura / 775 / 1318 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Original royal family

95 / Dappula 2d / Anuradhapura / 795 / 1338 / 5 / 0 / 0 / Son

96 / Mihindu 2d or Dharmika-Silamaiga / Anuradhapura / 800 / 1343 / 4 / 0 / 0 / Son

97 / Aggrabodhi 5th or Akho / Anuradhapura / 804 / 1347 / 11 / 0 / 0 / Brother

98 / Dappula 3d or Kuda Dappula/ Anuradhapura / 815 / 1358 / 16 / 0 / 0 / Son

99 / Aggrabodhi 6th / Anuradhapura / 831 / 1374 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Cousin

100 / Mitwella Sen or Silamaiga / Anuradhapura / 838 / 1381 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Son: error 4 years

101 / Kasiyappa 4th or Maganyin Sena or Mihindu / Anuradhapura / 858 / 1401 / 33 / 0 / 0 / Grandson

102 / Udaya 1st / Anuradhapura / 891 / 1434 / 35 / 0 / 0 / Brother

103 / Udaya 2d / Anuradhapura / 926 / 1469 / 11 / 0 / 0 / Son

104 / Kasiyappa 5th / Anuradhapura / 937 / 1480 / 17 / 0 / 0 / Nephew and son-in-law

105 / Kasiyappa 6th / Anuradhapura / 954 / 1497 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Son-in-law

106 / Dappula 4th / Pollonnaruwa / 964 / 1507 / 0 / 7 / 0 / Son

107 / Dappula 5th / Pollonnaruwa / 964 / 1507 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

108 / Udaya 3rd / Pollonnaruwa / 974 / 1517 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Brother

109 / Sena 2d / Pollonnaruwa / 977 / 1320 / 9 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

110 / Udaya 4th / Pollonnaruwa / 986 1529 / 8 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do.

111 / Sena 3d / Pollonnaruwa / 994 / 1537 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do.

112 / Mihindu 3d / Pollonnaruwa / 997 / 1540 / 16 / 0 / 0 / Do. Do.

113 / Sena 4th / Pollonnaruwa / 1013 / 1556 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Son -- minor

114 / Mihindu 4th /Anuradhapura / 1023 / 1566 / 36 / 0 / 0 / * [Vide Introduction for the reason for the insertion of these details.] Brother -- ascended the throne at Anuradhapura— the foreign population settled in the island had increased to such an extent, that they had gained the ascendency over the native inhabitants, and the king had lost his authority over both – In the tenth year of his reign, he was besieged in his palace. -- He escaped in disguise to Rohona, and fortified himself at Ambagalla, where his son Kasiyappa was born: he there after removed to Kappagolla-nuwera. The Solleans invaded the island 26 years after the king's flight from the capital, which they occupied; and following him into Rohona, captured him and the queen, whom, with the regalia, they transferred to Sollee — a Sollean viceroy administered the government, making Pollonnaruwa his capital. -- The king died in the 12th year of his captivity.

Interregnum / -- / Pollonnaruwa / 1059 / 1602 / 12 / 0 / 0 / The island was governed by the Sollean viceroy, during the king's captivity. An army of 10,000 men was sent from Sollee to assist the viceroy in subduing Rohona and capturing prince Kasiyappa, but he was defeated. — On hearing of the demise of his father, the prince proclaimed himself king of Ceylon, under the title of Wikrama Bahu, and was making great preparations to expel the Solleans, when he died.

-- / Maha Lai or Maha Lala Kirti / Rohona / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- /

-- / Wikrama Pandi / Kalutotta / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- /

-- / Jagat Pandi or Jagati Pala -- Rohona / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- /

-- / Prakrama Pandi or Prakrama Bahu / Rohona / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / The relationship of these kings (this king and the three above) to each other, or to preceding rulers is not always stated — During the whole of this period which comprises the Interegnum in Pihitee, the country was in a state of complete anarchy, owing to the constant invasions and irruption of the malabars. Different members of the royal family took up the reins of the government of Rohona as they were abandoned by, or snatched from, each predecessor.– At the termination of Prakrama Pandi's reign, no royal candidate for the crown appearing, it was assumed by the minister Lokaiswara.

-- / Lokaiswara / Kacharagama / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / The minister -- a descendant of Manawamma -- he left a son Kirti, who subsequently assumed the title of Wijaya Bahu.

115 / Wejayabahu 1st or Sirisangabo 4th / Pollonnaruwa / 1071 / 1614 / 55 / 0 / 0 / (Son -- he was proclaimed in his infancy, on the demise of his father Wikrama Bahu, and an embassy was sent to Siam for pecuniary aid, to reestablish the Buddhistical dynasty, which aid was afforded. In the mean time, Kasiyappa, a prince of royal descent, aided by a brother, became a competitor for the throne -- he was defeated and slain — his brother escaped. The news of this victory, together with the oppressions of the Solleans, made the natives flock to the standard of Wejayabahu, who thereupon proclaimed war against the Solleans. After a protracted and desultory warfare, a general action was fought under the walls of Pollonnaruwa. -- The Solleans being defeated, threw themselves into the town, which was carried by storm, after a siege of six weeks, and given up to the sword. The king's authority was soon recognized over the whole island, after the capture of the capital; and the fame of his actions extended over all Dambadiva. Ambassadors arrived from the sovereigns of India and of Siam, and learned priests were sent by Anuradha, king of Arracan. -- At the audience given to the ambassadors, the first place in precedence was assigned to the envoy of the buddhist sovereign of Siam, and the insult was quickly avenged by the king of Sollee, by cutting off the nose and ears of the Singhalese envoy accredited to his court. Each monarch then prepared to invade the country of the other. -- The Sollean army embarked first, and landed at Mantotte where the Singhalese army was assembled for embarkation. Having defeated it, and the country in the rear being unprotected, the enemy marched at once on the capital, from which the king fled; it was occupied by the enemy who demolished the palace. The king however soon reassembled his army, which, under the command of his son Wirebahu expelled the Solleans from the island. -- In the 45th year of his reign, he invaded Sollee, from which however, he was obliged to make a hasty retreat -- The king then turned his attention to internal improvements: he formed and repaired many tanks and temples, and restored the Mainnairia canal, which had been destroyed during the Sollean interregnum -- He survived his martial son, Wirabahu, but left other children.

116 / Jayabahu 1st / Pollonnaruwa / 1126 / 1669 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Brother -- He was opposed by Wikramabahu, a younger son of the late king, which led to great internal commotions, in which Malabarana and Gajabahu, the grandsons, and Siriwallaba, the brother, of the late king took part . They were subsequently reconciled, each retaining the portion of the island, he then held, in which he exercised an imperfect authority-- Wikramabahu's capital was Pollonnaruwa, he adopted Prakrama,* [Ratnawali's son whose fame and greatness are predicted in the 59 chap." which is inserted in the appendix.] the son of Malabarana. On his demise, Gajabahu took possession of the capital, and bestowed his daughter on Prakrama. The said Prakrama, from the great services he had rendered the country, became the favorite of his reigning relations, and the idol of the people— These princes subsequently disagreed among themselves, and Prakrama openly aimed at the sovereignty -- He first drove Gajabahu from the capital into Saffragam. The conflict was again renewed, and the capital was regained by Gajababu. The priests then interfered and mediated between them. They met Gajabahu at Mandaligiri wihare, who consented to resign the sovereignty to Prakrama, and caused that abdication to be engraven on a rock near that temple. He retired to the "River city" where he died in the 20th year of his reign. It is not defined from what date his reign commenced; if reckoned from the demise of Wejayabahu, the error in the chronology is six years.

117 / Wikramabahu 1st / Pollonnaruwa / 1127 / 1670 / 20 / 0 / 0 /

-- / Manabarana / Rohana / 1127 / 1670 / 20 / 0 / 0 /

118 / Gajabahu 2d / Pollonnaruwa / 1127 / 1670 / 20 / 0 / 0 /

-- / Siriwallaba or Kitsiri Maiwan / Rohona / 1127 / 1670 / 20 / 0 / 0 /

119 / Prakrama Bahu 1st / Pollonnaruwa / 1153 / 1696 / 33 / 0 / 0 / Crowned king of Pihití, at Pollonnaruwa, in 1696, on the abdication of Gajabahu – He immediately took the field in person to reduce the provincial chiefs to subjection. His father, who was similarly engaged in Rohona, effected his object first, and sent his minister Mihindu to invade Pihiti -- In the absence of Prakrama with his army in the northern districts, both Pollonnaruwa and Anuradhapura fell into the hands of Manabarana. A furious war ensued, which terminated in the father being compelled to recross the Mahawelliganga -- On his death bed, by the advice of his ministers and the priests, he forgave his son, sent for him, and caused him to be crowned king of Rohona. The king returned to his capital, and reduced the whole island to complete subjection: reestablished the ordinances of budhism; built a rampart round the city: a palace seven stories high, and two edifices of five stories, for priests and devotees; formed the garden Manda-Udyana, and erected in it the coronation hall of three stories, and built a temple for the Dalada relic. He married, secondly, a daughter of Kitsiri Maiwan, and she built the Rankot dagoba. At this period the greater streets of Pollonnaruwa extended seven gows, and the lesser streets four gows, from the town, through its suburbs -- He sent a minister to Anuradhapura, to repair the neglected edifices and tanks near that city.

In the 8th year of his reign, the chiefs of Rohona revolted, and were subdued by the minister, after a protracted struggle, which occasioned a great destruction of lives and property -- a severe example was made among the insurgents, by impaling, beheading, and other executions. — The minister remained in that part of the island, and founded the two Mahanagapura at Gintotta.

The king of Cambodia and Arramana had committed many acts of violence on Singhalese subjects -- he had plundered some merchants trading in elephants -- had inflicted indignities on the Singhalese ambassador, whom he banished to the Malayan peninsula, maimed and mutilated -- he had intercepted ships conveying some princesses from Ceylon to the continent. -- In the 16th year of his reign, to avenge these insults, the king "equipped in five months several hundred vessels," which sailed from the port of Pallawatotta, on the same day, with an army on board, commanded by Demilla Adikaram, fully provisioned and provided for 12 months. The expedition landed in Arramana, vanquished the enemy, and obtained full satisfaction.

The king next turned his attention to the chastisement of Kulasaikera, king of Pandi, for the countenance and aid he had always afforded to all invaders of Ceylon. A powerful army was sent, under the command of the minister Lankanatha, which subdued Rammissaram, and the six neighbouring provinces; drove the king from his capital, and placed his son Wírapandu on the throne. The names of all the chiefs, who opposed or submitted to the invading army, are given. Kulasaikera made three attempts to recover his kingdom, with the aid of the king of Sollee -- Being defeated in all, and seven gows of the territory of Sollee also being subdued, be surrendered himself, and made the required concessions. He was restored to his kingdom, and the conquered portion of Sollee was made a principality for Wirapandu -- Lankanatha returned with a great booty, and received an extensive grant of land for his services.

During the remainder of his reign, the most martial, enterprizing, and glorious, in Singhalese history, the king occupied himself in internal improvements -- He repaired the religious and other public edifices at Pollonnaruwa, Anuradhapura, Sigiri and Wijittapura, and constructed others, -- among them, the Ruanwelli dagoba at Kirrigama, in Rohona, to the memory of his queen -- He cut many canals for the purpose of diverting rivers into the great tanks -- among them the Godavairi canal, to divert the waters of the Karaganga into "the sea of Prakrama"; the Kalinda canal, to conduct the waters of Mennairia lake to the northward; and the Jayaganga canal to conduct the waters of the Kalawewe tank to Anuradhapura.

120 / Wejayabahu 2d / Pollonnaruwa / 1186 / 1729 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Nephew -- murdered

121 / Mahindo 5th or Kitsen Kisda's / Pollonnaruwa / 1187 / 1730 / 0 / 0 / 5 / Usurper -- put to death

122 / Kirti Nissanga / Pollonnaruwa / 1187 / 1730 / 9 / 0 / 0 / A prince of Kalinga

122 / Wirabahu / Pollonnaruwa / 1196 / 1739 / 0 / 0 / 1 / Son -- put to death

123 / Wikramabahu 2d / Pollonnaruwa / 1196 / 1739 / 0 / 3 / 0 / Brother of Kirti Nissanga -- put to death

124 / Chondakanga / Pollonnaruwa / 1196 / 1739 / 0 / 9 / 0 / Nephew -- deposed

125 / Lílawati / Pollonnaruwa / 1197 / 1740 / 3 / 0 / 0 / Widow of Prakramabahu -- deposed

126 / Sahasamallawa / Pollonnaruwa / 1200 / 1743 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Okaka branch -- deposed

127 / Kalyanawati / Pollonnaruwa / 1202 / 1745 / 6 / 0 / 0 / Sister of Kirti Nissanga

128 / Dharmasoka / Pollonnaruwa / 1208 / 1751 / 1 / 0 / 0 / Not specified -- minor

129 / Nayaanga or Nikanga / Pollonnaruwa / 1209 / 1752 / 0 / 0 / 17 / Minister -- put to death

129 / Lilawati / Pollonnaruwa / 1209 / 1752 / 1 / 0 / 0 Restored, and again deposed

130 / Lokaiswera 1st / Pollonnaruwa / 1210 / 1753 / 0 / 9 / 0 / Usurper -- deposed

130 / Lilawati / Pollonnaruwa / 1211 / 1754 / 0 / 7 / 0 / Again restored and deposed a third time

131 / Pandi Prakrama Bahu 2d / Pollonnaruwa / 1211 / 1754 / 3 / 0 0 / Usurper -- deposed

132 / Magha / Pollonnaruwa / 1214 / 1757 / 21 / 0 / 0 / Foreign usurper

133 / Wejayabahu 3d / Dambadeniya / 1235 / 1778 / 24 / 0 / 0 / Descendant of Sirisangabo 1st

134 / Kalikala Sahitya Sargwajnya or Pandita Prakrama Bahu 3d / Dambadeniya / 1266 / 1809 / 35 / 0 / 0 / Son: error 7 years

135 / Bosat Wejaya Bahu 4th / Pollonnaruwa / 1301 / 1844 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Son

-- / Bhuwaneka Bahu / Yapahu or Subhapabatto / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --

136 / Bhuwaneka Bahu 1st / Yapahu or Subhapabatto / 1303 / 1846 / 11 / 0 / 0 / Brother

137 / Prakrama Bahu 3d / Pollonnaruwa / 1314 / 1857 / 5 / 0 / 0 / Son of Bosat Wejayabahu

138 / Bhuiwaneka Bahu 2d / Kurunaigalla or Hastisailapura / 1319 / 1862 / not stated / Son of Bhuwanekabahu

139 / Pandita Prakrama Bahoo 4th / Kurunaigalla or Hastisailapura / do / do / do / Not specified

140 / Wanny Bhuwaneka Bahu 3d / Kurunaigalla or Hastisailapura / do / do / do / Not specified

141 / Wejaya Bahu 5th / Kurunaigalla or Hastisailapura / do / do / do / Not specified

142 / Bhuwaneka Bahu 4th / Gampola or Gangasiripura / 1347 / 1890 / 14 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

143 / Prakrama Bahu 5th / Gampola or Gangasiripura / 1361 / 1904 / 10 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

144 / Wikramabahu 3d / Partly at Kandy or Sengadagall Nuwers / 1371 / 1914 / 7 / 0 / 0 / Cousin

145 / Bhuwaneka Bahu 5th / Gampola or Gangasiriputa / 1378 / 1921 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

146 Wejaya Bahu 5th or Wira Bahu / Gampola or Gangasiriputa / 1398 / 1941 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

147 / Sri Prakrama Bahu 6th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1410 / 1953 / 52 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

148 / Jayabahu 2d / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1462 / 2005 / 2 / 0 / 0 / Maternal grandson -- put to death

149 / Bhuwaneka Bahu 6th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1464 / 2007 / 7 / 0 / 0 / Not specified

150 / Pandita Prakrama Bahu 7th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1471 / 2014 / 14 / 0 / 0 / Adopted son

151 / Wira Prakrama Bahu 8th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1485 / 2028 / 20 / 0 / 0 / Brother of Bhuwanekabahu 6th

152 / Dharma Prakrama Bahu 9th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1505 / 2048 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Son

153 / Wejava Bahu 7th / Kotta or Jayawardanapura / 1527 / 2070 / 7 / 0 / 0 / Brother -- murdered

-- / Jayawira Bandara / Gampola / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --

154 / Bhuwaneka Bahu 7th / Kotta / 1534 / 2077 / 8 / 0 / 0 / Son

-- / Mayalunnai / Sítawaka / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --

-- / Raygam Bandara / Raygam / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Jayatrira Bandara / Kandy / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

155 / Don Juan Dharmapala / Kotta / 1542 / 2085 / 39 / 0 / 0 / Grandson

-- / A Malabar / Yapahu / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Portuguese / Colombo / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Waliye Raja / Pailainda Nowera / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Rajasingha / Awissawelle / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Idirimane Suriya / Seren Korles / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --  

-- / Wikrama Bahu / Kandy / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Descendant of Sirisangabo 1st

156 / Rajasingha 1st / Sitawaka / 1581 / 2124 / 11 / 0 / 0 / Son of Mayadunnai

-- / Jaya Suriya / Sitawaka / / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --

-- / Widiye Raja's queen / Sitawaka / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / --

157 / Wimala Dharma / Kandy / 1592 / 2135 / 12 / 0 / 0 / Original royal family

158 / Senaratana or Senerat / Kandy / 1604 / 2147 / 31 / 0 / 0 / Brother

159 / Raja-singha 2d / Kandy / 1635 / 2178 / 50 / 0 / 0 / Son

-- / Kumara-singa / Ouvah / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brother  

-- / Wijaya Pala / Matelle / -- / -- / -- / -- / -- / Brother

160 / Wimala Dharma Suriya 2d / Kandy / 1685 / 2228 / 22 / 0 / 0 / Son of Raja-singha

161 / Sriwira Prakrama Narendrasingha or Kundasala / Kandy / 1707 / 2250 / 32 / 0 / 0 / Son

162 / Sriwejaya Rajasingha or Hanguranketta / Kandy / 1739 / 2282 / 8 / 0 / 0 / Brother-in-law

163 / Kirtisri Rajasingha / Kandy / 1747 / 2290 / 34 / 0 / 0 / Brother-in-law

164 / Rajadhi Rajasingha / Kandy / 1781 / 2324 / 17 / 0 / 0 / Brother

165 / Sri Wickrema Rajasingha / Kandy / 1798 / 2341 / 16 / 0 / 0 / Son of the late king's wife's sister, deposed by the English, and died in captivity

[N. B .-- The names printed in the above tables in Italics, are those of subordinate or contemporary princes.]


The Buddhist and Hindu sources present different versions of how Chandragupta met Chanakya. Broadly, they mention young Chandragupta creating a mock game of a royal court that he and his cowherd friends played near Vinjha forest. Chanakya saw him give orders to the others, bought him from the hunter, and adopted Chandragupta. Chanakya taught and admitted him in Taxila to study the Vedas, military arts, law, and other sastras.

-- Chandragupta Maurya, by Wikipedia


As an illustration of the grounds on which I suggest that there is no such glaring disparity in extravagance between the mythology and legends of the East and of the West, as should necessarily prescribe the condemnation and rejection of the former, I extract two passages, the one from Herodotus, and the other from Justinus.

The Gandaci, or Gandacavati, is called Gandac in the spoken dialects, and it is the Condochates of Megasthenes. This river is left out by Ptolemy; but it is obvious, at least to me, that he had documents about it and the Sarayu, which either he did not well understand, or were very defective. All rivers to the north of the Ganges flow in general towards the south, declining more or less toward the east. Here Ptolemy has a river, which, according to him, flows directly towards the south-west, and he has very properly bestowed no name upon it. What is remarkable is that the source of this imaginary river is really that of the Gandaci, and its confluence [junction] with the Ganges is that of the Dewa. On its banks he has a town called Cassida, the Sanscrit name of which is Cushadha, or Cusadya, the same with Oude; and, as it were to complete the sum of blunders, he has placed Canogiza, or Canoge on its banks. According to Ptolemy, the source of this river is in the northern hills, at a place which he calls Selampura, (as it is written and accentuated in the Greek original), at the foot of mount Bepyrrhus, so called from numerous passes through it and called to this day Bhimpheri, synonymous with Bhay-pheri or the tremendous passes, as we have seen before. Selampoor is really a Sanscrit name of a place, Sailapura, or Sailampur, for both are grammatical, and are synonymous with Sailagram, and the obvious meaning, and we may say the only one of both, is the town of Saila, which signifies a rocky hill.

Enthusiasts, have endeavoured to frame etymologies suitable to the rank, and dignity of this stone, which is a deity, and is god in its own right, for it is Vishnu: but they are rejected by sober and dispassionate Pandits, as too far fetched, and sometimes ridiculous. The name of this stone is written Salagram, Sailagram, Saila-chacra, and Gandaci-Sila. People who go in search of the Salagram, travel as far as a place called Thacca-cote, at the entrance nearly of the snowy mountains. To the south of it is a village where they stop and procure provisions. This village was probably called Sailapur or Sailagram from its situation near a Saila or rocky hill, and from it this famous stone was denominated Sailagram, as well as the river. Thacca is mentioned in Arrowsmith’s map.

The origin of this rocky hill is connected with a most strange legend, which I shall give in the abstract. Vishnu, unwilling to subject himself to the dreaded power and influence of the ruler of the planet Saturn, and having no time to lose, was obliged to have recourse to his Maya, or illusive powers, which are very great, and he suddenly became a rocky mountain. This is called Saila-maya, of a rocky mountain the illusive form: but Saturn soon found him out, and in the shape of a worm forced himself through, gnawing every part of this illusive body. For one year of Saturn was Vishnu thus tormented, and through pain and vexation he sweated most profusely, as may be supposed, particularly about the temples, from which issued two copious streams, the Crishna or black, and the Sweta-Gandaci, or white Gandaci; the one to the east, and the other to the west. After one revolution of Saturn, Vishnu resumed his own shape, and ordered this stone to be worshipped, which of course derives its divine right from itself, without any previous consecration, as usual in all countries in which images are worshipped.

There are four stones, which are styled Saila-maya, and are accordingly worshipped whenever they are found. The first is the Saila, or stone just mentioned; the second, which is found abundantly in the river Sona, is a figured stone, of a reddish colour, with a supposed figure of Ganesa in the shape of an elephant, and commonly called Ganesa-ca-pathar: the third is found in the Narmmada; and the fourth is a single stone or rock which is the Saila-maya, of the third part of the bow of Parasu-Rama, after it had been broken by Rama-chandra. It is still to be seen, about seven Cos to the N.E. of Janaca-pura in Taira-bhucta, at a place called Dhanuca-grama, or the village of the bow, occasionally called Saila-maya-pur, or grama, according to the Bhuvana-cosa....

The next river is the Bagmati or Bangmati, that is to say, full of noises and sounds. According to the Himavat-chanda, a section of the Scanda-purana, it comes from two springs in the skirts of the peak of Siva. The eastern spring is the Bagmati, and the western is called after Harineswara or Harinesa, or the lord in the shape of an antelope. We read in the above section that Siva once thought proper to withdraw from the busy scenes of the world, and to live incognito in the shape of an ugly and deformed male antelope, that he might not be recognised by his wife, and by the gods, who he knew would immediately go in search of him, as he was one of the three grand agents of the world. He was not mistaken; for 10,000 years of the gods they searched for him all over the world but in vain. His lubricity at last led to the discovery, for some of the gods took particular notice of the behaviour of an ugly male antelope, and they wisely concluded that it was Siva himself in that shape. Since that time Siva is worshipped along the banks of the Bagmati under the title of Harineswara, or Harinesa. The peak we mentioned before is called to this day, according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, Sheopoory, the place or abode of Siva, or Seo. The pool, where he and his female friends used to allay their thirst, is called in the above Purana Mrigasringodaca, or Harinasringodaca, or the water of the peak of the antelope, meaning Siva in that shape....

Let us now pass to the Brahma-putra, or Brahmi-tanaya, that is to say the son of Brahma, or rather his efflux. The account of this river, and of its various names, is somewhat intricate, but above all its strange origin which cannot well be passed unnoticed. It is to be found in several Puranas, but the Calica is the most explicit on the subject; and I shall give it here in the abstract.

Brahma, in the course of his travels, riding upon a goose, passed by the hermitage of the sage Santanu, who was gone into the adjacent groves, and his wife, the beautiful and virtuous Amogha, was alone. Struck with her beauty he made proposals, which were rejected with indignation, and Amogha threatened to curse him.

Brahma, who was disguised like a holy mendicant, began to tremble and went away: however, before he turned round, his efflux fell to the ground at the door of the hermitage. The efflux is describe, as Hataca, like gold, Cara-hataca, radiant and shining like gold, which is the colour of Brahma; it is always in motion like quicksilver. On Santanu’s return Amogha did not fail to acquaint him with Brahma’s behaviour: he gave due praise to her virtue and resolution, but observed at the same time that with regard to a person of such a high rank as Brahma, who is the first of beings in the world, she might have complied with his wishes without any impropriety. This is no new idea; however Amogha reprobated this doctrine with indignation. I shall pass over how this efflux was conveyed into her womb by her husband. The Nile was also the efflux of Osiris, and probably the legend about it was equally obscene and filthy. In due time she was delivered of a fine boy amidst a vast quantity of water, and who was really the son of Brahma, and exactly like him. Then Santanu made a Cunda, or hole like a cup, and put the child and waters into it. The waters soon worked their way below to the depth of five Yojans, or forty miles nearly, and as far as Patal, or the infernal regions. This Cunda, or small circular pond, or lake, is called Brahmacunda, and the river issuing from it Brahma-putra, the son of Brahma. The water in it is in a constant motion, always violently agitated, as may be supposed; and wonders are related of this place....

The Sama was afterward called the red river, from the following circumstance. The famous Rama, with the title of Parasu or Parsu, having been ordered by his father to cut off his own mother’s head, through fear of the paternal curse was obliged to obey. With his bloody Parasu, or Parsu, or cimetar in one hand, and the bleeding head of his mother in the other, he appeared before his father who was surrounded by holy men, who were petrified with horror at this abominable sight. He then went to the Brahma-cunda to be expiated, his cimetar sticking fast to his hand all the way; he then washed it in the waters of the Sama, which became red and bloody, or Lohita. The cimetar then fell to the ground, and with it he cleft the adjacent mountains, and opened a passage for himself to the Cunda, and also for the waters of the Brahma-putra; he then flung the fatal instrument into the Cunda. The cleft is called to this day Prabhu-Cuthara, because it was made with a mighty Cuthara, or cimetar. This is obviously the legend of Perseus, and the Gorgon’s head....

El Edrissi says, that in the Khamdan, which joins the Ganges,
* [P. 69 & 70.] there was a Trisula, or trident, firmly fixed in the bed of the river. It was of iron, had three sharp prongs, and rose about ten cubits above the surface of the water, and says our author, its name, in the language of India, was Barsciul, or in Sanscrit Vara or Bara-sula, the most excellent trident. Near this iron tree was a man reading the praise of this river, and saying, "O thou, who abundantly bestowest blessings; thou art the path leading to paradise; thou flowest from sources in heaven, the road to which thou pointest out to mankind: happy the man who ascends this tree, and throws himself into the river;” when some one of the hearers, moved by these words, ascends the tree and jumps into the river and is drowned, whilst the spectators wish him the eternal joys of paradise. This is really in the style of the Pauranics; and though suicide is forbidden in general, yet there are privileged places where it is meritorious to kill one self....

In the countries of Chattala and Barmanaca, Rama-chandra began his first bridge in his intended expedition against Ravana. The abutment took up the whole of these countries; and then Rama-chandra carried on his works directly towards Subela, or Sumatra, and had nearly reached that island when, by the advice of Vibhishan, king of that country, he left off and began another bridge at Rameswara, in the south of India. Of the former bridge seven piers are still to be seen which form the archipelagos of the Andaman and Nicobar islands, exhibiting vast ruins consisting of all the rocks which surrounded them. The Hindus fancy that all ledges of rocks, and all islands placed in a line, are the remains of bridges made either by the gods or by the devils, for some particular purposes, generally unknown to us at present....


The course of the Ganges has not been traced beyond Gangautri, for the stream a little farther is entirely concealed under a glaciere, or iceberg, and is supposed to be inaccessible. Be this as it may, the source of the Ganges is supposed to be in a basin called Cunda, because it is in the shape of a drinking vessel so called in Sanscrit, and Piyala in Hindi... and the water, forcing its way at the bottom, re-appeared at a considerable distance through subterraneous channels.

This is supposed to be the case with our Cunda, which is said to be deep, and that water is constantly oozing and dripping from its steep and guttered sides, forming many little streams which are called the hundred weepers from the manner in which they fall, and also from the noise they make. These falling to the bottom form a considerable stream, which they say forces its way through channels, either under ground or under the glaciere. This place is said to be inaccessible to mortals, and that the above particulars were revealed to certain Munis. This stream re-appears at Gangautri, where is a fall of no great magnitude. Below the fall, in the middle of the river, is a rock styled the head, or top, of the Linga of Maha-deva. The Ganges tumbles over it, hence this stone is called, from that circumstance, Patacni, or Patcani...

The Pauranics declare that the Ganges, issuing from under the feet of Vishnu under the pole, flies through the air, brushing the summits of the highest mountains, and falls into the Cunda of Brahma, which is acknowledged to be the lake of Mana-sarovara, and from thence through the air again it alights upon the head of Maha-deva, and remains entangled in the lock of hair on his head, from which it drops continually into a bason beneath called Bindu-sarovara, or the dripping pool...


-- VII. On the ancient Geography of India, by Lieut. Col. F. Wilford


I specially select these extracts, as Mahanamo, the author of the Mahawanso may be considered in the character of "an historian,” as regards his history of Ceylon, and that of "an epitomist," as regards his sketch of his buddhistical history of India; and he is thereby compared, respectively, with authors who are recognized as "the Father of History," and "the epitomist,” in the literature of the west. In the former of these extracts, while the remarkable coincidence in the tenor of the fabulous histories of Cyrus and Chandragupta cannot possibly escape notice, it will surely not be denied that the extravagance, generally, of the former transcends that of the latter.[!!!] And in Justinus' account of Sandracottus, if there be much of the marvellous which must (though not corroborated by eastern annals) be attributed to an eastern origin, it must at least be admitted that it falls short of the absurdity of the intervention of the embraces of Apollo, and of the impression of the figure of the anchor on the thigh, had recourse to, by western authorities, to render Seleucus and his descendants illustrious.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Thu Jan 27, 2022 3:17 am

Part 2 of 3

LAWRENT'S TRANSLATION OF HERODOTUS: Cho 107 to 130.

Astyages the son of Cyaxares succeeded to the empire. He had a daughter, to whom he gave the name of Mandare. Astyages fancied in his sleep that he saw her discharge such a quantity of urine, that it not only filled his own city, but also overflowed the whole of Asia. Having communicated his vision to the interpreters of dreams among the Magi, he was alarmed when he heard from them the particulars. So that afterwards, when Mandane was marriageable, he would not give her to any of the Medes worthy of his alliance, dreading the result of his vision; but united her to a Persian, whose name was Cambyses, whom he understood to be of a good family, and peaceable disposition, because he regarded him as greatly inferior to a Mede of the middle rank. In the first year after Mandane was married to Cambyses, Astyges beheld another vision; he thought he saw a vine spring from his daughter's womb, and that vine cover the whole of Asia: when he had had that vision, and communicated it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, who was then near her delivery, out of the Persian territory; and after her arrival, kept a strict watch over her, intending to destroy her offspring for the explainers of dreams among the Magi had, from his vision, pointed out that the issue of his daughter would one day reign in his place. Astyages, accordingly, wishing to guard himself against such an event, called to him, as soon as Cyrus was born, Harpagus, a relation, the most faithful to him of the Medes, and his confident in all matters; to him he spoke as follows: "Harpagus, I would have thee by no means neglect the business with which I now trust thee; do not deceive me, lest attaching thyself to others, thou shouldst cause thy own fall. Take the infant which Mandane has brought forth, carry it to thy house, and there destroy it; and then bury it in such manner as thou wilt think proper." The other replied: "Sire, hitherto thou hast never seen any thing like ingratitude in the man that now stands before thee; I shall take care for the time to come also not to offend thee: therefore if it be thy pleasure that this should be done, as thou sayest, it behoves me, so far at least as is in my power, to execute it carefully." Harpagus having answered in these words, and the infant being delivered up to him, adorned in the dress of the dead, proceeded, weeping, towards his house; and at his arrival, related to his own wife the whole discourse, Astyages had held to him; whereupon the woman said to him. "What dost thou intend, then, to do now?" "Not according to the commands of Astyages," he replied; "not even were he more mad and wrath than he now is, would I at any rate obey his will, or lend myself to such a murder. I will not be his murderer for many reasons: for the child is my own relation, and, moreover, Astyages is old, and without male issue; now should the empire at his death descend to this daughter, whose infant he now wishes to destroy by my hands, what else would then remain for me but the greatest dangers. Nevertheless it is necessary, for my safety, that this infant should perish; but some one of Astyages's people, and not mine, must be the executioner." He spoke thus and immediately dispatched a messenger for one of Astyages's herdsmen, who, he knew, fed his flocks in pastures well adapted to his purpose, being situated in mountains much infested with wild beasts. His name was Matradates, and he was married to a fellow slave; the name of the woman with whom he lived was in the Greek language, Cyno: in that of the Medes, Sparo, for the Medes call a bitch Spaco. The pastures where this herdsman kept the cattle were at the first of a range of mountains, northward of Ecbatana, and towards the black sea, for in that direction, in the neighbourhood of the Laspeires, the country of the Medes is very mountainous, lofty, and covered with wood, whereas the rest of the country is all level. The herdsman who was sent for having come accordingly with great diligence, Harpagus spoke to him thus: "Astyages commands thee to take this infant, and expose him on the most desert of the mountains, so that he may quickly perish: he ordered me likewise to tell thee this, that if thou dost not destroy it, or if in any manner thou contributest towards saving its life, thou shalt perish by the most cruel death: I am also commanded to see myself the child exposed.” — The herdsman having received these orders, took up the infant, went back by the same way, and returned to his cottage. Now while he was gone to the city, it so happened that his own wife, who expected her delivery every day, brought forth at that time a child. They were both anxious on each other's account; the man being concerned for the delivery of his wife, and the woman being uneasy, as it was not usual for Harpagus to send for her husband: so that when he appeared before her at his return, the woman, seeing him thus unexpectedly, spoke to him the first, and asked, wherefore Harpagus had sent for him in such haste. "Wife, said he, when I reached the city, I beheld and heard such things as I wish I had never seen and had never happened to our masters. The whole house of Harpagus was filled with lamentation; terrified, I entered, and as soon as I went in, I beheld on the ground an infant, panting and weeping, adorned with gold, and a colored garment. When Harpagus saw me, he ordered me instantly to take up the infant, carry him away, and expose him in that part of the mountains that is most infested with wild beasts; saying that it was Astyagus himself who commanded me to do so, and threatening me with severe punishment if I did not obey; I took up the child, supposing it belonged to one of the family, and carried it away; for I certainly could never have imagined whose it was. Nevertheless I was astonished when I beheld the gold and richly ornamented clothes; as I was likewise at the mourning that appeared in the house of Harpagus: but soon after, while on my road, I received indeed a full account from the servant who conducted me out of the city, and placed the child in my hands; that he is in truth the son of Astyages's daughter, Mandane, and of Cambyses son of Cyrus, and that Astyages commands that he be put to death. So now here he is.” At the same time that the herdsman spoke these words, he uncovered the infant, and showed it to his wife; she, seeing the body was stout and well shapen, burst into tears, and embracing the knees of her husband, besought him by all means not to expose the child. But he declared, that it was not possible to do otherwise; in as much as witnesses were to come from Harpagus to see that he had executed his orders; and if he did not do so, he would be most cruelly put to death. The woman, seeing she could not prevail upon him by that means, once more addressed him in the following words: "Since then, I cannot prevail upon thee not to expose the child, I beseech thee to act in this manner, if it is indeed necessary that a child should be seen stretched out on the mountain: as I have myself been delivered, and have brought forth a still-born child, do thou carry that out and expose it, and let us bring up the son of Astyages's daughter, as if he were one of our own: and by that means neither canst thou be convicted of betraying our masters, nor shall we take bad counsel for ourselves, for the dead child will receive a royal burial, and the living one will not lose his life.” -- The herdsman, thinking that his wife spoke very much to the purpose, immediately did as she advised; the child that he had brought for the purpose of putting to death, he gave to his wife; and taking his own, which was dead, he placed it in the cradle in which he had brought the other; and covering it with all the ornaments of the other infant, he carried it to the most desert of the mountains, where he exposed it. On the third day of the infant's being exposed, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his hinds to watch over it; and coming to the house of Harpagus, declared that he was ready to show the dead body of the child. Harpagus, therefore, sent the most trusty of his guards, and upon their report had the herdsman's child buried. Thus one was buried; but the other, known afterwards by the name of Cyrus, the herdsman's wife took to herself, and brought up, giving him some other name than that of Cyrus.

When this child was ten years of age, an event of the following nature, which happened to him, discovered who he was: he was playing in the same village where the stalls were, amusing himself in the road with other lads of his own age; and the boys, in sport, accordingly elected to be king over them this youth, who commonly went by the name of the herdsman's son. He nominated some of them to be stewards of the buildings; others to be his guards; one of them to be the king's eye; to another he committed the office of bringing to him the petitions: thus assigning to each his proper duty. One of these lads, who was sharing in the sport, was a son of Artembares, a man of rank among the Medes; but as he would not perform what Cyrus had assigned him to do, the latter commanded the other boys to lay hold on him; and they obeying his orders, Cyrus handled him pretty sharply with a scourge. The other, as soon as he was liberated, complained highly of having suffered a treatment so unbecoming his rank; and going back to the city, complained to his father of the strokes he had received from Cyrus, not that he said, "from Cyrus” (for that was not yet the name by which he was known) but from the son of Astyages's herdsman. Artembares, inflamed with anger, instantly went into the presence of Astyages, taking his son with him; he declared that he suffered indignant treatment; "Sir," said he, showing the boy's shoulders, "it is thus we are insulted by thy slave, the son of a herdsman."

Astyages having heard and seen, and wishing to avenge the boy for Artembares's sake, sent for the herdsman and his son. When they were both before him, Astyages looked at the lad, and said to him, "what, then, being the son of such a father, hast thou had the audacity to treat with this indignity the son of this the first nobleman in my court!" The youth replied as follows: "My lord, it was with justice that I behaved thus towards him: for the boys of the village, of whom he was one, in play, constituted me king over them, as I appeared to them the best adapted to the office. All the other boys accordingly executed the orders I gave them; but this one refused to obey, and took no account of my commands, wherefore he received punishment. If then I am on that account deserving of any chastisement, I am here before thee ready to undergo it." While the boy was thus speaking Astyages recognized him; for the features of his face seemed to resemble his own, his answer was noble, and the time of the exposition of his daughter's child, appeared to agree with the boy's age: struck with these circumstances, he remained silent for some time. Having at last with some difficulty recovered himself, and wishing to dismiss Artembares, in order that taking the herdsman apart, he might examine him, he said: "Artembares, I will manage these matters so that neither thou nor thy son shall have any cause to complain.” In this manner he dismissed Artembares; and the servants, by the orders of Astyages, conducted Cyrus into the inner part of the palace. When the herdsman alone was left, Astyages asked him, whence he had received the boy, and who it was that had delivered him to him. The peasant replied, that he was his own child, and that the woman who had bore him was still living with him. Astyages told him that he had not taken good counsel, but wished to bring himself into great straits; at the same time that he pronounced those words, he beckoned to the guards to lay hold on him. The herdsman, being taken to the rock, accordingly discovered the truth. Beginning then from the beginning, he disclosed all, speaking the truth; he next had recourse to supplications, and besought the king to forgive him. When the herdsman had confessed the truth, Astyages no longer regarded him as of any great consequence, but violently irritated with Harpagus, he commanded the guards to call him. When Harpagus appeared in his presence, Astyages put to him this question: In what manner didst thou, Harpagus, destroy the infant born of my daughter, and which I delivered to thee?" Harpagus, seeing the herdsman in the apartment, did not recur to falsehood, lest he should be refuted and convicted; he answered therefore: "Sire, when I had received the infant, I deliberated, considering within myself how I might act according to thy desire, and, without subjecting myself to blame from thee, be a murderer neither with regard to thy daughter nor thyself; I consequently acted in the following manner: I sent for this herdsman, and delivered to him the infant, telling him that it was thy orders that it should be put to death: and so far, in saying that, I was not guilty of falsehood; for such were thy commands. I delivered the infant then to him, enjoining him to expose it on a desert mountain, and remain by it on the watch so long as it kept alive; threatening him most severely if he did not execute fully those orders. Afterwards, when this man had executed my commands, and the infant was dead, I sent the most faithful of my eunuchs, and having seen by them that the child was no longer alive, I buried it. Thus, Sire, did matters happen in this business; and such was the fate of the child."

Harpagus, accordingly confessed the truth. And Astyagus, concealing the anger which possessed him at what had taken place, begun by narrating again to Harpagus the whole affair, as he had himself heard it from the herdsman; and afterwards, when he had repeated the history to him, he ended by saying "that the youth was still alive, and that he was pleased with what had happened. For," said he, (these being his own words) "I grieved much at what had been done to the child; and I was not a little sensible to the reproaches of my daughter. Since, then, fortune has taken a favorable turn, do thou send thy son to the young newcomer, and attend me thyself at supper, for I intend to offer sacrifice for the salvation of the boy, to those gods to whom that honor belongs."

Harpagus, when he had heard this discourse, adored the king, and, greatly pleased that his fault had been successful to him, as well as that he was invited to the feast in celebration of the fortunate event, went to his home. As soon as he entered, he sent his only son, who was about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the palace of Astyages, and do whatsoever that prince should order. He himself being filled with joy, related to his wife what had happened. Astyages, when the lad arrived, killed him, and cutting him into bits, roasted some of the flesh, and boiled the rest; and having it properly dressed, kept it in readiness. Afterwards, when the hour of supper came, the other guests, as well as Harpagus, approached before the rest and Astyages himself, tables were placed, spread abundantly with mutton; but to Harpagus the flesh of his own son was served up, the whole of it, excepting the head and the extremities of the hands and feet; those parts were kept aside, covered up in a basket. When Harpagus seemed to have eaten enough of the food, Astyages asked him whether he was at all pleased with the feast; and Harpagus declaring that he was extremely pleased, those who had it in charge, brought the head of his son, covered up, together with the hands and feet: and standing before him, bade him uncover and take what he chose of them. Harpagus obeyed; and uncovering the basket, beheld the remains of his son. He was not however, disturbed at the sight, but preserved his presence of mind. Astyages asked him, if he knew what animal he had eaten the flesh of; the other replied, he was aware of it, and that whatever a king might do, it was pleasing. After making this answer, he took up the remnants of the flesh, and went home, intending, I suppose, to bury all the parts of his son that he had collected.

Such was the revenge Astyages took on Harpagus. But deliberating concerning Cyrus, he called the same Magi who had interpreted his dream in the manner before mentioned; when they arrived, Astyages asked them in what manner they had interpreted his dream. The Magi, as before, answered, saying, it was decreed by fate the child should rule, if he survived and did not die first. The king replied to them in the following words "The child exists and survives; and having been brought up in the country, the boys of the village constituted him their king; and he has completely done all the same as those that are in reality sovereigns: for he had nominated guards, and ushers, and ministers, and all the other officers. Now what does it appear to you these things portend?” The Magi answered: "Since the child survives, and has reigned without any premeditated design, do thou thence take courage, and be of good cheer; as he will not now reign a second time: for even some of the oracles have ended in a frivolous accomplishment, and dreams also in the end have tended to slight events." Astyages replied: "I myself also, Magi, am of the same opinion, that the child having been named king, the dream is fulfilled, and I have now nothing to fear from him; nevertheless, weigh the matter well, and then give me such advice as may be safest for my own family as well as for yourselves.” To this the Magi replied: "Sire, to us it is of great importance that thy government should be upheld; for if it devolves to this child, who is a Persian, it will then pass to another nation; and we, who are Medes, would become slaves, and be held in no account by the Persians, to whom we should be as foreigners; but while thou, who art our country man, remainest king, we ourselves rule in part, and receive high honors at thy hands. So that, in every respect, it is our interest to watch for thy safety, and that of thy government, and now, did we see any cause for fear, we would communicate it well to thee; but at present, thy dream having been fulfilled by a trifling event, we ourselves take courage, and exhort thee also to do the same; send this child away from before thy eyes to the country of the Persians, and to his parents." —When Astyages heard this, he was filled with joy; and calling Cyrus, he said to him: "My child, I had condemned thee on account of the vision of a vain dream, but by thy own fortune, thou survivest; depart now, therefore, with my good wishes, for Persia, and I will send an escort with thee; when thou arrivest there, thou wilt find thy father and mother, who are very different from the herdsman, Mitradates, and his wife."

Astyages having thus spoken, dismissed Cyrus, who, on his return to the residence of Cambyses, was received by his parents; and when they learnt who the stranger was, they embraced him with transport, as one indeed whom they had considered dead from the time of his birth. They then inquired in what manner his life was saved. The youth spoke to them, saying, that he did not before know, but had much mistaken; that on the road he had been informed of all that had happened to him; for he had thought he was the son of a herdsman of Astyages, till on the road from Medea he had learnt the whole circumstance from his escorters. He stated that he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman; this woman he was constantly praising, and Cyno was the whole subject of his discourse: his parents laid hold of this name, and in order that their son might appear to the Persians to have been more providentially preserved, they spread about the report, that when exposed, a bitch had suckled Cyrus. And thence it was that this opinion prevailed. Cyrus being arrived at man's estate, and become the most valiant and beloved of his equals in age, Harpagus, who much wished to be revenged of Astyages, sought, by sending him gifts, to court his assistance: for, being but a private individual, he did not discern any possibility of taking, by himself, vengeance on Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, he endeavoured to make him his associate, comparing the sufferings of that young prince to his own. But, before this, the following measures had already been taken by him: as Astyages treated the Medes with asperity, he had communicated with all the chief men of the nation, and persuaded them that it was to their interest to proclaim Cyrus, and put an end to the reign of Astyages. This plot being concerted, and Harpagus ready he accordingly next wished to communicate his project to Cyrus, who was living in Persia; and as he had no other manner of so doing, since the roads were guarded, he contrived the following method. He prepared dexterously a hare, and ripping open its belly, without at all discomposing the hair, he placed in it a letter, in which he had written what he thought proper. He then sewed up the belly of the hare, and giving to the most trusty of his servants some nets, as if he had been a hunter, he sent him to the land of the Persians, commanding him by word of mouth at the same time he gave the hare to Cyrus, to direct him to paunch it with his own hands, and to let no one be present when he did so. These orders were accordingly executed; and Cyrus receiving the hare, ripped it up, and finding the letter which was contained in it, he took it and read. The letter said as follows: "Son of Cambyses, the gods watch over thee; for otherwise never wouldst thou have had such good fortune. Do thou now take vengeance on Astyages thy murderer: for, according to his intention, thou wouldst have perished, but through the gods and me thou survivest. I presume thou hast long since learnt all, both what was done with regard to thyself and what I have suffered at the hands of Astyages, because I did not put thee to death, but delivered thee to the herdsman. If thou choose now to listen to my counsel, thout shalt rule over all the land that Astyages governs. Prevail on the Persians to rebel, and then march against the Medes; and whether I myself am named by Astyages to lead the army against thee, or any other chief men among the Medes, thou wilt be successful, for they will be the first to withdraw from him, and going to thy side, will do their endeavours to destroy Astyages. Be certain, then, that here at least all is prepared; do as I tell thee, and do it quickly."

When Cyrus had received this intelligence, he considered which would be the most prudent manner of prevailing on the Persians to detach themselves. After some deliberation, he devised the following, as the most expedient, and acted accordingly. He wrote down on a letter what he had determined, and convened an assembly of the Persians; then opening the letter, and reading it out, he declared that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians. "Now, therefore," continued he, "men of Persia, I propose to you to come hither, each with a bill." Such was the proposal of Cyrus. There are several tribes of the Persians, certain of which Cyrus assembled, and persuaded to separate from the Medes; they were the following, on which all the rest of the Persians depend; to wit, the Pasargadoe, the Maraphii, the Maspii: of these the Pasargadoe are the principal, of which the Acharmenidoe, from whence spring the royal family of the Persedoe, are a branch; the following likewise are others of the Persian tribes: the Panthialaei, Derusiaei, Germani, all of which are husbandmen; the rest of the tribes, namely, the Dai, Mardi, Dropici, Sagartii, are nomades. When all were come, bearing the above mentioned instrument, there being a certain portion of the Persian territory extending from about eighteen to twenty stadia, overrun with brambles, Cyrus commanded them to clear that space in a day. When the Persians had completed the imposed task, he next directed them to meet on the morrow after they had washed. Meanwhile Cyrus having collected in one place all the goats, sheep, and beasts of his father, killed them, and prepared them, intending to feast the army of the Persians withal, and with wine, and most delicate dishes of meal. On the following day, when the Persians were arrived, he desired them to stretch themselves on the green sward, and feasted them. When they afterwards arose from their repast, Cyrus asked them which was most grateful to them, whether the present fare, or that which they had the day before. The men said, that there was a great difference between the two; since, on the preceding day, they had experienced every evil, while on the present they had experienced every thing that was good. Cyrus laying hold of this answer, disclosed the whole of his project, saying, "Men of Persia! thus is it with you: if you determine to obey me, these and very many sweets more are yours, without being exposed to any slavish toil: but, on the other hand, if you determine not to obey me, toils beyond number, and like to that of yesterday, are your share. Follow me, therefore, and be free: for, with regard to myself, it seems as if I were by divine providence born to place those advantages within your grasp; with regard to yourselves, I hold you not inferior to the men of Media, either in war or in any other respect. Things being thus, rescue yourself as soon as possible from the bonds of Astyages."

The Persians, therefore, who, even long since, had held it a disgrace to be kept under by the Medes, having now a leader, prepared joyfully to assert their freedom. When Astyages learnt what Cyrus was doing, he sent a messenger to summon him; but Cyrus commanded the messenger to report back in answer, that he should be with him, sooner than Astyages himself would wish. When Astyages heard this, he put all the Medes under arms; and, as if he had been reft of his senses, nominated Harpagus general over them, forgetting the injury he had done him. When the Medes, thus embodied, engaged with the Persians, some of them, all indeed to whom the project had not been communicated, fought; but of the rest, some passed over to the Persians, while the greater part acted designedly as cowards, and took to flight. The Median army being thus disgracefully routed, when Astyages was informed of it, he exclaimed, threatening "No! Cyrus shall not exult, at least at so cheap a rate." Having said these words, he first impaled the interpreters of dreams among the Magi, who had persuaded him to send Cyrus away: he next put under arms all the Medes that were left in the city, both young and old; these he had out, and falling in with the Persians, was defeated. Astyages himself was taken prisoner, and lost all the Medes that he had led to the field. Astyages being now a prisoner, Harpagus presented himself before him, exulting over and jeering the captive, he said to him many very bitter things, but in particular, with regard to the repast at which the prince had feasted him on the flesh of his son, he asked him, "What he thought of his slavery, after having been a king?" The captive, casting a look upon him, asked in return whether he attributed to himself the action of Cyrus. Harpagus replied, that, since it was he who had written to counsel it to Cyrus, the deed might justly be regarded as his own. Astyages then proved to him by his words, "that he was the most silly and iniquitous of men: the most silly, since, at least, if the present events had in truth been brought about by his means, he had given up to another the power which belonged to himself of becoming a sovereign: the most iniquitous, inasmuch as, on account of that repast, he had reduced the Medes to thraldom; for if it was indeed absolutely necessary that the supreme power should be transferred to some other person, and he himself should not keep it, it would have been more just to have given that advantage to some one of the Medes, rather than to any of the Persians: whereas the Medes, who were not guilty of the injury he complained of, were now from masters made servants; while the Persians, who before were servants, were now made masters."

Thus, therefore, Astyages having reigned five and thirty years, was deprived of the sovereign power; and in consequence of his cruelty, the Medes submitted to the Persians, after ruling over that part of Asia, that is above the Halys for one hundred and twenty eight years, not including the time that the Scythians governed. It is true, that in the sequel they repented of having so acted, and revolted from Darius; but after their defection, they were once more subjugated, being defeated in a battle. The Persians, together with Cyrus, having then shaken off the yoke of the Medes under the reign of Astyages, possessed from that time the government of Asia. With respect to Astyages, Cyrus, without doing him any other harm, detained him near himself, till such time as he died. Cyrus, accordingly, having been thus born and educated, attained the throne; and as it has before been related by me, subsequently to those events, conquered Croesus, who first began injustice against him; and having subdued that prince, thus became master of the whole of Asia.


107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole of Asia. This dream he delivered over to the Magian interpreters of dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of middle rank.

108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means, Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou set me aside, and choosing the advantage of others instead, bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made answer: "O king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least must be fitly rendered."

109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore, what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according as Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the slayer of it, and not one of mine."

110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words: "Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible. And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of destruction: and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid forth."

111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also, as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband, not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he returned and stood before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road, I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."

112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next said as follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead. Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose his life."

113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child, he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus.

114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the office of bearing the messages, appointing a work for each one severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him hand and foot, and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we have been thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.

115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy to avenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: "Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before thee."

116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So he, as he was being led away to the torture, then declared the story as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties, asking that he would grant him pardon.

117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered to thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false way of speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows: "O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child. Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this death which I say."

118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."

119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; and so he went to his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head and the hands and the feet, and these were laid aside covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together and bury them.

120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came, Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: and while he was dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and he performed completely all those things which they do who are really kings; for he exercised rule, appointed to their places spearmen of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?" The Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage, for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our oracles have had but small results, and that at least which has to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment." Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O Magians, am most disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, it is of great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation, we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now, if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner, both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to the Persians and to his parents."

121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to him thus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny; now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the herdsman and his wife."

122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had returned and come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that, when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by a bitch: and from that source has come this report.

123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station, punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched, but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present when he did so.

124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read it over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good fortune. Do thou therefore take vengeance on Astyages who is thy murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with speed."

125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, O Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with a reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd kings. But other Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and Sagartians.)

126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the difference between them was great, for the former day had for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten thousand other good things, with no servile labour; but if ye will not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday innumerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand; and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."

127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design, while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were wilfully slack and fled.

128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall Cyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.

129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. He looking at him asked him in return whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because, when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of the Medes had now become their masters.

130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that period for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however it repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios, and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides, but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia.

-- The History of Herodotus, by Herodotus, Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay, 1890
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

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Part 3 of 3

JUSTINUS L. XV. C. 4.

Previous to the actual commencement of the war between Ptolemy and his allies against Antigonus, there was added a new enemy to the latter in the person of Seleucus, who made a sudden descent from Asia proper; whose origin was as remarkable as his valour was illustrious. His mother Laodice who had been married to Antiochus, a distinguished Officer among the generals of Philip, dreamed that she had been compressed in the embraces of Apollo, that she had become pregnant, had received from the God as the price of her favors, a ring set with a gem, upon which an anchor was engraven, and that she had been ordered to bestow the gift upon the son whom she should bring forth. What rendered this dream remarkable was that on the following day, there was found on the bed a ring with the aforesaid impression, and that there was the figure of an anchor upon the thigh of Seleucus from the very birth of the infant. Wherefore when Seleucus was proceeding with Alexander the great upon the Persian expedition, Laodice, having made him acquainted with his origin, presented the ring to him.

And he, after Alexander's death, having become sovereign of the east, founded a city, and perpetuated therein the memory of his double procession,—for he not only called the city Antiochia after the name of his father Antiochus, but also dedicated to Apollo the plains which were in its vicinity.

An evidence of his extraordinary nativity remained even to posterity, his sons and grand children having the figure of an anchor upon their thighs, as a natural mark of the source from which they sprung.

After the subdivision of the Macedonian empire Seleucus engaged in many wars in the east.

He first took Babylon, and then his force being augmented by victory, he conquered the Bactriani; subsequently he passed on into India, whose inhabitants, as if the yoke of slavery had been flung from their necks upon the death of Alexander, had put to death the præfects whom he had nominated.

One Sandracottus was the author of that freedom; but as soon as he had become victorious he converted the name of liberty into slavery; for seizing the throne, he oppressed by his individual sway the nation whose freedom from external domination he had achieved. He was descended of an humble stock, but it was by the all powerful influence of the Deity he had been propelled to supremacy. For having been ordered by Alexander to be put to death for his insolence to that monarch, he sought to secure his safety by a precipitate flight. When overtaken by weariness and sleep he had lain down to repose himself, a lion of immense size came up to him as he slept, and licked away with his tongue the sweat that was dripping from him, and then fawningly left him completely awake. Being by this omen first led to entertain the hope of reigning, he drew together a band of robbers, and courted the support of the Indians to a change of dynasty.

At a later period, as he was projecting hostilities against the præfects of Alexander's, a wild elephant of prodigious bulk presented itself of its own accord before him, and with the most subdued docility received him upon its back, and he became the leader and a very distinguished combatant in the war. By such a tenure of rule it was that Sandracottus acquired India, at the time when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness; and the latter, having concluded a league with him, and settled his affairs in the east, came down and joined the war against Antigonus.


Before the war with Antigonus was commenced by Ptolemy and his allies, Seleucus, on a sudden, leaving the Greater Asia,10 [In opposition to Asia Minor.] came forward as a fresh enemy to Antigonus. The merit of Seleucus was well known, and his birth had been attended with extraordinary circumstances. His mother Laodice, being married to Antiochus, a man of eminence among Philip’s generals, seemed to herself, in a dream, to have conceived from a union with Apollo, and, after becoming pregnant, to have received from him, as a reward for her compliance, a ring, on the stone of which was engraved an anchor and which she was desired to give to the child that she should bring forth. A ring similarly engraved, which was found the next day in the bed, and the figure of an anchor, which was visible on the thigh of Seleucus when he was born, made this dream extremely remarkable. This ring Laodice gave to Seleucus, when he was going with Alexander to the Persian war, informing him, at the same time, of his paternity. After the death of Alexander, having secured dominion in the east, he built a city, where he established a memorial of his two-fold origin; for he called the city Antioch from the name of his father Antiochus, and consecrated the plains near the city to Apollo. This mark of his paternity continued also among his descendants; for his sons and grandsons had an anchor on their thigh, as a natural proof of their extraction.

After the division of the Macedonian empire among the followers of Alexander, he carried on several wars in the east. He first took Babylon, and then, his strength being increased by this success, subdued the Bactrians. He next made an expedition into India, which, after the death of Alexander, had shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck, and put his governors to death. The author of this liberation was Sandrocottus, who afterwards, however, turned their semblance of liberty into slavery; for, making himself king, he oppressed the people whom he had delivered from a foreign power, with a cruel tyranny. This man was of mean origin, but was stimulated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encouragement; for, having offended Alexander by his boldness of speech, and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself by swiftness of foot; and while he was lying asleep, after his fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him, licked off with his tongue the sweat that was running from him, and after gently waking him, left him. Being first prompted by this prodigy to conceive hopes of royal dignity, he drew together a band of robbers, and solicited the Indians to support his new sovereignty. Some time after, as he was going to war with the generals of Alexander, a wild elephant of great bulk presented itself before him of its own accord, and, as if tamed down to gentleness,11 [Veluti domita mansuetudine (As if tamed by meekness) stands in Wetzel’s text, and I believe in all others. Scheffer asks whether there is mansuetudo (meekness) not domita (tamed). Dübner, the editor of a small edition with French notes (Par. 18mo. 1847), says that Cuper, de Elephantis, p. 47, proposes to read domitus ad mansuetudinem (tamed with gentleness.).] took him on its back, and became his guide in the war, and conspicuous in fields of battle. Sandrocottus, having thus acquired a throne, was in possession of India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness; who, after making a league with him, and settling his affairs in the east, proceeded to join in the war against Antigonus. As soon as the forces, therefore, of all the confederates were united, a battle was fought,12 [At Ipsus in Phrygia.] in which Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius put to flight.

But the allied generals, after thus terminating the war with the enemy, turned their arms again upon each other, and, as they could not agree about the spoil, were divided into two parties. Seleucus joined Demetrius, and Ptolemy Lysimachus. Cassander dying, Philip, his son, succeeded him. Thus new wars arose, as it were, from a fresh source, for Macedonia.

-- Justinus (XV. 4)
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

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APPENDIX III. A statement of the contents of the Pali Buddhistical scriptures, entitled the PITAKATTAYA; or three PITAKAS; specifying also the number of the Talipot leaves on which they are inscribed

WINEYAPITAKO consists of the following sections:

1. Parajiko: 191 leaves of 7 and 8 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 10 inches long.

2. Pachitinań: 154 leaves of 9 and 10 lines on each side , each leaf 1 foot 9 inches long.

3. Chulawaggo: 196 leaves of 8 and 9 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 10 inches long.

4. Mahawaggo: 199 leaves of 8 and 9 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 10 inches long.

5. Pariwaro: 146 leaves of 10 and 11 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 9 inches long.

ABHIDHAMMAPITAKO consists of the following sections:

1. Dhammasangani: 72 leaves of 10 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

2. Wibhangan: 130 leaves of 8 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

3. Kathawatthu: 151 leaves 9 lines 2 feet 1 inch long.

4. Puggalan: 28 leaves of 8 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

5. Dhatu: 31 leaves of 8 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

6. Yamakan: 131 leaves of 10 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

7. Patthanań: 170 leaves of 9 and 10 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet 4 inches long.

SUTTAPITAKO consists of the following sections:

1. Dighanikayo: 292 leaves of 8 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 10 inches long.

2. Majjhimanikayo: 432 leaves of 8 and 9 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 11 inches long.

3. Sanyuttakanikayo: 351 leaves of 8 and 9 lines each side, each leaf 2 feet 2 inches long.

4. Anguttranikayo: 654 leaves of 8 and 9 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 10 inches long.

5. Khudakanikayo: is composed of 15 books; viz.

i. Khudakapatan: 4 leaves of 8 lines each side, 2 feet 4 inches long. (Burmese character).

ii. Dhammapadań: 15 leaves of 9 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 8 inches long.

iii. Udanan: 48 leaves of 9 lines each side, 3 feet.

iv. Itti-uttakan: 31 leaves of 8 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 9 inches long.

v. Suttanipatan: 40 leaves of 9 lines each side, each leaf 2 feet.

vi. Wimanawatthu: 158 leaves of 7 and 8 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 9 inches long.

vii. Petawatthu: 142 leaves of 8 and 9 lines each side, each leaf 1 foot 8 inches long.

viii. Theragata: 43 leaves of 9 lines each side, 2 feet 4 inches (Burmese character).

ix. Therigata: 110 leaves of 8 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 7 inches long.

x. Jatakan: The commentary is intermixed with the text, and in that form it is a voluminous work of 900 leaves.

xi. Niddiso: not ascertained yet.

xii. Patisambhidań: 220 leaves of 8 lines on each side, each leaf 1 foot 11 inches long.

xiii. Apadanań: 196 leaves of 10 lines on each side, each leaf 2 feet long.

xiv. Buddhawanso: 37 leaves of 8 lines on each side, 2 feet long.

xv. Chariyapiţako: 10 leaves of 8 lines on each side, 3 feet long.

Note. Some of the above books are not to be obtained in Kandy, and others only in an incomplete form. This statement is partly framed from the records of the Burmese fraternities in the maritime provinces.
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Re: The Mahawanso (Mahavamsa), by George Turnour, Esq.

Postby admin » Fri Jan 28, 2022 7:03 am

APPENDIX IV. PROFESSOR WILSON'S NOTES ON THE MUDRA RAKSHASA

It may not here be out of place to offer a few observations on the identification of CHANDRAGUPTA and SANDROCOTTUS. It is the only point on which we can rest with any thing like confidence in the history of the Hindus, and is therefore of vital importance in all our attempts to reduce the reigns of their kings to a rational and consistent chronology. It is well worthy therefore of careful examination, and it is the more deserving of scrutiny, as it has been discredited by rather hasty verification and very erroneous details.

Sir William Jones first discovered the resemblance of the names, and concluded CHANDRAGUPTA to be one with SANDROCOTTUS. (As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11.) He was, however, imperfectly acquainted with his authorities, as he cites “a beautiful poem" by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra, for the history of this prince. By the first is no doubt intended the large collection of tales by Somabhatta, the Vrihat Katha, in which the story of NANDA's murder occurs: the second is, in all probability, the play that follows, and which begins after CHANDRAGUPTA's elevation to the throne. In the fifth volume of the Researches the subject was resumed by the late Colonel Wilford, and the story of CHANDRAGUPTA is there told at considerable length, and with some accessions which can scarcely be considered authentic. He states also that the Mudra Rakshasa consists of two parts, of which one may be called the coronation of CHANDRAGUPTA, and the second his reconciliation with Rakshasa, the minister of his father. The latter is accurately enough described, but it may be doubted whether the former exists.

Colonel Wilford was right also in observing that the story is briefly related in the Vishnu Purana and Bhagavat, and in the Vrihat Katha; but when he adds, that it is told in a lexicon called the Kamandaki he has been led into error. The Kamandaki is a work on Niti, or Polity, and does not contain the story of Nanda and CHANDRAGUPTA. The author merely alludes to it in an honorific verse, which he addresses to Chanakya as the founder of political science, the Machiavel of India.

The birth of NANDA and of CHANDRAGUPTA, and the circumstances of Nanda's death, as given in Colonel Wilford's account, are not alluded to in the play, the Mudra Rakshasa, from which the whole is professedly taken, but they agree generally with the Vrihat Katha and with popular versions of the story. From some of these, perhaps, the king of Vikatpalli, Chandra Das, may have been derived, but he looks very like an amplification of Justin's account of the youthful adventures of Sandrocottus. The proceedings of CHANDRAGUPTA and CHANAKYA upon Nanda's death correspond tolerably well with what we learn from the drama, but the manner in which the catastrophe is brought about (p. 268) is strangely misrepresented. The account was no doubt compiled for the translator by his pundit, and it is therefore but indifferent authority.

It does not appear that Colonel Wilford had investigated the drama himself, even when he published his second account of the story of CHANDRAGUPTA (As. Res. vol. ix. p. 93), for he continues to quote the Mudra Rakshasa for various matters which it does not contain. Of these, the adventures of the king of Vikatpalli, and the employment of the Greek troops, are alone of any consequence, as they would mislead us into a supposition, that a much greater resemblance exists between the Grecian and Hindu histories than is actually the case.

Discarding, therefore, these accounts, and laying aside the marvellous part of the story, I shall endeavour, from the Vishnu and Bhagavat Puranas, from a popular version of the narrative as it runs in the south of India, from the Vrihat Katha,* [For the gratification of those who may wish to see the story as it occurs in these original sources, translations are subjoined; and it is rather important to add, that in no other Purana has the story been found, although most of the principal works of this class have been carefully examined. (Note by Prof. W.)] and from the play, to give what appear to be the genuine circumstances of CHANDRAGUPTA's elevation to the throne of Palibothra.

A race of kings denominated Saisunagas, from Sisunaga the first of the dynasty, reigned in Magadha, or Behar: their capital was Pataliputra, and the last of them was named NANDA or MAHAPADMA NANDA. He was the son of a woman of the Sudra caste, and was hence, agreeably to Hindu law, regarded as a Sudra himself. He was a powerful and ambitious prince, but cruel and avaricious, by which defects, as well as by his inferiority of birth, he probably provoked the animosity of the Brahmans. He had by one wife eight sons, who with their father were known as the nine NANDAS; and, according to the popular tradition, he had by a wife of low extraction, called Mura, another son named CHANDRAGUPTA.

This last circumstance is not stated in the Puranas nor Vrihat Katha, and rests therefore on rather questionable authority; at the same time it is very generally asserted, and is corroborated by the name Maurya, one of CHANDRAGUPTA's denominations, which is explained by the commentator on the Vishnu Purana to be a patronymic formative, signifying the son of Mura. It also appears from the play, that CHANDRAGUPTA was a member of the same family as NANDA, although it is not there stated that he was Nanda's son.

But whatever might have been the origin of this prince, it is very likely that he was made the instrument of the insubordination of the Brahmans, who having effected the destruction of Nanda and his sons, raised CHANDRAGIPTA, whilst yet a youth, to the throne. In this they were aided by a prince from the north of India, to whom they promised an accession of territory as the price of his alliance. The execution of the treaty was evaded, very possibly by his assassination, and to revenge his father's murder, his son led a mingled host against Magadha, containing amongst other troops, Yavanas, whom we may be permitted to consider as Greeks. The storm was averted, however, by jealousies and quarrels amongst the confederates. The army dispersed, and MALAYAKETI, the invader, returned, baffled and humbled, to his own country. CHANDRAGUPTA reigned twenty-four years, and left the kingdom to his son. We have now to see how far the classical writers agree with these details.

The name is an obvious coincidence. Sandracottus and CHANDRAGUPTA can scarcely be considered different appellations. But the similarity is no doubt still closer. Athenæus, as first noticed by Wilford (18. Res, vol. v. 262.) and subsequently by Schlegel (Indische Bibliothek), writes the name, Sandracoptus, and its other form, although more common, is very possibly a mere error of the transcriber. As to the Andracottus of Plutarch, the difference is more apparent than real, the initial sibilant being often dropped in Greek proper names.

This name is, however, not the only coincidence in the denomination that may be traced. We find in the play that CHANDRAGUPTA is often Chandra simply, or the moon, of which Chandramas is a synonime; and accordingly we find in Diodorus Siculus, the king of the Gangarida, whose power alarms the Macedonian, is there named Xandrames. The Aggramen of Quintus Curtius is merely a blundering perversion of this appellation.

There are other names of the prince, the sense of which, though not their sound, may be discovered in classical writers. These are Vrishala, and perhaps Maurya. The first unquestionably implies a man of the fourth or servile caste; the latter is said by Wilford to be explained, in the Jati Viveka, the offspring of a barber and a Sudra woman, or of a barber and a female slave. (As. Res. vol. v. p. 285.) It is most usually stated, however, to mean the offspring of Mura, as already observed, and the word does not occur in any of the vocabularies in the sense attached to it by Col. Wilford.* [Colonel Tod considers Maurya a probable interpolation for Mori, a branch of the Pramara tribe of Rajputs, who in the eighth century occupied Chitore. He observes also, that Chandragupta in the Puranas is made a descendant of Sehesnag of the Takshak tribe, of which last no other mention has been found, whilst instead of Schesnag the word is Susunaga; and with respect to the fact of the princes belonging to the Pramara tribe no authority is cited. Colonel Tod, like the late Col Wilford, is sparing of those specific references, which in all debateable points are indispensable. See Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 211. Also, Account of Rajasthan, p. 53.] It is sufficient, however, to observe, that the term Vrishala, and frequent expressions in the drama, establish the inferior origin of CHANDRAGUPTA, a circumstance which is stated of the king of the Gangaridae at the time of Alexander's invasion, by Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch.

According to the two former of these writers, Xandrames, or Chandramas, was contemporary with Alexander. They add, that he was the son of the queen by an intrigue with a barber, and that his father being raised to honour and the king's favour, compsssed his benefactor's death, by which he paved the way for the sovereignty of his own son, the ruling prince. We have no indication of these events in the Hindu writers, and CHANDRAGUPTA, as has been noticed, is usually regarded as the son of NANDA, or at least a relative. It may be observed that his predecessors were Sudras, and the character given to MAHAPADMA Nanda in the Vishnu Purana, agrees well enough with the general tenor of the classical accounts, as to his being of low origin and estimation, although an active and powerful prince. If Nanda be the monarch alluded to, there has been some error in the name; but, in either case, we have a general coincidence in the private history of the monarch of the Gangaridæ, as related by the writers of the east or west.

If the monarch of Behar at the time of Alexander's invasion was NANDA, it is then possible that CHANDRAGUPTA, whilst seeking, as the Hindus declare, the support of foreign powers to the north and north-west of India, may have visited Alexander, as asserted by Plutarch and Justin. We cannot, however, attach any credit to the marvelous part of the story as told by the latter, nor can we conceive that a mere adventurer, as he makes Sandracoptus to have been, should have rendered himself master of a mighty kingdom, in so brief an interval as that between Seleucus and Alexander, or by the aid of vagabonds and banditti alone.  

Although, therefore, the classical writers had gleaned some knowledge of CHANDRAGUPTA's early history, it is very evident that their information was but partially correct, and that they have confounded names, whilst they have exaggerated some circumstances and misrepresented others. These defects, however, are very venial,
considering the imperfect communication that must have subsisted between the Greeks and Hindus, even at the period of Alexander's invasion, and the interval that elapsed before the accounts we now possess were written. These considerations rather enhance the value of both sets of our materials. It is more wonderful that so much of what appears to be the truth should have been preserved, than that the stories should not conform in every particular.

However questionable may be the contemporary existence of Alexander and Sandracoptus, there is no reason to doubt that the latter reigned in the time of Seleucus Nicator, as Strabo and Arrian cite the repeated declarations of Megasthenes, that he had often visited the Indian prince. Seleucus is said to have relinquished to him some territories beyond the Indus, and to have formed a matrimonial alliance with him. We have no trace of this in the Hindu writers, but it is not at all improbable. Before the Christian era, the Hindus were probably not scrupulous about whom they married[!!!]; and even in modern days, their princesses have become the wives of Mohammedan sovereigns. CHANDRAGUPTA, however, had no right to be nice with respect to the condition of his wife[???], and in whichever way the alliance was effected, it was feasible enough, whilst it was a very obvious piece of policy in CHANDRAGUPTA, as calculated to give greater security to his empire and stability to his reign. The failure of Seleucus in his attempt to extend his power in India, and his relinquishment of territory, may possibly be connected with the discomfiture and retreat of MALAYAKETU, as narrated in the drama, although it may be reasonably doubted whether the Syrian monarch and the king of Magadha ever came into actual collision. It is very unlikely that the former ever included any part of the Punjab within his dominions, and at any rate it may be questioned whether CHANDRAGUPTA or his posterity long retained, if they ever held possession of the north western provinces, as there is no conjecturing any resemblance between the names of the Maurya princes (As. Res. vol. ix. table) and the Amitrochates and Sophagasenas
, who reinforced the armies of Antigonus the son of Seleucus, and of Antigonus the Great, with those elephants that were so highly prized by the successors of Alexander (Wilford, As. Res. vol. v. p. 286, and Schegel, Indische Bibliothek), although, as shewn by Schlegel, the names are undoubtedly Sanscrit and Hindu.

All the classical writers agree in representing Sandracoptus as king of the nations which were situated along the Ganges, which were the Gangaridae and Prasii -- called, however, indifferently, but no doubt inaccurately, Gargaridae, Gandaridae, and Gandarii, and Prasii, Parrhasii, and Tabresii. The first name was probably of Greek origin, expressing, as Raderus and Cellarius justly observe, the situation of the nations in the neighbourhood of the Ganges; but in truth there was a nation called the Gandhari or Gandaridae west of the Indus, whom the classical authors often confound with the Gangetic nations, as has been shewn in another place. (As. Res. vol. xv.) The other appellation, which is most correctly Prasii, is referable to a Hindu original, and is a close approximation to Prachí, the eastern country, or Prachya, the people of the east, in which division of Bharata Khanda, or India, Mithila, the country opposite to Behar, and Magadha or South Behar, are included by Hindu geographers. Both Greek and Hindu account are, therefore, agreed as to the general position of the people over whom CHANDRAGUPTA reigned.

Finally; the classical authors concur in making Palibothra, a city on the Ganges, the capital of Sandracoptus. Strabo, on the authority of Megasthenes, states that Palibothra is situated at the confluence of the Ganges and another river, the name of which he does not mention. Arrian, possibly on the same authority, calls that river the Erranoboas, which is a synonime of the Sone. In the drama, one of the characters describes the trampling down of the banks of the Sone, as the army approaches to Pataliputra; and Pataliputra, also called Kusumapura, is the capital of CHANDRAGUPTA. There is little question that Pataliputra and Palibothra are the same, and in the uniform estimation of the Hindus, the former is the same with Patna. The alterations in the course of the rivers of India, and the small comparative extent to which the city has shrunk in modern times, will sufficiently explain why Patna is not at the confluence of the Ganges and the Sone, and the only argument, then, against the identity of the position, is the enumeration of the Erranoboas and the Sone as distinct rivers by Arrian and Pliny: but their nomenclature is unaccompanied by any description, and it was very easy to mistake synonimes for distinct appellations. Rajamahal, as proposed by Wilford, and Bhagalpur, as maintained by Franklin, are both utterly untenable, and the further inquiries of the former had satisfied him of the error of his hypothesis. His death prevented the publication of an interesting paper by him on the site of Palibothra, in which he had come over to the prevailing opinion, and shewn it to have been situated in the vicinity of Patna.* [Asiatic Researches, vol. xiv. p. 38.]

It thus appears, that the Greek and Hindu writers concur in the name, in the private history, in the political elevation, and in the nation and capital of an Indian king, nearly, if not exactly cotemporary with Alexander, to a degree of approximation that cannot possibly be the work of accident; and it may be reasonably concluded, therefore, that the era of the events described in the following drama is determined with as much precision as that of any other remote historical fact.

1. Pauranic accounts of Chandragupta.

The son of Mahanandi, born of a Sudra woman, a powerful prince named Mahapadma, shall put an end to the Kshetriya rule, and from his time the kings will be mostly Sudras, void of piety. He will bring the earth under one umbrella, his rule being irresistible, and he will reign like another Bhargava. He will have eight sons, Sumalya and others, who will be kings of the earth for one hundred years. A Brahman will destroy these nine Nandas, and after their disappearance the Mauryas will reign in the Kali age. That Brahman will inaugurate Chandragupta as king. -- (Bhagavat, 12th Skandha.)

Mahanandi will be the last of the ten Saisunaga princes, whose joint reigns will be three hundred and sixty-two years. The son of Mahanandi or Nanda, named Mahapadma, will be born from a Sudra mother. He will be avaricious, and like another Parasurama will end the Kshetriya race, as from him forwards the kings will be all Sudras. He, Mahapadma, will bring the whole earth under one umbrella, his rule being irresistible. He will have eight sons, Sumalya and others who after him will govern the world. He, and these sons will reign for a period of one hundred years, until Kautilya, a Brahman, shall destroy the nine Nandas.

After their destruction the Maurya will possess the earth, Kautilya inaugurating CHANDRAGUPTA in the kingdom. (Vishnu Purana.)

The comment explains Maurya thus; -- so named from CHANDRAGUPTA, the first, who derived this name from his mother Mura, one of the wives of NANDA.

2. Story of Nanda, as related by Vararuchi in the Vrihat Katha.

I now returned from my sojourn in the snowy mountains, where by the favour of Sira I had acquired the Paniniya grammar. This I communicated to my preceptor Versha, as the fruit of my penance; and as he wished to learn a new system, I instructed him in that revealed by Serami Kumara. Vyari, and Indradatta then applied to Versha for like instructions, but he desired them first to bring him a very considerable present. As they were wholly unable to raise the sum, they proposed applying for it to the king, and requested me to accompany them to his camp, which was at that time at Ayodhya; I consented, and we set off.

When we arrived at the encampment we found every body in distress, Nanda being just dead. Indradatta, who was skilled in magic, said; "This event need not disconcert us: I will transfuse my vitality into the lifeless body of the king. Do you, Vararuchi, then solicit the money: I will grant it, and then resume my own person, of which do you, Vyari, take charge till the spirit returns." This was assented to, and our companion accordingly entered the carcase of the king.

The revival of NANDA caused universal rejoicing. The minister Sakatala alone suspected something extraordinary in the resuscitation. As the heir to the throne, however, was yet a child, he was well content that no change should take place, and determined to keep his new master in the royal station. He immediately, therefore, issued orders that search should be made for all the dead bodies in the vicinage, and that they should forthwith be committed to the flames. In pursuance of this edict the guards came upon the deserted carcase of Indradatta, and burning it as directed, our old associate was compelled to take up his abode permanently in the tenement which he had purposed to occupy but for a season. He was by no means pleased with the change, and in private lamented it with us, being in fact degraded by his elevation, having relinquished the exalted rank of a Brahman for the inferior condition of a Sudra.

Vyari having the sum destined for our master, took leave of his companion Indradatta, whom we shall henceforth call Yogananda. Before his departure, however, he recommended to the latter to get rid of Sakatala, the minister, who had penetrated his secret, and who would, no doubt, raise the prince CHANDRAGUPTA to the throne, as soon as he had attained to years of discretion. It would be better, therefore, to anticipate him, and, as preparatory to that measure, to make me, Vararuchi, his minister. Vyari then left us, and in compliance with his counsel I became the confidential minister of Yogananda.

A charge was now made against Sakatala, of having, under pretence of getting rid of dead carcases, burnt a Brahman alive; and on this plea he was cast into a dry well with all his sons. A plate of parched pulse and a pitcher of water were let down daily for their sustenance, just sufficient for one person. The father, therefore, recommended to the brothers to agree amongst themselves which should survive to revenge them all, and relinquishing the food to him, resign themselves to die. They instantly acknowledged their avenger in him, and with stern fortitude refusing to share in the daily pittance, one by one expired.

After some time Yogananda, intoxicated like other mortals with prosperity, became despotic and unjust. I found my situation therefore most irksome, as it exposed me to a tyrant's caprice, and rendered me responsible for acts which I condemned. I therefore sought to secure myself a participator in the burthen, and prevailed upon Yogananda to release Sakatala from his captivity, and reinstate him in his authority. He, therefore, once again became the minister of the king.

It was not long before I incurred the displeasure of Yogananda, so that he resolved to put me to death. Sakatala, who was rejoiced to have this opportunity of winning me over to his cause, apprised me of my danger, and helped me to evade it by keeping me concealed in his palace. Whilst thus retired, the son of the king, Hiranyagupta, lost his senses, and Yogananda now lamented my absence. His regret moved Sakatala to acknowledge that I was living, and I was once more received into favour. I effected the cure of the prince, but received news that disgusted me with the world, and induced me to resign my station and retire into the forests. My disappearance had led to a general belief that I had been privately put to death. This report reached my family. Upakosa, my wife, burnt herself, and my mother died broken hearted.

Inspired with the profoundest grief, and more than ever sensible of the transitory duration of human happiness, I repaired to the shades of solitude, and the silence of meditation. After living for a considerable period in my hermitage, the death of Yogananda was thus related to me by a Brahman, who was travelling from Ayodhya, and had rested at my cell.

Sakatala brooding on his plan of revenge, observed one day a Brahman of mean appearance digging in a meadow, and asked him what he was doing there. CHANAKYA, the Brahman, replied: "I am rooting out this grass which has hurt my foot." The reply struck the minister as indicative of a character which would contribute to his designs, and he engaged him by the promise of a large reward and high honours to come and preside at the Sraddha, which was to be celebrated next new moon at the palace. CHANAKYA arrived, anticipating the most respectful treatment; but Yogananda had been previously persuaded by Sakatala to assign precedence to another Brahman, Subandhu, so that when CHANAKYA came to take his place he was thrust from it with contumely. Burning with rage, he threatened the king before all the court, and denounced his death within seven days. NANDA ordered him to be turned out of the palace. Sakatala received him into his house, and persuading CHANAKYA that he was wholly innocent of being instrumental to his ignominious treatment, contributed to encourage and inflame his indignation. CHANAKYA thus protected, practised a magical rite, in which he was a proficient, and by which on the seventh day Nanda was deprived of life. Sakatala on the father's death effected the destruction of Hiranyagupta, his son, and raised CHANDRAGUPTA, the son of the genuine Nanda, to the throne. Chanakya became the prince's minister; and Sakatala having attained the only object of his existence, retired to end his days in the woods.

3. Story of Nanda and Chandragupta, by a Pundit of the Dekhin.

(From a Manuscript in the collection of the late Col. Mackenzie, Sanscrit, Telinga character.)

After invoking the benediction of Ganesa the writer proceeds: In the race of Bharadwaja, and the family of the hereditary counsellors of the Bhosala princes, was born the illustrious and able minister Bhavaji. He was succeeded by his son Gangadhara surnamed Adhwari (a priest of the Yajur Veda), who continued to enjoy the confidence of the king, and was equal to Vrihaspati in understanding.

By his wife Krishnambika, Gangadhara had two sons, who were both employed by the Raja, Sahuji, the son of the preceding prince. The favour of the Raja enabled these ministers to grant liberal endowments to pious and learned Brahmans.

The elder of the two, Nrisinha, after a life passed in prayer and sacred rites, proceeded to the world of Brahma, leaving three sons.

Of these, the elder was Ananda Raja Adhwari. He was noted for his steadiness and sagacity from his childhood, and in adult years deserved the confidence of his prince, Sahuji. He was profoundly versed in the Vedas, a liberal benefactor of the Brahmans, and a skilful director of religious rites.

Upon his death and that of the youngest brother, the survivor, Tryambaka Adhwari, succeeded to the reputation of his ancestors, and cherished his nephews as his own children.

Accompanied by his mother he proceeded to the shores of the Ganges, and by his ablutions in the holy stream liberated his ancestors from the ocean of future existence.

He was solicited by Sahu, the king, to assume the burthen of the state, but regarding it incompatible with his religious duties he was unwilling to assent. In consideration of his wisdom and knowledge he was highly venerated by the Raja and presented with valuable gifts, which he dedicated to pious rites or distributed to the Brahmans. Having on a particular occasion been lavish of expenditure in order to gratify his sovereign, he contracted heavy debts, and as the prince delayed their liquidation, he was obliged to withdraw to seek the means of discharging them. On his return he was received by Sahu and his nobles with high honours, and the prince by the homage paid to him obtained identification (after death) with Tyagesa, a glory of difficult attainment to Yayati, Nata, Mandhata, and other kings.

The brother of the prince, Sarabhaji, then governed the kingdom and promoted the happiness of all entrusted to his care by Sahu, for the protection of piety, and rendering the people happy by his excellent qualities: the chief of the Brahmans was treated by him with increased veneration.

The land of Chola is supplied at will by the waters of the Kaverí, maintained by the abundant showers poured down constantly by Indra, and in this land did the illustrious Sarabhaji long exercise undisturbed dominion and promote the happiness of his people.

Having performed with the aid of his reverend minister the late rite to his brother, he liberally delivered Tryambaka from the ocean of debt, and presented him with lands on the bank of the Kaveri (the Sahyagirija), for the preservation of the observances enjoined by religion and law.

And he diffused a knowledge of virtue by means of the Tantra of the son of the foe of Kama (Karikeya), as communicated by Brahma or Nareda to relieve his distress, and whatever learned man takes up his residence on the hill of Svami and worships Skanda with faith, will undoubtedly obtain divine wisdom.

Thus, on the mountain of Swami, enjoying the favour of Girisa, does Tryambaka reside with uninterrupted prosperity, surrounded by his kinsmen, and sons, and grandsons, and Brahmans learned in the Vedas, engaged in the performance of the holy rites and the worship of Iswara. May he live a thousand years!

An object of his unbounded benevolence, and one to be included in those cherished by his bounties, having worshipped the lord of Sri (Vishnu), and acquitted himself of his debt to the Gods and Manes, is rewarded by having it in his power to be respectfully obedient to his (Tryambaka's) commands. This individual, named Dhundí, the son of the excellent Pundit Lakshmana, of the family of Vyasa, had in his possession, and expounded, the new and wonderful drama entitled the Mudra Rakshasa, and in order to convey a clear notion of his drama, the composition of Visakha Datta, he relates as an introduction the following particulars of the story.

Story of Nanda and Chandragupta

According to the Puranas the Kshetriya sovereignty was to cease with NANDA. In the beginning of the Kali age the Nandas were kings so named.

Amongst them SARVARTHASIDDHI was celebrated for his valour: he was monarch of the earth, and his troops were nine crore and one hundred. Vaktranasa and others were his hereditary ministers, but amongst them the most famous was the Brahman, RAKSHASA.

He was skilled in government and policy, and the six attributes of princes, was eminent for piety and prowess, and was highly respected by Nanda. The king had two wives, of whom Sunanda was the elder -- the other was of Sudra extraction; she was the favourite of the king, of great beauty and amiable character -- her name was Mura. On one occasion the king in the company of his wives administered the rights of hospitality to a venerable ascetic, and after washing his feet sprinkled the queens with the water: nine drops fell upon the forehead of the elder, and one on Mura. This she received with reverence, and the Brahman was much pleased with her deportment.

Mura accordingly was delivered of one son, of most excellent qualities, who was named Maurya. Sunanda was delivered of a lump of flesh.

This RAKSHASA divided into nine portions, which he put into a vessel of oil, and carefully watched.

By his cares nine infants were in time evolved, who were brought up by RAKSHASA and called the nine Nandas after their progenitor.

The king when he grew old retired from the affairs of state, consigning his kingdom to these nine sons, and appointing Maurya to the command of the army.

Maurya had a hundred sons, of whom CHANDRAGUPTA was the best, and they surpassed the Nandas in merit.

The Nandas being therefore filled with envy, conspired against his life, and inviting him and his sons into a private chamber put them to death.

At this time the Raja of Sinhala sent to the court of the Nandas a lion of wax in a cage, so well made that it seemed to be alive. And he added this message, "If any one of your courtiers can make this fierce animal run without opening the cage, I shall acknowledge him to be a man of talent."

The dullness of the Nandas prevented their understanding the purport of the message; but CHANDRAGUPTA, in whom some little breath yet remained, offered, if they would spare his life, to undertake the task, and this being allowed, he made an iron rod red-hot, and thrusting it into the figure, the wax soon ran, and the lion disappeared.

Although they desired his death, CHANDRAGUPTA was taken by the Nandas from the pit into which he had been cast, and continued to live in affluence. He was gifted with all the marks of royalty: his arms reached to his knees; he was affable, liberal, and brave; but these deserts only increased the animosity of the Nandas, and they waited for an opportunity of compassing his death.

Upon one occasion CHANDRAGUPTA observed a Brahman of such irascible temperament, that he tore up violently a tuft of kusa grass, because a blade of it had pierced his foot: on which he approached him, and placed himself under his protection through fear of incurring the Brahman's resentment.

This Brahman was named Vishnugupta, and was deeply read in the science of government taught by Usanas (Saturn), and in astronomy: his father, a teacher of níti or polity, was named Chanaka, and hence the son is called CHANAKYA.

He became the great friend of CHANDRAGUPTA who related to him all he had suffered from the Nandas.

On which CHANAKYA promised him the throne of the Nandas; and being hungry, entered the dinner-chamber, where he seated himself on the seat of honour.

The Nandas, their understanding being bewildered by fate, regarded him as some wild scholar of no value, and ordered him to be thrust from his seat. The ministers in vain protested against the act; the princes forcibly dragged CHANAKYA, furious with rage, from his seat.

Then, standing in the centre of the hall, CHANAKYA, blind with indignation, loosened the lock of hair on the top of his head, and thus vowed the destruction of the royal race: "Until I have exterminated these haughty and ignorant Nandas, who have not known my worth, I will not again tie up these hairs."

Having thus spoken, he withdrew, and indignantly quitted the city, and the Nandas, whom fortune had deserted, made no attempt to pacify him.

CHANDRAGUPTA being no longer afraid of his own danger, quitted the city and repaired to CHANAKYA, and the Brahman Kautilya, possessed of the prince, resorted to crooked expedients for the destruction of the Nandas.

With this view he sent a friend, Indraserma, disguised as a Kshapanaka, as his emissary, to deceive RAKSHASA and the rest, whilst on the other hand he excited the powerful Parvatendra to march with a Mlechchha force against Kusumapura, promising him half the kingdom.

The Nandas prepared to encounter the enemy, relying on the valours of RAKSHASA. He exerted all his prowess, but in vain, and finding it impossible to overcome the hostile force by open arms, attempted to get rid of Maurya by stratagem; but in the mean time all the Nandas perished like moths in the flame of CHANAKYA's revenge, supported by the troops of Parvatendra.

Raksasa, being worn in body and mind, and having lost his troops and exhausted his treasures, now saw that the city could no longer be defended; he therefore effected the secret retreat of the old king SERVARTHASIDDHI, with such of the citizens as were attached to the cause of the Nandas, and then delivered the capital to the enemy, affecting to be won to the cause of C'HANDRAGIPTA.

He prepared by magic art a poisoned maid, for the destruction of that prince; but Kautilya detected the fraud, and diverting it to Parvatesa caused his death; and having contrived that information of his share in the murder of the monarch should be communicated to his son, MALAYAKETU, he filled the young prince with alarm for his own safety, and occasioned his flight from the camp.

Kautilya, though master of the capital, yet knowing it contained many friends of Nanda, hesitated to take possession of it, and Rakshasa, taking advantage of the delay, contrived with Daruverma and others, machines and various expedients to destroy CHANDRAGUPTA upon his entry; but Kautilya discovered and frustrated all his schemes.

He persuaded the brother of Parvateswara, VAIRODHAKA, to suspend his departure, affirming with solemn asseverations, that RAKSHASA, seeking to destroy the friends of CHANDRAGUPTA, had designed the poisoned maid for the mountain monarch. Thus he concealed his own participation in the act, and the crafty knave deceived the prince, by promising him that moiety of the kingdom which had been promised to his brother.

SERVARTHASIDDHI retired to the woods to pass his days in penance, but the cruel Kautilya soon found means to shorten his existence.

When Rakshasa heard of the death of the old king he was much grieved, and went to MALAYAKETU and roused him to revenge his father's death. He assured him that the people of the city were mostly inimical to Chandragupta, and that he had many friends in the capital ready to cooperate in the downfall of the prince and his detested minister. He promised to exhaust all his own energies in the cause, and confidently anticipated Malayaketu's becoming master of the kingdom, now left without a legitimate lord. Having thus excited the ardour of the prince, and foremost himself in the contest, RAKSHASA marched against Maurya with an army of Mlechhas, or barbarians.

This is the preliminary course of the story -- the poet will now express the subject of the drama. It begins with an equivoque upon the words Kruragraha, in the dialogue of the prelude. This ends the introduction.

4. Extracts from Classical Writers relating to the History of Sandrocottus

He (Alexander) had learned from Phigæus that beyond the Indus was a vast desert of twelve days' journey, and at the farthest borders thereof ran the Ganges. Beyond this river dwell the Tabresians, and the Gandaritae whose king's name was Xandramas, who had an army of 20,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 2,000 chariots, and 4,000 elephants. The king could not believe this to be true, and sent for Porus, and inquired of him whether it was so or not. He told him all was certainly true, but that the present king of the Gandaritae was but of a mean and obscure extraction, accounted to be a barber's son; for his father being a very handsome man, the queen fell in love with him, and murdered her husband, and so the kingdom devolved upon the present king -- Diodorus Siculus.

At the confluence of the Ganges and another river is situated Polibothra: it is the capital of the Prasii, a people superior to others. The king, besides his birth-name and his appellation from the city, is also named Sandrarottus. Megasthenes was sent to him.

Megasthenes relates that he visited the camp of Sandracottus, in which 400,000 people were assembled.

Seleucus Nicator relinquished the country beyond the Indus to Sandracottus, receiving in its stead fifty elephants, and contracting an alliance with that prince (contracta cum eo affinitate).--Strabo.

Phegelas informed him, that eleven days from the river the road lay over vast deserts to the Ganges, the largest stream in India, the opposite bank of which the Gangaridae and Parrhasii inhabited. Their king was named Aggramen, who could bring into the field 20,000 horse, and 200,000 foot, 2,000 chariots, and 3,000 elephants. As these things appeared incredible to the king, he referred to Porus, who confirmed what he heard. He added, however, that the king was not only of low, but of extremely base origin, for his father was a barber, whose personal merits recommended him to the queen. Being introduced by her to the king then reigning, he contrived his death, and under pretence of acting as guardian to his sons, got them into his power and put them to death. After their extermination he b got the son who was now king, and who, more worthy of his father's condition than his own, was odious and contemptible to his subjects --- Quintus Curtus.

Megasthenes tells us he was at the court of Sandracottus.

The capital city of India is Palembothra on the confines of the Prasii, where is the confluence of the two great rivers, Erranoboas and Ganges. The first is inferior only to the Indus and Ganges.

Megasthenes assures us he frequently visited Sandracottus king of India. --- Arrian.

Sandracottus was the author of the liberty of India after Alexander's retreat, but soon converted the name of liberty into servitude after his success, subjecting those whom he rescued from foreign dominion to his own authority. This prince was of humble origin, but was called to royalty by the power of the gods; for, having offended Alexander by his impertinent language, he was ordered to be put to death, and escaped only by flight. Fatigued with his journey he laid down to rest, when a lion of large size came and licked off the perspiration with his tongue, retiring without doing him any harm. The prodigy inspired him with ambitious hopes, and collecting bands of robbers he roused the Indians to renew the empire. In the wars which he waged with the captains of Alexander he was distinguished in the van, mounted on an elephant of great size and strength. Having thus acquired power, Sandracottus reigned at the same time that Seleucus laid the foundation of his dominion, and Seleucus entered into a treaty with him, and settling affairs on the side of India directed his march against Antigonus. — Justin. -- 15-4.

The kings of the Gandarites and Prasians were said to be waiting for them there (on the Ganges) with 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8,000 chariots, and 6,000 elephants. Nor is this number at all magnified, for Androcottus, who reigned not long after, made Seleucus a present of 500 elephants at one time, and with an army of 600,000 men traversed India and conquered the whole.

Androcottus, who was then very young, had a sight of Alexander, and he is reported to have said, that Alexander was within a little of making himself master of those countries: with such hatred and contempt was the reigning prince looked upon, on account of his profligacy of manner and meanness of birth.--- Plutarch. -- Life of Alexander.

Professor Wilson's Preface to the Retnavali

The Retnavali is a play of a different character from any of those which we have hitherto examined. Although the personages are derived from Hindu history, they are wholly of mortal mould, and unconnected with any mystical or mythological legend; and the incidents are not only the pure inventions of the poet, but they are of an entirely domestic nature. In this latter respect the Retnavali differs from the Mrichchakatí, Malati Madhava, and Mudra Rakshasa, whilst its exemption from legendary allusion distinguishes it from the Vikramorvasi and Uttara Rama Cheritra.

Although, however, the Retnavali differs from its predecessors in these respects, and in others of still greater importance, it is well entitled to attention, as establishing an era in the history of both Hindu manners and literature, of which we are able to fix the date with precision.

The story of this drama appears to have been not wholly the invention of the author, but to have enjoyed very extensive popularity, at a period to which we cannot refer with confidence.[!!!] The loves of Vatsa, prince of Kausambi, and Vasavadatta, princess of Ujayin, are alluded to in the Megha Duta, and are narrated in the Vrihat Katha of Soma Deva. The last is a writer of the same period as the drama, but he does not pretend to have invented the story; and the manner in which the tale is adverted to* [The author terms Avanti or "Ougein," great with the number of those versed in the tale of Udayana (Vatsa).] in the Megha Duta, the date of which work is unknown, but which is no doubt anterior to the Vrihat Katha, seems to indicate a celebrity of some antiquity.† [The Vasava Datta of Subandhu, the nephew of Vararuchi, and as well as his uncle patronized by Bhoja, has nothing in common with the story of Vatsa and his bride, except the name of the latter. The Megha Duta, therefore, does not refer to that work. Subandhu also alludes to the Vrihat Katha, to which he is consequently subsequent.] The second marriage of Vatsa, which forms the business of the Retnavalí, appears to be the invention of the writer, as it is very differently told in the Vrihat Katha; the heroine being there named Padmavati, and being a princess of Magadha, not of Ceylon. The circumstances under which the marriage is effected are altogether distinct.‡ [The story is translated from the Vrihat Katha, in the Quarterly Oriental Magazine, Calcutta, vol. ii. p. 198.]

From whatever source, however, the plot of the drama may have been derived, it is very evident that the author is under considerable obligation to his predecessors, and especially to Kalidas, from the Vikrama and Urvasí of which writer several situations, and some of the dialogue even, are borrowed.[/i][/b] At the same time, the manners described are very different, and the light and loose principles of Vatsa are wholly unlike the deep, dignified passion of Pururavas. If we compare the Retnavali with the Mrichchakatı, or with the drama of Bhavabhuti, the difference is still more striking, and it is impossible to avoid the conviction, that they are the productions of different ages, and different conditions of society; the Retnavalí indicating a wider deviation from manners purely Hindu, more artificial refinement, and more luxurious indulgence, and a proportionate deterioration of moral feeling.

The Retnavalí, considered also under a purely literary point of view, marks a change in the principles of dramatic composition, as well as in those of social organization. Besides the want of passion and the substitution of intrigue, it will be very evident that there is in it no poetic spirit, no gleam of inspiration, scarce even enough to suggest a conceit in the ideas. The only poetry of the play, in fact, is mechanical. The structure of the original language is eminently elegant, particularly in the Prakrit. This dialect appears to equal advantage in no other drama
, although much more laboured in the Malati Madhava: the Sanscrit style is also very smooth and beautiful without being painfully elaborate. The play is, indeed, especially interesting on this account, that whilst both in thought and expression there is little fire or genius, a generally correct and delicate taste regulates the composition, and avoids those absurdities which writers of more pretension than judgment, the writers of more recent periods, invariably commit. The Retnavali, in short, may be taken as one of the connecting links between the old and new school; as a not unpleasing production of that middle region, through which Hindu poetry passed from elevation to extravagance.

The place to which the Retnavali is entitled in the dramatic literature of the Hindus is the more interesting, as the date is verifiable beyond all reasonable doubt.[!!!] It is stated in the prelude to be the composition of the sovereign, Sri Hershu Deva. A king of this name, and a great patron of learned men, reigned over Cashmir: he was the reputed author of several works, being however in fact only the patron, the compositions bearing his name being written, the author of the Kavya Prakas asserts, by Dhavaka and other poets. That it was fashionable in his reign to take the adventures of Vatsa for the subject of fictitious narrative, we may infer from their being the groundwork of the Vrihat Katha, the author of which was a native of Cashmir, and a cotemporary of the prince. Somadeva, the author, states that he compiled his collection of tales for the amusement of the grandmother of Hersha Deva, king of Cashmir, the son of Kalasa, the son of Ananta, the son of Sangrama. His genealogy is nearly identifiable with that of Abulfazl, which runs in Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akberi, Sungram, Haray, Anunt, Kulusder, Ungrus, Hurruss. The two additional princes, Huray and Ungruss, reigned conjointly but forty-four days, and they are for all chronological purposes non-entities.* [See also the Quarterly Oriental Magazine for March, 1871, p. 64.] But we have fortunately a better authority than either of the preceding, in the history of Cashmir by Kalhana Pandit.
Little is known about the author Kalhana (c. 12th century CE), apart from what is written in the book...

Kalhana's work is ... full of legends and inconsistencies...

Ashoka / Great-grandson of Shakuni and son of Shachinara's first cousin. Built a great city called Srinagara (near but not same as the modern-day Srinagar). In his days, the mlechchhas (foreigners) overran the country, and he took sannyasa. According to Kalhana's account, this Ashoka would have ruled in the 2nd millennium BCE, and was a member of the dynasty founded by Godhara. Kalhana also states that this king had adopted the doctrine of Jina, constructed stupas and Shiva temples, and appeased Bhutesha (Shiva) to obtain his son Jalauka. Despite the discrepancies, multiple scholars identify Kalhana's Ashoka with the Mauryan emperor Ashoka, who adopted Buddhism. Although "Jina" is a term generally associated with Jainism, some ancient sources use it to refer to the Buddha....

Despite the value that historians have placed on Kalhana's work, there is little evidence of authenticity in the earlier books of Rajatarangini. For example, Ranaditya is given a reign of 300 years. Toramana is clearly the Huna king of that name, but his father Mihirakula is given a date 700 years earlier. Even where the kings mentioned in the first three books are historically attested, Kalhana's account suffers from chronological errors. Kalhana's account starts to align with other historical evidence only by Book 4, which gives an account of the Karkota dynasty. But even this account is not fully reliable from a historical point of view. For example, Kalhana has highly exaggerated the military conquests of Lalitaditya Muktapida.

-- Rajatarangini, by Wikipedia

Kalhana (sometimes spelled Kalhan or Kalhan'a) (c. 12th century), a Kashmiri, was the author of Rajatarangini (River of Kings), an account of the history of Kashmir....All information regarding his life has to be deduced from his own writing... Robin Donkin has argued that with the exception of Kalhana, "there are no [native Indian] literary works with a developed sense of chronology, or indeed much sense of place, before the thirteenth century".

Kalhana was born to a Kashmiri minister, Chanpaka, who probably served king Harsa of the Lohara dynasty. It is possible that his birthplace was Parihaspore and his birth would have been very early in the 12th century. It is extremely likely that he was of the Hindu Brahmin caste, suggested in particular by his knowledge of Sanskrit....
 
[H]is own writings did not employ what Stein has described as "the very redundant praise and flattery which by custom and literary tradition Indian authors feel obliged to bestow on their patrons". From this comes Stein's deduction that Kalhana was not a part of the circle surrounding Jayasimha, the ruling monarch at the time when he was writing the Rajatarangini.

-- Kalhana, by Wikipedia

The first portion of this work, down to the reign of Sangrama Deva, in A.D. 1027, is translated summarily in the fifteenth volume of the Asiatic Researches. [An Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir, by Horace Hayman Wilson, Esq., Sec. A.S., 1825, pgs. 1-119 Since its publication, the subsequent portion of the original has been procured in Cashmir, and presented to the Asiatic Society by the late enterprizing traveller, Mr. Moorcroft. From this we are enabled to trace the successors of Sangrama with precision.

Sangrama reigned twenty-five years, and was succeeded by his son Hari, who enjoyed his elevation but twenty-two days, having been removed, it was supposed, by the practices of his mother, who aspired to the regency during the minority of a younger son. She was set aside by the chief officers of the state, under whose ministry Ananta, the next prince, reigned interruptedly fifty-three years, when he was succeeded by his son Kalasa. Kalasa reigned eight years, and being displeased with his son Hersha, left the crown to a kinsman, Utkersha. That prince, however, enjoyed his authority but twenty-two days, having been defeated, and invested in his palace, by the partisans of the legitimate heir, and putting an end to his existence rather than fall into their hands. Hersha succeeded. He consequently ascended the throne A.D. 1113, and the play [Retnavali] must have been written between that date and A.D. 1125, the termination of his reign. No mention is made of the composition by the author of the history: but he dwells at much length, and with some acrimony, on Hersha's patronage of poets, players, and dancers, and the prince's conversancy with different dialects and elegant literature. Hersha's propensities, indeed, were not likely to be regarded with a favourable eye by a brahmanical historian, for, in order to defray the expenses into which he was led by them, he made free with the treasures of the temples, and applied their gold and silver vessels, and even the images of the gods, to his necessities. These measures and others of an equally imprudent character, distracted the latter period of his reign with civil broils, and he perished in an insurrection which transferred the crown to a different dynasty. The date thus assigned for the composition refers to a period, which Mohammedan history and Hindu literature sufficiently establish, as pregnant with important changes in the political situation and national character of the natives of Hindustan.
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