APPENDIX
Rule Ordinance and Regulation of 1825* [The Bombay Secretariat Records, G.D. Vol. No. 14/98 of 1825 (pp. 139-181).]
Title
A Rule Ordinance and Regulation for preventing the mischiefs arising from the printing and publishing Newspapers and Periodical Books and Papers of a like nature and also from the printing and publishing libellous matters in Books of every other description by persons not known and for regulating the printing and publication of all such Books and Papers in other respects Passed by the Hon'ble the Governor in Council of Bombay on the day of and registered in the Hon'ble the Supreme Court of Judicature at Bombay under date the day of 1825.
Preamble
Whereas for the purpose of preventing the publication of libellous matter as well in Newspapers and other Periodical Papers of that kind as in printed Books and Papers of every other description within the Presidency of Bombay, and for the purpose of more easily detecting those who may be legally responsible for the same the Hon'ble the Governor in Council has deemed expedient that certain Regulations should be provided touching publications of the nature hereinafter mentioned respectively.
Article I: No person to print or publish periodical Papers or Books without Licence
Be it therefore ordained by authority of the Hon'ble the Governor in Council and under and by virtue of a certain Act of Parliament made and passed in the Forty Seventh year of the reign of his late Majesty's King George the third instituted an Act for the better settlement of Forts of St. George and Bombay that from and after 14 days after the Registry and Publication of this Rule Ordinance and Regulation in the Supreme Court of Judicature at Bombay no person or persons shall within the said Presidency of Bombay print or publish or cause to be printed or published any Newspaper or Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper whatsoever in any language or character whatsoever published periodically containing or purporting to contain public News Intelligence or Strictures on the Acts measures and Proceedings of Government or any Political events or transactions whatsoever without having obtained a licence for that purpose from the Hon'ble the Governor in Council Signed by the Chief Secretary of Government for the time being or other person officiating and acting as such Chief Secretary.
Article II: Persons applying for licence to deliver Affidavits specifying the names and places of abode of Printers Publishers and Proprietors of such Newspapers and other periodical Books together with the house wherein printed and title of the same
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that every person applying to the Hon'ble the Governor in Council for such licence as aforesaid shall deliver to the Chief Secretary of Government for the time being or other person acting and officiating as such an Affidavit or Affidavits in writing signed by the persons making the same to be taken before any Justice of the Peace acting within the Presidency specifying and setting forth the real and true names additions descriptions and places of abode of all and every person or persons who is or are intended to be the Printer and Printers Publisher and Publishers of the Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper in such Affidavit or Affidavits mentioned and of all the Proprietors of the same resident within the Presidency of Bombay or places thereto Subordinate, if the number of such Proprietors exclusive of the Printers and Publishers does not exceed two, and in case the same shall exceed such number then of two of the Proprietors exclusive of the Printers and Publishers resident within the Presidency of Bombay or places thereto subordinate who hold the largest shares therein, and also the amount of the proportional shares of such Proprietors in the property therein, and likewise the true description of the house or building wherein any such Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other Printed Book or Paper as aforesaid is intended to be printed, and the title of such Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other Printed Book or Paper.
Article III: Where the Printers and Publishers together with the Proprietors shall not exceed four then the Affidavits to be signed and sworn by all who are resident in Bombay where they exceed four by four or so many as are resident in Bombay
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that where the persons concerned as Printers and Publishers of any such Newspaper, Magazine Register Pamphlet or other Printed Book or Paper as aforesaid together with such number of Proprietors as are herein before required to be named in such Affidavit or Affidavits as aforesaid shall not altogether exceed the number of four persons, the Affidavit or Affidavits hereby required shall be sworn and signed by all the said persons who are resident in or within miles of Bombay and when the number of such persons shall exceed four, the same shall be signed and sworn by four of such persons if resident in or within miles of Bombay or by so many of them as are so resident.
Article IV: New Affidavits to be made as often as the Printers Publishers or Proprietors shall be changed or shall change their places of abode or printing house and as often as the Governor in Council shall require
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid That an Affidavit or Affidavits of the like nature and import shall be made signed and delivered in like manner as often as any of the Printers, Publishers or Proprietors named in such Affidavit or Affidavits shall be changed or shall change their respective places of abode or their printing House Place or Office and as often as the title of such Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper as aforesaid shall be changed and as often as the Hon'ble the Governor in Council shall deem it expedient so to require, and that when such further and new Affidavit or Affidavits as last aforesaid shall be so required by the Hon'ble the Governor in Council notice of such requisition, signed by the said Chief Secretary or other person acting and officiating as such shall be given to the persons named in the Affidavit or Affidavits to which the said notice relates as the Printers, Publishers or Proprietors of the Newspaper, Magazine, Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper in such Affidavit or Affidavits mentioned such notice to be left at such place as is mentioned in the Affidavits last delivered as the place at which the Newspaper, Magazine, Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper to which such notice shall relate is printed.
Article V: Printing and Publishing Newspapers &ca. without making the Affidavits herein before required to be deemed a Printing and Publishing without Licence
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That in case any such Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed book or Paper as herein before described shall be printed or published such Affidavit or Affidavits as herein before required not having been duly signed sworn and delivered, the same shall be deemed and taken to be printed and published without Licence and the Printers, Publishers and Proprietors thereof shall be liable to the same Penalties as are hereinafter imposed upon Printers and Publishers of such Newspapers Magazines Registers Pamphlets and other printed Books and Papers as are hereinbefore described without Licence.
Article VI: Governor in Council to have power to recall Licences
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that every Licence which shall and may be granted in manner and form aforesaid shall and may be resumed and recalled by the Hon'ble the Governor in Council upon notice to such effect in writing signed by the said Chief Secretary or other person acting and officiating as such being left at such place as is mentioned in the Affidavit or Affidavits last delivered as the place at which the Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper to which such notice shall relate is printed, and that from and immediately after such notice having been so left as aforesaid the said Licence or Licences shall be null and void and any Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet printed book or Paper to which such Licence or Licences shall have related shall if afterwards printed and published be taken and considered as printed and published without Licence. And it is hereby further ordained that whenever any such Licence shall be resumed and recalled as aforesaid notice of such resumption and recall shall be forthwith given in the for the ____ time being published in Bombay.
Article VII: Penalty of Rs. 400 on printing or publishing Newspapers &ca. without Licence
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that if any person or persons shall within the Presidency of Bombay knowingly and wilfully print or publish, or cause to be printed or published or shall knowingly and wilfully either as a Proprietor thereof or as Agent or Servant of such Proprietor or otherwise sell deliver out, distribute or dispose of, or if any Bookseller or Proprietor or Keeper of any Reading Room Library Shop, or place of public resort, shall knowingly and wilfully receive for the purpose of publication, or lend give, or supply for the purpose of perusal or otherwise to any person whatsoever any such Newspaper Magazine Register or Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper as hereinbefore described such Licence as is required by this Rule Ordinance and Regulation not having been first obtained or after such Licence if previously obtained shall have been recalled as aforesaid such persons shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of four hundred rupees.
Article VIII: Affidavits to be filed and they or certified copies to be admitted in all proceedings Civil or Criminal as evidence of the truth of their contents against persons swearing and all mentioned therein unless proved to the contrary. But if any person shall have delivered previous to the publication of the paper to which the proceedings relate and Affidavit that he has ceased to be the Printer &ca. he shall not be so deemed after such delivery.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that all such Affidavits as aforesaid shall be filed and kept in such manner as the said Justice of Peace before whom the same shall have been respectively sworn shall direct, and the same or Copies thereof certified to be true Copies as hereinafter is prescribed shall respectively in all proceedings Criminal and Civil touching any Newspaper or other such Book or Paper as hereinbefore is specified which shall be mentioned in any such Affidavit or Affidavits, or touching any publication matter or thing contained in such Newspaper or other Book or Paper as aforesaid be received and admitted as conclusive evidence of the truth of all such matters set forth in such Affidavits as are hereby required to be therein set forth against every person who shall have signed and sworn the same and also as sufficient evidence of the truth of all such matters against all and every person who shall not have signed or sworn the same, but who shall be therein mentioned to be a Proprietor, Printer or Publisher of such Newspaper or other Book or Paper as aforesaid unless the contrary shall be satisfactory proved. Provided always, That if any such person or persons respectively against whom any such Affidavit or Affidavits or any Copy thereof shall be offered in evidence shall prove that he she or they hath or have signed sworn and delivered to the said Justice of the Peace previous to the day of the date or publication of the Newspaper or other such Book or Paper as aforesaid to which the proceedings Civil or Criminal shall relate an Affidavit or Affidavits that he she or they hath or have ceased to be Printer or Printers, Proprietor or Proprietors or Publisher or Publishers of such Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as aforesaid such person or persons shall not be deemed by reason of any former Affidavit so delivered as aforesaid to have been the Printer or Printers, Proprietor or Proprietors or Publisher or Publishers of such Newspaper or other such Book or Paper as aforesaid after the day on which such last mentioned Affidavit or Affidavits shall have been delivered to the said Justice of Peace as aforesaid.
Article IX: In Newspaper &ca. there shall be printed the names and abode of Printers and Publishers on penalty of Rupees 1000 and proof in manner herein mentioned that the party is the Printer &ca. shall be sufficient unless proved to the contrary
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that in some part of every Newspaper Magazine Register Pamphlet or other printed Book or Paper as aforesaid there shall be printed the true and real name and names addition and additions and place and places of abode of the Printer and Printers and Publisher and Publishers, of the same and also a true description of the place where the same is printed and in case any person or persons shall knowingly and wilfully print or publish or cause to be printed or published any such Newspaper or other printed Book or Paper as aforesaid not containing the particulars aforesaid and every of them every such person shall forfeit the sum of Rupees One thousand: and that proof made in manner herein mentioned in any proceeding to recover the same that the party proceeded against is a Printer or Publisher of a Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper so printed or published as aforesaid shall be deemed and taken to be proof that such party is a person wilfully and knowingly printing or publishing or causing the same to be printed or published unless he shall satisfactorily prove the contrary.
Article X: After production of Affidavit or Copy &ca. Newspaper &ca. instituted as therein mentioned &ca. it shall not be necessary to prove the purchase of the same at the house or shop of Defendants
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That it shall not be necessary after any such Affidavit or Affidavits or a certified Copy thereof shall have been produced in evidence as aforesaid against the person or persons who signed and made the same or are therein named according to this Rule Ordinance and Regulation or any of them, and after a Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as aforesaid shall be produced in evidence entitled in the same manner as the Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper mentioned in such Affidavit is entitled and wherein the name or names of the printer and publisher or printers and publishers and the place of printing shall be the same as the name or names of the printer or printers or publisher and publishers and place of printing mentioned in such Affidavit or Affidavits, for any Plaintiff Informant or Prosecutor or person seeking to recover any of the penalties raised by this Regulation to prove that the Newspaper or other printed Book or Paper to which such trial relates was purchased at any house shop or office belonging to or occupied by the Defendant, or Defendants or any of them, or by his or other servants or workmen or when he or they by themselves or by their servants or workmen usually carry on the business of printing or publishing such Newspaper or other printed Book or Paper as aforesaid, or where the same is usually sold.
Article XI: Service at the Printing House mentioned in the Affidavit to be deemed sufficient notice to all persons named therein. But if any person shall have delivered previous to the publication of the Newspaper &ca. to which the proceedings relate an Affidavit that he has ceased to be Printer &ca. he shall not be so deemed after such delivery.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That service at the house or place mentioned in such Affidavit or Affidavits as aforesaid as the house or place at which such Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as aforesaid to which any proceedings, Civil or Criminal shall relate, is printed or published or intended so to be of any legal notice, Summons subpoena rule order or process of what nature soever or to enforce an appearance in any suit prosecution or proceeding Civil or Criminal against any Printer Publisher or Proprietor of any such Newspaper or other printed book or paper shall, be deemed and taken to be good and sufficient service thereof respectively against all persons named in such Affidavit or Affidavits as the Proprietor or Proprietors Publisher or Publishers or Printer or Printers of the Newspaper or other printed book or paper mentioned in such Affidavit or Affidavits. Provided always, That if any such person or persons respectively as aforesaid shall have signed sworn and delivered to the said Justice of the Peace as aforesaid previous to the day of the date or publication of the Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as aforesaid to which the proceeding in Court shall relate an Affidavit or Affidavits that he she or they have ceased to be the Printer or Printers Proprietor or Proprietors Publisher or Publishers of such Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as aforesaid, and shall make proof thereof, such person or persons shall not be deemed by reason of any former Affidavit or Affidavits so delivered as aforesaid to have been the Proprietor or Proprietors Printer or Printers Publisher or Publishers of the same after the day on which such last mentioned Affidavit or Affidavits shall have been delivered to the said Justice of the Peace as aforesaid.
Article XII: Certified copies of Affidavits to be delivered on payment of
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the Justice of the Peace by whom such Affidavits shall be kept according to the directions of this Rule Ordinance and Regulation shall, and he is hereby required upon application made to him by any Person or Persons requiring a Copy certified according to this Rule Ordinance and Regulation of any such Affidavit as aforesaid in order that the same may be produced in any Civil or Criminal proceedings to deliver to the person so applying for the same such certified Copy he or they paying for the same the sum of 1 Rupee and no more.
Article XIII: Copies of Affidavits Certified by the Justice of the Peace in whose custody they shall be, to be sufficient evidence
And whereas in many cases it may be productive of public inconvenience to require that the Justice of the Peace before whom such Affidavits as are hereinbefore mentioned are made, should be required personally to attend in order to prove upon the trial of any action prosecution suit indictment information, or in any other legal proceeding that the parties signing swearing and delivering such Affidavit or Affidavits, did swear the same in the presence of, and did deliver the same to such Justice of the Peace before and to whom the same shall have been sworn or delivered respectively; Be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid That in all cases a Copy of any such Affidavit certified to be a true Copy under the hand of such Justice of the Peace in whose possession the same shall be, shall upon proof made that such Certificates have been signed by the hand writing of the person making the same and whom it shall not be necessary to prove to be a Justice of the Peace, be received in evidence as sufficient proof of such Affidavit, and that the same was duly sworn and of the contents thereof, and such copies so produced and certified shall also be received as Evidence that the Affidavits of which they purport to be Copies, have been sworn according to this Rule Ordinance and Regulation and shall have the same effect for the purposes of evidence to all intents whatsoever as if the original Affidavit or Affidavits of which the copies so produced and certified shall purport to be Copies had been produced in Evidence and been proved to have been so duly Certified and sworn by the person or persons appearing by such Copy to have sworn the same as aforesaid.
Article XIV: Penalty of Rupees 1000 on unauthorized Persons giving Certificates
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That if any person not being such Justice of the Peace as aforesaid shall give any such certificate as aforesaid or shall presume to certify any of the matters or things by this Rule Ordinance and Regulation directed to be certified by such Justice of the Peace as aforesaid or which such Justice of the Peace as aforesaid is hereby empowered or entrusted to certify he shall forfeit and lose the Sum of One thousand Rupees.
Article XV: Penalty of Rupees 1000 for falsely certifying that Affidavits were sworn to, or that false Copies are true, &ca.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid. That if any person shall knowingly and wilfully falsely certify under his hand that any such Affidavit as is required to be made by this Rule Ordinance and Regulation was duly signed and sworn before him the same not having been so sworn or signed or shall knowingly and willfully falsely certify that any Copy or Copies of any Affidavit or Affidavits is or are a true Copy or Copies of the Affidavit or Affidavits of which the same are certified to be such copy or Copies or shall knowingly and wilfully falsely certify or express in any certificate that the Affidavit or Affidavits of which any Copy or Copies arc certified to be a true Copy or copies was or were duly sworn before the person so certifying by the party or parties whose name or names appear subscribed to the same as the name or names of the party or parties swearing and signing the same every person so offending shall in each and every such case respectively forfeit and lose the sum of one thousand Rupees.
Article XVI: After 34 days after the date of Registry a Copy of every Newspaper &ca. to be delivered within 6 days of its publication lo Ike Justice or his Officer on penalty of Rs. 1000. The Paper to be paid for, by the Justice, and may within two years after publication be produced as Evidence in any proceeding civil or criminal
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That from and after fourteen days after Registry and Publication of the Rule Ordinance and Regulation in the Supreme Court as aforesaid, the Printer or Publisher of every Newspaper or other such printed Book or Paper as hereinbefore described shall upon every day upon which the same shall be published, or within six days after delivery to the Justice of Peace before whom the Affidavit as hereinbefore required is made, or to some officer to be appointed by him to receive the same and whom he is hereby required to appoint for that purpose one of the Newspaper or other printed Books or Papers herein before described so published upon each such day signed by the printer or publisher thereof in his handwriting with his name and place of abode and the same shall be carefully kept by the said Justice of the Peace or such Officer as aforesaid in such manner as the said Justice of the Peace shall direct and such Printer or Publisher shall be entitled to demand and receive from the said Justice of the Peace or such Officer once in every six days of publication the amount of the ordinary price of the respective Newspaper or other printed books or papers so delivered and in every ease in which the printer and publisher of such Newspaper or other such printed book or paper as af ore-aid shall neglect to deliver one such Newspaper or other printed book or paper in the manner hereinbefore directed such printer and publisher shall for every such neglect respectively forfeit and lose the sum of One thousand Rupees and in case any person or persons shall make application to the said Justice of the Peace or such Officer as aforesaid, in order that such Newspaper or other printed book or paper so signed by the printer or publisher may be produced in Evidence in any proceeding Civil or criminal the said Justice of the Peace or such Officer shall, at the expense of the party applying at any time within two years from the publication thereof either cause the same to be produced in the Court in which the same is required to be produced and at the time when the same is required to be produced or shall deliver the same to the party applying for it taking according to his discretion, reasonable security at his expense for the returning the same to the said Justice of the Peace or such Officer, and in case by reason that the same shall have been previously required by any other person to be produced in any Court or hath been previously delivered to any other person for the like purpose the same cannot be produced at the time required, or be delivered according to such application in such case the said Justice of the Peace or such his Officer shall cause the same to be produced, or shall deliver the same as soon as they are enabled so to do.
Article XVII: Printers shall give notice in the form annexed No. 1 to the Chief Secretary of Government who shall grant a Certificate in the form annexed No. 2 and file the notice. Penalty of Rs. 400 for keeping presses or types without notice or using them in any place not expressed therein.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That from and after fourteen days after the Registry and Publication of this Rule Ordinance and Regulation in the Supreme Court as aforesaid every person having any printing press, or types for printing within the Presidency of Bombay shall cause a notice thereof signed in the presence of and attested by one witness, to be delivered to the Chief Secretary of Government for the time being or other person acting and officiating as such, according to the form hereinafter prescribed and such Chief Secretary or other person acting and officiating as such shall, and he is hereby authorized and required to grant a certificate in the form hereinafter prescribed and shall file such notice and every person who, not having delivered such notice, and obtained such Certificate as aforesaid, shall, from and after the expiration of fourteen days next after such Registry and Publication of this Rule Ordinance and Regulation as aforesaid keep or use any printing press or types for printing, or having delivered such notice and obtained such certificate, as aforesaid shall use any printing press or types for printing in any other place than the place expressed in such notice shall forfeit and lose the sum of four hundred Rupees.
Article XVIII: The name and abode of the Printer shall be printed on every paper or book. Printer omitting so to do and persons dispersing papers without such Name and place of abode shall forfeit Rupees 400.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That from and after fourteen days after the Registry and Publication of this Rule Ordinance and Regulation as aforesaid every person who shall print any paper or book whatsoever within the Presidency of Bombay not being intended to be published periodically but which shall be meant and intended to be published or dispersed whether the same shall be sold or given away shall print upon the front of every such paper, if the same shall be printed on one side only and upon the first and last leaves of every such last mentioned paper or book which shall consist of more than one leaf in legible characters his or her name, and the name of his or her dwelling house or usual place of abode, and every person who shall omit so to print his name and place of abode on every such last mentioned paper or book printed by him and also every person who shall publish or disperse, or assist in publishing or dispersing either gratis or for money any such last mentioned printed paper or book, which shall have been printed after the time hereinbefore last specified and on which the name and place of abode of the person printing the same shall not be printed as aforesaid, shall for every Copy of such paper so published or dispersed by him, forfeit and pay the sum of Four hundred Rupees.
Article XIX: Printers shall keep a Copy of every book and paper they print and write thereon the name and abode of their employer. Penalty of Rs. 400 for neglect or refusing to produce the Copy within 6 months
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That every person who from, and after the time hereinbefore last specified shall print any such last mentioned book or paper whatsoever within the Presidency of Bombay for Hire Reward Gain or Profit shall carefully preserve and keep one copy (at least) of every such last mentioned book or paper so printed by him or her on which he or she shall write or cause to be written or printed in fair and legible characters, the name and place of abode of the person or persons by whom he or she shall be employed to print the same and every person printing any such last mentioned book or paper whatsoever for Hire, Reward, Gain or Profit who shall omit or neglect to write or cause to be written or printed as aforesaid, the name and place of abode of his or her employer on one of such last mentioned printed books or papers, or to keep or preserve the same for the space of six Calendar Months next after the printing thereof, or to produce and shew the same to any Justice of the Peace acting within the Presidency of Bombay who within the said space of six Calendar Months shall require to see the same shall for every such omission neglect or refusal forfeit and lose the sum of 400 rupees.
Article XX: A Justice may empower a Peace Officer to search for Presses and Types he suspects to be illegally used and seize them and the printed papers found
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That if any Justice of the Peace acting within the Presidency of Bombay, shall from Information upon oath, have reason to suspect that any printing press or types for printing is or are used or kept for use without notice given and certificate obtained as required by this Rule Ordinance and Regulation, or in any place not included in such Notice and Certificate, it shall be lawful for such Justice by warrant to direct authorize and empower any of his Officers in the day time with such person or persons as shall be called to his assistance to enter into any such house, room and place and search for any printing press or types for printing and it shall be lawful for every such Peace Officer with such assistance as aforesaid, to enter into such house room or place in the daytime accordingly and to seize take and carry away every printing press found therein together with all the types and other articles thereto belonging and used in printing and all printed papers found in such house room or place.
Article XXI: How penalties are to be recovered and disposed of.
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that all offences committed and all pecuniary forfeitures and penalties had or incurred under or against this Rule Ordinance and Regulation shall and may be heard and adjudged and determined by two or more of the Justices of the Peace acting within the Presidency of Bombay who are hereby empowered and authorized to hear and determine the same and to issue their summons or warrant for bringing the party or parties complained of, before them and upon his or their appearance or contempt and default to hear the parties examine witnesses, and to give Judgment or Sentence according as in and by this Rule Ordinance and Regulation is ordained and directed and to award and issue out warrants under their hands and seals for the paying of such forfeitures and penalties as may be imposed upon the goods and chattels of the offender and to cause sale to be made of the goods and chattels if they shall not be redeemed within six days rendering to the party the overplus if any be after deducting the amount of such forfeiture or penalty and the costs and charges attending the levying thereof, and in case sufficient distress shall not be found and such forfeitures and penalties shall not be forthwith paid, it shall and may be lawful for such Justices of the Peace and they are hereby authorized and required by warrant or warrants under their hands and seals to cause such offender or offenders to be committed to the common gaol of Bombay there to remain for any time not exceeding four Calendar Months unless such forfeitures and penalties and all reasonable charges shall be sooner paid and satisfied, and that all the said forfeitures when paid or levied shall be from time to time paid into the Treasury of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies and to be employed and disposed of according to the order and directions of —
Article XXII: This Rule Ordinance and Regulation not to extend to certain Publications
Provided always and be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid that nothing in this Rule Ordinance and Regulation contained shall be deemed or taken to extend or apply to any book or paper printed by the authority and for the use of the Government of any or either of the three Presidencies of India, or to any printed book or paper containing only Shipping Intelligence, Advertisements of Sales, Current prices of Commodities, rates of Exchange or other Intelligence solely of a commercial nature.
No. 1: Form of Notice to the Chief Secretary or other person acting as such that any person keeps any printing press or types for printing
I A.B. of ______ do hereby declare [illegible] types for printing which I propose to use for [illegible] Bombay, and which I require to be entered for that purpose in Pursuance of the Rule Ordinance and Regulation No. ______ of 1825.
"Witness my hand this day of ______. Signed in the presence of ______.
A.B.
No. 2. Form of Certificate that Notice has been given of a printing press or types for printing.
I CD. Chief Secretary to Government (or acting Chief Secretary) do hereby certify that A.B. of ______ hath delivered to me a notice in writing appearing to be signed by him and attested by ______ as a witness to his signing the same that he the said A.B. hath a printing press and types for printing which he proposes to use for printing within the Presidency of Bombay and which he has required to be entered pursuant to the Rule Ordinance and Regulation _____ of 1825.
Witness my hand this ______ day of ______.
CD.
The Printing Press in India, by Anant Kakba Priolkar
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Part 1 of 4
Part II : AN HISTORICAL ESSAY ON THE KONKANI LANGUAGE
A LIFE SKETCH OF J. H. da CUNHA RIVARA* [* The author of the Historical Essay on the Konkani Language.]
JOAQUIM HELIODORO da CUNHA RIVARA was a well- known writer and scholar. He was born in Arraiolos, 23rd June 1800, and died in Evora on the 20th February 1879. His father was Dr. Antonio Francisco Rivara, Genooese by nationality and his mother, D. Maria Isabel da Cunha Feio Castelo Branco, Spanish by nationality. Having gone through the preparatory courses in Evora, he entered the University of Coimbra in the year 1824, but had to break off when he had completed the 3rd year of Medicine in 1828, as the University had to close down owing to the political events of the time.
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J. H. da CUNHA RIVARA
During the civil war he withdrew to his home, and it was only at the end of the war in 1834 that he could resume his studies and take the degree in 1836. However, he did not show great inclination to practise Medicine. After holding for some time the post of the First Official in the Civil Secretariat of Evora, he took charge of the chair of rational and moral Philosophy in the Lyceum of the same city (Decree of 27-7-1837), holding simultaneously the post of librarian of the Library of Evora (25-12-1838). During fifteen years he put forth considerable effort in re-organising the Library which had suffered complete decay. The political agitations and crisis of those years were a source of immense difficulties, as the Government could hardly pay attention to cultural or pedagogical matters. He succeeded, however, in putting up a new hall to house 8,000 volumes, and in completely overhauling the whole building; and after laborious investigations he selected and incorporated in the Library over 10,000 volumes from the libraries of extinct convents, besides donating 182 volumes of old, and mostly rare works from his own private library.
All the above books were catalogued by him, as he had no assistant. His attention was specially drawn to a valuable collection of manuscripts, mostly Portuguese, referring to Asia, Africa and America, of which he made an inventory and catalogue, and with these he prepared and printed a large size volume in 1850.
Cunha Rivara gave valuable help to Count Raczyuski in his art investigations, which this foreign savant acknowledged in his book. This exhausting activity did not stand in the way of his teaching work which he carried out with equal solicitude, or of his constant collaboration in the journals and reviews of the time. He co-operated in the Publication of Reflexoes sobre a Lingoa Portugueza, by Fr. Francisco Jose Freira (Edited by Sociedade Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Uteis, Lisbon, 1842), of which a new edition was brought out later with a masterly preface by Rivara.
As he had always kept aloof from political struggles, there was general surprise that he should have stood up for election as a deputy for Evora in 1853, an election which he won. In the Chamber of Deputies he took particular interest in questions of administration and education. He was a member of important Committees, among others of the Committee of Inquiry on the Bank of Portugal.
The Viscount, later Count, of Torres Novas, on his appointment as Governor General of India, selected him as General Secretary, and he was nominated to this office on June 3rd, 1855. During the tenure of this office which lasted till 1870, Cunha Rivara enjoyed the confidence of all Governors, and made a conspicuous contribution to the improvement of administrative services, public instruction, and people's education as well as to economic and industrial progress. Charged with the definition of areas of the dioceses of India within the jurisdiction of the "Padroado" of the East as per Concordat of February 21, 1857, Cunha Rivara proved a stalwart champion of the rights of the Portuguese nation, whether in official negotiations or in polemics in the press and pamphlets, in which he vigorously argued against the excessive claims of the Vicars Apostolic. In 1858 the metropolitan Government appointed him to continue the historical work of Joao de Barros and Diogo do Couto on the conquests and the domains of Portugal in Asia. Without availing himself of the offer of official allowances, he visited the whole coast from Diu to Cape Comorin, that of Malabar and Coromandel, in a tireless investigation of all ruins and monuments which gave evidence of Portuguese activity. With the same meticulous care he examined the numerous documents in the Archives of India, and published them in the Boletim Official, the Cronista de Tissuary, and other periodicals, as well as in special volumes and booklets. He resigned in 1870, but continued in India till 1877, carrying on his historical studies. His stay in Lisbon was brief. He spent the remainder of his life in Evora.
Throughout his life he developed an intense intellectual activity. Thus in the Review Panorama he published numerous articles from 1838 to 1854, among which were chapters of Memorias da Vila de Arraiolos, which corrected and enlarged, he intended to publish in a complete work, but the scheme was not carried out. From 1859 to 1861 he was a frequent contributor to the Arquivo Universal of Lisbon, where in Vol. III, pp. 289-291 he published a remarkable note on Deducao Cronologica vertida em Chines (Chronological Deduction turned into Chinese). In the monthly O Cronista de Tissuary which he edited and which began its publication in Nova-Goa (Pangim) in Jan. 1866 and ended in June 1869 (4 vol.), he published numerous documents on Portuguese activity in Asia, and, often anonymously — in view of his official position, articles in defence of Portuguese interests in the "Padroado" of the East. In the Boletim do Governo da India he published his more important articles on the same question. His collaboration in this Boletim went on from 1855 to 1875. His contributions also appeared in Revista Universal Lisbonense; Aurora de Lisboa; Revista Literaria, Porto; Journal da Farmacia e Ciencias Medicas of Portuguese India, 1862 and 1863; Arquivo da Farmacia, idem 1864-1871, Instituto Vasco da Gama, idem 1872-74; and Imprensa de Ribandar, 1870-1871. In the Arquivo Portugues Oriental which was published in Panjim in 1857-76 he brought out with a commentary of his own, a volume containing letters which the Kings of Portugal had addressed to the Cidade de Goa (Corporation of Goa); the letters of instructions of the Kings of Portugal to the Viceroys and Governors of India in the 16th century as well as executive orders, decrees etc., of the time; the letters ad- dressed to the ecclesiastical council of Goa and the Synod of Diamper; various documents of the 16th and 17th centuries etc. He wrote introductions or annotations to Gramatica da Lingua Concani by Fr. Thomas Stevens, with additions by other Fathers of the Society of Jesus, with an introduction consisting of a Memoir on the geographical distribution of the main languages of India by Sir Erskine Perry, and of the Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani, Noa-Goa, 1857. Grammatica da Lingua Concani no dialecto do Norte, work of a Portuguese missionary of 17th century, now published for the first time Nova-Goa, 1858; Gramatica da lingua Concani written in Portuguese by an Italian missionary, Nova-Goa, 1859; Diccionario portugues-concani, by an Italian Missionary, Nova-Goa, 1868; Letters of Luis Antonio Verney and Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo to the Fathers of the Congregation of the Oratory of Goa, Nova-Goa, 1858; Memorias sobre as possessees portuguesas na Asia, written in 1623 by Goncalo de Magalhaes Teixeira Pinto, High Court Judge, now published with brief additions and annotations, Nova-Goa 1859; Demonstratio juris patronatus Portugaliae Regum (Defence of the Padroado) composed by the Archbishop of Braga, D. Ludovico de Souza, written at the instance of the Prince Regent of Portugal during the Pontificate of Innocent XI, 1677, a work now brought to light by Cunha Rivara, Nova-Goa, 1880, and this was based on a codex of the Evora Library which he believed to be either the autograph or a contemporary copy. Descrigao dos Bios de Sena by Francisco de Melo de Castro, Nova-Goa, 1861; Observacoes sobre a historia natural de Goa, made in 1784 by Manoel Galvao da Silva and now published, Nova-Goa 1862; Documentos on the occupation of the Bay of Lourenco-Marques, East Coast of Africa, attempted or carried in the first half of the 18th century by some nations of Europe, specially the Dutch, found in the Government archives, Nova-Goa, 1873.
Cunha Rivara was a Fellow of the Academy of Sciences, the Historical and Geographical Institute of Brazil, and other scientific and literary societies. He was honoured with Comenda of the Order of Villa Vicosa (Decree of 4-6-1860) and that of the Order of Santiago (Decree of 14-4-1860) and was granted the title of Concelheiro (Councillor), Decree of 11-3-1861.
He was the author of: Apontamentos sobre os Oradores parlamentares de 1853, Lisboa, 1853; De Lisboa a Goa pelo Meditarraneo, Egipto e Mar vermelho (Description of voyage from Lisbon to Goa); A Circular Letter addressed to his friends in Europe, Nova-Goa, 1858; Viagem de Francisco Pyrard de Laval (report of his voyage to East Indies, the Maldives, Molucca, Brazil, 1601-11) translated from French edition of 1679, with corrections and notes, Nova-Goa, Vol. I 1858, Vol. II 1862; Analysis of a pamphlet "O Visconde de Torres Novas e as Eleicoes em Goa" printed in Lisbon, 1861, anonymously, Nova-Goa, 1862; Address to the Electors (on the candidatures to the Chamber of Deputies of Bernado Francisco da Costa and Antonio Augusto Teixeira de Vasconcelos) published anonymously, Nova-Goa, 1865. Ensaio Historico da lingua Concani, Nova-Goa, 1858; Memoria sobre a propagagao e cultura das chinchonas medicinaes by W. Graham, translated from English, Nova-Goa, 1864; Inscricoes de Dio, Nova-Goa, 1865.
(Translated from the Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brazileira — Vol. 25, Lisboa, pp. 791-793).
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE
FEW scholars have done more to promote the cause of the native language of Goa than J. H. da Cunha Rivara, the Portuguese savant of the 19th century.
Both the Konkani speaking people and students of the history of Indian languages will be forever indebted to him for his historical essay on the language and the printing of its grammars.
I have confined myself in this book to the translation into English of his epoch-making Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani published in Nova Goa in 1858.
In the body of his work, Cunha Rivara has listed elaborate documents or historical data in support of many of his statements as to the origin and vitality of the language as well as the many vissicitudes through which it had to pass in its long and chequered career.
It was not possible in my translation to include these records owing to their bulk. The book, however, contains footnotes both mine (marked with asterisks) and those of the author to elucidate certain points in the text of the translation.
In writing a book of this nature, the translator has naturally to labour under many difficulties. The Portuguese in which the original essay was written 100 years ago and the language of the documents which goes further back in time is archaic and requires studious examination.
I have, however, tried to follow the original text closely, retaining as far as possible the author's trend of thought and his interpretation of contemporary conditions. I am greatly indebted to Principal Aloysius Soares; and Prof. A. K. Priolkar, Director of Marathi Research Institute, who gave me invaluable help in reading the text as well in the elucidation of certain passages in the essay.
It is therefore with great pleasure that I submit my translation of the Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani by Cunha Rivara, on the occasion of the centenary of its publication.
THEOPHILUS LOBO
AN HISTORICAL ESSAY ON THE KONKANI LANGUAGE
I
THE attempt on our part to write an Historical Essay on the Konkani Language could justifiably be considered as presumptuous, if someone competent to undertake this arduous task could be found among those who knew the mother- tongue. On one occasion in the past we have drawn attention 1 [Lecture delivered at the opening of the Primary Training School of Nova Goa on the 1st of October 1856 — Boletim do Governo, No. 78.] of the public to the unique phenomenon of ignorance regarding the structure and grammatical forms of the mother-tongue which has prevailed in Goa from remote times. We have also pointed out the absurdity of the affirmation that a language spoken by half a million of people had no grammar and was not even capable of being set in writing. We, therefore, thought that we would be of some use if we could dissipate such a pernicious impression and illusion and prove that the Konkani language possessed not only grammar like other languages, but a grammar which, from ancient times, was appropriately formulated in rules and actually printed. And if the Portuguese and the natives despised and persecuted it, it has, nevertheless, received the attention of learned foreign orientalists, who to the great benefit of science and the good of humanity have been applying themselves to the study of Indian languages.
In spite of the great impulse which the language received in the first century of Portuguese dominion, there rose against the language an implacable war with attempts to entirely extinguish and proscribe it. Although it was not possible to achieve the end fully, as it is beyond human power to suppress a language, it has, however, been corrupted and adulterated and its literary records practically destroyed to the serious loss both to the intellectual and moral culture of the people.
The author, acknowledging his lack of competence, therefore, limits himself partly to compile what those well-versed in this language have said and have ascertained; and partly, in the light of authentic documents, government circulars and other facts to arrive at a conclusion as to what has influenced its progress or decadence.
II
In the first part of this introduction, namely, the Paper on the geographical distribution of the principal languages in India, 2 [Sir Erskine Perry, The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. January 1853. The Portuguese translation of this paper was published with the first edition of this Essay.] we have seen how the Konkani language hails from the family of Sanskritic languages, or those of the north. Authors with considered views on the subject regard the language as the daughter, or more appropriately, the sister of Marathi, though those living around the coast of Kanara consider the language to be completely different from Marathi. This view, however, may be rejected, due to palpable and decisive analogies existing between Konkani and Marathi. The weighty authority of Murphy, 3 [Robert Xavier Murphy (1803-1857) Editor of Bombay Gazette, 1834; Oriental translator to Government of Bombay 1852; a classical scholar and quick at acquiring of Oriental languages; wrote largely on Oriental subjects philosophical and literary, antiquaries, etc.] quoted by the author of the above-mentioned Paper on the study of the grammar of Konkani proves abundantly that its grammar is the same as that of the Marathi language. The nouns and verbs are declined in the same way, with minor modifications of little significance. According to the same authority, Konkani does explain some difficulties inherent in the Marathi language. What are considered as anomalies, or defective voices in the latter, are sometimes accepted as rules, and in a complete form in the former. Finally, it appears that Konkani is the very Marathi language with a large admixture of Tulu and Kanarese words; the former derived from the native inhabitants of Tuluva, or Kanara; the latter resulting from the long subjection of this part of Konkan to the Kanarese dynasties above the Ghats.
Konkani language has undergone an unique Brahmanic influence; and as attested by the above-mentioned Murphy, many Sanscritic words, signifying natural objects, have entered into its popular usage. These words are not used in the same sense in any other part of India. Thus the common terms to signify water, tree and grass, are Sanscritic; and pronounced by the Shenvi Brahmins give the sound of udak, uriksh, trin; pronounced by Christians of the place would sound udik, rukh, tan, etc.
Goan experience and tradition testify that this difference in pronunciation is preserved and perpetuated among the Brahmin Christians, and that it is a distinguishing mark of that caste; whilst the Chardes 4
attribute it to affectation and corruption, a view worthy of severe condemnation. 5 [ ]
Again, according to Murphy, the masculine termination o of Gujerati and Marwaree also occurs in Konkani, in place of a used in Hindi and Marathi.
Another contemporary philologist, 6 [Fr. Francis Xavier, Italian Carmelite, Missionary in Canara, Archbishop of Sardes and Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly.] who has studied the language profoundly in Kanara, and also composed a Dictionary and a Konkani-Portuguese Grammar is fully in accord with the opinion of Murphy regarding the genius and disposition of the language. His grammar starts with this note or observation: "Even though the Konkani language, whose grammar I am writing, be different from the Marathi language, it has great similarity with the other, which we may even call natural; besides the Konkani language has adopted from Marathi some words and phrases it did not have; and as Greek vocables assimilated in Latin language are called Grecisms, so the adaptation of Marathi words by the Konkani language may be called Marathisms."
III
The name concani, concanica, or concana is derived from the territory (Konkan) where this language is commonly spoken. The Portuguese missionaries who were the first to cultivate it intensively during the 16th and 17th centuries, commonly called the language the Bramana language, Canarim 7* [It appears that the term Canarim (Persian word for "coaster") was first given by the Arab-traders to the people on the Malabar Coast which was subsequently adopted by the Portuguese and applied to the native Christians of Goa.] language or Canarina. The first name clearly arises from the fact that the Brahmins, alone among the Hindus, knew to read and write in that language; the second name Canarins, is given by the Portuguese to the natives of Konkan, which extends even beyond the limits of Kanara. Therefore, it is necessary to bear in mind, that this language is not the same as the one known as Kanara or Canarese, spoken by the people of Kanara and other provinces, which as we have already seen in the paper of Sir Erskine Perry, really belongs to the Tamilian family.
The Konkani language starts from the north of Goa in the southern districts of the British Collectorate of Ratnagiri, where it meets the Marathi language; and towards the south it extends up to Udipi in the proximity of Kundapur, in Kanara, or according to another view, up to Mangalore, where the commonly spoken language in that place, Tulu, has its beginning. Thus, Konkani is more a southern branch of the Sanscritic or northern family, uniting this family with the Tamilian or southern branch. Towards the east it extends up to the Ghats; in addition, it is spoken by various castes in Bombay and in the whole island of Salsette — principally by the Christians.
Konkani cannot be exclusively called the language of all the classes of people who live in the provinces, where it is spoken. Thus, for instance, it is not spoken by all the people of Kanara, who speak both Tulu and Marathi, whereas in Sawantwadi it has equal footing with Marathi, Urdu and Hindustani.
According to the present Political Superintendent of Sawantwadi, 8 [Brief Notes relative to the Sawantwaree State submitted to Government on the 1st July, 1854, in the selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, Xo. X, New Series.] Major J. W. Auld, three languages are spoken in that State. The Muslims speak Hindustani or Urdu, high class Hindus speak Marathi, and other inferior castes speak a corrupt form of Marathi, known as Kuddali, which is more in vogue in the southern districts of the Collectorate of Ratnagiri. This corrupted form of Marathi, referred to by Mr. Auld, is the true Konkani language. This language which carries with it an abundant mixture of Portuguese words is the people's language in the Portuguese territory as well as in Sawantwadi and other districts.
Later on, we shall have occasion to deal with the causes that have brought the Konkani language to the state of corruption at present prevalent in Portuguese territory, chiefly in the provinces constituting the Velhas Conquistas. 9* [The districts conquered or acquired by the Portuguese in the beginning, viz. Goa Islands (1510), Bardez and Salsete (1543).] The views of a few modern authors are given below: —
The Rev. Luiz Cottineau de Kloguen who visited Goa about the year 1829 says: — " All speak a corrupt dialect, a resultant of Portuguese Konkani and Marathi languages, which, however, has been reduced to grammatical rules. The poor and those who cannot read, chiefly the women folk, speak this language only." 10 [An Historical Sketch of Goa, Madras 1831, p. 107.]
Manoel Felicissimo Louzada de Araujo e Azevedo, who lived in Goa (1827 to 1837) writes: "In addition to the Portuguese language, the people speak the local language, which is a mixture of Kanarese and Marathi. The Hindus in their writings commonly use the Tndo, Kanarese or Marathi dialects, and several scripts. Those from the Provinces of the Novas Conquistas 11 [The Districts newly acquired by the Portuguese. They are: Sanguem, Quepem and Canacona in 1761; Ponda in 1763; Pernem and Sanquelim in 1782 and Satari in 1778.] write as rapidly as they speak, but very few among the Hindus can write these dialects without getting mixed with other dialects." 12 [Segunda Memoria descriptiva, e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Asia: nos Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes, anno 1842, p. 50.] Felipe Nery Xavier says: "In their dealings in general and familiar intercourse, the language commonly used by the people is a combination of the Marathi and the Kanarese languages with the local dialects in each of the Districts and Provinces; the same holds good of each class or caste. In their writings, however, they make use of Portuguese dialect and among themselves the Hindus use Kanarese, Hindi or Marathi in adulterated form: yet very few use one form without mixing it with the others." 13 ["Nocao Historica de Goa," Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas, Tom I. 1846, p. 43.]
The language is purer in the Novas Conquistas; and its chance of being corrupted lessens in proportion to the distance from the territory of Goa.
IV
The Konkani literature, chiefly religious, owes its existence exclusively to the Portuguese missionaries. The Rev. J. Murray Mitchell the noted Protestant missionary, and learned Orientalist of the Bombay Presidency, published in 1849 one Paper 14 ["Marathi Works composed by the Portuguese," The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay. No. XII, Vol. III, January, pp. 132-157.] on this literature, the language of which he called Maratha; and under this misconception he exerted himself to find out, and did discover innumerable mistakes of all kinds, both as to the use of vowels as well of aspiration and other grammatical points, from whence he concluded that this Marathi language has been falsified, adulterated, corrupted and brought low. 15 [Ibid., p. 136 and Philipe Xery Pires; Grammatica Maratha explicada em Lingua Portugueza, Bombay, 1854, p., 103.]
We beg leave from the learned British Orientalist, and Mr. Filipe Nery Pires, who appears to hold the same view 16 [Philipe Xery Pires, Op. cit...., Preface, p. XIV.], to say that we feel that there is a serious error in such censure. Filipe Nery Pires himself (and his authority in this matter cannot be questioned, because he is both a son of Goa, as well as an eminent professor of Marathi) agrees with the opinion of Murphy in that the Konkani language, Bramana, or Canarim (as ancient Portuguese authors called it) has very close analogy with Marathi: "The declensions of its nouns (says he) together with its terminations and inflexions, affixes, suffixes and prefixes; pronouns personal, relative and possessive, terminations and conjugations of its verbs; its auxiliaries, prepositions, adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections; finally the syntax, and all the rules by means which the structure of this dialect is composed and regulated; in a word, the whole mechanism is identically the same as in this Compendium (of Marathi Grammar)." 17 [Ibid.] But this is not sufficient to conclude that both the languages, Marathi and Konkani, are one in the same way as one cannot confound Spanish with Portuguese.
And thus it appears to us that Fr. Francis Xavier and Murphy were on surer ground, when they considered these two languages to be distinct, than Rev. Cottineau de Kloguen and Murray Mitchell who identify them. The latter fell into the error into which, for instance, a Russian or German might fall, who after having studied the Spanish language and casually seeing a book written in Portuguese, would catalogue mistakes contained therein, on the persuasion that the book was written by a Spaniard who had blundered through ignorance of his own language. The critic, for instance, would have noticed two errors in the word coracao, namely, c in place of z and ao in place of on, whereas in Spanish the word is written corazon. Similarly the word chorar would constitute a very grave error, for the Spanish language has ll for ch of Portuguese, and hence the word is written llorar, etc.
Rev. Murray Mitchell, however, may be excused to a certain extent. His Paper does not deal with the Portuguese-Konkani literature ex professo. It only contains certain observations, which according to him, might lead to the investigation of an interesting and important subject. 18 [Murray Mitchell, Op. Cit., p. 133.] We believe that the confusion he has created in mixing up the Konkani language with the Marathi resulted from the fact he knew only one ancient Konkani publication (the Puranna of Fr. Francis Vaz de Guimaraes) 19 [This Puranna attributed to Guimaraes was first published in 1845 in Bombay and there were a few subsequent editions.] and probably a minor modern book (Manual de Devocoes) printed in Bombay in 1848; he had also by chance come into possession of the Cathecismo da Doutrina Christa, printed in Rome in the year 1778 by the Press of the Congregation of Propaganda. This was written in Portuguese and Marathi in Roman characters according to the system of the Grammatica Maratha printed at the same press and in the same year. This grammar the Rev. Murray Mitchell, in spite of all his attempts, was unable to find. 20 [Murray Mitchell, op. cit., p. 157.]
Rev. Mitchell finds the language of the Cathecismo more correct than that of the Puranna of Fr. Francis Vaz; and anxious to discover the reason for such a difference, he arrives at this conclusion: "The higher castes of Hindus, in these western parts of India, were not very much impressed with the Roman Catholic religion, those converted being exclusively from the poorer classes cultivators and fishermen; and it is likely that the Marathi dialect of this people may have been adopted by their religious teachers, without any attempt to uplift or to systematize it." 21 [Ibid., p. 136.]
In so far as it has reference to the territory of Goa, this observation is inaccurate since there were abundant conversions among the Brahmins and higher caste people, from whom the Catholic priests learnt the language correctly and systematically. The mistake the Rev. M. Mitchell committed is that he did not consult a greater number of books. Had he done so, he would not have identified both these languages which are distinct — though similar and sister-like.
The misconception of Murray Mitchell is shared by those Marathi speaking individuals to whom he had shown or read a certain old work printed in the Bramana language (Konkani) and who took it to be a book written in Marathi. 22 [Pires, op. cit., Preface, p. XV.]
We say this with great reserve, acknowledging, that we are not competent at all to enter into philological discussions on Oriental languages with the eminent professors to whom we have referred.
Truth demands that we acknowledge that the most ancient book published by our missionaries (the Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens) has been accepted by the censors as written in the Bramana-Maratha language; a description which does not contradict our view, because it may be explicable by the clear knowledge they had of the affiliation of Marathi, and because neither at that time nor later had the experts accepted a special and fixed name for this language of Konkan.
V
Two observations, however, are entirely true. The first is of Mr. Felipe Nery Pires, when he says that the Bramana (Konkani) dialect or language as found printed in old books, differs very much from the one now actually in vogue in Goa, which being corrupted to the highest point of degeneration, cannot be classified among oriental languages. 23 [Ibid., Preface, p. XV.] The second observation is of the Rev. Mitchell who says: "It is evident from all the books that we have seen of Marathi (otherwise Konkani) in Romanized characters, that the Portuguese ecclesiastics never reduced to a system the orthography of Marathi (otherwise Konkani); the same work contains a word spelt in different ways, sometimes in four or five different forms, and each of these words is so confusedly spelt in various books that it can be understood with difficulty. What is patent in these works is the absence of accentuation; and indeed this is the source of much confusion. 24 [Mitchell, op. cit., p. 156; Pires, op. cit., p. 104 (Note).]
Leaving for later discussion the causes of the corruption of Konkani in Goa, we shall make a reference to the observation of the Rev. Mitchell regarding the inconsistency of Konkani-romanized orthography.
In his Marathi Grammar, Felipe Nery Pires, by Romanisation means the method or system in which Roman letters as adopted in European languages are used to represent words of oriental languages. 25 [Pires, op. cit., Preface, p. XI.] The difficulty one would experience in such a method is easily noticed in the diversity of sounds and aspirates the oriental languages have as distinct from those in European languages. This difficulty must have been very great when the Portuguese missionaries attempted to write in Konkani, at the time when carried away by unenlightened zeal, the conquerors had destroyed all records of vernacular literature, thus doing away with the elements necessary to study the languages of the conquered people. This was the reason why a fresh start had to be made, and they had to indulge in guess-work about the nature of the grammar and orthography of these languages. In the course of this work, it was found easier to introduce Romanized words to express Konkani vocables, than for grammarians to adopt the Marathi alphabet, though the latter course would be proper and more natural.
If, therefore, a different system of orthography existed in the Portuguese language in those times, and exists even now, why should there be surprise at the serious difficulties that arose in expressing sounds of such different languages in Portuguese characters? Why should there be surprise that the various authors could not agree in this matter in their first literary attempts, and that the very same authors were not consistent in their own writings?
The Marathi language itself, now studied and cultivated extensively is not free from such difficulties, as is found not only when the Marathi writings of English and other foreign authors are compared with one another, but even in a comparison of the works in Marathi of Portuguese authors themselves.
Mr. Filipe Nery Pires, in his Marathi Grammar, says: "Acknowledging from my personal experience that the different sounds and varied inflexions of Marathi cannot be duly expressed in Roman characters according to the pronunciation and value, which they receive in the Portuguese language without modification, I was compelled to invent a phonetic system which, due to its simplicity, would practically satisfy all the requirements. Those invented by Sir Williams Jones and by Doctor Gilchrist and generally adopted by the English, being peculiar to the language and the pronunciation of their nation, could not evidently be made applicable to the Portuguese language. The Roman alphabet, adapted to English pronunciation, shows such a great variety of sounds, such uncertainty, and such a strange confusion, that one could safely affirm that it is transformed into another and that it does not express, nor articulate the natural sounds proper to other languages. The same vowel has various sounds in various words and many times the sound of vowels is expressed according to their position; for instance the five vowels have twenty-six sounds (see Help — published by the American Mission). It is this variety of sounds for each vowel that occasioned the special necessity of a dictionary of pronunciation. It is needless to add that when writing for the Portuguese, it would not have been proper to model my system on the English; but I had to invent a new one, conformable to the language in which I write. The Roman alphabet adapted to the Portuguese has an enunciation and fixed pronunciation, and the sound whether of vowels or of consonants, is generally invariable and determined. It is only in a few cases that there occurs a slight inflexion; and this can easily be recognized by the use of accents, and other orthographic signs. Not being in possession of any norm or example that could guide me, 26 [It looks as if the Grammatica Maratha e Purtugueza reference to which will be made in course of this essay was not known to Mr. Phelipe Nery Pires.] I have ventured to present my system, which based on Portuguese pronunciation, would need minor modifications to express various sounds of Marathi characters. This necessity, it appears to me, has been satisfactorily met by the use of certain diacritical accents, etc." 27 [Pires, op. cit, Pref. pg. XI.]
VI
In spite of the advantages found by Mr. Filipe Nery Pires in the use of the Roman alphabet, pronounced according to the rules of the Portuguese language, to express Marathi sounds, a comparison of the system adopted by Mr. Pires with the one used by the missionaries, who in the last century (1778) printed in Rome the Portuguese-Marathi Grammar,28 [The Marathi Samshodhana Mandala (Bombay) has acquired a microfilm of this first edition from the Jesuit collection at Gotingen, through Fr. Wicki, S.J.] (reprinted in Lisbon in the year 1805),29 [Grammatica Marastta a mais vulgar que se practica nos reinos do Nizamaxa e Idalxa offerecida aos muito reverendos Padres Missionarios dos, ditos Rienos, printed at Rome at the Sagrada Congregacao de Propaganda Fide 1778 and afterwards in Lisbon at the Royal Press, 1805. By Order. (This book is translated into English and published with an introduction by Prof. A. K. Priolkar in the Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. XXII, part 2, Sept. 1954).] will reveal such a divergence that it is almost impossible to believe that the two Grammars had the identical intention of explaining to the Portuguese the Marathi language and that too with the claim of Romanizing it with reference to the value of letters (alphabets) and pronunciation of the Portuguese language.
It will be interesting to place before the reader a few examples; I shall select the following at random:
First Example
Present Tense of the Indicative of the Verb 'To Be'.
In view of this we hope that the old Portuguese authors, if not absolved, at least will be, on the whole, excused from the sin of uncertainty in Romanizing the Konkani language, whose natural alphabet is that of Marathi.
VII
We shall now endeavour to investigate the causes which, under the Portuguese regime, were either favourable or contrary to the culture of the Konkani language. In the first ardour of conquest, temples were demolished, all the emblems of the Hindu cult were destroyed, and books written in the vernacular tongue, containing or suspected of containing idolatrous precepts and doctrines, were burnt. There was even the desire to exterminate all that part of the population which could not be quickly converted; this was the desire not only during that period, but there was also at least one person who, after a lapse of two centuries, advised the government, with almost magisterial gravity, to make use of such a policy.30 [Opinion given by Fr. Caetano de S. Joseph, a Dominican friar, in the College of St. Thomas on the 10th of January 1728. Livros das Mooncoes, No. 94, fol. 121.]
India, however, was not America. If in America the European conquerors could in a short time exterminate the indigenous races, primitive or totally savage, and re-people the land with immigrants from Europe, the long distance that separated the Indian conquests from the metropolis, and above all the invincible resistance naturally offered by a numerous population, among whom the principal castes had reached a very high degree of civilization, obliged the conquerors to abstain from open violence, and to prefer indirect though not gentle means, to achieve the same end.
But the very zeal for the propagation of the Christian faith, the needs of the government for the lands conquered, or feudatories, and the necessities of commercial intercourse made evident to the conquerors the great need for the knowledge of vernacular languages, and for securing assistance from the natives, even in the priestly ministry itself.
It was in the year 1541, when already Hindu temples had been demolished in the Island of Goa, and when there were churches, monasteries and parishes in the city, and various chapels outside the city walls, that Fernao Rodrigues de Castel Branco, Administrator of the Treasury and acting Governor, in the absence of Governor D. Estevao da Gama, obtained the consent of the Hindu co-sharers of the communities (gaocares) residing in the same islands to hand over the properties of the temples to His Majesty, for the maintenance of the churches and the Christian clergy. This deed of consent contains a clause proving how the knowledge of the language was thought important for the progress of conversion: "And if in future there should be priests, native to the country, who might be judged competent to be in charge of the chapels, these chapels ought to be given to the same, so that the local people may be satisfied, and more willingly learn from them, both because of the language as also because it was natural."31 [Tombo Geral -- This document has been published (with some inexactness) by Sr. Philipe Nery Xavier in the Bosquejo Historico das Communidades. part II, p. 13. (It is now published in the second edition of the book, revised and enlarged by Sr. Jose Maria de Sa. Vol. I Dec. 7 Bastora 1903, pp. 207-214, as it was printed in the Archivo Portuguez Oriental Fasc. 5, p. 161).]
VIII
It is true that the Bishop, Dr. Fr. Joao de Albuquerque, towards the end of the year 1548, with the intention of ending idolatry,32 [Letter of the above mentioned Bishop. written from Goa on the 28th November, 1548, to His Majesty. It is filed in the Torre de Tombo in Lisbon. (This letter is now published: (1) F. D. D'Ayalla Goa Antiga e Moderna (2nd edition) Nova Goa. 1927, p. 74. (11) A. da Silva Rego, Documentaccao para a Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente, Lisboa, 1950, pp. 133-4 ).] was busy confiscating literature written by the Hindus; but thereafter the Councils and Goan Constitutions recommended and ordered the use and the study of the language of the land.33 [All the decrees of these Provincial Councils are published in the fourth fascicule of the Archivo Portuguez Oriental edited by Cunha Rivara. Goa 1862.]
The first Provincial Council, held in Goa in the year 1567, states the following in its 5th Decree of the First Act: --
"As (according to the Apostle) fides sit ex auditu, auditus per verbum Christi: the Sacred Council orders that all the Ordinaries should select persons well-versed and zealous for the salvation of souls. In the cities, as well as in other places, where the Hindus live, the appointed priests should preach to the Hindus every Sunday in the Churches most convenient to the latter, pointing out to them their errors and explaining the truth of our Holy Faith in a manner adapted to their understanding, not expounding the highest mysteries of the faith, bearing in mind what the Apostle says: Lac vobis potum dedi, non escam; so that they may easily come to the knowledge of Christ, Redeemer of the world. All the Hindus above the age of fifteen, living in their dioceses should be obliged to hear the preaching. Failure to comply with this ordinance would debar them from communication with the faithful. Since this preaching would be the more fruitful, if the preacher were well versed in the language of those to whom they would preach, the Council very earnestly urges the Prelates that they should have in their dioceses trustworthy persons, who would learn languages, and might be admitted for priesthood, and in turn would busy themselves with the work of preaching and hearing confessions, and imparting the doctrine required for conversion; and request His Majesty to order the Hindus to attend these sermons, imposing on the disobedient suitable punishment."
However extraordinary this Decree of the Council may appear, nevertheless the Viceroy confirmed it at once in the name of His Majesty with certain provisos and limitations in the Law of the 4th of December of the year 1567 which runs thus: "Firstly lists should be made of the names of all the Hindus residents in the parishes of the city, each list in the parish to contain 100 persons, who in turn would be divided into groups of 50 each for each Sunday of the year, when Christian doctrine should be taught to them by a priest deputed by the Prelate, and this for the space of an hour. These residents of the parishes are to be distributed in such a way that all can attend the teaching conveniently in one of the following convents: St. Paul, St. Dominic and St. Francis, according to the declaration in the list containing the signatures of the following: the list for Bassein, Cochin, Malacca would be made and signed by their respective Prelates, while those of Goa would be signed by the Viceroy; and should anyone aware of this obligation fail to attend these classes, he should be fined one anna for the first time, two the second time, three the third time. These rolls should not include the names of shopkeepers paying rent to us nor of the physicians and on the certificate of the priest assigned to this work regarding those who failed to attend, the judges should impose penalties which will fall to the lot of the informers."
The first Constitution of the Archdiocese of Goa, written soon after in conformity with the Council in Const. VI, Tit. III contains the following: "We order that no catechumen (would-be convert) who has not been first instructed in the doctrines of our Holy Faith should be baptised. Before imparting baptism he should be taught very clearly in his own vernacular all that he has to believe viz.: the articles of the Creed and the works he has to perform, viz.: the Commandments. Without this instruction, irrespective of the time to be spent for such an instruction, no catechumen should be baptized. To receive baptism it will suffice to have knowledge of these truths even though the catechumen may not know it by heart."
Part II : AN HISTORICAL ESSAY ON THE KONKANI LANGUAGE
A LIFE SKETCH OF J. H. da CUNHA RIVARA* [* The author of the Historical Essay on the Konkani Language.]
JOAQUIM HELIODORO da CUNHA RIVARA was a well- known writer and scholar. He was born in Arraiolos, 23rd June 1800, and died in Evora on the 20th February 1879. His father was Dr. Antonio Francisco Rivara, Genooese by nationality and his mother, D. Maria Isabel da Cunha Feio Castelo Branco, Spanish by nationality. Having gone through the preparatory courses in Evora, he entered the University of Coimbra in the year 1824, but had to break off when he had completed the 3rd year of Medicine in 1828, as the University had to close down owing to the political events of the time.
[x]
J. H. da CUNHA RIVARA
During the civil war he withdrew to his home, and it was only at the end of the war in 1834 that he could resume his studies and take the degree in 1836. However, he did not show great inclination to practise Medicine. After holding for some time the post of the First Official in the Civil Secretariat of Evora, he took charge of the chair of rational and moral Philosophy in the Lyceum of the same city (Decree of 27-7-1837), holding simultaneously the post of librarian of the Library of Evora (25-12-1838). During fifteen years he put forth considerable effort in re-organising the Library which had suffered complete decay. The political agitations and crisis of those years were a source of immense difficulties, as the Government could hardly pay attention to cultural or pedagogical matters. He succeeded, however, in putting up a new hall to house 8,000 volumes, and in completely overhauling the whole building; and after laborious investigations he selected and incorporated in the Library over 10,000 volumes from the libraries of extinct convents, besides donating 182 volumes of old, and mostly rare works from his own private library.
All the above books were catalogued by him, as he had no assistant. His attention was specially drawn to a valuable collection of manuscripts, mostly Portuguese, referring to Asia, Africa and America, of which he made an inventory and catalogue, and with these he prepared and printed a large size volume in 1850.
Cunha Rivara gave valuable help to Count Raczyuski in his art investigations, which this foreign savant acknowledged in his book. This exhausting activity did not stand in the way of his teaching work which he carried out with equal solicitude, or of his constant collaboration in the journals and reviews of the time. He co-operated in the Publication of Reflexoes sobre a Lingoa Portugueza, by Fr. Francisco Jose Freira (Edited by Sociedade Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Uteis, Lisbon, 1842), of which a new edition was brought out later with a masterly preface by Rivara.
As he had always kept aloof from political struggles, there was general surprise that he should have stood up for election as a deputy for Evora in 1853, an election which he won. In the Chamber of Deputies he took particular interest in questions of administration and education. He was a member of important Committees, among others of the Committee of Inquiry on the Bank of Portugal.
The Viscount, later Count, of Torres Novas, on his appointment as Governor General of India, selected him as General Secretary, and he was nominated to this office on June 3rd, 1855. During the tenure of this office which lasted till 1870, Cunha Rivara enjoyed the confidence of all Governors, and made a conspicuous contribution to the improvement of administrative services, public instruction, and people's education as well as to economic and industrial progress. Charged with the definition of areas of the dioceses of India within the jurisdiction of the "Padroado" of the East as per Concordat of February 21, 1857, Cunha Rivara proved a stalwart champion of the rights of the Portuguese nation, whether in official negotiations or in polemics in the press and pamphlets, in which he vigorously argued against the excessive claims of the Vicars Apostolic. In 1858 the metropolitan Government appointed him to continue the historical work of Joao de Barros and Diogo do Couto on the conquests and the domains of Portugal in Asia. Without availing himself of the offer of official allowances, he visited the whole coast from Diu to Cape Comorin, that of Malabar and Coromandel, in a tireless investigation of all ruins and monuments which gave evidence of Portuguese activity. With the same meticulous care he examined the numerous documents in the Archives of India, and published them in the Boletim Official, the Cronista de Tissuary, and other periodicals, as well as in special volumes and booklets. He resigned in 1870, but continued in India till 1877, carrying on his historical studies. His stay in Lisbon was brief. He spent the remainder of his life in Evora.
Throughout his life he developed an intense intellectual activity. Thus in the Review Panorama he published numerous articles from 1838 to 1854, among which were chapters of Memorias da Vila de Arraiolos, which corrected and enlarged, he intended to publish in a complete work, but the scheme was not carried out. From 1859 to 1861 he was a frequent contributor to the Arquivo Universal of Lisbon, where in Vol. III, pp. 289-291 he published a remarkable note on Deducao Cronologica vertida em Chines (Chronological Deduction turned into Chinese). In the monthly O Cronista de Tissuary which he edited and which began its publication in Nova-Goa (Pangim) in Jan. 1866 and ended in June 1869 (4 vol.), he published numerous documents on Portuguese activity in Asia, and, often anonymously — in view of his official position, articles in defence of Portuguese interests in the "Padroado" of the East. In the Boletim do Governo da India he published his more important articles on the same question. His collaboration in this Boletim went on from 1855 to 1875. His contributions also appeared in Revista Universal Lisbonense; Aurora de Lisboa; Revista Literaria, Porto; Journal da Farmacia e Ciencias Medicas of Portuguese India, 1862 and 1863; Arquivo da Farmacia, idem 1864-1871, Instituto Vasco da Gama, idem 1872-74; and Imprensa de Ribandar, 1870-1871. In the Arquivo Portugues Oriental which was published in Panjim in 1857-76 he brought out with a commentary of his own, a volume containing letters which the Kings of Portugal had addressed to the Cidade de Goa (Corporation of Goa); the letters of instructions of the Kings of Portugal to the Viceroys and Governors of India in the 16th century as well as executive orders, decrees etc., of the time; the letters ad- dressed to the ecclesiastical council of Goa and the Synod of Diamper; various documents of the 16th and 17th centuries etc. He wrote introductions or annotations to Gramatica da Lingua Concani by Fr. Thomas Stevens, with additions by other Fathers of the Society of Jesus, with an introduction consisting of a Memoir on the geographical distribution of the main languages of India by Sir Erskine Perry, and of the Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani, Noa-Goa, 1857. Grammatica da Lingua Concani no dialecto do Norte, work of a Portuguese missionary of 17th century, now published for the first time Nova-Goa, 1858; Gramatica da lingua Concani written in Portuguese by an Italian missionary, Nova-Goa, 1859; Diccionario portugues-concani, by an Italian Missionary, Nova-Goa, 1868; Letters of Luis Antonio Verney and Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo to the Fathers of the Congregation of the Oratory of Goa, Nova-Goa, 1858; Memorias sobre as possessees portuguesas na Asia, written in 1623 by Goncalo de Magalhaes Teixeira Pinto, High Court Judge, now published with brief additions and annotations, Nova-Goa 1859; Demonstratio juris patronatus Portugaliae Regum (Defence of the Padroado) composed by the Archbishop of Braga, D. Ludovico de Souza, written at the instance of the Prince Regent of Portugal during the Pontificate of Innocent XI, 1677, a work now brought to light by Cunha Rivara, Nova-Goa, 1880, and this was based on a codex of the Evora Library which he believed to be either the autograph or a contemporary copy. Descrigao dos Bios de Sena by Francisco de Melo de Castro, Nova-Goa, 1861; Observacoes sobre a historia natural de Goa, made in 1784 by Manoel Galvao da Silva and now published, Nova-Goa 1862; Documentos on the occupation of the Bay of Lourenco-Marques, East Coast of Africa, attempted or carried in the first half of the 18th century by some nations of Europe, specially the Dutch, found in the Government archives, Nova-Goa, 1873.
Cunha Rivara was a Fellow of the Academy of Sciences, the Historical and Geographical Institute of Brazil, and other scientific and literary societies. He was honoured with Comenda of the Order of Villa Vicosa (Decree of 4-6-1860) and that of the Order of Santiago (Decree of 14-4-1860) and was granted the title of Concelheiro (Councillor), Decree of 11-3-1861.
He was the author of: Apontamentos sobre os Oradores parlamentares de 1853, Lisboa, 1853; De Lisboa a Goa pelo Meditarraneo, Egipto e Mar vermelho (Description of voyage from Lisbon to Goa); A Circular Letter addressed to his friends in Europe, Nova-Goa, 1858; Viagem de Francisco Pyrard de Laval (report of his voyage to East Indies, the Maldives, Molucca, Brazil, 1601-11) translated from French edition of 1679, with corrections and notes, Nova-Goa, Vol. I 1858, Vol. II 1862; Analysis of a pamphlet "O Visconde de Torres Novas e as Eleicoes em Goa" printed in Lisbon, 1861, anonymously, Nova-Goa, 1862; Address to the Electors (on the candidatures to the Chamber of Deputies of Bernado Francisco da Costa and Antonio Augusto Teixeira de Vasconcelos) published anonymously, Nova-Goa, 1865. Ensaio Historico da lingua Concani, Nova-Goa, 1858; Memoria sobre a propagagao e cultura das chinchonas medicinaes by W. Graham, translated from English, Nova-Goa, 1864; Inscricoes de Dio, Nova-Goa, 1865.
(Translated from the Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brazileira — Vol. 25, Lisboa, pp. 791-793).
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE
FEW scholars have done more to promote the cause of the native language of Goa than J. H. da Cunha Rivara, the Portuguese savant of the 19th century.
Both the Konkani speaking people and students of the history of Indian languages will be forever indebted to him for his historical essay on the language and the printing of its grammars.
I have confined myself in this book to the translation into English of his epoch-making Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani published in Nova Goa in 1858.
In the body of his work, Cunha Rivara has listed elaborate documents or historical data in support of many of his statements as to the origin and vitality of the language as well as the many vissicitudes through which it had to pass in its long and chequered career.
It was not possible in my translation to include these records owing to their bulk. The book, however, contains footnotes both mine (marked with asterisks) and those of the author to elucidate certain points in the text of the translation.
In writing a book of this nature, the translator has naturally to labour under many difficulties. The Portuguese in which the original essay was written 100 years ago and the language of the documents which goes further back in time is archaic and requires studious examination.
I have, however, tried to follow the original text closely, retaining as far as possible the author's trend of thought and his interpretation of contemporary conditions. I am greatly indebted to Principal Aloysius Soares; and Prof. A. K. Priolkar, Director of Marathi Research Institute, who gave me invaluable help in reading the text as well in the elucidation of certain passages in the essay.
It is therefore with great pleasure that I submit my translation of the Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani by Cunha Rivara, on the occasion of the centenary of its publication.
THEOPHILUS LOBO
AN HISTORICAL ESSAY ON THE KONKANI LANGUAGE
I
THE attempt on our part to write an Historical Essay on the Konkani Language could justifiably be considered as presumptuous, if someone competent to undertake this arduous task could be found among those who knew the mother- tongue. On one occasion in the past we have drawn attention 1 [Lecture delivered at the opening of the Primary Training School of Nova Goa on the 1st of October 1856 — Boletim do Governo, No. 78.] of the public to the unique phenomenon of ignorance regarding the structure and grammatical forms of the mother-tongue which has prevailed in Goa from remote times. We have also pointed out the absurdity of the affirmation that a language spoken by half a million of people had no grammar and was not even capable of being set in writing. We, therefore, thought that we would be of some use if we could dissipate such a pernicious impression and illusion and prove that the Konkani language possessed not only grammar like other languages, but a grammar which, from ancient times, was appropriately formulated in rules and actually printed. And if the Portuguese and the natives despised and persecuted it, it has, nevertheless, received the attention of learned foreign orientalists, who to the great benefit of science and the good of humanity have been applying themselves to the study of Indian languages.
In spite of the great impulse which the language received in the first century of Portuguese dominion, there rose against the language an implacable war with attempts to entirely extinguish and proscribe it. Although it was not possible to achieve the end fully, as it is beyond human power to suppress a language, it has, however, been corrupted and adulterated and its literary records practically destroyed to the serious loss both to the intellectual and moral culture of the people.
The author, acknowledging his lack of competence, therefore, limits himself partly to compile what those well-versed in this language have said and have ascertained; and partly, in the light of authentic documents, government circulars and other facts to arrive at a conclusion as to what has influenced its progress or decadence.
II
In the first part of this introduction, namely, the Paper on the geographical distribution of the principal languages in India, 2 [Sir Erskine Perry, The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. January 1853. The Portuguese translation of this paper was published with the first edition of this Essay.] we have seen how the Konkani language hails from the family of Sanskritic languages, or those of the north. Authors with considered views on the subject regard the language as the daughter, or more appropriately, the sister of Marathi, though those living around the coast of Kanara consider the language to be completely different from Marathi. This view, however, may be rejected, due to palpable and decisive analogies existing between Konkani and Marathi. The weighty authority of Murphy, 3 [Robert Xavier Murphy (1803-1857) Editor of Bombay Gazette, 1834; Oriental translator to Government of Bombay 1852; a classical scholar and quick at acquiring of Oriental languages; wrote largely on Oriental subjects philosophical and literary, antiquaries, etc.] quoted by the author of the above-mentioned Paper on the study of the grammar of Konkani proves abundantly that its grammar is the same as that of the Marathi language. The nouns and verbs are declined in the same way, with minor modifications of little significance. According to the same authority, Konkani does explain some difficulties inherent in the Marathi language. What are considered as anomalies, or defective voices in the latter, are sometimes accepted as rules, and in a complete form in the former. Finally, it appears that Konkani is the very Marathi language with a large admixture of Tulu and Kanarese words; the former derived from the native inhabitants of Tuluva, or Kanara; the latter resulting from the long subjection of this part of Konkan to the Kanarese dynasties above the Ghats.
Konkani language has undergone an unique Brahmanic influence; and as attested by the above-mentioned Murphy, many Sanscritic words, signifying natural objects, have entered into its popular usage. These words are not used in the same sense in any other part of India. Thus the common terms to signify water, tree and grass, are Sanscritic; and pronounced by the Shenvi Brahmins give the sound of udak, uriksh, trin; pronounced by Christians of the place would sound udik, rukh, tan, etc.
Goan experience and tradition testify that this difference in pronunciation is preserved and perpetuated among the Brahmin Christians, and that it is a distinguishing mark of that caste; whilst the Chardes 4
[FN: 4. Name of a caste in Goa now corresponding to that of the Marathas or Kshatrias. There is also another view: "At the time the Portuguese arrived in Goa (1510), there lived in the respective territory of Ilhas and the continent, many families of these Caraddes and Caraddis then subject to Idalkao (Adil-Khan), king of Bijapur, partly converted to Catholicism, under Portuguese dominion, and continued to be known as before, although the Portuguese transformed or changed the word caraddo into charado or chardo (as they were accustomed to write charidade, chorumbim, chaldeu) and gradually pronounced the term as xardo. They, however, constituted a caste distinct from those who are called brahmins and xudras or sudras. Being somewhat weak in Indian ethnography the Portuguese represented the caste as the one of Kshatrias or warriors, confounding both the former and the latter with the dravidian caste of quetres or etchatres who are simple farmers, of very low condition and who have not been able to achieve anything, as cunbis or curumbis, and were absolutely ignorant both of the vedic religion as well of the bramanese customs, and they belong to the general caste of sudras. What is curious to note is the fact that full of pride and conceit they believed that they were Kshatrias themselves, in spite of the fact that they possessed nothing of the warriors or their customs in them; it is, however, certain that the terms charado and Kshatrias are distinct from one another." (Direito Hindu and Mahometano by Dr. Luis Cunha Gonsalves, Coimbra 1923, p. 40).]
attribute it to affectation and corruption, a view worthy of severe condemnation. 5 [ ]
FN 5: Vide the pamphlet entitled Nocao originaria da India published by Mariano Monte Alegre, a native of Goa, 1852. (No mention is made of the place of publication which appears to be Bombay).
The page 18 of the pamphlet contains: —
"The mixed idiom of Goa is in itself condemned; however, due to their brahmanic astuteness this mixed idiom has been singularly maintained and thus brutally imposed on the rude populace the distinction and exclusive use of addressing their sons and daughters as Choles and Cholios respectively; childish foolishness tolerated in Goa alone...par serem indiferentes a gente de caracter, honradez, e de nata nobreza: The Portuguese of the pamphlet is bad, without any method or preparation, indicating ridiculous appearance of its form, and it is, however, significant as a manifesto of the Charado caste against the brahmin caste and a proof of deep-rooted caste distinction existing among the Christians in India."
Again, according to Murphy, the masculine termination o of Gujerati and Marwaree also occurs in Konkani, in place of a used in Hindi and Marathi.
Another contemporary philologist, 6 [Fr. Francis Xavier, Italian Carmelite, Missionary in Canara, Archbishop of Sardes and Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly.] who has studied the language profoundly in Kanara, and also composed a Dictionary and a Konkani-Portuguese Grammar is fully in accord with the opinion of Murphy regarding the genius and disposition of the language. His grammar starts with this note or observation: "Even though the Konkani language, whose grammar I am writing, be different from the Marathi language, it has great similarity with the other, which we may even call natural; besides the Konkani language has adopted from Marathi some words and phrases it did not have; and as Greek vocables assimilated in Latin language are called Grecisms, so the adaptation of Marathi words by the Konkani language may be called Marathisms."
III
The name concani, concanica, or concana is derived from the territory (Konkan) where this language is commonly spoken. The Portuguese missionaries who were the first to cultivate it intensively during the 16th and 17th centuries, commonly called the language the Bramana language, Canarim 7* [It appears that the term Canarim (Persian word for "coaster") was first given by the Arab-traders to the people on the Malabar Coast which was subsequently adopted by the Portuguese and applied to the native Christians of Goa.] language or Canarina. The first name clearly arises from the fact that the Brahmins, alone among the Hindus, knew to read and write in that language; the second name Canarins, is given by the Portuguese to the natives of Konkan, which extends even beyond the limits of Kanara. Therefore, it is necessary to bear in mind, that this language is not the same as the one known as Kanara or Canarese, spoken by the people of Kanara and other provinces, which as we have already seen in the paper of Sir Erskine Perry, really belongs to the Tamilian family.
The Konkani language starts from the north of Goa in the southern districts of the British Collectorate of Ratnagiri, where it meets the Marathi language; and towards the south it extends up to Udipi in the proximity of Kundapur, in Kanara, or according to another view, up to Mangalore, where the commonly spoken language in that place, Tulu, has its beginning. Thus, Konkani is more a southern branch of the Sanscritic or northern family, uniting this family with the Tamilian or southern branch. Towards the east it extends up to the Ghats; in addition, it is spoken by various castes in Bombay and in the whole island of Salsette — principally by the Christians.
Konkani cannot be exclusively called the language of all the classes of people who live in the provinces, where it is spoken. Thus, for instance, it is not spoken by all the people of Kanara, who speak both Tulu and Marathi, whereas in Sawantwadi it has equal footing with Marathi, Urdu and Hindustani.
According to the present Political Superintendent of Sawantwadi, 8 [Brief Notes relative to the Sawantwaree State submitted to Government on the 1st July, 1854, in the selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, Xo. X, New Series.] Major J. W. Auld, three languages are spoken in that State. The Muslims speak Hindustani or Urdu, high class Hindus speak Marathi, and other inferior castes speak a corrupt form of Marathi, known as Kuddali, which is more in vogue in the southern districts of the Collectorate of Ratnagiri. This corrupted form of Marathi, referred to by Mr. Auld, is the true Konkani language. This language which carries with it an abundant mixture of Portuguese words is the people's language in the Portuguese territory as well as in Sawantwadi and other districts.
Later on, we shall have occasion to deal with the causes that have brought the Konkani language to the state of corruption at present prevalent in Portuguese territory, chiefly in the provinces constituting the Velhas Conquistas. 9* [The districts conquered or acquired by the Portuguese in the beginning, viz. Goa Islands (1510), Bardez and Salsete (1543).] The views of a few modern authors are given below: —
The Rev. Luiz Cottineau de Kloguen who visited Goa about the year 1829 says: — " All speak a corrupt dialect, a resultant of Portuguese Konkani and Marathi languages, which, however, has been reduced to grammatical rules. The poor and those who cannot read, chiefly the women folk, speak this language only." 10 [An Historical Sketch of Goa, Madras 1831, p. 107.]
Manoel Felicissimo Louzada de Araujo e Azevedo, who lived in Goa (1827 to 1837) writes: "In addition to the Portuguese language, the people speak the local language, which is a mixture of Kanarese and Marathi. The Hindus in their writings commonly use the Tndo, Kanarese or Marathi dialects, and several scripts. Those from the Provinces of the Novas Conquistas 11 [The Districts newly acquired by the Portuguese. They are: Sanguem, Quepem and Canacona in 1761; Ponda in 1763; Pernem and Sanquelim in 1782 and Satari in 1778.] write as rapidly as they speak, but very few among the Hindus can write these dialects without getting mixed with other dialects." 12 [Segunda Memoria descriptiva, e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Asia: nos Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes, anno 1842, p. 50.] Felipe Nery Xavier says: "In their dealings in general and familiar intercourse, the language commonly used by the people is a combination of the Marathi and the Kanarese languages with the local dialects in each of the Districts and Provinces; the same holds good of each class or caste. In their writings, however, they make use of Portuguese dialect and among themselves the Hindus use Kanarese, Hindi or Marathi in adulterated form: yet very few use one form without mixing it with the others." 13 ["Nocao Historica de Goa," Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas, Tom I. 1846, p. 43.]
The language is purer in the Novas Conquistas; and its chance of being corrupted lessens in proportion to the distance from the territory of Goa.
IV
The Konkani literature, chiefly religious, owes its existence exclusively to the Portuguese missionaries. The Rev. J. Murray Mitchell the noted Protestant missionary, and learned Orientalist of the Bombay Presidency, published in 1849 one Paper 14 ["Marathi Works composed by the Portuguese," The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay. No. XII, Vol. III, January, pp. 132-157.] on this literature, the language of which he called Maratha; and under this misconception he exerted himself to find out, and did discover innumerable mistakes of all kinds, both as to the use of vowels as well of aspiration and other grammatical points, from whence he concluded that this Marathi language has been falsified, adulterated, corrupted and brought low. 15 [Ibid., p. 136 and Philipe Xery Pires; Grammatica Maratha explicada em Lingua Portugueza, Bombay, 1854, p., 103.]
We beg leave from the learned British Orientalist, and Mr. Filipe Nery Pires, who appears to hold the same view 16 [Philipe Xery Pires, Op. cit...., Preface, p. XIV.], to say that we feel that there is a serious error in such censure. Filipe Nery Pires himself (and his authority in this matter cannot be questioned, because he is both a son of Goa, as well as an eminent professor of Marathi) agrees with the opinion of Murphy in that the Konkani language, Bramana, or Canarim (as ancient Portuguese authors called it) has very close analogy with Marathi: "The declensions of its nouns (says he) together with its terminations and inflexions, affixes, suffixes and prefixes; pronouns personal, relative and possessive, terminations and conjugations of its verbs; its auxiliaries, prepositions, adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections; finally the syntax, and all the rules by means which the structure of this dialect is composed and regulated; in a word, the whole mechanism is identically the same as in this Compendium (of Marathi Grammar)." 17 [Ibid.] But this is not sufficient to conclude that both the languages, Marathi and Konkani, are one in the same way as one cannot confound Spanish with Portuguese.
And thus it appears to us that Fr. Francis Xavier and Murphy were on surer ground, when they considered these two languages to be distinct, than Rev. Cottineau de Kloguen and Murray Mitchell who identify them. The latter fell into the error into which, for instance, a Russian or German might fall, who after having studied the Spanish language and casually seeing a book written in Portuguese, would catalogue mistakes contained therein, on the persuasion that the book was written by a Spaniard who had blundered through ignorance of his own language. The critic, for instance, would have noticed two errors in the word coracao, namely, c in place of z and ao in place of on, whereas in Spanish the word is written corazon. Similarly the word chorar would constitute a very grave error, for the Spanish language has ll for ch of Portuguese, and hence the word is written llorar, etc.
Rev. Murray Mitchell, however, may be excused to a certain extent. His Paper does not deal with the Portuguese-Konkani literature ex professo. It only contains certain observations, which according to him, might lead to the investigation of an interesting and important subject. 18 [Murray Mitchell, Op. Cit., p. 133.] We believe that the confusion he has created in mixing up the Konkani language with the Marathi resulted from the fact he knew only one ancient Konkani publication (the Puranna of Fr. Francis Vaz de Guimaraes) 19 [This Puranna attributed to Guimaraes was first published in 1845 in Bombay and there were a few subsequent editions.] and probably a minor modern book (Manual de Devocoes) printed in Bombay in 1848; he had also by chance come into possession of the Cathecismo da Doutrina Christa, printed in Rome in the year 1778 by the Press of the Congregation of Propaganda. This was written in Portuguese and Marathi in Roman characters according to the system of the Grammatica Maratha printed at the same press and in the same year. This grammar the Rev. Murray Mitchell, in spite of all his attempts, was unable to find. 20 [Murray Mitchell, op. cit., p. 157.]
Rev. Mitchell finds the language of the Cathecismo more correct than that of the Puranna of Fr. Francis Vaz; and anxious to discover the reason for such a difference, he arrives at this conclusion: "The higher castes of Hindus, in these western parts of India, were not very much impressed with the Roman Catholic religion, those converted being exclusively from the poorer classes cultivators and fishermen; and it is likely that the Marathi dialect of this people may have been adopted by their religious teachers, without any attempt to uplift or to systematize it." 21 [Ibid., p. 136.]
In so far as it has reference to the territory of Goa, this observation is inaccurate since there were abundant conversions among the Brahmins and higher caste people, from whom the Catholic priests learnt the language correctly and systematically. The mistake the Rev. M. Mitchell committed is that he did not consult a greater number of books. Had he done so, he would not have identified both these languages which are distinct — though similar and sister-like.
The misconception of Murray Mitchell is shared by those Marathi speaking individuals to whom he had shown or read a certain old work printed in the Bramana language (Konkani) and who took it to be a book written in Marathi. 22 [Pires, op. cit., Preface, p. XV.]
We say this with great reserve, acknowledging, that we are not competent at all to enter into philological discussions on Oriental languages with the eminent professors to whom we have referred.
Truth demands that we acknowledge that the most ancient book published by our missionaries (the Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens) has been accepted by the censors as written in the Bramana-Maratha language; a description which does not contradict our view, because it may be explicable by the clear knowledge they had of the affiliation of Marathi, and because neither at that time nor later had the experts accepted a special and fixed name for this language of Konkan.
V
Two observations, however, are entirely true. The first is of Mr. Felipe Nery Pires, when he says that the Bramana (Konkani) dialect or language as found printed in old books, differs very much from the one now actually in vogue in Goa, which being corrupted to the highest point of degeneration, cannot be classified among oriental languages. 23 [Ibid., Preface, p. XV.] The second observation is of the Rev. Mitchell who says: "It is evident from all the books that we have seen of Marathi (otherwise Konkani) in Romanized characters, that the Portuguese ecclesiastics never reduced to a system the orthography of Marathi (otherwise Konkani); the same work contains a word spelt in different ways, sometimes in four or five different forms, and each of these words is so confusedly spelt in various books that it can be understood with difficulty. What is patent in these works is the absence of accentuation; and indeed this is the source of much confusion. 24 [Mitchell, op. cit., p. 156; Pires, op. cit., p. 104 (Note).]
Leaving for later discussion the causes of the corruption of Konkani in Goa, we shall make a reference to the observation of the Rev. Mitchell regarding the inconsistency of Konkani-romanized orthography.
In his Marathi Grammar, Felipe Nery Pires, by Romanisation means the method or system in which Roman letters as adopted in European languages are used to represent words of oriental languages. 25 [Pires, op. cit., Preface, p. XI.] The difficulty one would experience in such a method is easily noticed in the diversity of sounds and aspirates the oriental languages have as distinct from those in European languages. This difficulty must have been very great when the Portuguese missionaries attempted to write in Konkani, at the time when carried away by unenlightened zeal, the conquerors had destroyed all records of vernacular literature, thus doing away with the elements necessary to study the languages of the conquered people. This was the reason why a fresh start had to be made, and they had to indulge in guess-work about the nature of the grammar and orthography of these languages. In the course of this work, it was found easier to introduce Romanized words to express Konkani vocables, than for grammarians to adopt the Marathi alphabet, though the latter course would be proper and more natural.
If, therefore, a different system of orthography existed in the Portuguese language in those times, and exists even now, why should there be surprise at the serious difficulties that arose in expressing sounds of such different languages in Portuguese characters? Why should there be surprise that the various authors could not agree in this matter in their first literary attempts, and that the very same authors were not consistent in their own writings?
The Marathi language itself, now studied and cultivated extensively is not free from such difficulties, as is found not only when the Marathi writings of English and other foreign authors are compared with one another, but even in a comparison of the works in Marathi of Portuguese authors themselves.
Mr. Filipe Nery Pires, in his Marathi Grammar, says: "Acknowledging from my personal experience that the different sounds and varied inflexions of Marathi cannot be duly expressed in Roman characters according to the pronunciation and value, which they receive in the Portuguese language without modification, I was compelled to invent a phonetic system which, due to its simplicity, would practically satisfy all the requirements. Those invented by Sir Williams Jones and by Doctor Gilchrist and generally adopted by the English, being peculiar to the language and the pronunciation of their nation, could not evidently be made applicable to the Portuguese language. The Roman alphabet, adapted to English pronunciation, shows such a great variety of sounds, such uncertainty, and such a strange confusion, that one could safely affirm that it is transformed into another and that it does not express, nor articulate the natural sounds proper to other languages. The same vowel has various sounds in various words and many times the sound of vowels is expressed according to their position; for instance the five vowels have twenty-six sounds (see Help — published by the American Mission). It is this variety of sounds for each vowel that occasioned the special necessity of a dictionary of pronunciation. It is needless to add that when writing for the Portuguese, it would not have been proper to model my system on the English; but I had to invent a new one, conformable to the language in which I write. The Roman alphabet adapted to the Portuguese has an enunciation and fixed pronunciation, and the sound whether of vowels or of consonants, is generally invariable and determined. It is only in a few cases that there occurs a slight inflexion; and this can easily be recognized by the use of accents, and other orthographic signs. Not being in possession of any norm or example that could guide me, 26 [It looks as if the Grammatica Maratha e Purtugueza reference to which will be made in course of this essay was not known to Mr. Phelipe Nery Pires.] I have ventured to present my system, which based on Portuguese pronunciation, would need minor modifications to express various sounds of Marathi characters. This necessity, it appears to me, has been satisfactorily met by the use of certain diacritical accents, etc." 27 [Pires, op. cit, Pref. pg. XI.]
VI
In spite of the advantages found by Mr. Filipe Nery Pires in the use of the Roman alphabet, pronounced according to the rules of the Portuguese language, to express Marathi sounds, a comparison of the system adopted by Mr. Pires with the one used by the missionaries, who in the last century (1778) printed in Rome the Portuguese-Marathi Grammar,28 [The Marathi Samshodhana Mandala (Bombay) has acquired a microfilm of this first edition from the Jesuit collection at Gotingen, through Fr. Wicki, S.J.] (reprinted in Lisbon in the year 1805),29 [Grammatica Marastta a mais vulgar que se practica nos reinos do Nizamaxa e Idalxa offerecida aos muito reverendos Padres Missionarios dos, ditos Rienos, printed at Rome at the Sagrada Congregacao de Propaganda Fide 1778 and afterwards in Lisbon at the Royal Press, 1805. By Order. (This book is translated into English and published with an introduction by Prof. A. K. Priolkar in the Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. XXII, part 2, Sept. 1954).] will reveal such a divergence that it is almost impossible to believe that the two Grammars had the identical intention of explaining to the Portuguese the Marathi language and that too with the claim of Romanizing it with reference to the value of letters (alphabets) and pronunciation of the Portuguese language.
It will be interesting to place before the reader a few examples; I shall select the following at random:
First Example
Present Tense of the Indicative of the Verb 'To Be'.
-- / Grammar of the Missionaries / Grammar of Mr. Pires
I am / My haim / Mi ahe'
Thou art / Tum hass / Tu ahes
He is / Tou hay / To ahe
We are / Amy haum / Amhi aho'
You are / Tumy ha /Tumhi aha'
They are / Tey hanta / Te ahet
Second Example: Ordinal numbers
-- / Grammar of the Missionaries / Grammar of Mr. Pires
First / Paila, paily, pailam / pohila, i, e
Second / Dussra, dussry, dussram / dusra, i, e
Third / Tissra, tissry, tissram / tisra, i, e
Fourth / Zzauta, zzauty, zzautam / chov-tha, i, e'
Fifth / Panzzwa, panzzawy, panzzwam / pa'ch-va, i, e'
Sixth / Shawa, shawy, shawam / Saha-va, i, e'
Seventh / Satawa satawy, satawam / sat-va, i, e'
Eight / Attawa, attawy, attawam / ath-va. o. e &C.
In view of this we hope that the old Portuguese authors, if not absolved, at least will be, on the whole, excused from the sin of uncertainty in Romanizing the Konkani language, whose natural alphabet is that of Marathi.
VII
We shall now endeavour to investigate the causes which, under the Portuguese regime, were either favourable or contrary to the culture of the Konkani language. In the first ardour of conquest, temples were demolished, all the emblems of the Hindu cult were destroyed, and books written in the vernacular tongue, containing or suspected of containing idolatrous precepts and doctrines, were burnt. There was even the desire to exterminate all that part of the population which could not be quickly converted; this was the desire not only during that period, but there was also at least one person who, after a lapse of two centuries, advised the government, with almost magisterial gravity, to make use of such a policy.30 [Opinion given by Fr. Caetano de S. Joseph, a Dominican friar, in the College of St. Thomas on the 10th of January 1728. Livros das Mooncoes, No. 94, fol. 121.]
India, however, was not America. If in America the European conquerors could in a short time exterminate the indigenous races, primitive or totally savage, and re-people the land with immigrants from Europe, the long distance that separated the Indian conquests from the metropolis, and above all the invincible resistance naturally offered by a numerous population, among whom the principal castes had reached a very high degree of civilization, obliged the conquerors to abstain from open violence, and to prefer indirect though not gentle means, to achieve the same end.
But the very zeal for the propagation of the Christian faith, the needs of the government for the lands conquered, or feudatories, and the necessities of commercial intercourse made evident to the conquerors the great need for the knowledge of vernacular languages, and for securing assistance from the natives, even in the priestly ministry itself.
It was in the year 1541, when already Hindu temples had been demolished in the Island of Goa, and when there were churches, monasteries and parishes in the city, and various chapels outside the city walls, that Fernao Rodrigues de Castel Branco, Administrator of the Treasury and acting Governor, in the absence of Governor D. Estevao da Gama, obtained the consent of the Hindu co-sharers of the communities (gaocares) residing in the same islands to hand over the properties of the temples to His Majesty, for the maintenance of the churches and the Christian clergy. This deed of consent contains a clause proving how the knowledge of the language was thought important for the progress of conversion: "And if in future there should be priests, native to the country, who might be judged competent to be in charge of the chapels, these chapels ought to be given to the same, so that the local people may be satisfied, and more willingly learn from them, both because of the language as also because it was natural."31 [Tombo Geral -- This document has been published (with some inexactness) by Sr. Philipe Nery Xavier in the Bosquejo Historico das Communidades. part II, p. 13. (It is now published in the second edition of the book, revised and enlarged by Sr. Jose Maria de Sa. Vol. I Dec. 7 Bastora 1903, pp. 207-214, as it was printed in the Archivo Portuguez Oriental Fasc. 5, p. 161).]
VIII
It is true that the Bishop, Dr. Fr. Joao de Albuquerque, towards the end of the year 1548, with the intention of ending idolatry,32 [Letter of the above mentioned Bishop. written from Goa on the 28th November, 1548, to His Majesty. It is filed in the Torre de Tombo in Lisbon. (This letter is now published: (1) F. D. D'Ayalla Goa Antiga e Moderna (2nd edition) Nova Goa. 1927, p. 74. (11) A. da Silva Rego, Documentaccao para a Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente, Lisboa, 1950, pp. 133-4 ).] was busy confiscating literature written by the Hindus; but thereafter the Councils and Goan Constitutions recommended and ordered the use and the study of the language of the land.33 [All the decrees of these Provincial Councils are published in the fourth fascicule of the Archivo Portuguez Oriental edited by Cunha Rivara. Goa 1862.]
The first Provincial Council, held in Goa in the year 1567, states the following in its 5th Decree of the First Act: --
"As (according to the Apostle) fides sit ex auditu, auditus per verbum Christi: the Sacred Council orders that all the Ordinaries should select persons well-versed and zealous for the salvation of souls. In the cities, as well as in other places, where the Hindus live, the appointed priests should preach to the Hindus every Sunday in the Churches most convenient to the latter, pointing out to them their errors and explaining the truth of our Holy Faith in a manner adapted to their understanding, not expounding the highest mysteries of the faith, bearing in mind what the Apostle says: Lac vobis potum dedi, non escam; so that they may easily come to the knowledge of Christ, Redeemer of the world. All the Hindus above the age of fifteen, living in their dioceses should be obliged to hear the preaching. Failure to comply with this ordinance would debar them from communication with the faithful. Since this preaching would be the more fruitful, if the preacher were well versed in the language of those to whom they would preach, the Council very earnestly urges the Prelates that they should have in their dioceses trustworthy persons, who would learn languages, and might be admitted for priesthood, and in turn would busy themselves with the work of preaching and hearing confessions, and imparting the doctrine required for conversion; and request His Majesty to order the Hindus to attend these sermons, imposing on the disobedient suitable punishment."
However extraordinary this Decree of the Council may appear, nevertheless the Viceroy confirmed it at once in the name of His Majesty with certain provisos and limitations in the Law of the 4th of December of the year 1567 which runs thus: "Firstly lists should be made of the names of all the Hindus residents in the parishes of the city, each list in the parish to contain 100 persons, who in turn would be divided into groups of 50 each for each Sunday of the year, when Christian doctrine should be taught to them by a priest deputed by the Prelate, and this for the space of an hour. These residents of the parishes are to be distributed in such a way that all can attend the teaching conveniently in one of the following convents: St. Paul, St. Dominic and St. Francis, according to the declaration in the list containing the signatures of the following: the list for Bassein, Cochin, Malacca would be made and signed by their respective Prelates, while those of Goa would be signed by the Viceroy; and should anyone aware of this obligation fail to attend these classes, he should be fined one anna for the first time, two the second time, three the third time. These rolls should not include the names of shopkeepers paying rent to us nor of the physicians and on the certificate of the priest assigned to this work regarding those who failed to attend, the judges should impose penalties which will fall to the lot of the informers."
The first Constitution of the Archdiocese of Goa, written soon after in conformity with the Council in Const. VI, Tit. III contains the following: "We order that no catechumen (would-be convert) who has not been first instructed in the doctrines of our Holy Faith should be baptised. Before imparting baptism he should be taught very clearly in his own vernacular all that he has to believe viz.: the articles of the Creed and the works he has to perform, viz.: the Commandments. Without this instruction, irrespective of the time to be spent for such an instruction, no catechumen should be baptized. To receive baptism it will suffice to have knowledge of these truths even though the catechumen may not know it by heart."
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Part 2 of 4
IX
The 2nd Council of Goa (1575) in its Decree of the 2nd Act says: "The Council further earnestly recommends (to the Prelates) that, following the example of St. Paul, they command persons who know the language to spread with gentleness and without uproar that may cause scandal, the word of God in private homes of the Hindus and at their public meetings; the same ought to be done by priests who are busy in conversion work, bearing in mind that no one should be coerced."
The 3rd Council of Goa (1585) in its 25th Decrees of the 2nd Act says: "Ut idem sentimus omnes, et idem dicimus, as says the Apostle St. Paul, the Council orders that a compendium of catechism be made in the Portuguese language, and the doctrine contained therein be taught generally in all parts of India, with a view to maintaining uniformity in all things. This catechism should be translated into the vernacular of the place and taught to the people where conversions may be taking place.34 [Vide A. K. Priolkar, "The Early Marathi Books on Doutrina Christa," Indica: (Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume, The Indian Historical Institute), Bombay 1953, pp. 320-334.] Similarly a brief catechism should be written according to the Catechism of the Council of Trent, adapted to these places and approved by this Councilor with its authority, and it should then be used by the vicars and ministers doing the work of conversion in order to catechise the people and instruct them uniformly as has been decreed by the 1st Council."
The same Council ordains in its 3rd Act the translation into Malabar languages of various books for the use of the Christian community of St. Thomas and priests of the Archdiocese of Angamalee. In its 3rd Decree of the 4th Act it defines the qualities the natives of the place should possess before they are ordained and desires that they be of respectable and good families and castes, Jar the reason that the other Christians should look upon them with great respect, and that they be of good life and conduct, temperate in their habits, chaste, honest and well conversant with the vernacular of the place where they are to be ordained; also with knowledge of Latin and with sufficient zeal to busy themselves with the work of conversion of the new Christian people."
In its 5th Decree of the Act 2, the 4th Council (1592) says: "With a view to extirpating ignorance concerning things pertaining to faith which we understand, from the information received, is rampant among the Christians of the whole province, and which is the cause of their falling back or weakening in their faith, giving themselves to witchcraft, divination, superstitions, and other abuses that do great harm to the purity of our most Holy Religion, or remaining even after baptism in the same state as before with the same bad habits and perverse education as they had when Hindus; this Council repeats what has already been decreed by the previous Council regarding the teaching of catechism to those about to be baptised and orders that a compendium of Christian doctrine and instruction be made, and translated in the most common languages of the province; and that the priors, curates and vicars, under obedience, explain the doctrine from the pulpit to the Christians of the place, their parishioners, either whole or in parts, as the Prelates may think fit, on feast-days and Sundays of the year and that the end may be better achieved the Council stipulates that in order to instruct the Christians of the Island of Goa, other islands and surrounding parts there be at least four confessors and preachers, who, as directed by the Ordinary and as helpers of the Vicars but limiting themselves to what has been laid down by the catechism, should visit the Churches preaching and hearing confessions of the native Christians and strictly enjoins that the churches where all or a greater number of people are Christians be assigned to no one but to those priests who are well qualified and know well the vernacular of the place; the same holds good with the Religious who are in charge of Churches." And in its 13th Decree of the same Act the Council declares: "In view of the fact that the number of Christians is great and is on increase and that there are very few confessors who know the language of the place and it may not be possible for them to hear confessions within the limited space of time, the Council orders that the Constitution of this Archdiocese be followed concerning points therein expounded, namely that no Catholic should incur excommunication or even be declared excommunicated or punished without giving him sufficient time, as the Prelate may think necessary; and even should the time elapse, they should not be proceeded against without their being first admonished and warned to fulfil their obligations."
The 5th Council (1606) in its first Decree of Section Second says: "Reason and Christian charity demand that since the question of handling the work of the conversion of the infidels of this Province has been carried on with zeal and great diligence, we should not be found wanting now in giving them the facility of hearing the Gospel being preached, which is most important, therefore, this Holy Synod modifying the Decree 5th of the First Council of "this Province, orders that Hindus subject to us be obliged to hear preaching every Sunday which was not so far done on account of inconvenience; and commands that on all Sundays of Advent, and those between Easter Sunday and Pentecost, all adult Hindus, resident in these parts, from 12 years of age and above, hear preaching in Churches or places designated for the purpose; this preaching to be done in the language they understand and by competent persons who themselves know the language: and if the Ordinaries find that these times are inappropriate in their dioceses to impart such preaching, they may fix some other Sundays convenient to the people; and the preachers in their instructions should treat of the mysteries of our Holy Faith, just as it is. done in the case of the catechumens. who are being prepared for holy baptism, efficaciously refuting their errors and always. exhorting them to be converted; and the Holy Synod requests the Viceroy to issue a Circular ordering the execution of this Decree with sanctions, as it may seem good to him, and deputing officials to put them into execution."
And in Decree 9th of Section 3rd: "This Sacred Synod in consonance with the Sacred Canons and Apostolic Constitutions, in order that the Churches may be well administered, orders and strictly directs. that no Priest, Secular or Regular, be placed as. a Vicar in charge, unless he knows the language of the place, in which he should be examined; as. it is essential for the good of the souls, sound instruction of the parishioners and better administration of the Sacraments, those who are at present holding the place of the Vicars, and are ignorant of the language, should learn the language within a period of six months to be given for that purpose beginning from the date of the publication of this Decree; and if at the end of the time given they are yet ignorant they will be ipso facto suspended and lose all jurisdiction over their parishioners; the Regulars, the Metropolitan and other Provincial Bishops in their own Dioceses, as Delegates of the Apostolic See in these parts, as regulated by the Sacred Council of Trent, will see that they carry this out."
And in the 13th Decree of the same Section: "In all the Collegiate Churches of this Province, where the number of parish priests is four, one of them should know the vernacular of the people, to hear the confessions of the latter and instruct them in the truths of our Holy Faith. The execution of these decrees is left by the Sacred Synod to the conscience of the Prelates."
It is clear, therefore, that during the first century of the conquest, the civil and the ecclesiastical powers recommended and favoured the study of the vernaculars of the place, with the sole or principal aim of the Propagation of Faith.
It is certain that the inexorable persecution of all that was written in the vernaculars would have been a great hindrance not only to the study of these languages but even to the teaching of catechism which the Councils recommended. It was accompanied by refutation of pagan errors 35 [The Puranna on the Life of St. Peter (Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo S. Pedro. Goa. 1629-1634) written in the Bramana Marastta language by the French Jesuit Fr. Etienne de la Croix was published with this view.]; and it is due to this factor that we attribute the appearance at such a late date of works in the vernaculars written by our missionaries, specially in Konkani, therefore since it will be extremely difficult to prove that books written in this language belonged to the first century.
With a view to protecting our faith from the danger of perversion the same precautions were extended to books written in European languages when suspected of containing matter against faith. In its 71st Decree of Section 3rd, the 5th Council lays down the following:
"This Sacred Council directs, under pain of excommunication [i]latae sententiae, all the captains of the fleet, soldiers and Christians of any rank or condition residing in this Estate, if they come into possession of any book brought from Dutch or English ships, or those of any other foreign nation, navigating in these parts, and in whatever language the book may have been written, not to read it or give it to others. They are enjoined to hand it over to the Ordinary or the Board of the Holy Inquisition, or to its Commissaries, or to the Dean, and in their absence to the Vicar or Rector of the Church of the place where the book came into their possession. The same censure is to be applied to the Commissaries and the Vicars, should they read the books even though the titles may appear pious and devout, for the very reason that, as is the way of heretics, under such titles a lot of false and pernicious doctrines is contained against the truth and the purity of the Holy Catholic Faith. They should, therefore, with all care and diligence hand such books over to the Board of the Holy Office for executing the order concerning forbidden books. Let this Decree be published in all the established churches of this Province and in places where the ministers of His Majesty inspect the personnel at the time .the fleet is about to sail."
X
Returning to the history of Konkani language, and surveying the time when the two Provinces of Bardes and Salsete were incorporated into the Portuguese State (1544) 36 [1543 "Salsete and Bardez foram doados por Ibraimo Kan em 1543" Bosquejo Historico das Communidades (2nd edition) Vol. I (Bastora 1903, p. 106.)] we find that the Christian Communities formed therein were handed over as follows: that of Bardes to the Franciscan Friars of Observance, who came to Goa with the conqueror, 37
...Affonso de Albuquerque himself (1510), and those of Salsete to the Jesuits who immediately after inception of the Jesuit Order (1542) landed in Goa under the guidance of Master Francis, today honoured as Saint.
The annexation of Bardes and Salsete increased the demand for the knowledge of the vernaculars of the place; and as a result both in the Franciscan Order as well as among the Jesuits there arose lovers and masters of the language. It is to be noted, however, as we shall have occasion to tell that there were more of these among the Jesuits than among the Franciscans.
Led probably by true zeal for the propagation of Faith or it may be by their keener desire for augmenting the influence of the Society, the Jesuits, in point of fact, did not disregard or despise the language, studied it with great fervour and composed in the vernaculars works on various topics. We shall speak of one of them. For instance, the illustrious companion of St. Francis Xavier, Henrique Henriques, known as the Apostle of Comorim, knew so perfectly the language of Mala bar (Tamil? ) 38 [Malabar means Tamil. Two Catechisms written in 1578 and 1579 respectively and a Flos Sanclorum printed in 1586 written in Tamil language are extant.] in those early times, that in addition to the excellent Vocabulary and the Grammar he wrote other works which are catalogued in the Bibliotheca Lusitana of Abbade Diogo Barboza Machado. Since they remained unprinted, they are unfortunately of no help to the progress of oriental literature nor to the glory and honour of Portugal.
All these unprinted works as Mr. Ferdinand Denis affirms 39 [Portugal, Paris, 1846, p. 254 col. 2 and Vol. II p. 197 of the Portuguese version, Lisbon, of the same year.] met with the same misfortune as most of the best works written by the Portuguese thus remaining hidden and unknown to the scholars of other countries and nations, we may even add to the very natives of the place. Nevertheless, the works of our oriental philologists were not entirely lost. We shall now see the part which each Order, mentioned above, played in the culture of the Konkani language.
XI
It was in the year 1555, when the Franciscans had founded the College of Reis Magos that the work of the spiritual conquest of the villages was started by them, and after this foundations were multiplied. About the year 1580 the Friars in India felt that the Custodia of St. Thomas was sufficiently strong to have its own administration, and therefore, decided to have it constituted into a separate province, independent of the Province of Portugal to which it was affiliated, and to which it gave its obedience. They succeeded in obtaining their wish at the General Chapter held in Toledo in the year 1583; but its execution remained ineffective due to the objection raised by the mother Province. This controversy fanned the flames and introduced discord to such an extent that in 1593 the General Chapter of Valladolid was compelled to appoint as Guardian of India a Priest from another Province. (Fr. Jeronimo de Espirito Santo of the Province of Arrabida was chosen to be the Guardian).
The chronicler of the Province of Portugal explains this in the following terms: "It is not known why this Religious (Fr. Jeronimo de Espirito Santo) was elected; from the statutes framed on the occasion, it may be surmised that since the Friars were afraid of the dangers of the seas, the Provincial found great difficulty in sending Guardians to India; and it is likely that when the Very Rev. Calatagirona was given this reason by the Father Provincial, he appointed Fr. Jeronimo to the post. And since Fr. Jeronimo, because of his many virtues and great purity, was held in high repute, the Very Rev. Father deemed it convenient that he occupied the post of the Guardian and hoped that by his gentle and peaceful methods he would be able to put an end to the friars' disputes and calm their spirits." 40 [Fr. Fernando da Soledade. Historia Serafica Chronologica da Ordem de S. Francisco de Portugal. Tom. 3, p. 632.]
Nevertheless the priests in India insisted on this separation of the [i]custodia (Franciscan House) of St. Thomas from its mother province, and about the year (1612 or 1613) once again they got the title of Province which was again suspended, until its status as a Province was definitely confirmed in 1618, and established in the following year. 41 [Ibid., p. 366.] The separation did not produce the desired effect, for the disturbances still continued and to make matters worse, the Province was being manned by two Heads, viz. the Provincial Minister and the Commissary General, so that the very "definidores" of the Province were split up in two parties and those, who in the Chapter were not provided with ecclesiastical posts, sided with the Commissary General. It was the view of the Governor Fernao de Albuquerque, that the Franciscan Order could not be pacified, unless His Majesty passed an order that the Minister Provincial and the Commissary General be one and the same person, as was the case with the Guardian. Such a measure would put an end to the grave inconvenience this Order was going through. 42 [Livro das Moncoes 22. fol. 440. As per Index for 1624 Ref. separation of the cloistered Religious of the Franciscan Order and ref. establishment of the Guardianate. The original L. M. is untraceable or missing.] Although the Government ordered the restoration of the Province to the status of Custodia, to combat indiscipline, yet this proved of no effect.
In the course of this domestic struggle there arose another dispute with the Ordinaries of the Metropolitan See, that lasted for almost two centuries, and which as we shall see ended with discredit to the Franciscan Order.
The Council of Trent in its canons had forbidden the Religious to undertake charge of Parishes; in view of this declaration the Archbishops impugned the appointments of the Religious to parishes and desired that these be handed over to the clergy nominated by them and owning obedience to them.
The first Archbishop who seems to have started the controversy is D. Fr. Aleixo de Meneses; but this time after considering the allegations made by both the parties, namely the Archbishop and the Friars, His Majesty ordered the matter to be closed and the churches of Bardes to be placed in charge of the Friars and not the Secular priests.
It was during this epoch that the Province of St. Thomas underwent a great change. The Franciscan spirit of poverty and mortification was replaced by ambition and perverse passions; and the zeal for the propagation of faith by longing for mundane things and love of idleness; the result of all this was the Friars' reluctance to study the vernacular of the place.
This is not to say that among the Franciscans of the Province of St. Thomas there did not arise in course of the 17th century, excellent students, authors of Grammars or Dictionaries and writers of various works; but documents at our disposal indicate that the example of these learned men was not normally imitated nor was any attention given to their teaching by most of their companions. The Court did favour the Friars 43 ...
... (excepting perhaps in the question of the separation of the Province) and this very favour granted to them was the reason why they very soon fell away from the right path.
XII
The disturbances in the new Province forced the Court to take measures in the year 1627 and in the same year the Archbishop, D. Fr. Sebastiao de S. Pedro, renewed the claims mentioned before for the removal of the Friars from the parishes. The Franciscan priests unconsciously helped the pretensions of the Archbishop by their complete neglect of the study of the vernacular of the place. They thus gave cause to the Archbishop to cite, in addition to the canons of the Council favouring his views, the fact that the Christian Communities of Bardes were not sufficiently instructed due to the ignorance of the Franciscan Vicars of the vernacular of the place. This was not the condition of the parishes manned by the Secular Vicars nominated by him. His Majesty in his letter dated the 12th April 1628 replied that the opinion of the Doctors was that the Council had not abrogated the Briefs conceded in favour of the previous kings empowering them to send to the conquered countries of the East, Friars who might exercise the functions of Vicars, without previous approval of the Ordinaries; but since there may have been Friars actually assisting in the churches and ignorant of the vernacular, the Archbishop, to avoid such inconveniences, was granted power to examine and approve the Friars holding such posts.
A similar order was repeated during the monsoon of 1629, but when the Viceroy was putting it into execution, the Archbishop was already dead. When the Provincial of the Franciscans was notified about it on the 13th December 1629, he replied complaining how badly the Friars working in Bardes had been treated by the Archbishop in spite of the fact that they were doing very good work there. He added that in the same jurisdictions there were, for instance, three masters of the language, three good preachers and others who were able to hear confessions. The complaint contained the further information that the native clerics did not inspire respect, that they had their ears bored, they were busy acquiring fortunes for themselves and their relations. Since the Archbishops and Bishops were anxious to place the native clerics in charge, the Friars would not be satisfied with such orders, chiefly if the Archbishop should belong to a religious order other than their own. The Viceroy, Conde de Linhares, replied confirming what the Provincial had said and acknowledged that the priests did preach and hear confessions in the vernacular of the place in the churches of Bardes, and that they had also written in the vernacular a Catechism of Christian Doctrine. And in another letter written during the same monsoon he endorsed the complaint made by the Friars against the Archbishop painting him as a quarrelsome and restless man even in his last moments; and added: "I firmly believe that if our Lord had not cut short his life, the City of Goa would have suffered many an uncomfortable hour at the hands of the Archbishop." Whilst these replies were on their way to Portugal, new orders were received during the monsoon from Portugal itself, to the effect that the Friars who were to see to the needs of the Christian Communities be examined and approved by the Viceroy, which order the Prelates of the Order greatly resented.
XIII
With a view to opposing by all means the claims of the Diocesan Prelates, the Friars frequently furnished reports to the Court of the general baptisms they had performed of their new foundations, and of the good they did in their missions and of the service rendered to His Majesty, for which service the King in a letter dated 5th December, 1652, asked that thanks be given should the Viceroy find the report to be true.
This last clause indicated on the part of the Government a certain amount of distrust regarding the correctness of the facts presented by the priests. This distrust, was not entirely unfounded. The very reply of the Governor, D. Bras de Castro, given on the 4th January 1654, and that too with the consent of the Inquisitors points out that instead of showing appreciation for the services rendered by the Franciscans, the Court should express surprise at the carelessness and scandalous disregard of the mission work, as the Christians of Bardes practised idolatry in large measure which was confirmed by the number of autos da fe (public trials of heresy) held during the previous four years. The principal cause of this defection was the fact that the churches were ordinarily held by Vicars who were important Friars who, some time or other, had served as Commissary General, Provincials or Definitors. They selected commodious and well ventilated churches and spent their lives therein, free from the exercises of the choir and community. It was very rare to find among them one who knew the language and they asked a Negro to teach the Cathechism! His Majesty's order that the Friars be examined in the local language was unheeded. Hence the Governor proposed to the King to issue an order appointing a teacher of the vernacular and to place him either in the College of the Reis Magos or the Convent of the City of Goa in order to impart knowledge to at least twenty Friars; and another one at Co chin to teach Tamil language for the benefit of the people of Jaffna, the greater number of whom was entrusted to the Franciscans and it was known that there were faithful who made their confession by means of an interpreter; and another in the city of Colombo for the purpose of teaching the vernacular of the place, namely, Singhalese. And finally that no allowance be paid to any Friars unless it was clear from the certificate issued by the Secretary of the State that, having been examined in the presence of the Viceroy and the Ordinary, he was declared to have passed the examination in the vernacular of the place.
This proposal regarding the institution of the teachers of languages at Goa, Cochin and Colombo was approved by His Majesty, who at the same time ordered the enforcement of the previous regulations regarding the passing of examinations by the Parish Priests, with the addition that such examinations be conducted before the Inquisitors. The Inquisitors were in no case allowed to appoint to the churches any Friars who did not know the language of the parishioners; nor could such Friars be admitted for the examination until it was clear from the certificate issued by the Secretary of the State that they had learnt in the above-mentioned college.
This resolution reached Goa during the regime of Manoel Mascarenhas Homen, who had it communicated not only to the Superior of the Franciscans but also to those of the other Orders. The Franciscan Prelate declared at first that he would conform to the orders of His Majesty and would obey them, affirming at the same time that the language ,vas being taught in the College of St. Bonaventure to more than 20 Friars and the teacher was a very learned man. He afterwards withdrew his assent, and by a letter informed the Governor that the Inquisitors would not be permitted to examine his subjects, and other similar things. Such a procedure should not cause us surprise when we consider that the Franciscan Province of India, divided into factions, was accustomed to be refractory and rebellious. The other Prelates except those of the Order of St. Dominic also showed reluctance in a smaller or greater degree.
Whilst the Franciscan priests of Goa thus disregarded the orders of the Court, their Procurator requested new favours, and solicited thanks. The Governors of India, however, were again obliged to inform His Majesty about the little fruit produced by the priests, specially in Bardes, and the existing necessity for the reform of both regular and the secular clergy.
XIV
Laxity is contagious. The Franciscan Friars were not the only persons accused of negligence in the progress of Christianity; the other Orders were equally negligent and apparently even more so than the Franciscans.
In the year 1666 on January the 28th, the Viceroy, Antonio Mello de Castro, writing to the Court about this, started with the Jesuits about whom the Viceroy, Count of Linhares, had previously written as follows: "I should like to repeat to Your Majesty that the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in India are all in all; and in order to achieve this end utilize many means and show great alertness": the Viceroy now says: "The Priests of the Society of Jesus do not want to obey (Royal edicts) at all. They think this permissible for they feel that in no way are they called upon to show themselves His Majesty's subjects, and the authority and power of the Viceroy, was so great that nothing was impossible to him." I have been informed that few or none of the Vicars of Salsete know the language, and in the administration of Sacraments, they make use of native clerics. One may enquire, if on a rainy day at a distance of a league, a pastor does not attend a sick-call, how will a mercenary do so? Franciscans too are not much better, though among them there are a few who know the vernacular and who go on preaching in villages; but as these places are used to accommodate the elder Friars who had previously held high posts in the Order, they do not go there with the intention of working but to take rest; and the Franciscans place under them one or two boys to serve them under the title of Vicars, and what the latter do, God alone knows. The Dominicans and the Augustinians follow the same method. Whomsoever the Chapter approves is given the churches and no examination is held; and the worst part of it is that they write to me that they know the vernacular when I know that they are ignorant of it.
All will be apparent to Your :Majesty from the papers herewith enclosed. It appears to me that the orders Your Majesty has issued could for the moment be postponed as they may create trouble. These people are unused to curbs. It is necessary to restrain oneself so as to avoid scandal; and gradually as far as it is possible I intend making those subject to us change without in any way making them feel that they have changed. Thus it will be easy to prevent the order being changed later."
The same Viceroy wrote to the Franciscan Provincial:-- "Your Reverence says that the orders of the King do not go beyond withholding from the Vicars their allowances, in the event of finding them unworthy to occupy the churches and ignorant of the vernacular of the place. Your Reverence can see for yourself the express order of His Majesty not to consent to any Friar, ignorant of the vernacular, being a Rector; and since this is a special clause, I feel it admits of no exception and no other interpretation as Your Reverence acknowledges. Besides, it is a great obligation for a Friar to do the work of a Parish Priest himself and this is why the Council prohibits substitutes to be appointed. It is good to reflect on the words of St. John, Chapter X: Et proprias oves vocat nominatim: further on: Et oves illum sequuntur, quia sciunt vocem ejus: which means they follow the pastor because he knows their language. Hence it seems very clear that Your Reverence conforming with the commands of His Majesty which are based on the Gospel, should observe them by a appointing shepherds who make themselves understood by, and whom the flock understand. The best thing I can do is to place the candidates for their examination in your hands with the conviction that as a high dignitary, you will pass only those who deserve and who possess the necessary qualities and requisites: and just as knowledge of the vernaculars alone is not sufficient to take care of souls, so also a virtuous life is insufficient without the knowledge of the vernacular; and I remember having heard said that the Doctor of the Church opined that the gifts of the tongue were given by God to the Apostles for this very reason; and in chapter II of the Acts of the Apostles we read: nonne ecce omnes isti, qui loquuntur Gallilaei sunt; et quomodo nos audivimus unusquisque linguam nostram, in qua nati sumus? By the way, I assure Your Reverence that I have been trying to learn the local language from the time I arrived here, in order to fully understand and appreciate the complaints of my subjects. What, then, must not be the obligations of one holding such high jurisdiction and in whose hands are placed such high mysteries? Through Your Reverence's good offices let these things be composed and rectified, thereby calming your conscience and mine; Otherwise we shall be doubly guilty of disobeying God and His Majesty. Your Reverence may rest assured that with the love I have borne towards you, I shall continue to esteem the Friars of St. Francis and they may be sure, to get whatever help they may be in need of from me. And to avoid further doubts and disputes, Your Reverence would do well to arrange to have in this Convent a teacher of the vernacular attached to a set of students, as commanded by His Majesty. When it is known that this step is necessary for promotion, all will labour to learn and profit thereby."
Yet in another letter: "According to Your Reverence in churches where the Vicars do not know the language it suffices to place another Friar who knows that language and who is known a a Vicar of Christian Community; whilst His Majesty commands that I should not consent to anyone who is ignorant of the vernacular being appointed as Vicar; this suggestion could be carried out, provided the Vicar of Christian Community, who knows the language, is the same as the Vicar of that Church and not otherwise ... I have hopes that Your Reverence will see that matters will be mended by putting in charge of the Churches Vicars -- Friars who are conversant with the vernacular and removing those who are not; thus the Vicars of the Churches, and those Your Paternity called Vicars of Christian Community can help each other in the ministry of teaching, catechising the converts and persuading the heathen to follow the way of salvation: and if Your Reverence wishes, I shall send you a roll of all the Friars who know the vernacular, to facilitate their appointment to the post of Vicars and another of those who are Vicars, though incompetent, so that Your Reverence may know all that I have discovered with diligence, and perhaps is unknown to the Friars who actually live in the Convents."
And he wrote to the Chapter: "From the many letters extant in the Secretariat, we see that His Majesty ordered that the churches be given to those who know the language well and they be examined by Apostolic Inquisitors; and he enjoins upon the Viceroys that in no other way can the appointment be made or allowances paid. And since it has been brought to my notice that churches have been placed in charge of persons who are from this point of view incompetent, I thought it proper to intimate the Rev. Chapter that in view of these orders of His Majesty these persons be removed from their posts and others appointed who will be of service to God, His Majesty, and of good to the people."
And in another letter: "I have just received information that the Rev. Chapter has appointed to the Church of St. John Baptist, a cleric from Co chin who is ignorant of the language of the people; and since His Majesty commands me in his letter, which I have sent to the Chapter, not to give my consent to such appointments, and to see that the appointed ones be examined by the Inquisitors, and not to pay their allowances unless they have passed the vernacular examination and have been approved, I consider it necessary to ask the Rev. Chapter to examine the cleric and to send me the certificate of his examination, without which he cannot be the Vicar nor can I in any way consent to such an appointment."
All this was approved by the Court; and was ordered to be put into practice, to the effect that the parishes be held only by those who were competent in the language and were aware of the obligations of their office and that consent should not be given to the appointment of those incompetent and not conversant with the local language. Such warnings had already been previously issued. Even when the priests secured a letter of recommendation from His Majesty to the Viceroy, it nevertheless, contained a clause to the effect that whatever help could be given to the Friars might be granted, but within the limits of royal orders.
XV
"It is years now (according to a Representation made to His Majesty in 1672) since the Ecclesiastics of the East live without a superior. This community without a head is like the body without a soul; the result is that the life of the same clerics is loaded with filth and so deadened by vices that they live shamelessly without the fear of God, associating with women and having sons from them without any fear of punishment etc."
And making reference specially to the Franciscan Friars the letter paints them as so dissolute and immoral, that, had not these accusations been confirmed and amplified by letters from the Viceroy to the Court, one could hardly believe that such things could have happened in those days which many hold as a classic time for a highly virtuous life full of the fervour of piety.
"After the discovery of India (says the same Representation) when there was formed a Christian Community the Religious of St. Francis, had charge of ministering to the Christians of Bardes and continue to do so till today but the work is done so poorly that there is not a village in Bardes which has not been affected by the Holy Office, due to the priests failing to take any trouble in instructing the faithful and converting their churches into houses of recreation: The Province is being governed by the Commissary General and the Provincial, aged in years, and these churches are used by each of them for rest houses; many people attend these churches without any colleague in the Christian Community and owing to the priests' ignorance of the vernacular, it is impossible to instruct the parishioners, since these people cannot understand Portuguese, the language in which the Friars attempt to teach them. There is an express mandate of Your Majesty that all Parish Priests be examined by the Inquisitors in the language of the place which is not being carried out, as it deserves to be without any exception."
To which the Viceroy replied: "All the enclosed references Your Excellency has sent to me regarding the conduct of the Ecclesiastics of this Estate and the bad treatment the Franciscan Friars He meting out to the residents of Bardes, where they are administering sacraments to the residents are very true, and their abuses go even beyond your statement. There is no doubt that in the early days the Friars were placed in charge of Rectories of the Churches of Bardes for the reason that there were then no secular clergy. Such is not the case now, for there are secular clerics and many of these live a good life; there are also the members of the Society of Jesus who could be asked to take charge of the churches and there is every hope that this work, namely hearing of confessions, preaching, administering sacraments and all that pertains to spiritual life will be done by them creditably, with profit and satisfaction. As they are conversant with the vernacular of the people and know their customs, they will easily enter into the spirit of their parishioners, thereby dissuading the latter from any thought of idolatry, and leading them to a better Christian life. This will be more difficult to achieve if the work is done by the Franciscan Friars because of their ignorance of the vernacular, their insolence and the bad example of their life and habits, chiefly regarding the sixth commandment, etc."
We shall make reference here to a certain divergence of opinion between the present Viceroy, Luiz de Mendonca Furtado and his predecessor, Antonio de Mello de Castro (XLV) the former affirming that the Jesuits were better versed in the vernacular whilst the latter preferred the Franciscans; and this just after an interval of seven years. But these seven years were quite sufficient to forget ancient laudable traditions because of the lax manner in which the Franciscans lived; and there is no doubt as we shall have to record later on, that at the time of we are speaking, the wish to learn the language was laxer with the Franciscans than with the Jesuits.
We may be permitted to note that among the things that helped powerfully the laxity in monastic life prevalent among the Franciscans was the facility with which by merely remunerating the officials of the Roman Curia briefs were obtained from Rome in favour of corporations or even individuals. The Friars, with exemptions granted to them by their local superiors and those obtained from Rome, tried to escape from royal sanctions, thereby securing a real independence from the royal sovereignty.
The Court took steps to check this evil before it could take alarming proportions and issued an order to the Viceroy to check the abuse; the Friars, however, after a lapse of some years, manoeuvred to get the orders revoked in so far as they went against the interest of their Province.
IX
The 2nd Council of Goa (1575) in its Decree of the 2nd Act says: "The Council further earnestly recommends (to the Prelates) that, following the example of St. Paul, they command persons who know the language to spread with gentleness and without uproar that may cause scandal, the word of God in private homes of the Hindus and at their public meetings; the same ought to be done by priests who are busy in conversion work, bearing in mind that no one should be coerced."
The 3rd Council of Goa (1585) in its 25th Decrees of the 2nd Act says: "Ut idem sentimus omnes, et idem dicimus, as says the Apostle St. Paul, the Council orders that a compendium of catechism be made in the Portuguese language, and the doctrine contained therein be taught generally in all parts of India, with a view to maintaining uniformity in all things. This catechism should be translated into the vernacular of the place and taught to the people where conversions may be taking place.34 [Vide A. K. Priolkar, "The Early Marathi Books on Doutrina Christa," Indica: (Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume, The Indian Historical Institute), Bombay 1953, pp. 320-334.] Similarly a brief catechism should be written according to the Catechism of the Council of Trent, adapted to these places and approved by this Councilor with its authority, and it should then be used by the vicars and ministers doing the work of conversion in order to catechise the people and instruct them uniformly as has been decreed by the 1st Council."
The same Council ordains in its 3rd Act the translation into Malabar languages of various books for the use of the Christian community of St. Thomas and priests of the Archdiocese of Angamalee. In its 3rd Decree of the 4th Act it defines the qualities the natives of the place should possess before they are ordained and desires that they be of respectable and good families and castes, Jar the reason that the other Christians should look upon them with great respect, and that they be of good life and conduct, temperate in their habits, chaste, honest and well conversant with the vernacular of the place where they are to be ordained; also with knowledge of Latin and with sufficient zeal to busy themselves with the work of conversion of the new Christian people."
In its 5th Decree of the Act 2, the 4th Council (1592) says: "With a view to extirpating ignorance concerning things pertaining to faith which we understand, from the information received, is rampant among the Christians of the whole province, and which is the cause of their falling back or weakening in their faith, giving themselves to witchcraft, divination, superstitions, and other abuses that do great harm to the purity of our most Holy Religion, or remaining even after baptism in the same state as before with the same bad habits and perverse education as they had when Hindus; this Council repeats what has already been decreed by the previous Council regarding the teaching of catechism to those about to be baptised and orders that a compendium of Christian doctrine and instruction be made, and translated in the most common languages of the province; and that the priors, curates and vicars, under obedience, explain the doctrine from the pulpit to the Christians of the place, their parishioners, either whole or in parts, as the Prelates may think fit, on feast-days and Sundays of the year and that the end may be better achieved the Council stipulates that in order to instruct the Christians of the Island of Goa, other islands and surrounding parts there be at least four confessors and preachers, who, as directed by the Ordinary and as helpers of the Vicars but limiting themselves to what has been laid down by the catechism, should visit the Churches preaching and hearing confessions of the native Christians and strictly enjoins that the churches where all or a greater number of people are Christians be assigned to no one but to those priests who are well qualified and know well the vernacular of the place; the same holds good with the Religious who are in charge of Churches." And in its 13th Decree of the same Act the Council declares: "In view of the fact that the number of Christians is great and is on increase and that there are very few confessors who know the language of the place and it may not be possible for them to hear confessions within the limited space of time, the Council orders that the Constitution of this Archdiocese be followed concerning points therein expounded, namely that no Catholic should incur excommunication or even be declared excommunicated or punished without giving him sufficient time, as the Prelate may think necessary; and even should the time elapse, they should not be proceeded against without their being first admonished and warned to fulfil their obligations."
The 5th Council (1606) in its first Decree of Section Second says: "Reason and Christian charity demand that since the question of handling the work of the conversion of the infidels of this Province has been carried on with zeal and great diligence, we should not be found wanting now in giving them the facility of hearing the Gospel being preached, which is most important, therefore, this Holy Synod modifying the Decree 5th of the First Council of "this Province, orders that Hindus subject to us be obliged to hear preaching every Sunday which was not so far done on account of inconvenience; and commands that on all Sundays of Advent, and those between Easter Sunday and Pentecost, all adult Hindus, resident in these parts, from 12 years of age and above, hear preaching in Churches or places designated for the purpose; this preaching to be done in the language they understand and by competent persons who themselves know the language: and if the Ordinaries find that these times are inappropriate in their dioceses to impart such preaching, they may fix some other Sundays convenient to the people; and the preachers in their instructions should treat of the mysteries of our Holy Faith, just as it is. done in the case of the catechumens. who are being prepared for holy baptism, efficaciously refuting their errors and always. exhorting them to be converted; and the Holy Synod requests the Viceroy to issue a Circular ordering the execution of this Decree with sanctions, as it may seem good to him, and deputing officials to put them into execution."
And in Decree 9th of Section 3rd: "This Sacred Synod in consonance with the Sacred Canons and Apostolic Constitutions, in order that the Churches may be well administered, orders and strictly directs. that no Priest, Secular or Regular, be placed as. a Vicar in charge, unless he knows the language of the place, in which he should be examined; as. it is essential for the good of the souls, sound instruction of the parishioners and better administration of the Sacraments, those who are at present holding the place of the Vicars, and are ignorant of the language, should learn the language within a period of six months to be given for that purpose beginning from the date of the publication of this Decree; and if at the end of the time given they are yet ignorant they will be ipso facto suspended and lose all jurisdiction over their parishioners; the Regulars, the Metropolitan and other Provincial Bishops in their own Dioceses, as Delegates of the Apostolic See in these parts, as regulated by the Sacred Council of Trent, will see that they carry this out."
And in the 13th Decree of the same Section: "In all the Collegiate Churches of this Province, where the number of parish priests is four, one of them should know the vernacular of the people, to hear the confessions of the latter and instruct them in the truths of our Holy Faith. The execution of these decrees is left by the Sacred Synod to the conscience of the Prelates."
It is clear, therefore, that during the first century of the conquest, the civil and the ecclesiastical powers recommended and favoured the study of the vernaculars of the place, with the sole or principal aim of the Propagation of Faith.
It is certain that the inexorable persecution of all that was written in the vernaculars would have been a great hindrance not only to the study of these languages but even to the teaching of catechism which the Councils recommended. It was accompanied by refutation of pagan errors 35 [The Puranna on the Life of St. Peter (Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo S. Pedro. Goa. 1629-1634) written in the Bramana Marastta language by the French Jesuit Fr. Etienne de la Croix was published with this view.]; and it is due to this factor that we attribute the appearance at such a late date of works in the vernaculars written by our missionaries, specially in Konkani, therefore since it will be extremely difficult to prove that books written in this language belonged to the first century.
With a view to protecting our faith from the danger of perversion the same precautions were extended to books written in European languages when suspected of containing matter against faith. In its 71st Decree of Section 3rd, the 5th Council lays down the following:
"This Sacred Council directs, under pain of excommunication [i]latae sententiae, all the captains of the fleet, soldiers and Christians of any rank or condition residing in this Estate, if they come into possession of any book brought from Dutch or English ships, or those of any other foreign nation, navigating in these parts, and in whatever language the book may have been written, not to read it or give it to others. They are enjoined to hand it over to the Ordinary or the Board of the Holy Inquisition, or to its Commissaries, or to the Dean, and in their absence to the Vicar or Rector of the Church of the place where the book came into their possession. The same censure is to be applied to the Commissaries and the Vicars, should they read the books even though the titles may appear pious and devout, for the very reason that, as is the way of heretics, under such titles a lot of false and pernicious doctrines is contained against the truth and the purity of the Holy Catholic Faith. They should, therefore, with all care and diligence hand such books over to the Board of the Holy Office for executing the order concerning forbidden books. Let this Decree be published in all the established churches of this Province and in places where the ministers of His Majesty inspect the personnel at the time .the fleet is about to sail."
X
Returning to the history of Konkani language, and surveying the time when the two Provinces of Bardes and Salsete were incorporated into the Portuguese State (1544) 36 [1543 "Salsete and Bardez foram doados por Ibraimo Kan em 1543" Bosquejo Historico das Communidades (2nd edition) Vol. I (Bastora 1903, p. 106.)] we find that the Christian Communities formed therein were handed over as follows: that of Bardes to the Franciscan Friars of Observance, who came to Goa with the conqueror, 37
FN 37: Some hold another view: "The first missionaries sent to India after the discovery of the new route were some Dominican friars, who came out as chaplains of the fleet brought by Albuquerque. They landed at Goa immediately after its second capture by that great captain in 1510. These friars, however, made scarcely any conversions at that time. The glory of sowing the first seeds of Christianity in Goa belongs to the Franciscans, who arrived in 1517." J.N. da Fonseca, An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of Goa, Bombay 1878, p. 63. The volume '4' Memoria Historico-Eclesiastica da Arquidiocese de Goa published in Goa in 1933 contains on page 23 the following:
"When Affonso de Albuquerque conquered Goa for the first time on the 16th of February, 1510, he entered Goa triumphantly the procession being headed by Fr. Joao, one of the Dominican friars who had come with him, and When he reconquered it on the 25th of November, of the same year, the Dominican Superior Fr. Domingos de Souza solemnly entoned the Tantum Ergo."
...Affonso de Albuquerque himself (1510), and those of Salsete to the Jesuits who immediately after inception of the Jesuit Order (1542) landed in Goa under the guidance of Master Francis, today honoured as Saint.
The annexation of Bardes and Salsete increased the demand for the knowledge of the vernaculars of the place; and as a result both in the Franciscan Order as well as among the Jesuits there arose lovers and masters of the language. It is to be noted, however, as we shall have occasion to tell that there were more of these among the Jesuits than among the Franciscans.
Led probably by true zeal for the propagation of Faith or it may be by their keener desire for augmenting the influence of the Society, the Jesuits, in point of fact, did not disregard or despise the language, studied it with great fervour and composed in the vernaculars works on various topics. We shall speak of one of them. For instance, the illustrious companion of St. Francis Xavier, Henrique Henriques, known as the Apostle of Comorim, knew so perfectly the language of Mala bar (Tamil? ) 38 [Malabar means Tamil. Two Catechisms written in 1578 and 1579 respectively and a Flos Sanclorum printed in 1586 written in Tamil language are extant.] in those early times, that in addition to the excellent Vocabulary and the Grammar he wrote other works which are catalogued in the Bibliotheca Lusitana of Abbade Diogo Barboza Machado. Since they remained unprinted, they are unfortunately of no help to the progress of oriental literature nor to the glory and honour of Portugal.
All these unprinted works as Mr. Ferdinand Denis affirms 39 [Portugal, Paris, 1846, p. 254 col. 2 and Vol. II p. 197 of the Portuguese version, Lisbon, of the same year.] met with the same misfortune as most of the best works written by the Portuguese thus remaining hidden and unknown to the scholars of other countries and nations, we may even add to the very natives of the place. Nevertheless, the works of our oriental philologists were not entirely lost. We shall now see the part which each Order, mentioned above, played in the culture of the Konkani language.
XI
It was in the year 1555, when the Franciscans had founded the College of Reis Magos that the work of the spiritual conquest of the villages was started by them, and after this foundations were multiplied. About the year 1580 the Friars in India felt that the Custodia of St. Thomas was sufficiently strong to have its own administration, and therefore, decided to have it constituted into a separate province, independent of the Province of Portugal to which it was affiliated, and to which it gave its obedience. They succeeded in obtaining their wish at the General Chapter held in Toledo in the year 1583; but its execution remained ineffective due to the objection raised by the mother Province. This controversy fanned the flames and introduced discord to such an extent that in 1593 the General Chapter of Valladolid was compelled to appoint as Guardian of India a Priest from another Province. (Fr. Jeronimo de Espirito Santo of the Province of Arrabida was chosen to be the Guardian).
The chronicler of the Province of Portugal explains this in the following terms: "It is not known why this Religious (Fr. Jeronimo de Espirito Santo) was elected; from the statutes framed on the occasion, it may be surmised that since the Friars were afraid of the dangers of the seas, the Provincial found great difficulty in sending Guardians to India; and it is likely that when the Very Rev. Calatagirona was given this reason by the Father Provincial, he appointed Fr. Jeronimo to the post. And since Fr. Jeronimo, because of his many virtues and great purity, was held in high repute, the Very Rev. Father deemed it convenient that he occupied the post of the Guardian and hoped that by his gentle and peaceful methods he would be able to put an end to the friars' disputes and calm their spirits." 40 [Fr. Fernando da Soledade. Historia Serafica Chronologica da Ordem de S. Francisco de Portugal. Tom. 3, p. 632.]
Nevertheless the priests in India insisted on this separation of the [i]custodia (Franciscan House) of St. Thomas from its mother province, and about the year (1612 or 1613) once again they got the title of Province which was again suspended, until its status as a Province was definitely confirmed in 1618, and established in the following year. 41 [Ibid., p. 366.] The separation did not produce the desired effect, for the disturbances still continued and to make matters worse, the Province was being manned by two Heads, viz. the Provincial Minister and the Commissary General, so that the very "definidores" of the Province were split up in two parties and those, who in the Chapter were not provided with ecclesiastical posts, sided with the Commissary General. It was the view of the Governor Fernao de Albuquerque, that the Franciscan Order could not be pacified, unless His Majesty passed an order that the Minister Provincial and the Commissary General be one and the same person, as was the case with the Guardian. Such a measure would put an end to the grave inconvenience this Order was going through. 42 [Livro das Moncoes 22. fol. 440. As per Index for 1624 Ref. separation of the cloistered Religious of the Franciscan Order and ref. establishment of the Guardianate. The original L. M. is untraceable or missing.] Although the Government ordered the restoration of the Province to the status of Custodia, to combat indiscipline, yet this proved of no effect.
In the course of this domestic struggle there arose another dispute with the Ordinaries of the Metropolitan See, that lasted for almost two centuries, and which as we shall see ended with discredit to the Franciscan Order.
The Council of Trent in its canons had forbidden the Religious to undertake charge of Parishes; in view of this declaration the Archbishops impugned the appointments of the Religious to parishes and desired that these be handed over to the clergy nominated by them and owning obedience to them.
The first Archbishop who seems to have started the controversy is D. Fr. Aleixo de Meneses; but this time after considering the allegations made by both the parties, namely the Archbishop and the Friars, His Majesty ordered the matter to be closed and the churches of Bardes to be placed in charge of the Friars and not the Secular priests.
It was during this epoch that the Province of St. Thomas underwent a great change. The Franciscan spirit of poverty and mortification was replaced by ambition and perverse passions; and the zeal for the propagation of faith by longing for mundane things and love of idleness; the result of all this was the Friars' reluctance to study the vernacular of the place.
This is not to say that among the Franciscans of the Province of St. Thomas there did not arise in course of the 17th century, excellent students, authors of Grammars or Dictionaries and writers of various works; but documents at our disposal indicate that the example of these learned men was not normally imitated nor was any attention given to their teaching by most of their companions. The Court did favour the Friars 43 ...
FN43: In addition to the Royal letters of the year 1612, Nos. 12 and 49, which speak of the management of the Christian Community in Bardes and about the Franciscan Friars, there are many Royal letters down from the year 1618 to 1638 wherein we see grants allotted to the Franciscan Religious for Baptisms performed, etc. and gratitude manifested for the work done by them. These letters serially are: --Nos. 37 and 54 of 1618.
166 of 1630.
30 and 123 of 1622
31 of 1632.
13 and 96 of 1625.
53 of 1838.
181 of ... 1627. [End FN]
... (excepting perhaps in the question of the separation of the Province) and this very favour granted to them was the reason why they very soon fell away from the right path.
XII
The disturbances in the new Province forced the Court to take measures in the year 1627 and in the same year the Archbishop, D. Fr. Sebastiao de S. Pedro, renewed the claims mentioned before for the removal of the Friars from the parishes. The Franciscan priests unconsciously helped the pretensions of the Archbishop by their complete neglect of the study of the vernacular of the place. They thus gave cause to the Archbishop to cite, in addition to the canons of the Council favouring his views, the fact that the Christian Communities of Bardes were not sufficiently instructed due to the ignorance of the Franciscan Vicars of the vernacular of the place. This was not the condition of the parishes manned by the Secular Vicars nominated by him. His Majesty in his letter dated the 12th April 1628 replied that the opinion of the Doctors was that the Council had not abrogated the Briefs conceded in favour of the previous kings empowering them to send to the conquered countries of the East, Friars who might exercise the functions of Vicars, without previous approval of the Ordinaries; but since there may have been Friars actually assisting in the churches and ignorant of the vernacular, the Archbishop, to avoid such inconveniences, was granted power to examine and approve the Friars holding such posts.
A similar order was repeated during the monsoon of 1629, but when the Viceroy was putting it into execution, the Archbishop was already dead. When the Provincial of the Franciscans was notified about it on the 13th December 1629, he replied complaining how badly the Friars working in Bardes had been treated by the Archbishop in spite of the fact that they were doing very good work there. He added that in the same jurisdictions there were, for instance, three masters of the language, three good preachers and others who were able to hear confessions. The complaint contained the further information that the native clerics did not inspire respect, that they had their ears bored, they were busy acquiring fortunes for themselves and their relations. Since the Archbishops and Bishops were anxious to place the native clerics in charge, the Friars would not be satisfied with such orders, chiefly if the Archbishop should belong to a religious order other than their own. The Viceroy, Conde de Linhares, replied confirming what the Provincial had said and acknowledged that the priests did preach and hear confessions in the vernacular of the place in the churches of Bardes, and that they had also written in the vernacular a Catechism of Christian Doctrine. And in another letter written during the same monsoon he endorsed the complaint made by the Friars against the Archbishop painting him as a quarrelsome and restless man even in his last moments; and added: "I firmly believe that if our Lord had not cut short his life, the City of Goa would have suffered many an uncomfortable hour at the hands of the Archbishop." Whilst these replies were on their way to Portugal, new orders were received during the monsoon from Portugal itself, to the effect that the Friars who were to see to the needs of the Christian Communities be examined and approved by the Viceroy, which order the Prelates of the Order greatly resented.
XIII
With a view to opposing by all means the claims of the Diocesan Prelates, the Friars frequently furnished reports to the Court of the general baptisms they had performed of their new foundations, and of the good they did in their missions and of the service rendered to His Majesty, for which service the King in a letter dated 5th December, 1652, asked that thanks be given should the Viceroy find the report to be true.
This last clause indicated on the part of the Government a certain amount of distrust regarding the correctness of the facts presented by the priests. This distrust, was not entirely unfounded. The very reply of the Governor, D. Bras de Castro, given on the 4th January 1654, and that too with the consent of the Inquisitors points out that instead of showing appreciation for the services rendered by the Franciscans, the Court should express surprise at the carelessness and scandalous disregard of the mission work, as the Christians of Bardes practised idolatry in large measure which was confirmed by the number of autos da fe (public trials of heresy) held during the previous four years. The principal cause of this defection was the fact that the churches were ordinarily held by Vicars who were important Friars who, some time or other, had served as Commissary General, Provincials or Definitors. They selected commodious and well ventilated churches and spent their lives therein, free from the exercises of the choir and community. It was very rare to find among them one who knew the language and they asked a Negro to teach the Cathechism! His Majesty's order that the Friars be examined in the local language was unheeded. Hence the Governor proposed to the King to issue an order appointing a teacher of the vernacular and to place him either in the College of the Reis Magos or the Convent of the City of Goa in order to impart knowledge to at least twenty Friars; and another one at Co chin to teach Tamil language for the benefit of the people of Jaffna, the greater number of whom was entrusted to the Franciscans and it was known that there were faithful who made their confession by means of an interpreter; and another in the city of Colombo for the purpose of teaching the vernacular of the place, namely, Singhalese. And finally that no allowance be paid to any Friars unless it was clear from the certificate issued by the Secretary of the State that, having been examined in the presence of the Viceroy and the Ordinary, he was declared to have passed the examination in the vernacular of the place.
This proposal regarding the institution of the teachers of languages at Goa, Cochin and Colombo was approved by His Majesty, who at the same time ordered the enforcement of the previous regulations regarding the passing of examinations by the Parish Priests, with the addition that such examinations be conducted before the Inquisitors. The Inquisitors were in no case allowed to appoint to the churches any Friars who did not know the language of the parishioners; nor could such Friars be admitted for the examination until it was clear from the certificate issued by the Secretary of the State that they had learnt in the above-mentioned college.
This resolution reached Goa during the regime of Manoel Mascarenhas Homen, who had it communicated not only to the Superior of the Franciscans but also to those of the other Orders. The Franciscan Prelate declared at first that he would conform to the orders of His Majesty and would obey them, affirming at the same time that the language ,vas being taught in the College of St. Bonaventure to more than 20 Friars and the teacher was a very learned man. He afterwards withdrew his assent, and by a letter informed the Governor that the Inquisitors would not be permitted to examine his subjects, and other similar things. Such a procedure should not cause us surprise when we consider that the Franciscan Province of India, divided into factions, was accustomed to be refractory and rebellious. The other Prelates except those of the Order of St. Dominic also showed reluctance in a smaller or greater degree.
Whilst the Franciscan priests of Goa thus disregarded the orders of the Court, their Procurator requested new favours, and solicited thanks. The Governors of India, however, were again obliged to inform His Majesty about the little fruit produced by the priests, specially in Bardes, and the existing necessity for the reform of both regular and the secular clergy.
XIV
Laxity is contagious. The Franciscan Friars were not the only persons accused of negligence in the progress of Christianity; the other Orders were equally negligent and apparently even more so than the Franciscans.
In the year 1666 on January the 28th, the Viceroy, Antonio Mello de Castro, writing to the Court about this, started with the Jesuits about whom the Viceroy, Count of Linhares, had previously written as follows: "I should like to repeat to Your Majesty that the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in India are all in all; and in order to achieve this end utilize many means and show great alertness": the Viceroy now says: "The Priests of the Society of Jesus do not want to obey (Royal edicts) at all. They think this permissible for they feel that in no way are they called upon to show themselves His Majesty's subjects, and the authority and power of the Viceroy, was so great that nothing was impossible to him." I have been informed that few or none of the Vicars of Salsete know the language, and in the administration of Sacraments, they make use of native clerics. One may enquire, if on a rainy day at a distance of a league, a pastor does not attend a sick-call, how will a mercenary do so? Franciscans too are not much better, though among them there are a few who know the vernacular and who go on preaching in villages; but as these places are used to accommodate the elder Friars who had previously held high posts in the Order, they do not go there with the intention of working but to take rest; and the Franciscans place under them one or two boys to serve them under the title of Vicars, and what the latter do, God alone knows. The Dominicans and the Augustinians follow the same method. Whomsoever the Chapter approves is given the churches and no examination is held; and the worst part of it is that they write to me that they know the vernacular when I know that they are ignorant of it.
All will be apparent to Your :Majesty from the papers herewith enclosed. It appears to me that the orders Your Majesty has issued could for the moment be postponed as they may create trouble. These people are unused to curbs. It is necessary to restrain oneself so as to avoid scandal; and gradually as far as it is possible I intend making those subject to us change without in any way making them feel that they have changed. Thus it will be easy to prevent the order being changed later."
The same Viceroy wrote to the Franciscan Provincial:-- "Your Reverence says that the orders of the King do not go beyond withholding from the Vicars their allowances, in the event of finding them unworthy to occupy the churches and ignorant of the vernacular of the place. Your Reverence can see for yourself the express order of His Majesty not to consent to any Friar, ignorant of the vernacular, being a Rector; and since this is a special clause, I feel it admits of no exception and no other interpretation as Your Reverence acknowledges. Besides, it is a great obligation for a Friar to do the work of a Parish Priest himself and this is why the Council prohibits substitutes to be appointed. It is good to reflect on the words of St. John, Chapter X: Et proprias oves vocat nominatim: further on: Et oves illum sequuntur, quia sciunt vocem ejus: which means they follow the pastor because he knows their language. Hence it seems very clear that Your Reverence conforming with the commands of His Majesty which are based on the Gospel, should observe them by a appointing shepherds who make themselves understood by, and whom the flock understand. The best thing I can do is to place the candidates for their examination in your hands with the conviction that as a high dignitary, you will pass only those who deserve and who possess the necessary qualities and requisites: and just as knowledge of the vernaculars alone is not sufficient to take care of souls, so also a virtuous life is insufficient without the knowledge of the vernacular; and I remember having heard said that the Doctor of the Church opined that the gifts of the tongue were given by God to the Apostles for this very reason; and in chapter II of the Acts of the Apostles we read: nonne ecce omnes isti, qui loquuntur Gallilaei sunt; et quomodo nos audivimus unusquisque linguam nostram, in qua nati sumus? By the way, I assure Your Reverence that I have been trying to learn the local language from the time I arrived here, in order to fully understand and appreciate the complaints of my subjects. What, then, must not be the obligations of one holding such high jurisdiction and in whose hands are placed such high mysteries? Through Your Reverence's good offices let these things be composed and rectified, thereby calming your conscience and mine; Otherwise we shall be doubly guilty of disobeying God and His Majesty. Your Reverence may rest assured that with the love I have borne towards you, I shall continue to esteem the Friars of St. Francis and they may be sure, to get whatever help they may be in need of from me. And to avoid further doubts and disputes, Your Reverence would do well to arrange to have in this Convent a teacher of the vernacular attached to a set of students, as commanded by His Majesty. When it is known that this step is necessary for promotion, all will labour to learn and profit thereby."
Yet in another letter: "According to Your Reverence in churches where the Vicars do not know the language it suffices to place another Friar who knows that language and who is known a a Vicar of Christian Community; whilst His Majesty commands that I should not consent to anyone who is ignorant of the vernacular being appointed as Vicar; this suggestion could be carried out, provided the Vicar of Christian Community, who knows the language, is the same as the Vicar of that Church and not otherwise ... I have hopes that Your Reverence will see that matters will be mended by putting in charge of the Churches Vicars -- Friars who are conversant with the vernacular and removing those who are not; thus the Vicars of the Churches, and those Your Paternity called Vicars of Christian Community can help each other in the ministry of teaching, catechising the converts and persuading the heathen to follow the way of salvation: and if Your Reverence wishes, I shall send you a roll of all the Friars who know the vernacular, to facilitate their appointment to the post of Vicars and another of those who are Vicars, though incompetent, so that Your Reverence may know all that I have discovered with diligence, and perhaps is unknown to the Friars who actually live in the Convents."
And he wrote to the Chapter: "From the many letters extant in the Secretariat, we see that His Majesty ordered that the churches be given to those who know the language well and they be examined by Apostolic Inquisitors; and he enjoins upon the Viceroys that in no other way can the appointment be made or allowances paid. And since it has been brought to my notice that churches have been placed in charge of persons who are from this point of view incompetent, I thought it proper to intimate the Rev. Chapter that in view of these orders of His Majesty these persons be removed from their posts and others appointed who will be of service to God, His Majesty, and of good to the people."
And in another letter: "I have just received information that the Rev. Chapter has appointed to the Church of St. John Baptist, a cleric from Co chin who is ignorant of the language of the people; and since His Majesty commands me in his letter, which I have sent to the Chapter, not to give my consent to such appointments, and to see that the appointed ones be examined by the Inquisitors, and not to pay their allowances unless they have passed the vernacular examination and have been approved, I consider it necessary to ask the Rev. Chapter to examine the cleric and to send me the certificate of his examination, without which he cannot be the Vicar nor can I in any way consent to such an appointment."
All this was approved by the Court; and was ordered to be put into practice, to the effect that the parishes be held only by those who were competent in the language and were aware of the obligations of their office and that consent should not be given to the appointment of those incompetent and not conversant with the local language. Such warnings had already been previously issued. Even when the priests secured a letter of recommendation from His Majesty to the Viceroy, it nevertheless, contained a clause to the effect that whatever help could be given to the Friars might be granted, but within the limits of royal orders.
XV
"It is years now (according to a Representation made to His Majesty in 1672) since the Ecclesiastics of the East live without a superior. This community without a head is like the body without a soul; the result is that the life of the same clerics is loaded with filth and so deadened by vices that they live shamelessly without the fear of God, associating with women and having sons from them without any fear of punishment etc."
And making reference specially to the Franciscan Friars the letter paints them as so dissolute and immoral, that, had not these accusations been confirmed and amplified by letters from the Viceroy to the Court, one could hardly believe that such things could have happened in those days which many hold as a classic time for a highly virtuous life full of the fervour of piety.
"After the discovery of India (says the same Representation) when there was formed a Christian Community the Religious of St. Francis, had charge of ministering to the Christians of Bardes and continue to do so till today but the work is done so poorly that there is not a village in Bardes which has not been affected by the Holy Office, due to the priests failing to take any trouble in instructing the faithful and converting their churches into houses of recreation: The Province is being governed by the Commissary General and the Provincial, aged in years, and these churches are used by each of them for rest houses; many people attend these churches without any colleague in the Christian Community and owing to the priests' ignorance of the vernacular, it is impossible to instruct the parishioners, since these people cannot understand Portuguese, the language in which the Friars attempt to teach them. There is an express mandate of Your Majesty that all Parish Priests be examined by the Inquisitors in the language of the place which is not being carried out, as it deserves to be without any exception."
To which the Viceroy replied: "All the enclosed references Your Excellency has sent to me regarding the conduct of the Ecclesiastics of this Estate and the bad treatment the Franciscan Friars He meting out to the residents of Bardes, where they are administering sacraments to the residents are very true, and their abuses go even beyond your statement. There is no doubt that in the early days the Friars were placed in charge of Rectories of the Churches of Bardes for the reason that there were then no secular clergy. Such is not the case now, for there are secular clerics and many of these live a good life; there are also the members of the Society of Jesus who could be asked to take charge of the churches and there is every hope that this work, namely hearing of confessions, preaching, administering sacraments and all that pertains to spiritual life will be done by them creditably, with profit and satisfaction. As they are conversant with the vernacular of the people and know their customs, they will easily enter into the spirit of their parishioners, thereby dissuading the latter from any thought of idolatry, and leading them to a better Christian life. This will be more difficult to achieve if the work is done by the Franciscan Friars because of their ignorance of the vernacular, their insolence and the bad example of their life and habits, chiefly regarding the sixth commandment, etc."
We shall make reference here to a certain divergence of opinion between the present Viceroy, Luiz de Mendonca Furtado and his predecessor, Antonio de Mello de Castro (XLV) the former affirming that the Jesuits were better versed in the vernacular whilst the latter preferred the Franciscans; and this just after an interval of seven years. But these seven years were quite sufficient to forget ancient laudable traditions because of the lax manner in which the Franciscans lived; and there is no doubt as we shall have to record later on, that at the time of we are speaking, the wish to learn the language was laxer with the Franciscans than with the Jesuits.
We may be permitted to note that among the things that helped powerfully the laxity in monastic life prevalent among the Franciscans was the facility with which by merely remunerating the officials of the Roman Curia briefs were obtained from Rome in favour of corporations or even individuals. The Friars, with exemptions granted to them by their local superiors and those obtained from Rome, tried to escape from royal sanctions, thereby securing a real independence from the royal sovereignty.
The Court took steps to check this evil before it could take alarming proportions and issued an order to the Viceroy to check the abuse; the Friars, however, after a lapse of some years, manoeuvred to get the orders revoked in so far as they went against the interest of their Province.
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Re: The Printing Press in India, by Anant Kakba Priolkar
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Part 3 of 4
XVI
We have now reached the year 1684, a memorable year, when the Government sentenced to extermination the vernacular of the place. Till then the ecclesiastical as well as the civil powers had been mindful of the real need of the knowledge and the study of the language. Not many years earlier the Viceroy, Antonio de Mello de Castro, had declared that he himself was learning the language with a view to governing his subjects well, and the royal commands were inflexible in ordering the clerics in charge of parishes to learn the vernaculars.
At this juncture, however, and surprisingly indeed, the Viceroy, Francis de Tavora, Count of Alvor, on the 27th of June of the year 1684 published a Decree of Law which whilst removing the obstacles placed regarding the marriage of native Christian widows, decrees the following: "in order to put an end to all inconveniences, it would be suitable to set aside the use of the vernacular idiom and to insist that all apply themselves to speak Portuguese since the use of both the languages at one and the same time gives cause to various inconveniences, including that of not being understood. Thereby the Parish Priests would be able to suitably explain the mysteries of faith which may not be properly explained as their importance demands, either because the Parish Priest cannot speak freely the vernacular, or the people are unable to understand Portuguese; in as much as, ignorance of one or the other would be prejudicial not only to their civil intercourse but also to the good of their soul and to make intercommunication easy, the people of the place shall try to learn the Portuguese language; the Parish Priests and the school teachers shall impart instruction in that language so that in course of time the Portuguese idiom will be common to one and all, to the exclusion of the mother tongue; and to achieve this end the language used in sermons and meetings shall be Portuguese, until it comes into daily use; and, therefore, I assign three years, a period within which the Portuguese language ought to be studied and spoken. Moreover, this language alone should be used by the people in these parts in their dealings and other contracts which they may wish to enter into, those using the vernacular being severely punished for not obeying this mandate."
And in spite of the stupidity of these views and absurdity of such a regulation, there was a Procurator of the Crown and Ministers who advised His Majesty to confirm this Decree" because its execution would help the governance and the preservation of the rule in the Estate of India." An indigenous writer of our times apparently laments that this regal abortion was not rigorously observed. 44 [O Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas 1846, Vol. I, p. 100.]
A careful reading of the edict, just transcribed, indicates who were the principal authors responsible for the promulgation of such an order. They were the Parish Priests who were ordered to learn the vernacular and who being more interested in their own comforts than in the interests of religion gave the Viceroy to understand that it would be easier to force all the people to learn Portuguese and thus remove from the few the burden of the study of the vernacular. And since not all Viceroys were like Antonio de Mello de Castro, they succeeded in inveigling the illustrious Tavora into subscribing to their nefarious designs. Who these advisers might have been would have been a close secret had not they revealed themselves after many years. This revelation is found in the Provision of the Overseas Council, dated the 19th January 1732, in the following terms: "I, the Viceroy and the Captain General of the State of India, make it known to you, that the Provincial and other Friars of the Order of St. Francis of the Province of St. Thomas made a representation to me, and it has been confirmed by me thereafter in the Decree dated the 17th March 1687, and again by another issued to the Provincial by the then Viceroy, the Count of Alvor, that the natives of the place take to talking Portuguese and be catechised and taught in the same language. It was found that this would be profitable both for the welfare of their souls as well the security of Portuguese dominions in these parts; and that although this continues up to this time, the Archbishop of this City by a Pastoral ordered that the Portuguese language be not taught and that the Brahmins should not learn it. And, as the Province of the petitioners is at present in charge of the Parishes of these lands, as a result of previous experience and by reason of the harm that would accrue both to the spiritual life and the stability of the State, if these measures, in which the Archbishop had no right to interfere, were observed; the friars requested me to command him to observe the Decrees, and acquiesce to their petitions. It appeared to me that the Petitioners be allowed to observe the said Decrees."
From this Provisao it is clear that the decrees were granted to the Franciscans as per their request and insinuations. The decaying state of the Province and the qualities found in the individuals normally holding the office of Parish Priests of the Churches of Bardes, explain why, even though in the Province there were teachers and writers conversant with the language, there prevailed in influential minds the scheme of suppressing with a stroke of pen the language of the people. They knew well that the enterprise was beyond human power; but to calm their conscience, any pretext, however absurd it may have been, was considered sufficient.
In spite of their absurdity, these Charters have not been yet revoked and it is from this date that begins the abandonment of the language and the progressive and extraordinary corruption of the same in Goa, a corruption which was already noticeable at the beginning of the last century.
XVII
Having come to know the identity of the real authors of the official persecution of the local language, it will be interesting to follow, though cursorily, the further steps on the way to error taken during this epoch, which was far from glorious to the Franciscan Order in India.
First, the less regard the Franciscans paid to their religious duties, the more were the rewards and advantages they sought. They turned the general baptisms celebrated in their Goa Monastery into occasions of pomp and worldly show, and not a manifestation of true love for conversion or of sincere piety; those who lived in the city took away violently the prisoners from the hands of the judicial authorities. The Parish Priests of the villages chiefly those of Bardes did not live a life exemplary in conduct and manner. And finally there arose occasions to expel and send back to Portugal some of the Provincials, but unfortunately even these measures did not have any effect on the peace of the Province. For on their departure they left such a ferment of disorder, that unheard of excesses accumulated and multiplied. For instance, the following incident is recorded in a letter of the Viceroy to His Majesty: "Yesterday, the 14th instant (Nov. of 1694) while the Visitor and the Provincial of the Order of Observants of the Province of St. Thomas of this State, had gathered with a few Members in the College of St. Bonaventure for a Chapter which was to be held in that house on the 17th of the month, it happened that 17 Friars most of them young, carne out of the College, armed with guns and pistols and large swords and at 4 o'clock of the evening entered the same College with scandalous uproar, and compelled the Visitor to expel the Friar, whom he had appointed President of the College, and forcibly to give possession to the already suspended Guardian of the same. Such abominable methods were used to prevent the election as Provincial of one Fr. Joao de Santiago, whom the other faction had determined to elect. A few old Friars came to acquaint me of these happenings. I immediately communicated with the Archbishop who, according to the order received from Your Majesty in this monsoon, empowered me to arrest them, with the help of civil authority. I sent the Prosecutor General of Crimes to the same College but the rebel Friars refused to receive him, closing the doors and detaining the Visitor, the Provincial and other Members who were already there. During the night as ordered by me the College was surrounded and in the morning as the resistance was becoming more and more tenacious, I ordered a warship (galeota) to be brought close to the walls of the College, and have the guns pointed at the building, to see whether such a measure would frighten them; but it was ineffective and they persisted in their intention, and shamelessly and disrespectfully exposed the Blessed Sacrament at one of the windows of the dormitory facing the river. Finally I ordered a gun to be moved by land to the main gate and when they realised that it would be fired to break open the doors, they opened the doors and surrendered. All were arrested by the Prosecutor General, and with the consent of the Visitor and the Provincial they were sent by me, some to Agoada, the leaders to its lighthouse, others to Marmagoa where they were imprisoned to be opportunely punished by their superiors. I shall see that they get exemplary punishment."
These and other excesses compelled the zealous Provincial of the regular Observance to propose to His Majesty that he should send to the Province of St. Thomas a Higher Superior to govern the Province for three years; and also send every year, 12 individuals competent to work in the same Province, whose expenses would be incurred by the province. The Provincial wisely added that the Superior and Friars from the Kingdom should be first well examined and their actions observed both as to their competency in literature as well as in the exercise of spiritual life. He hoped that they would instil new blood into the decaying Province of St. Thomas, if not in promoting virtue which was not much cultivated by the Friars in Portugal, at least in imparting secular instruction; and he further proposed that the Superiors and the Friars to be sent here should be of the Province of Algarve, and not of Portugal, so as to avoid the recurrence of animosities which were hardly extinct between the Province of India and the one which was its mother and tutor. These continuous monastic disturbances caused so many worries to the State that Governors and Viceroys notified the Court of the happenings thus: "Nothing causes such great worry to one who governs this State and in which he lives, as these incessant monastic disturbances of the Friars working in these parts, excepting the Dominicans and the Priests of the Society of Jesus, for these alone live a religiously good life, here as elsewhere. What is unbearable is the uneasiness caused, for no sooner had the Religious of St. Augustine become quiet than the Capuchins, Franciscans and the Carmelites started disturbances of their own; this state of affairs we place before Your Majesty, that you may communicate to us as to how we should deal with the dissensions of these Friars, who instead of spending their time in the conversion of infidels, pass their time in private avocations, thus giving one the impression that their cloister is more a barrack of soldiers than a habitation of monks." And again: "The Friars in India are very independent, and in serious cases when no other course is available, they have recourse to the Judge of the Crown whom they hold as an heretic, and give little obedience. One Viceroy alone would be not sufficient to deal with these monastic disturbances, even if he had no other work in India. This problem needs a more efficacious remedy. Since they are exempt from the jurisdiction of the Archbishop, his authority is to them a kind of mockery. The priests who do not cause us worry are those belonging to the Society of Jesus and it looks as if these are the only ones in India who live a true religious life." And in another letter: "In India, Sir, the Friars are insolent, and since they have no Provincial to govern them, and the Crown whose decisions are more necessary to them here than anywhere else, is far away they are disrespectful, and hence one sees a number of quarrels among them (excluding the modest and exemplary life of the Society of Jesus)." Also in another letter: "I declare to Your Majesty that the serious difficulties the Viceroys have here are connected with the Friars; and since I have to pay much attention to matters of government, the unrest of the Friars is a burden on me that takes away all the time at my disposal."
After this there is a distinct interval of peace. It is known that the Franciscan Friars in the year 1700 worked according to the rules laid down in their Constitutions, perhaps in order to gather strength for new internal and external dissensions, with which they would be mixed up in the next century.
XVIII
The interval was not long. New dissentions followed and the Commissary General being unable to control them was compelled to return to the Kingdom, unhappy and burdened with documents of searches.
Friars from the Churches of Bardes, at least the greater number of them, as a representation made against them in the name of the Province of Bardes would have us believe, were among the more licentious friars. This was the opinion of the Viceroy, Count of Ericeira: "I do not think that the scandals caused by the Friars of St. Francis, Parish Priests of the Province of Bardes, could be avoided, unless Your Majesty entrusts these churches to the priests of the Society of Jesus." The relations between the two factions, always battling in the arena belonging to the Chapters (Capitulos), reached total rupture and thus the Province was divided into two factions, with two Provincials and two Definitors thus being exposed to the most complete anarchy. Each faction pursued the other furiously; and the vanquished, now of this party now of the other, fled to the land of the infidels.
At this time, an ambitious Friar, who hailed from the Capuchin Province of Madre de Deus, and resided for years in Portugal, describing himself as a son of the Province of St. Thomas, and claiming to be competent to pacify and moderate the restless spirits of the Province, managed to obtain powers from the General of the whole Franciscan Order and a Brief from the Apostolic See, as a special Delegate of these authorities, to take charge of the disturbed Province. For a time the disturbances ceased, as is testified by the Viceroy, Joao de Saldanha da Gama:-- "In electing persons to the charge of the Churches and Missions, he imitated his predecessors and the old traditions among the Franciscans in India: for most of the Provincials, looking to their own conveniences and factions appointed unfit persons to these posts." From this resulted Representations from worthy Friars to the Court against this Superior and against the manner of his appointment, branding it, perhaps with some foundation, as intrusive and surreptitious.
It is true that other Friars during that period were not much superior to the Franciscans in this respect, excepting the Congregation of the Oratory, who maintained their incipient fervour and the Jesuits who, profiting by the excesses perpetrated by the other Orders, and passing off as models of religious life, with the help of the Juntas of the Missions, knew how to build and extend their empire throughout the world.
XIX
The Archbishops too took advantage of the excesses and disturbances caused by the Friars to further their own ends. The last disturbance caused by the Franciscans paved the way for the Archbishop, D. Ignacio de Santa Tereza, to renew the old plan of a few of his predecessors to throw out the Friars from the Churches of Bardes. The Archbishop was full of arrogance and pride as well as hypocrisy and fanaticism. His ambition was to bring under his jurisdiction not only the Regular Clergy but the State of India. During the long period of 18 years of his government he was the cause not only of serious conflicts, but also continuous fights with the Viceroys.
As we have already mentioned, the last disturbances, having weakened more and more the prestige of the Province, helped the Archbishop in obtaining from the Overseas Council, on the 7th of April 1728, the authority to place in charge of the Churches of Bardes secular clerics, worthy to do parochial work both by virtue of their knowledge and habits, as well as by competency in the local language; and failing these, the Regulars possessing qualities necessary to fulfil the obligations of the ministry, together with the power of expelling the Franciscans, if found wanting in these qualities. No sooner had the Archbishop received the Provisao than he started to execute it by methods so much in keeping with his ambitious and turbulent character that he threw into complete confusion not only the villages of Bardes but all the existing Orders of the State. The Viceroy, Civil Tribunals, Franciscans and all those who felt offended and threatened by the processes, excommunications and censures of the Archbishop, sent their grievances to the Court; His Majesty soon decided to introduce no changes in the matter and retained the Franciscans in the same situation in which they lived before the despatch of the Decree of 1728, and suspended the execution of the decree until after mature deliberation and thorough examination of the affair, he should decide as to what was proper. His Majesty expressed his surprise that the Archbishop should exceed his jurisdiction and that the Franciscan Provincial should show lack of reverence on this occasion to the Archbishop.
During the following monsoon (under date 12th April 1731) a fresh provisional decree was issued by the Court, empowering the Archbishop to grant certain privileges to the Friars, who were in charge of the parishes of Bardes; and in the event of a vacancy occurring, this was to be filled in by one of the same Friars, who by virtue of the rights given by the Archbishop to the Regular Superior, would be examined by him and given a certificate of fitness for the ministry in virtue of learning, moral life and knowledge of the vernacular language; and in the event of any Parish Priest in charge of the Churches being found guilty, ignorant or incompetent in the vernacular, by the Archbishop or his Visitors, he was to be removed and sent to the Regular Superior to be punished or to be instructed and the Superior was then to nominate one who was competent and approved as per required form.
The same decision was given on a further representation of the Archbishop and the Provincial by the Order of April 3rd 1732, repeating that the Archbishop should remove any Parish Priest ignorant of the language and send him to the Superior Regular for studies.
Again in the year 1744, the same order was repeated to the Archbishop with the declaration that the Definitors or Superior Regulars, as the case may be, should nominate to churches only those of their subjects, who had at the time the power to hear confessions of both the sexes, granted to them by the governing Archbishop; and that the Parish Priests who had been removed should be debarred from any appointment to churches until they had cleared themselves of accusations or the impediments that had caused their removal or suspension; and that the Archbishop could effect such removal or suspension without his personal visit. This was applicable to one and all the Orders that have their Priests as Parish Priest in this State.
XX
The Franciscans during this epoch tenaciously resisted learning the vernacular. As we have noted (§ XVI) it was discovered that the authors of the famous Decree of the Count of Alvor, were the Franciscans and that they wanted all the Courts of Justice to execute it, as their own. They made representations against the Archbishop through the Overseas Council to the effect that he opposed the Alvara (Charter) and prohibited the teaching of the Portuguese language and the study of it by the Brahmins. With reference to thi3 representation the Viceroy, Count of Sandomil, being asked his views replied that it was ascertained that the Pastoral whilst obliging the Parish Priests to learn the vernacular did not forbid the parishioners to study Portuguese for which public schools existed in all the parishes. The Portuguese language was taught as proposed in the Decree; but the people of the place in general being rude and poor, living by manual labour, and unable to frequent schools, were unable to talk, chiefly in a way as to be able to make themselves understood in the sacrament of Confession. For the worthy use of the sacrament, it was necessary that the Parish Priests apply themselves to the knowledge of the vernacular, as desired by the Archbishop in his Pastoral. This would be of use if it was put into execution.
It looks as if the Count of Sandomil had not read the Decree of the Count of Alvor, otherwise he could not have affirmed that the Pastoral, ordering the Parish Priests to study the vernacular of the place was not opposed to the Charter, which directed that the use of the vernacular should cease within three years and at the same time commanded that the Parish Priests should teach Christian doctrine in the Portuguese language. It is possible that the Count of Sandomil and his Ministers did not wish to declare to the Tribunal that the Count of Alvor and his Ministers went against commonsense to suit the indolence and negligence of the Franciscans.
The Franciscans at the same time represented through the Mesa da Consciencia 45 [Mesa da consciencia was a tribunal in Lisbon instituted by the King John III, to decide matters of conscience. We understand that such a tribunal existed even in Goa.] that the Archbishop prevented the Parish Priests from observing the provisions of the Decree of the Count of Alvor, which required that the natives should talk the Portuguese language, and that the Parish Priests should teach the doctrine in the same language; to which the Tribunal replied that in so far as it concerns the fulfilment of the general Decree, the Friars could not be taken as parties (the Mesa da Consciencia hardly suspected that they were its authors) and that the Viceroy would see to its execution if he felt it was proper. The orders of the Archbishop were to be observed in so far as the Doctrine was concerned, for one could justly conclude that it would be easier for the Parish Priest to learn the language of the place and be examined in the same than for all the parishioners, mostly rude peasants, to learn the Portuguese language. And the Archbishop was advised to see that this was observed. This reply greatly honoured the Mesa da Consciencia and put to shame the Overseas Council. Again in the year 1739, urged anew by the Franciscan Friars, this last Tribunal ordered the Viceroy to execute fully the said Decree of the 17th March 1687, chiefly regarding the teaching of the Portuguese language in the schools; and to take special care to see that the Parish Priests knew the vernacular and were examined in the same according to the royal orders. This is a contradictory resolution, for both the Decree of the Count of Alvor and the Royal edict which confirmed it, absolutely excluded all use of the vernacular its aim being to exempt the Parish Priests from learning it.
From this time onwards no official document ever made reference to these decrees; but although its recommendations and doctrine were obsolete, the evil was done, and the impulse to the abandonment of the language given.
XXI
Had the Franciscans been men who looked ahead and not immersed in the pleasures of the present, instead of urging the observance of these absurd orders which they had inspired, they would have endeavoured to disarm the Archbishop by correcting their lives and fulfilling the obligations of the Ministry. But all the time they strayed from the correct path.
The Rector of the Church of Colvale laid violent hands on his own Curate, a native priest in the Church which at the time was filled with people; and when censured by the Archbishop with connivance with the friars gave a satirical reply. As the offended party, the Archbishop complained to the Court. The Overseas Council thereupon forwarded a Decree censuring the conduct of the Provincial, for not having punished the insolence of the accused and ordered them to quit Goa and its districts immediately. This was carried out, though after some years the ban was lifted, due to the clemency of the King.
About the same time there was such intense discord in the Cloisters that Fr. Jeronimo de Belem, Capuchin Friar and Judge of Second Instance of the Observants, felt it necessary to implore the help of civil authority to enable him to induct in the Convent the newly elected Vicar Provincial, and arrest the predecessor with his followers; having secured the help of the Prosecutor General of Crime he left for the Convent, with a company of Grenadiers, but found all the doors of the Convent closed and the Friars prepared to offer resistance, ready with guns at the windows of their dormitory. The Prosecutor General appealed to the friars repeatedly in the name of His Majesty to desist from resistance; but not only did they insist on continuing their challenge, but on the contrary aggravated it by abusive expressions against this action and its executors, and rang the alarm bell as if they were attacked. It was then that the Prosecutor ordered the doors to be broken open with the consent and authority of the Judge, and inducted the Friars who sought admission, but was unable to arrest those in the Convent for the simple reason that they had fled to the Patriarchal Palace where they had planned their flight.
His Majesty approved of this procedure and ordered all the leaders of the resistance to be expelled from Goa; but as this command reached Goa at the time when the Friars had composed their differences and were living in unity and peace, at least apparently, and the State was at the time disturbed and troubled over the war with the Marathas the Viceroy suspended the execution of the order.
The Franciscan Friars living in such a state gave cause to the residents of Bardes to frame complaints against the Friars who were manning the Churches; but in order to minimise the gravity of these complaints the Provincial represented to His Majesty that they were instigated by the native priests, whom he accused of being weak in faith, attached to idolatry, and sworn enemies of the Portuguese. We are inclined to believe that there was some truth in this allegation, although the Governor in his representation maintains that the views expressed by the Provincial were tendentious, contained little or no truth, and that in no way could they exculpate Franciscan excesses; and we cannot but agree with the Governor, when in the same representation he says: "If the Superiors of the Province had taken care to educate their Friars in the observance of their Holy Statutes in the Cloister of their Order, enabling them to live a truly religious life in the presbyteries of their parishes, without forgetting their regular discipline; and if they had with the same care selected as Parish Priests elderly Friars of good conduct, the parishioners would not have had occasion, as the case is now, for complaining.
XXII
The Metropolitan Government agreeing with the principles enunciated by the Governors of India, tried their best to think out ways and means which would be conducive to bring the Friars to the observance of the laws of their institution and regular discipline and to appoint to the parishes more worthy and better behaved priests. To achieve this end, His Majesty on the 16th of April 1736, issued a circular to the Superiors; but the latter solicited its immediate suspension, pointing out certain ambiguities, and after mature consideration, the Mesa da Consciencia deemed it fit to suspend the said circular, with a proviso that until a fresh order was issued no change should be made. This new order came in the year 1743. The Provincial was thereby told that a Friar should not be given the charge of a church, unless he had completed forty years of age, and fifteen of religious life. The Provincial demurred on the ground that he had not a sufficient number of Friars with such qualifications. This was only a specious reason, since it was known that the Province had on its roll 33 qualified Friars while the Parishes were 24 in all. With this and other fifty pretexts, the execution of the order was delayed but finally its observance was ordered without fail by another decree of 1749.
On his part the Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de S. Maria, on the 21st of November, 1745, published a Pastoral with the same end in view. But certain points therein treated displeased the Franciscans, Parish Priests of Bardes, in consequence of which they had recourse to the Judge of the Court. And as the same Pastoral seemed to be offensive to the privileges of the Procurator of the Crown, he too appealed against the same. These appeals brought about a formal rupture between the Archbishop and the Viceroy, in the course of which, the Archbishop imitated the excesses of his predecessors.
In the opinion of the Marquez de Pombal, the Archbishop was a simple and virtuous Prelate, but incompetent Pastor 46 [Instructions issued to the Archbishop of Goa in 1774. Instruction 5th.] who gave evidence of his incompetence in a controversy with the Franciscans at this same time (1749).
As usual there were two factions among these Friars. The ruling one followed the Superior, whilst the other desired to capture power. Each of them necessarily needed reform, for both were equally lax. Neither possessed the seraphic spirit of its Patriarch; in both of them ambition to rule was predominant, disobedience and irregularity in behaviour were too patent. The faction which was without power left no stone unturned to get it, and finally under pretext of reform they tried to put into execution a Brief of Cardinal Oddi, Nuncio at Lisbon, issued on the 8th of May 1743. This was secured by one of the factionists, this fact not being disclosed till the 6th of June 1747. When they tried to put the Brief into execution, the Nuncio had already left the Court of Lisbon; and the opposite faction questioned its validity. This party led by the Provincial expressed surprise that Friars, who were not themselves setting a worthy example and whose life was even more scandalous, should claim to reform them.
Then in the monsoon of 1749, by an order of the Commissary General of the Franciscan Friars, the Archbishop was invested with ample powers of jurisdiction in the Province of St. Thomas.
In the execution of this mandate, the Archbishop acted so imprudently and with such indiscretion that instead of bringing about peace and order, he fanned the flames of disorder among the Franciscans. It was under these circumstances that in the year 1754, the Very Rev. Provincial had to request the help of civil authority against the Priest of the Province next in rank to the Superior, for it was he who for nine years was the cause of fomenting looseness among the Friars at the time manning the churches of Bardes, and was guilty of grave simony in making appointments.
It is not known whether the Provincial placed any restraint on the simony, but it is certain that he did not succeed in repressing the pride and insolence of his subjects. It has been already seen how all the Departments of the State: Ecclesiastical, Political, Judicial and Military had proved the temper of the Franciscans. There was only one corporation namely the Senate of the Chamber (Camara) which being inoffensive, seemed to be clear of the conflict. This one, too, had its part in the conflict in the year 1756. On the day of the Feast of the Immaculate Conception celebrated in the Convent of St. Francis, the Senate in a body, accompanied the Procession, at which four of its high officials, according to immemorial customs and very old mandates, were holding the rods of the Canopy. The Franciscans who with their community had joined the Procession violently wrenched the rods from the bands of the said citizens in the middle of the road, and thereby caused a scandal, with the result that the offended Senate retired from the Procession and went back to the Chamber. It is true that the Provincial and the Guardian personally went to the Chamber to offer their apologies on behalf of the recalcitrant Friars, and at the same time declared that in this these Friars had disobeyed their Superior and assured the Senate that the accomplices of this offence had been punished. However, since the offence was a public one, the Senate demanded a public reparation. This matter finally reached the Court but it would be useless to deal with it here.
XXIII
On the 29th of March, 1759, Thome Joaquim da Costa Real, Secretary of State, wrote a letter to the Provincial regarding the deplorable condition of the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas. This letter deserves to be given here in its entirety.
"His Majesty has been apprised of the scandals caused in this State by the looseness of the lives of the Franciscan Friars, and by the culpable omission in not compelling them to the exact observance of its Holy Office, permitting a few to live outside their cloisters, without obedience and without discipline, and others to carryon unsuitable avocations improper to their profession, under the pretext of their being assistants of the Parish Priests in charge of Churches administered by members from the same Community. Moreover, the zeal of the Superior in improving and instructing his subjects has reached such a state of decadence, that men are admitted to the Religious Order and the profession of vows has been accepted even of those who are ignorant of the Latin language and thereby ignorance is perpetuated; what is more, they have accepted for sacred orders students declared unfit by the Diocesan Prelate, and issued dimissory letters 47 [Letters sent from one bishop to another in favour of one who stands candidate for holy orders in another diocese.] to Bishops of other Dioceses where they were not residing; and finally they have introduced the pernicious abuse of appointing to the Churches Friars under the name of Rectors, just to reside there with the purpose of recovering the revenues and handing them over to the Definitors of the Order who lived in the Convent. As the abovementioned disorders could not fail to produce a great impression on the most religious spirit of the King, he has commanded me to recommend to Your Reverence to diligently seek to reform the Friars, your subjects, making them observe fully your Holy Constitution, live an exemplary life and thereby to put an end to the scandals in this State caused by them, and that in the admission of the Novices you should hold the examination necessary for the purpose, in order to enable them to become worthy ministers. Lastly His Majesty orders me to signify to Your Reverence that he was much surprised at the pernicious abuse introduced in the appointments to churches, not only because it is incompatible with the profession of poverty to accept revenues and allowance, which are assigned to the Definitors, but also because it is contrary to the end for which they were granted, namely to the real Parish Priests, who reside in the churches. It being understood that should perchance His Majesty come to know that the old disorders continue to prevail, the said churches would be handed over to the Religious of another Order, who would loyally carry out His Majesty's orders."
On the same date the Secretary of State wrote to the Archbishop giving the substance of the above mentioned letter adding: "If, however, from the recommendations mentioned in the above letter, the good results which are naturally expected do not issue, and should Your Excellency deem it fit to go in for reform, you may approach either the Apostolic See, or the General of the Seraphic Order, who when confronted with a report regarding the laxity of the Friars will not withhold permission for such a reform."
This is an ingenuous but a solemn confession that the regime of the Religious Orders was both outside the jurisdiction of the King and that of the Diocesan Prelate.
Although, as was feared by the Secretary of State, the expected results did not accrue from these recommendations, it is not known whether the Archbishop solicited this reform either from the Apostolic See or the General of the Seraphic Order, as suggested. The dissensions, however, continued to prevail in the Convents, more or less openly, until in the year 1767 they burst into a public uproar with such frenzy of insolence and mutual accusations and unheard of scandals that the Governors had to have recourse to armed forces, imprison some of the Friars and adopt other measures to bring back to obedience the individuals who rebelled against their Superior. Those who were guilty were ordered by the Court to be repatriated to Portugal; and without further scruples and without any consideration to monastic exemptions the Court ordered that complete submission be given by the Friars to the Archbishop who would reform and give deserved punishment. But at the time this order was put into effect, the Province was manned by a two-headed monster, two Vicars Provincial, each one alleging the justice of his election. The Governor with great difficulty managed to allay the storm, arresting and deporting to the Kingdom under orders such of the most incorrigible leaders, as had not already fled to lands outside Portuguese rule.
XXIV
Whilst the shameless domestic dissensions weakened and defamed the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas, other questions cropped up; one regarding the appointment to be made for the posts of the Churches of Bardes, as proposed by the Holy Office, about the terms of which decree we have no sufficient knowledge; the other, which goes against the previous one, renewed the old claim of expelling the Religious from the Parishes of Bardes: a claim so many times attempted to be put into execution, yet, very successfully resisted by the same Religious.
Against the behaviour of the Franciscans as Parish Priests the Camara Geral of Bardes, during the monsoon of 1765, sent a representation to His Majesty with the following charge: "The administration of the Churches is being entirely carried out by the Curates, who are native secular priests. The Friars cannot do this, due to their ignorance of the vernacular, nor can they be expected to learn the vernacular since they have not done so till this day. The curates also administer other sacraments and in spite of this they are judged incompetent to hold charge of the parishes, although on removal of the Jesuits from the Churches in Goa and Salsete, many of the native clerics have been posted to the same churches. They are learned and possess good character and are good moralists." In view of this complaint the Government in a letter dated 23rd April 1766, recommended to the Archbishop to use efficacious and opportune measures and thereby to save from the hands of wolves and mercenaries the sheep of the Lord, and to hand them over to the proper Parish Priests, who would feed them with the fruits of doctrine and of edifying examples. The Archbishop was again reminded of the previously enacted Royal Orders which said: "The Parishes ought to be preferably given to the native priests and such foreigners, as know the local language, since this is the only way of feeding the flock. Those who do not know the language, will find the bleatings of the flock incomprehensible and will not be able to impart to the flock nourishing food. Your Excellency should choose priests for the churches according to their qualifications not all together, but one by one; beginning with those parishes where the priests have been giving scandal and rejecting whatever claims of fact or right their Superiors may make, as you may think right and proper."
According to the Marques de Pombal, the Archbishop, D. Antonio Teixeira de Neiva Brum da Silveira, was a virtuous and a good cleric but a bad Archbishop, unintelligent, inactive and slack. Yet when dealing with the task of making appointments to the parishes, he did not prove at all that he was inactive and slack. On the contrary, he at once invited applications on merits and allotted 19 parishes to the worthy native clerics, the Friars retaining for themselves only five. The contradictory statements made by the members of village communities now in favour of the Archbishop, now in favour of the Friars, are indeed curious. Astonished and shocked, the Friars appealed to the Court, and during the monsoon of 1767, submitted a long exposition or an apologia recounting all the services they had formerly rendered to the Church and the State and trying to belittle the accusations levelled against them. With reference to their proficiency in the languages they say: "By an order passed in the year 1744, the Archbishop was empowered to examine the Regulars for their appointment as confessor and then to confer on them the post. This order, however, was not executed with the result that report went round that they were ignorant of the language, and under the specious pretext of ignorance of the vernaculars, the way was open to direct representations against them. The pontifical bulls which required that the Parish Priests should possess knowledge of the vernacular for the necessary administration of the sacraments, went to the root of their competence to man the parishes. For the better understanding of this question, it is necessary to bear in mind that the greater part of the Province of Bardes is situated about half a league from the Island of Goa, and the residents of the remote villages of Bardes could conveniently conduct their business in Goa within the course of a day, and get back to their homes, with the result that from this frequent intercourse one could safely conclude that hardly a civilised native is ignorant of the Portuguese language, as is represented to be the case. Taking for granted what is said above, it was also true that the Archbishop would not grant jurisdiction to any subject of the appellant (Provincial) to be Parish Priests of Bardes churches unless, in addition to the necessary faculties given by the Archbishop to hear confession. the candidate presented two other sworn certificates, one testifying that he had passed the examination in Moral Theology, and the other testifying to knowledge of the vernacular. Both these certificates were to be issued by the Observant Examiners, appointed by the Archbishop, according to Royal Resolution of 1744. This being well known, it is clear that there could not have been a Parish Priest 'who was ignorant of the vernacular. However, this is not so; not because the Order is wanting in Friars, instructed in the languages, they are more in number to the 24 Parishes of Bardes; 48 [A certificate issued by the examiner to the Archbishop indicates that there were 41 Religious who knew the language of the place. The Examiner was a Franciscan.] but knowing that the residents of many parishes know Portuguese, the Archbishop consented to the appointment of those who did not know the vernacular, on condition, however, that the more remote and less civilised parishes should be supplied by priests who know the language of the place. Thus there are fifteen Friars holding such parishes besides three companions who are conversant with the language; 49 [Information gathered from a certificate of the Secretariat of the Province.] so that there are only six Parishes in charge of Friars who are ignorant of the language where it is really needed. The Appellant does not intend thereby to infer that all the 41 Friars his subjects, who have the knowledge of the vernacular, are preachers or can preach on the mysteries of faith and similar topics: for there are few native priests who have enough knowledge to do so in view of the fact that the common idiom which is current among the really intelligent natives is Marathi, the vernacular of the region. The Rev. Fr. Constantino Alves, Promoter, Judge of Ecclesiastical Court and Parish Priest for life of St. Bartholomeu of Chorao, and the Rev. Gabriel Fernandes Noronha, Licentiate and also Justice of the Ecclesiastical Court and Parish Priest for life of St. Mathias, who are otherwise intelligent and have long service as Parish Priests have never till this day preached in their mother tongue, nor even attempted to give a Sunday homily to their parishioners. This however, is being done repeatedly by Priests subject to the Appellant, in their churches, where they frequently instruct the infidels in Christian doctrine. The Appellant very much desires that this question be ventilated in Goa, where it is well known by the people even without further proof of what is evident; and in justification he cites to His Majesty the case of many Indians who are in Lisbon and of native inhabitants of Goa both of whom without doubt, would fail in translating the Portuguese language into their own; Hence they could not blame the Friars in the Churches of Bardes for lack of knowledge of the vernacular nor conclude that in the Province of the Appellant there is lack of this knowledge."
All this artful exposition of the Provincial could not hide the following facts: First, if there were some civilised natives to whom the Portuguese language was not entirely foreign, undoubtedly there was also a far greater number of less civilised ones and women and children who did not know it. Secondly if the natives were not very proficient in the vernacular, the Franciscan Friars were even less; there being parishes served by men without any knowledge of it.
Let us, however, hear the views held by the Governor, D. Joao Jose de Mello, regarding the Exposition of the Provincial: "During those happy days when the (Franciscan) Province sowed in India the first seeds of the Gospel; when its true sons continued in the ways that made them outstanding in the exercise of religion, virtue and good example, when they worked to drive away the darkness of paganism, and to erect altars to the true God: then shepherds who sincerely applied themselves to feeding the flock with the spiritual nourishment which was so much needed were sent to the flock of the 24 Parishes of Bardes from this Province. But, in the deplorable state to which the Province has now been reduced due to dissolute life and laxity in their holy institute, appointments of mercenaries are made to churches in place of shepherds who would guard their flock, feed it with nourishing doctrine, example and edification. This is the general practice, but Friars are not wanting, who are men of character, who by their virtue and doctrine have distinguished themselves and are indeed an exception; but in truth most of the Parish Priests are only anxious to change from mendicants to owners of wealth and stock, in the enjoyment of which they set a bad example by their irregular life. What is more worthy of note is the fact that few of these spiritual shepherds can understand the bleatings of the sheep they are bound to feed; and their laxity has even done away in this Province with the use of a chair which the zeal of their predecessors had introduced with the aim of imparting instruction to the Friars in the native tongue to carry the Gospel to the missions and the people of the region. This is the way and this is the useful manner by which the Holy Province has looked after the Parishes; If in the hands of the native clerics they have not derived great profit, at least there are clerics among them who are imbued with more sound and solid qualities. These are, indeed, less respected, and there are some among them owing to whose lives the Churches have also suffered; they are easily led by their own interests are slow to perform works of charity proper to their avocation and are wanting in that authority that brings back to the fold the lost sheep, and in giving the shelter of which the sheep are in need; but they are not ignorant, they understand the flock they feed, and know more easily the evils and spiritual infection to which the flocks are susceptible; they are doctors of their own country, who understand the ailments that attack the different climes, and their efficacious remedies; and their defects which consist in not being respected and looked up to, may be made good by their superiors and their tendency to look after their interests checked, without infringing on the privileges of the regular priests whom they succeed."
With reference to these views we shall just note here that whilst the Governor of India declared that the laxity of the friars had even destroyed in this Province the use of a Chair which the early zeal had introduced with the aim of imparting instructions to Friars in the local language, the Province at the same time presented to the Governor individual information regarding its Friars, in which one of them is called Master of the language of the country which he teaches in the Convent of St. Francis at Goa. From the documents at his disposal the reader may judge where the truth lies.
XXV
When the Franciscans saw that they were irrevocably expelled from the parishes of Bardes, they tried to hold on to five Churches on the plea that they were foundations acquired by way of donations and bequests made in favour of the Order and not of the State. These five Churches were: Penha da Franca, Pomburpa, Oxel, Reis Magos and S. Lourenco de Linhares. This is not the place to discuss the merits of the case; but we cannot help noting that when the Friars, in 1660, foresaw their expulsion, they were laying foundation to their claim to these Churches in their petitions to His Majesty by trying to raise them cunningly to the category of Convents, which the latter were not, nor ever had been.
The decision in this affair was pending before the Court, and the Camara Geral of Bardes or someone on behalf of the same, fearing that the Friars might obtain a favourable decision, represented the matter to the Court, attacking the Friars' claims. The Camara reiterated the old charges presented before the Court against the Friars, and drawing a comparison with the native clerics said:
"The allegations were made to His Majesty stating that the native clerics were ill-behaved and incapable of manning churches and like demons, who incessantly pursue souls, are envious of' those who occupy the chairs whence they have been ejected. This allegation is entirely false for the Franciscans have done all their parish work and do so still with the help of native clerics. It is only now that the latter have been considered incapable of enjoying the benefices in this State although in the past they have been approved of by the synodal examination, and have been given charge for life of Churches in Goa and the Province of Salsete and of this city. When they go to minister to the people of the Missions of Canara and the north countries inhabited by infidels, they have to go through a lot of hardship, in the service of God and that of Your Majesty." They submit certificates of the Curates of these five Churches, that the present Franciscans as well their predecessors were never able to preach in the vernacular, being ignorant of the same.
Reporting on this Representation the Governor, D. Joao Jose de Mello, states as follows: "I think it right to state that even supposing the Friars in India are not normally the best of pastors, they are not so bad as the native clerics whose spirit in general is that of ambition, meanness, drunkenness and lack of zeal and charity ... If the native clerics were in general worthy to hold the Churches, it is unbelievable that so many people of old were deceived about them, so that many orders, which had been often issued for the removal of the Friars from the Parishes, and for the appointment in their place of native clergy were cancelled. With more information and better knowledge of the case it might be concluded that the native clerics were commonly regarded as incompetent for the ministry whilst the Friars, conversant with the vernacular, were more useful".
This information was entirely contrary to the one given by the same Governor two years before (XXIV); and this contradiction has only one explanation, namely, the generosity of the Governor in lending a helping hand to the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas at a solemn moment when the Province was doomed to complete and shameful ruin since the Court was resolved during this monsoon to reduce the Province to a diminished number of houses and members.
The reward, however, meted out by the Friars for the heavy sacrifice of his earlier opinion by the Governor was insults and abuse of his person and dignity, publicised outrageously and insolently, in the midst of the election delirium, so frequent in the cloisters.
The loss of the last five churches of Bardes, which soon followed, ends the history of the Franciscan Friars so far as it concerns our subject. One who may take upon himself to present the chronicles of the Franciscan Order, may deal with further controversies of the Order with the Archbishops, the continuation of Chapter discords, and finally their public and cloistered life, till the final suppression of Religious Orders.
In conclusion we may assert that the influence of Franciscans of the Province of St. Thomas was harmful to the language of the country acknowledging at the same time, that a few of them, more illustrious and more pious than most of their confreres, worked for the grammatical and literary culture of the language. But the work printed by them is rare probably due to the Superiors' lack of interest. Their writings were very soon forgotten, and thus the laudable desire of the authors to propagate the language was in vain.
XXVI
If the Jesuits did not write more in the vernaculars than the Franciscans, undoubtedly they wrote with more felicity. They could print a number of books, the sole printing press in Goa at the time being at their disposal, and thereby they gave impetus and vigour to the vernacular. The Jesuits were, in no way, accomplices in the persecution of this language. It is the Secretary of the State, Francisco Xavier de Mendonca, the Marquez de Pombal, himself who bears out our statement, and the testimony coming from such a source is above suspicion. The Government of Portugal issued an order to the effect that in place of the schools conducted by the Society, a college be instituted for native clerics. In the Minutes of the statutes of the same College the Minister writes: "The Chairs which appear to us more appropriate to the curriculum to be allowed in the college referred to, are the following: The first ought to be for those who will instruct in the vernacular of the places where there are churches and Missions, examining the records of the Jesuits for methods by which they taught the language."
It is true that he adds immediately: "Provided they are firstly well revised and expurgated," since the Grammars were suspected to have received infiltration of the subtle Jesuit poison.
The Grammars composed by the Franciscans in those days were so much in oblivion that the Government had no knowledge of them. Hence it was laid down that should there not be among them books left by the Jesuits. The lack was to be made good from those of the Fathers of the Congregation, or others which may be newly written at public cost with their Vocabularies.
It is not known whether other Religious Orders contributed work in the language of the country.
XVI
We have now reached the year 1684, a memorable year, when the Government sentenced to extermination the vernacular of the place. Till then the ecclesiastical as well as the civil powers had been mindful of the real need of the knowledge and the study of the language. Not many years earlier the Viceroy, Antonio de Mello de Castro, had declared that he himself was learning the language with a view to governing his subjects well, and the royal commands were inflexible in ordering the clerics in charge of parishes to learn the vernaculars.
At this juncture, however, and surprisingly indeed, the Viceroy, Francis de Tavora, Count of Alvor, on the 27th of June of the year 1684 published a Decree of Law which whilst removing the obstacles placed regarding the marriage of native Christian widows, decrees the following: "in order to put an end to all inconveniences, it would be suitable to set aside the use of the vernacular idiom and to insist that all apply themselves to speak Portuguese since the use of both the languages at one and the same time gives cause to various inconveniences, including that of not being understood. Thereby the Parish Priests would be able to suitably explain the mysteries of faith which may not be properly explained as their importance demands, either because the Parish Priest cannot speak freely the vernacular, or the people are unable to understand Portuguese; in as much as, ignorance of one or the other would be prejudicial not only to their civil intercourse but also to the good of their soul and to make intercommunication easy, the people of the place shall try to learn the Portuguese language; the Parish Priests and the school teachers shall impart instruction in that language so that in course of time the Portuguese idiom will be common to one and all, to the exclusion of the mother tongue; and to achieve this end the language used in sermons and meetings shall be Portuguese, until it comes into daily use; and, therefore, I assign three years, a period within which the Portuguese language ought to be studied and spoken. Moreover, this language alone should be used by the people in these parts in their dealings and other contracts which they may wish to enter into, those using the vernacular being severely punished for not obeying this mandate."
And in spite of the stupidity of these views and absurdity of such a regulation, there was a Procurator of the Crown and Ministers who advised His Majesty to confirm this Decree" because its execution would help the governance and the preservation of the rule in the Estate of India." An indigenous writer of our times apparently laments that this regal abortion was not rigorously observed. 44 [O Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas 1846, Vol. I, p. 100.]
A careful reading of the edict, just transcribed, indicates who were the principal authors responsible for the promulgation of such an order. They were the Parish Priests who were ordered to learn the vernacular and who being more interested in their own comforts than in the interests of religion gave the Viceroy to understand that it would be easier to force all the people to learn Portuguese and thus remove from the few the burden of the study of the vernacular. And since not all Viceroys were like Antonio de Mello de Castro, they succeeded in inveigling the illustrious Tavora into subscribing to their nefarious designs. Who these advisers might have been would have been a close secret had not they revealed themselves after many years. This revelation is found in the Provision of the Overseas Council, dated the 19th January 1732, in the following terms: "I, the Viceroy and the Captain General of the State of India, make it known to you, that the Provincial and other Friars of the Order of St. Francis of the Province of St. Thomas made a representation to me, and it has been confirmed by me thereafter in the Decree dated the 17th March 1687, and again by another issued to the Provincial by the then Viceroy, the Count of Alvor, that the natives of the place take to talking Portuguese and be catechised and taught in the same language. It was found that this would be profitable both for the welfare of their souls as well the security of Portuguese dominions in these parts; and that although this continues up to this time, the Archbishop of this City by a Pastoral ordered that the Portuguese language be not taught and that the Brahmins should not learn it. And, as the Province of the petitioners is at present in charge of the Parishes of these lands, as a result of previous experience and by reason of the harm that would accrue both to the spiritual life and the stability of the State, if these measures, in which the Archbishop had no right to interfere, were observed; the friars requested me to command him to observe the Decrees, and acquiesce to their petitions. It appeared to me that the Petitioners be allowed to observe the said Decrees."
From this Provisao it is clear that the decrees were granted to the Franciscans as per their request and insinuations. The decaying state of the Province and the qualities found in the individuals normally holding the office of Parish Priests of the Churches of Bardes, explain why, even though in the Province there were teachers and writers conversant with the language, there prevailed in influential minds the scheme of suppressing with a stroke of pen the language of the people. They knew well that the enterprise was beyond human power; but to calm their conscience, any pretext, however absurd it may have been, was considered sufficient.
In spite of their absurdity, these Charters have not been yet revoked and it is from this date that begins the abandonment of the language and the progressive and extraordinary corruption of the same in Goa, a corruption which was already noticeable at the beginning of the last century.
XVII
Having come to know the identity of the real authors of the official persecution of the local language, it will be interesting to follow, though cursorily, the further steps on the way to error taken during this epoch, which was far from glorious to the Franciscan Order in India.
First, the less regard the Franciscans paid to their religious duties, the more were the rewards and advantages they sought. They turned the general baptisms celebrated in their Goa Monastery into occasions of pomp and worldly show, and not a manifestation of true love for conversion or of sincere piety; those who lived in the city took away violently the prisoners from the hands of the judicial authorities. The Parish Priests of the villages chiefly those of Bardes did not live a life exemplary in conduct and manner. And finally there arose occasions to expel and send back to Portugal some of the Provincials, but unfortunately even these measures did not have any effect on the peace of the Province. For on their departure they left such a ferment of disorder, that unheard of excesses accumulated and multiplied. For instance, the following incident is recorded in a letter of the Viceroy to His Majesty: "Yesterday, the 14th instant (Nov. of 1694) while the Visitor and the Provincial of the Order of Observants of the Province of St. Thomas of this State, had gathered with a few Members in the College of St. Bonaventure for a Chapter which was to be held in that house on the 17th of the month, it happened that 17 Friars most of them young, carne out of the College, armed with guns and pistols and large swords and at 4 o'clock of the evening entered the same College with scandalous uproar, and compelled the Visitor to expel the Friar, whom he had appointed President of the College, and forcibly to give possession to the already suspended Guardian of the same. Such abominable methods were used to prevent the election as Provincial of one Fr. Joao de Santiago, whom the other faction had determined to elect. A few old Friars came to acquaint me of these happenings. I immediately communicated with the Archbishop who, according to the order received from Your Majesty in this monsoon, empowered me to arrest them, with the help of civil authority. I sent the Prosecutor General of Crimes to the same College but the rebel Friars refused to receive him, closing the doors and detaining the Visitor, the Provincial and other Members who were already there. During the night as ordered by me the College was surrounded and in the morning as the resistance was becoming more and more tenacious, I ordered a warship (galeota) to be brought close to the walls of the College, and have the guns pointed at the building, to see whether such a measure would frighten them; but it was ineffective and they persisted in their intention, and shamelessly and disrespectfully exposed the Blessed Sacrament at one of the windows of the dormitory facing the river. Finally I ordered a gun to be moved by land to the main gate and when they realised that it would be fired to break open the doors, they opened the doors and surrendered. All were arrested by the Prosecutor General, and with the consent of the Visitor and the Provincial they were sent by me, some to Agoada, the leaders to its lighthouse, others to Marmagoa where they were imprisoned to be opportunely punished by their superiors. I shall see that they get exemplary punishment."
These and other excesses compelled the zealous Provincial of the regular Observance to propose to His Majesty that he should send to the Province of St. Thomas a Higher Superior to govern the Province for three years; and also send every year, 12 individuals competent to work in the same Province, whose expenses would be incurred by the province. The Provincial wisely added that the Superior and Friars from the Kingdom should be first well examined and their actions observed both as to their competency in literature as well as in the exercise of spiritual life. He hoped that they would instil new blood into the decaying Province of St. Thomas, if not in promoting virtue which was not much cultivated by the Friars in Portugal, at least in imparting secular instruction; and he further proposed that the Superiors and the Friars to be sent here should be of the Province of Algarve, and not of Portugal, so as to avoid the recurrence of animosities which were hardly extinct between the Province of India and the one which was its mother and tutor. These continuous monastic disturbances caused so many worries to the State that Governors and Viceroys notified the Court of the happenings thus: "Nothing causes such great worry to one who governs this State and in which he lives, as these incessant monastic disturbances of the Friars working in these parts, excepting the Dominicans and the Priests of the Society of Jesus, for these alone live a religiously good life, here as elsewhere. What is unbearable is the uneasiness caused, for no sooner had the Religious of St. Augustine become quiet than the Capuchins, Franciscans and the Carmelites started disturbances of their own; this state of affairs we place before Your Majesty, that you may communicate to us as to how we should deal with the dissensions of these Friars, who instead of spending their time in the conversion of infidels, pass their time in private avocations, thus giving one the impression that their cloister is more a barrack of soldiers than a habitation of monks." And again: "The Friars in India are very independent, and in serious cases when no other course is available, they have recourse to the Judge of the Crown whom they hold as an heretic, and give little obedience. One Viceroy alone would be not sufficient to deal with these monastic disturbances, even if he had no other work in India. This problem needs a more efficacious remedy. Since they are exempt from the jurisdiction of the Archbishop, his authority is to them a kind of mockery. The priests who do not cause us worry are those belonging to the Society of Jesus and it looks as if these are the only ones in India who live a true religious life." And in another letter: "In India, Sir, the Friars are insolent, and since they have no Provincial to govern them, and the Crown whose decisions are more necessary to them here than anywhere else, is far away they are disrespectful, and hence one sees a number of quarrels among them (excluding the modest and exemplary life of the Society of Jesus)." Also in another letter: "I declare to Your Majesty that the serious difficulties the Viceroys have here are connected with the Friars; and since I have to pay much attention to matters of government, the unrest of the Friars is a burden on me that takes away all the time at my disposal."
After this there is a distinct interval of peace. It is known that the Franciscan Friars in the year 1700 worked according to the rules laid down in their Constitutions, perhaps in order to gather strength for new internal and external dissensions, with which they would be mixed up in the next century.
XVIII
The interval was not long. New dissentions followed and the Commissary General being unable to control them was compelled to return to the Kingdom, unhappy and burdened with documents of searches.
Friars from the Churches of Bardes, at least the greater number of them, as a representation made against them in the name of the Province of Bardes would have us believe, were among the more licentious friars. This was the opinion of the Viceroy, Count of Ericeira: "I do not think that the scandals caused by the Friars of St. Francis, Parish Priests of the Province of Bardes, could be avoided, unless Your Majesty entrusts these churches to the priests of the Society of Jesus." The relations between the two factions, always battling in the arena belonging to the Chapters (Capitulos), reached total rupture and thus the Province was divided into two factions, with two Provincials and two Definitors thus being exposed to the most complete anarchy. Each faction pursued the other furiously; and the vanquished, now of this party now of the other, fled to the land of the infidels.
At this time, an ambitious Friar, who hailed from the Capuchin Province of Madre de Deus, and resided for years in Portugal, describing himself as a son of the Province of St. Thomas, and claiming to be competent to pacify and moderate the restless spirits of the Province, managed to obtain powers from the General of the whole Franciscan Order and a Brief from the Apostolic See, as a special Delegate of these authorities, to take charge of the disturbed Province. For a time the disturbances ceased, as is testified by the Viceroy, Joao de Saldanha da Gama:-- "In electing persons to the charge of the Churches and Missions, he imitated his predecessors and the old traditions among the Franciscans in India: for most of the Provincials, looking to their own conveniences and factions appointed unfit persons to these posts." From this resulted Representations from worthy Friars to the Court against this Superior and against the manner of his appointment, branding it, perhaps with some foundation, as intrusive and surreptitious.
It is true that other Friars during that period were not much superior to the Franciscans in this respect, excepting the Congregation of the Oratory, who maintained their incipient fervour and the Jesuits who, profiting by the excesses perpetrated by the other Orders, and passing off as models of religious life, with the help of the Juntas of the Missions, knew how to build and extend their empire throughout the world.
XIX
The Archbishops too took advantage of the excesses and disturbances caused by the Friars to further their own ends. The last disturbance caused by the Franciscans paved the way for the Archbishop, D. Ignacio de Santa Tereza, to renew the old plan of a few of his predecessors to throw out the Friars from the Churches of Bardes. The Archbishop was full of arrogance and pride as well as hypocrisy and fanaticism. His ambition was to bring under his jurisdiction not only the Regular Clergy but the State of India. During the long period of 18 years of his government he was the cause not only of serious conflicts, but also continuous fights with the Viceroys.
As we have already mentioned, the last disturbances, having weakened more and more the prestige of the Province, helped the Archbishop in obtaining from the Overseas Council, on the 7th of April 1728, the authority to place in charge of the Churches of Bardes secular clerics, worthy to do parochial work both by virtue of their knowledge and habits, as well as by competency in the local language; and failing these, the Regulars possessing qualities necessary to fulfil the obligations of the ministry, together with the power of expelling the Franciscans, if found wanting in these qualities. No sooner had the Archbishop received the Provisao than he started to execute it by methods so much in keeping with his ambitious and turbulent character that he threw into complete confusion not only the villages of Bardes but all the existing Orders of the State. The Viceroy, Civil Tribunals, Franciscans and all those who felt offended and threatened by the processes, excommunications and censures of the Archbishop, sent their grievances to the Court; His Majesty soon decided to introduce no changes in the matter and retained the Franciscans in the same situation in which they lived before the despatch of the Decree of 1728, and suspended the execution of the decree until after mature deliberation and thorough examination of the affair, he should decide as to what was proper. His Majesty expressed his surprise that the Archbishop should exceed his jurisdiction and that the Franciscan Provincial should show lack of reverence on this occasion to the Archbishop.
During the following monsoon (under date 12th April 1731) a fresh provisional decree was issued by the Court, empowering the Archbishop to grant certain privileges to the Friars, who were in charge of the parishes of Bardes; and in the event of a vacancy occurring, this was to be filled in by one of the same Friars, who by virtue of the rights given by the Archbishop to the Regular Superior, would be examined by him and given a certificate of fitness for the ministry in virtue of learning, moral life and knowledge of the vernacular language; and in the event of any Parish Priest in charge of the Churches being found guilty, ignorant or incompetent in the vernacular, by the Archbishop or his Visitors, he was to be removed and sent to the Regular Superior to be punished or to be instructed and the Superior was then to nominate one who was competent and approved as per required form.
The same decision was given on a further representation of the Archbishop and the Provincial by the Order of April 3rd 1732, repeating that the Archbishop should remove any Parish Priest ignorant of the language and send him to the Superior Regular for studies.
Again in the year 1744, the same order was repeated to the Archbishop with the declaration that the Definitors or Superior Regulars, as the case may be, should nominate to churches only those of their subjects, who had at the time the power to hear confessions of both the sexes, granted to them by the governing Archbishop; and that the Parish Priests who had been removed should be debarred from any appointment to churches until they had cleared themselves of accusations or the impediments that had caused their removal or suspension; and that the Archbishop could effect such removal or suspension without his personal visit. This was applicable to one and all the Orders that have their Priests as Parish Priest in this State.
XX
The Franciscans during this epoch tenaciously resisted learning the vernacular. As we have noted (§ XVI) it was discovered that the authors of the famous Decree of the Count of Alvor, were the Franciscans and that they wanted all the Courts of Justice to execute it, as their own. They made representations against the Archbishop through the Overseas Council to the effect that he opposed the Alvara (Charter) and prohibited the teaching of the Portuguese language and the study of it by the Brahmins. With reference to thi3 representation the Viceroy, Count of Sandomil, being asked his views replied that it was ascertained that the Pastoral whilst obliging the Parish Priests to learn the vernacular did not forbid the parishioners to study Portuguese for which public schools existed in all the parishes. The Portuguese language was taught as proposed in the Decree; but the people of the place in general being rude and poor, living by manual labour, and unable to frequent schools, were unable to talk, chiefly in a way as to be able to make themselves understood in the sacrament of Confession. For the worthy use of the sacrament, it was necessary that the Parish Priests apply themselves to the knowledge of the vernacular, as desired by the Archbishop in his Pastoral. This would be of use if it was put into execution.
It looks as if the Count of Sandomil had not read the Decree of the Count of Alvor, otherwise he could not have affirmed that the Pastoral, ordering the Parish Priests to study the vernacular of the place was not opposed to the Charter, which directed that the use of the vernacular should cease within three years and at the same time commanded that the Parish Priests should teach Christian doctrine in the Portuguese language. It is possible that the Count of Sandomil and his Ministers did not wish to declare to the Tribunal that the Count of Alvor and his Ministers went against commonsense to suit the indolence and negligence of the Franciscans.
The Franciscans at the same time represented through the Mesa da Consciencia 45 [Mesa da consciencia was a tribunal in Lisbon instituted by the King John III, to decide matters of conscience. We understand that such a tribunal existed even in Goa.] that the Archbishop prevented the Parish Priests from observing the provisions of the Decree of the Count of Alvor, which required that the natives should talk the Portuguese language, and that the Parish Priests should teach the doctrine in the same language; to which the Tribunal replied that in so far as it concerns the fulfilment of the general Decree, the Friars could not be taken as parties (the Mesa da Consciencia hardly suspected that they were its authors) and that the Viceroy would see to its execution if he felt it was proper. The orders of the Archbishop were to be observed in so far as the Doctrine was concerned, for one could justly conclude that it would be easier for the Parish Priest to learn the language of the place and be examined in the same than for all the parishioners, mostly rude peasants, to learn the Portuguese language. And the Archbishop was advised to see that this was observed. This reply greatly honoured the Mesa da Consciencia and put to shame the Overseas Council. Again in the year 1739, urged anew by the Franciscan Friars, this last Tribunal ordered the Viceroy to execute fully the said Decree of the 17th March 1687, chiefly regarding the teaching of the Portuguese language in the schools; and to take special care to see that the Parish Priests knew the vernacular and were examined in the same according to the royal orders. This is a contradictory resolution, for both the Decree of the Count of Alvor and the Royal edict which confirmed it, absolutely excluded all use of the vernacular its aim being to exempt the Parish Priests from learning it.
From this time onwards no official document ever made reference to these decrees; but although its recommendations and doctrine were obsolete, the evil was done, and the impulse to the abandonment of the language given.
XXI
Had the Franciscans been men who looked ahead and not immersed in the pleasures of the present, instead of urging the observance of these absurd orders which they had inspired, they would have endeavoured to disarm the Archbishop by correcting their lives and fulfilling the obligations of the Ministry. But all the time they strayed from the correct path.
The Rector of the Church of Colvale laid violent hands on his own Curate, a native priest in the Church which at the time was filled with people; and when censured by the Archbishop with connivance with the friars gave a satirical reply. As the offended party, the Archbishop complained to the Court. The Overseas Council thereupon forwarded a Decree censuring the conduct of the Provincial, for not having punished the insolence of the accused and ordered them to quit Goa and its districts immediately. This was carried out, though after some years the ban was lifted, due to the clemency of the King.
About the same time there was such intense discord in the Cloisters that Fr. Jeronimo de Belem, Capuchin Friar and Judge of Second Instance of the Observants, felt it necessary to implore the help of civil authority to enable him to induct in the Convent the newly elected Vicar Provincial, and arrest the predecessor with his followers; having secured the help of the Prosecutor General of Crime he left for the Convent, with a company of Grenadiers, but found all the doors of the Convent closed and the Friars prepared to offer resistance, ready with guns at the windows of their dormitory. The Prosecutor General appealed to the friars repeatedly in the name of His Majesty to desist from resistance; but not only did they insist on continuing their challenge, but on the contrary aggravated it by abusive expressions against this action and its executors, and rang the alarm bell as if they were attacked. It was then that the Prosecutor ordered the doors to be broken open with the consent and authority of the Judge, and inducted the Friars who sought admission, but was unable to arrest those in the Convent for the simple reason that they had fled to the Patriarchal Palace where they had planned their flight.
His Majesty approved of this procedure and ordered all the leaders of the resistance to be expelled from Goa; but as this command reached Goa at the time when the Friars had composed their differences and were living in unity and peace, at least apparently, and the State was at the time disturbed and troubled over the war with the Marathas the Viceroy suspended the execution of the order.
The Franciscan Friars living in such a state gave cause to the residents of Bardes to frame complaints against the Friars who were manning the Churches; but in order to minimise the gravity of these complaints the Provincial represented to His Majesty that they were instigated by the native priests, whom he accused of being weak in faith, attached to idolatry, and sworn enemies of the Portuguese. We are inclined to believe that there was some truth in this allegation, although the Governor in his representation maintains that the views expressed by the Provincial were tendentious, contained little or no truth, and that in no way could they exculpate Franciscan excesses; and we cannot but agree with the Governor, when in the same representation he says: "If the Superiors of the Province had taken care to educate their Friars in the observance of their Holy Statutes in the Cloister of their Order, enabling them to live a truly religious life in the presbyteries of their parishes, without forgetting their regular discipline; and if they had with the same care selected as Parish Priests elderly Friars of good conduct, the parishioners would not have had occasion, as the case is now, for complaining.
XXII
The Metropolitan Government agreeing with the principles enunciated by the Governors of India, tried their best to think out ways and means which would be conducive to bring the Friars to the observance of the laws of their institution and regular discipline and to appoint to the parishes more worthy and better behaved priests. To achieve this end, His Majesty on the 16th of April 1736, issued a circular to the Superiors; but the latter solicited its immediate suspension, pointing out certain ambiguities, and after mature consideration, the Mesa da Consciencia deemed it fit to suspend the said circular, with a proviso that until a fresh order was issued no change should be made. This new order came in the year 1743. The Provincial was thereby told that a Friar should not be given the charge of a church, unless he had completed forty years of age, and fifteen of religious life. The Provincial demurred on the ground that he had not a sufficient number of Friars with such qualifications. This was only a specious reason, since it was known that the Province had on its roll 33 qualified Friars while the Parishes were 24 in all. With this and other fifty pretexts, the execution of the order was delayed but finally its observance was ordered without fail by another decree of 1749.
On his part the Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de S. Maria, on the 21st of November, 1745, published a Pastoral with the same end in view. But certain points therein treated displeased the Franciscans, Parish Priests of Bardes, in consequence of which they had recourse to the Judge of the Court. And as the same Pastoral seemed to be offensive to the privileges of the Procurator of the Crown, he too appealed against the same. These appeals brought about a formal rupture between the Archbishop and the Viceroy, in the course of which, the Archbishop imitated the excesses of his predecessors.
In the opinion of the Marquez de Pombal, the Archbishop was a simple and virtuous Prelate, but incompetent Pastor 46 [Instructions issued to the Archbishop of Goa in 1774. Instruction 5th.] who gave evidence of his incompetence in a controversy with the Franciscans at this same time (1749).
As usual there were two factions among these Friars. The ruling one followed the Superior, whilst the other desired to capture power. Each of them necessarily needed reform, for both were equally lax. Neither possessed the seraphic spirit of its Patriarch; in both of them ambition to rule was predominant, disobedience and irregularity in behaviour were too patent. The faction which was without power left no stone unturned to get it, and finally under pretext of reform they tried to put into execution a Brief of Cardinal Oddi, Nuncio at Lisbon, issued on the 8th of May 1743. This was secured by one of the factionists, this fact not being disclosed till the 6th of June 1747. When they tried to put the Brief into execution, the Nuncio had already left the Court of Lisbon; and the opposite faction questioned its validity. This party led by the Provincial expressed surprise that Friars, who were not themselves setting a worthy example and whose life was even more scandalous, should claim to reform them.
Then in the monsoon of 1749, by an order of the Commissary General of the Franciscan Friars, the Archbishop was invested with ample powers of jurisdiction in the Province of St. Thomas.
In the execution of this mandate, the Archbishop acted so imprudently and with such indiscretion that instead of bringing about peace and order, he fanned the flames of disorder among the Franciscans. It was under these circumstances that in the year 1754, the Very Rev. Provincial had to request the help of civil authority against the Priest of the Province next in rank to the Superior, for it was he who for nine years was the cause of fomenting looseness among the Friars at the time manning the churches of Bardes, and was guilty of grave simony in making appointments.
It is not known whether the Provincial placed any restraint on the simony, but it is certain that he did not succeed in repressing the pride and insolence of his subjects. It has been already seen how all the Departments of the State: Ecclesiastical, Political, Judicial and Military had proved the temper of the Franciscans. There was only one corporation namely the Senate of the Chamber (Camara) which being inoffensive, seemed to be clear of the conflict. This one, too, had its part in the conflict in the year 1756. On the day of the Feast of the Immaculate Conception celebrated in the Convent of St. Francis, the Senate in a body, accompanied the Procession, at which four of its high officials, according to immemorial customs and very old mandates, were holding the rods of the Canopy. The Franciscans who with their community had joined the Procession violently wrenched the rods from the bands of the said citizens in the middle of the road, and thereby caused a scandal, with the result that the offended Senate retired from the Procession and went back to the Chamber. It is true that the Provincial and the Guardian personally went to the Chamber to offer their apologies on behalf of the recalcitrant Friars, and at the same time declared that in this these Friars had disobeyed their Superior and assured the Senate that the accomplices of this offence had been punished. However, since the offence was a public one, the Senate demanded a public reparation. This matter finally reached the Court but it would be useless to deal with it here.
XXIII
On the 29th of March, 1759, Thome Joaquim da Costa Real, Secretary of State, wrote a letter to the Provincial regarding the deplorable condition of the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas. This letter deserves to be given here in its entirety.
"His Majesty has been apprised of the scandals caused in this State by the looseness of the lives of the Franciscan Friars, and by the culpable omission in not compelling them to the exact observance of its Holy Office, permitting a few to live outside their cloisters, without obedience and without discipline, and others to carryon unsuitable avocations improper to their profession, under the pretext of their being assistants of the Parish Priests in charge of Churches administered by members from the same Community. Moreover, the zeal of the Superior in improving and instructing his subjects has reached such a state of decadence, that men are admitted to the Religious Order and the profession of vows has been accepted even of those who are ignorant of the Latin language and thereby ignorance is perpetuated; what is more, they have accepted for sacred orders students declared unfit by the Diocesan Prelate, and issued dimissory letters 47 [Letters sent from one bishop to another in favour of one who stands candidate for holy orders in another diocese.] to Bishops of other Dioceses where they were not residing; and finally they have introduced the pernicious abuse of appointing to the Churches Friars under the name of Rectors, just to reside there with the purpose of recovering the revenues and handing them over to the Definitors of the Order who lived in the Convent. As the abovementioned disorders could not fail to produce a great impression on the most religious spirit of the King, he has commanded me to recommend to Your Reverence to diligently seek to reform the Friars, your subjects, making them observe fully your Holy Constitution, live an exemplary life and thereby to put an end to the scandals in this State caused by them, and that in the admission of the Novices you should hold the examination necessary for the purpose, in order to enable them to become worthy ministers. Lastly His Majesty orders me to signify to Your Reverence that he was much surprised at the pernicious abuse introduced in the appointments to churches, not only because it is incompatible with the profession of poverty to accept revenues and allowance, which are assigned to the Definitors, but also because it is contrary to the end for which they were granted, namely to the real Parish Priests, who reside in the churches. It being understood that should perchance His Majesty come to know that the old disorders continue to prevail, the said churches would be handed over to the Religious of another Order, who would loyally carry out His Majesty's orders."
On the same date the Secretary of State wrote to the Archbishop giving the substance of the above mentioned letter adding: "If, however, from the recommendations mentioned in the above letter, the good results which are naturally expected do not issue, and should Your Excellency deem it fit to go in for reform, you may approach either the Apostolic See, or the General of the Seraphic Order, who when confronted with a report regarding the laxity of the Friars will not withhold permission for such a reform."
This is an ingenuous but a solemn confession that the regime of the Religious Orders was both outside the jurisdiction of the King and that of the Diocesan Prelate.
Although, as was feared by the Secretary of State, the expected results did not accrue from these recommendations, it is not known whether the Archbishop solicited this reform either from the Apostolic See or the General of the Seraphic Order, as suggested. The dissensions, however, continued to prevail in the Convents, more or less openly, until in the year 1767 they burst into a public uproar with such frenzy of insolence and mutual accusations and unheard of scandals that the Governors had to have recourse to armed forces, imprison some of the Friars and adopt other measures to bring back to obedience the individuals who rebelled against their Superior. Those who were guilty were ordered by the Court to be repatriated to Portugal; and without further scruples and without any consideration to monastic exemptions the Court ordered that complete submission be given by the Friars to the Archbishop who would reform and give deserved punishment. But at the time this order was put into effect, the Province was manned by a two-headed monster, two Vicars Provincial, each one alleging the justice of his election. The Governor with great difficulty managed to allay the storm, arresting and deporting to the Kingdom under orders such of the most incorrigible leaders, as had not already fled to lands outside Portuguese rule.
XXIV
Whilst the shameless domestic dissensions weakened and defamed the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas, other questions cropped up; one regarding the appointment to be made for the posts of the Churches of Bardes, as proposed by the Holy Office, about the terms of which decree we have no sufficient knowledge; the other, which goes against the previous one, renewed the old claim of expelling the Religious from the Parishes of Bardes: a claim so many times attempted to be put into execution, yet, very successfully resisted by the same Religious.
Against the behaviour of the Franciscans as Parish Priests the Camara Geral of Bardes, during the monsoon of 1765, sent a representation to His Majesty with the following charge: "The administration of the Churches is being entirely carried out by the Curates, who are native secular priests. The Friars cannot do this, due to their ignorance of the vernacular, nor can they be expected to learn the vernacular since they have not done so till this day. The curates also administer other sacraments and in spite of this they are judged incompetent to hold charge of the parishes, although on removal of the Jesuits from the Churches in Goa and Salsete, many of the native clerics have been posted to the same churches. They are learned and possess good character and are good moralists." In view of this complaint the Government in a letter dated 23rd April 1766, recommended to the Archbishop to use efficacious and opportune measures and thereby to save from the hands of wolves and mercenaries the sheep of the Lord, and to hand them over to the proper Parish Priests, who would feed them with the fruits of doctrine and of edifying examples. The Archbishop was again reminded of the previously enacted Royal Orders which said: "The Parishes ought to be preferably given to the native priests and such foreigners, as know the local language, since this is the only way of feeding the flock. Those who do not know the language, will find the bleatings of the flock incomprehensible and will not be able to impart to the flock nourishing food. Your Excellency should choose priests for the churches according to their qualifications not all together, but one by one; beginning with those parishes where the priests have been giving scandal and rejecting whatever claims of fact or right their Superiors may make, as you may think right and proper."
According to the Marques de Pombal, the Archbishop, D. Antonio Teixeira de Neiva Brum da Silveira, was a virtuous and a good cleric but a bad Archbishop, unintelligent, inactive and slack. Yet when dealing with the task of making appointments to the parishes, he did not prove at all that he was inactive and slack. On the contrary, he at once invited applications on merits and allotted 19 parishes to the worthy native clerics, the Friars retaining for themselves only five. The contradictory statements made by the members of village communities now in favour of the Archbishop, now in favour of the Friars, are indeed curious. Astonished and shocked, the Friars appealed to the Court, and during the monsoon of 1767, submitted a long exposition or an apologia recounting all the services they had formerly rendered to the Church and the State and trying to belittle the accusations levelled against them. With reference to their proficiency in the languages they say: "By an order passed in the year 1744, the Archbishop was empowered to examine the Regulars for their appointment as confessor and then to confer on them the post. This order, however, was not executed with the result that report went round that they were ignorant of the language, and under the specious pretext of ignorance of the vernaculars, the way was open to direct representations against them. The pontifical bulls which required that the Parish Priests should possess knowledge of the vernacular for the necessary administration of the sacraments, went to the root of their competence to man the parishes. For the better understanding of this question, it is necessary to bear in mind that the greater part of the Province of Bardes is situated about half a league from the Island of Goa, and the residents of the remote villages of Bardes could conveniently conduct their business in Goa within the course of a day, and get back to their homes, with the result that from this frequent intercourse one could safely conclude that hardly a civilised native is ignorant of the Portuguese language, as is represented to be the case. Taking for granted what is said above, it was also true that the Archbishop would not grant jurisdiction to any subject of the appellant (Provincial) to be Parish Priests of Bardes churches unless, in addition to the necessary faculties given by the Archbishop to hear confession. the candidate presented two other sworn certificates, one testifying that he had passed the examination in Moral Theology, and the other testifying to knowledge of the vernacular. Both these certificates were to be issued by the Observant Examiners, appointed by the Archbishop, according to Royal Resolution of 1744. This being well known, it is clear that there could not have been a Parish Priest 'who was ignorant of the vernacular. However, this is not so; not because the Order is wanting in Friars, instructed in the languages, they are more in number to the 24 Parishes of Bardes; 48 [A certificate issued by the examiner to the Archbishop indicates that there were 41 Religious who knew the language of the place. The Examiner was a Franciscan.] but knowing that the residents of many parishes know Portuguese, the Archbishop consented to the appointment of those who did not know the vernacular, on condition, however, that the more remote and less civilised parishes should be supplied by priests who know the language of the place. Thus there are fifteen Friars holding such parishes besides three companions who are conversant with the language; 49 [Information gathered from a certificate of the Secretariat of the Province.] so that there are only six Parishes in charge of Friars who are ignorant of the language where it is really needed. The Appellant does not intend thereby to infer that all the 41 Friars his subjects, who have the knowledge of the vernacular, are preachers or can preach on the mysteries of faith and similar topics: for there are few native priests who have enough knowledge to do so in view of the fact that the common idiom which is current among the really intelligent natives is Marathi, the vernacular of the region. The Rev. Fr. Constantino Alves, Promoter, Judge of Ecclesiastical Court and Parish Priest for life of St. Bartholomeu of Chorao, and the Rev. Gabriel Fernandes Noronha, Licentiate and also Justice of the Ecclesiastical Court and Parish Priest for life of St. Mathias, who are otherwise intelligent and have long service as Parish Priests have never till this day preached in their mother tongue, nor even attempted to give a Sunday homily to their parishioners. This however, is being done repeatedly by Priests subject to the Appellant, in their churches, where they frequently instruct the infidels in Christian doctrine. The Appellant very much desires that this question be ventilated in Goa, where it is well known by the people even without further proof of what is evident; and in justification he cites to His Majesty the case of many Indians who are in Lisbon and of native inhabitants of Goa both of whom without doubt, would fail in translating the Portuguese language into their own; Hence they could not blame the Friars in the Churches of Bardes for lack of knowledge of the vernacular nor conclude that in the Province of the Appellant there is lack of this knowledge."
All this artful exposition of the Provincial could not hide the following facts: First, if there were some civilised natives to whom the Portuguese language was not entirely foreign, undoubtedly there was also a far greater number of less civilised ones and women and children who did not know it. Secondly if the natives were not very proficient in the vernacular, the Franciscan Friars were even less; there being parishes served by men without any knowledge of it.
Let us, however, hear the views held by the Governor, D. Joao Jose de Mello, regarding the Exposition of the Provincial: "During those happy days when the (Franciscan) Province sowed in India the first seeds of the Gospel; when its true sons continued in the ways that made them outstanding in the exercise of religion, virtue and good example, when they worked to drive away the darkness of paganism, and to erect altars to the true God: then shepherds who sincerely applied themselves to feeding the flock with the spiritual nourishment which was so much needed were sent to the flock of the 24 Parishes of Bardes from this Province. But, in the deplorable state to which the Province has now been reduced due to dissolute life and laxity in their holy institute, appointments of mercenaries are made to churches in place of shepherds who would guard their flock, feed it with nourishing doctrine, example and edification. This is the general practice, but Friars are not wanting, who are men of character, who by their virtue and doctrine have distinguished themselves and are indeed an exception; but in truth most of the Parish Priests are only anxious to change from mendicants to owners of wealth and stock, in the enjoyment of which they set a bad example by their irregular life. What is more worthy of note is the fact that few of these spiritual shepherds can understand the bleatings of the sheep they are bound to feed; and their laxity has even done away in this Province with the use of a chair which the zeal of their predecessors had introduced with the aim of imparting instruction to the Friars in the native tongue to carry the Gospel to the missions and the people of the region. This is the way and this is the useful manner by which the Holy Province has looked after the Parishes; If in the hands of the native clerics they have not derived great profit, at least there are clerics among them who are imbued with more sound and solid qualities. These are, indeed, less respected, and there are some among them owing to whose lives the Churches have also suffered; they are easily led by their own interests are slow to perform works of charity proper to their avocation and are wanting in that authority that brings back to the fold the lost sheep, and in giving the shelter of which the sheep are in need; but they are not ignorant, they understand the flock they feed, and know more easily the evils and spiritual infection to which the flocks are susceptible; they are doctors of their own country, who understand the ailments that attack the different climes, and their efficacious remedies; and their defects which consist in not being respected and looked up to, may be made good by their superiors and their tendency to look after their interests checked, without infringing on the privileges of the regular priests whom they succeed."
With reference to these views we shall just note here that whilst the Governor of India declared that the laxity of the friars had even destroyed in this Province the use of a Chair which the early zeal had introduced with the aim of imparting instructions to Friars in the local language, the Province at the same time presented to the Governor individual information regarding its Friars, in which one of them is called Master of the language of the country which he teaches in the Convent of St. Francis at Goa. From the documents at his disposal the reader may judge where the truth lies.
XXV
When the Franciscans saw that they were irrevocably expelled from the parishes of Bardes, they tried to hold on to five Churches on the plea that they were foundations acquired by way of donations and bequests made in favour of the Order and not of the State. These five Churches were: Penha da Franca, Pomburpa, Oxel, Reis Magos and S. Lourenco de Linhares. This is not the place to discuss the merits of the case; but we cannot help noting that when the Friars, in 1660, foresaw their expulsion, they were laying foundation to their claim to these Churches in their petitions to His Majesty by trying to raise them cunningly to the category of Convents, which the latter were not, nor ever had been.
The decision in this affair was pending before the Court, and the Camara Geral of Bardes or someone on behalf of the same, fearing that the Friars might obtain a favourable decision, represented the matter to the Court, attacking the Friars' claims. The Camara reiterated the old charges presented before the Court against the Friars, and drawing a comparison with the native clerics said:
"The allegations were made to His Majesty stating that the native clerics were ill-behaved and incapable of manning churches and like demons, who incessantly pursue souls, are envious of' those who occupy the chairs whence they have been ejected. This allegation is entirely false for the Franciscans have done all their parish work and do so still with the help of native clerics. It is only now that the latter have been considered incapable of enjoying the benefices in this State although in the past they have been approved of by the synodal examination, and have been given charge for life of Churches in Goa and the Province of Salsete and of this city. When they go to minister to the people of the Missions of Canara and the north countries inhabited by infidels, they have to go through a lot of hardship, in the service of God and that of Your Majesty." They submit certificates of the Curates of these five Churches, that the present Franciscans as well their predecessors were never able to preach in the vernacular, being ignorant of the same.
Reporting on this Representation the Governor, D. Joao Jose de Mello, states as follows: "I think it right to state that even supposing the Friars in India are not normally the best of pastors, they are not so bad as the native clerics whose spirit in general is that of ambition, meanness, drunkenness and lack of zeal and charity ... If the native clerics were in general worthy to hold the Churches, it is unbelievable that so many people of old were deceived about them, so that many orders, which had been often issued for the removal of the Friars from the Parishes, and for the appointment in their place of native clergy were cancelled. With more information and better knowledge of the case it might be concluded that the native clerics were commonly regarded as incompetent for the ministry whilst the Friars, conversant with the vernacular, were more useful".
This information was entirely contrary to the one given by the same Governor two years before (XXIV); and this contradiction has only one explanation, namely, the generosity of the Governor in lending a helping hand to the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas at a solemn moment when the Province was doomed to complete and shameful ruin since the Court was resolved during this monsoon to reduce the Province to a diminished number of houses and members.
The reward, however, meted out by the Friars for the heavy sacrifice of his earlier opinion by the Governor was insults and abuse of his person and dignity, publicised outrageously and insolently, in the midst of the election delirium, so frequent in the cloisters.
The loss of the last five churches of Bardes, which soon followed, ends the history of the Franciscan Friars so far as it concerns our subject. One who may take upon himself to present the chronicles of the Franciscan Order, may deal with further controversies of the Order with the Archbishops, the continuation of Chapter discords, and finally their public and cloistered life, till the final suppression of Religious Orders.
In conclusion we may assert that the influence of Franciscans of the Province of St. Thomas was harmful to the language of the country acknowledging at the same time, that a few of them, more illustrious and more pious than most of their confreres, worked for the grammatical and literary culture of the language. But the work printed by them is rare probably due to the Superiors' lack of interest. Their writings were very soon forgotten, and thus the laudable desire of the authors to propagate the language was in vain.
XXVI
If the Jesuits did not write more in the vernaculars than the Franciscans, undoubtedly they wrote with more felicity. They could print a number of books, the sole printing press in Goa at the time being at their disposal, and thereby they gave impetus and vigour to the vernacular. The Jesuits were, in no way, accomplices in the persecution of this language. It is the Secretary of the State, Francisco Xavier de Mendonca, the Marquez de Pombal, himself who bears out our statement, and the testimony coming from such a source is above suspicion. The Government of Portugal issued an order to the effect that in place of the schools conducted by the Society, a college be instituted for native clerics. In the Minutes of the statutes of the same College the Minister writes: "The Chairs which appear to us more appropriate to the curriculum to be allowed in the college referred to, are the following: The first ought to be for those who will instruct in the vernacular of the places where there are churches and Missions, examining the records of the Jesuits for methods by which they taught the language."
It is true that he adds immediately: "Provided they are firstly well revised and expurgated," since the Grammars were suspected to have received infiltration of the subtle Jesuit poison.
The Grammars composed by the Franciscans in those days were so much in oblivion that the Government had no knowledge of them. Hence it was laid down that should there not be among them books left by the Jesuits. The lack was to be made good from those of the Fathers of the Congregation, or others which may be newly written at public cost with their Vocabularies.
It is not known whether other Religious Orders contributed work in the language of the country.
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Part 4 of 4
XXVII
The Inquisition cannot be absolved from a large share in the persecution of the vernacular; and what is more, a larger part in the ruin of the Portuguese Empire in Asia.
But we confine ourselves to what concerns the language. The whole system of the Inquisition aimed not only at the extirpation of superstitious and idolatrous beliefs, but also of innocent usages and customs retaining even a trace of the Asiatic Society, which existed previous to the conquest by the Portuguese. Consequently the language was involved in this general prescription.
One Inquisitor with eighteen years of service in the Inquisition of Goa, proposed to His Majesty, in the year 1731, the following: "The first and the principal cause of such a lamentable ruin (loss of souls) is the disregard of the Law of His Majesty, D. Sebastiao of glorious memory, and the Goan Councils, prohibiting the natives to converse in their own vernacular and making obligatory the use of the Portuguese language; this disregard in observing the law, gave rise to so many and so great evils, to the extent of effecting irreparable harm to souls, as well as to the royal revenues. Since I have been, though unworthy, the Inquisitor of this State, ruin has set in the villages of Nadora (sic), Revora, Pirna, Assonora and Aldona in the Province of Bardes; in the villages of Cuncolim, Assolina, Dicarpalli, Consua, and Aquem in Salsete; and in the Island of Goa, in Bambolim, Curca, and Siridao, and presently in the village of Bastora in Bardes. In these places some members of village communities, as also women and children have been arrested and others accused of malpractices; for since they cannot speak any other language but their own vernacular, they are secretly visited by Botos, servants, and High Priests of Pagodas who teach them the tenets of their sect and further persuade them to offer alms to the Pagodas and to supply other necessary requisites for the ornament of the same temples, reminding them of the good fortune their ancestors had enjoyed from such observances and the ruin they were subjected to, for having failed to observe these customs; under such persuasion they are moved to offer gifts and sacrifices and perform other diabolical ceremonies, forgetting the law of Jesus Christ which they had professed in the sacrament of Holy Baptism,. This would not have happened had they known only the Portuguese language; since they being ignorant of the native tongue the Botos, Grous and their attendants would not have been able to have any communication with them, for the simple reason that the latter could only converse in the vernacular of the place. Thus an end would have been put to the great loss among native Christians whose faith has not been well grounded, and who easily yield to the teaching of the Hindu priests."
We do not know what to admire in such a proposal of the Inquisitor, his malice or foolishness. Undoubtedly it is the height of malice to affirm that Goan Councils had prohibited the natives to talk in their mother tongue, and had obliged them to speak the Portuguese language alone. It is foolishness to make people believe that through the vernacular alone could the Botos and other Hindu priests explain the tenets of their belief and sect with a view to convincing the native Christians.
It will be clear from the reading of VIII and IX that the Council, far from forbidding the use of the vernacular, had rather recommended its use for the teaching of Christian doctrine. And so far as the Regulation issued by His Majesty, D. Sebastiao, invoked by the Inquisitor is no doubt the one we have already made reference to in §VIII, dated 4th December 1567, the Inquisitor has as little ground in it as in the Councils for his insinuations.
It is possible that the Inquisitor was ignorant of the existence of the Decree of the Count of Alvor, and its confirmation by the King. It is possible to believe such a thing since reference to them had been already made by the Franciscan Friars in the year 1732 and the following years. This indicates that during those days they were known by all. Since these mandates were so much in his favour, we are unable to discover any reason why the Inquisitor did not refer to them, but falsely referred to the Councils and the law of D. Sebastiao.
A suitable reply was given by the Viceroy, Count of Sandomilo to these inept proposals of the Inquisitor, when the Viceroy reported to His Majesty as follows: "Having considered the means (says the Viceroy) proposed by the Inquisitor, Antonio de Amaral Coutinho, favourable to the conversion of the infidels of the Islands of Goa, and of the Provinces of Salsete and Bardes; and having obtained the necessary information in the matter, it appears to me that in reference to the first it is impracticable to exterminate the mother-tongue of the natives, for they are bred in it, even those who are constantly in touch and in intercourse with the Portuguese; and even if this were possible I do not think one would escape the danger alluded to by this Ministry, that the Hindus residing here among the Christians would learn the Portuguese language equally well, since this would be needed for their intercourse; and even the Botos and priests from the mainland would learn it in order to induce the native Christians worship in temples, even if they did not known it previously, since Portuguese is a lingua franca among Asiatics."
It may be relevant to mention here the Proclamation of the Holy Office against many usages and customs, some most innocent, in which are included the two following: (a) "Item. We command that on all the occasions of their marriages, in all the acts meant to celebrate them, whether at the bridegroom's or the bride's home, the natives do not sing publicly nor privately songs customarily sung in the mother tongue and popularly known as vovios; 50 [Vovi, plural vovio, is a meter in strophes of four verses.] and should they like to have feasts as a demonstration of their joy, let it not be done with the accompaniment of songs, having the semblance of the same vovios, and never on such festive occasions should the singing be done by women folk, relatives, or daijis of the bridegroom or even of the bride."
"Item. We order the said natives of India that on no occasion whatsoever, under no pretext, they sing in their own homes, songs known as vovios, neither publicly nor privately so that among the faithful Christians the use of the same songs may be extinguished."
At this time the Archbishop insisted on the prohibition of the ceremonies of Hindu marriages in places inhabited by the Christian population. He alleged that many Hindus entertaining young Catholic servants were sure to ruin the latter's faith, since these Canarim boys, spoke the same language as their masters, and memorised these songs sung by the masters and repeated and sang them; with the result that their elders considered as true the fiction regarding the Hindu deities narrated therein, in addition to the worship given in them with the praise, petitions and prayers contained therein.
To which the Viceroy, Joao de Saldanha da Gama, replied: "The allegation that the songs sung on such occasions is a source of perversion to the young Catholic servants cannot be counted as true for the reason that they are sung in elegant and difficult language, commonly used in the State, where the popular language is much adulterated and corrupted by constant intercommunication with the Portuguese." And continues:
"There is no sense in asserting that the Hindus engage Christian boys on their festive occasions; they do make use of them to build pandals, but not to help them in their ceremonial acts or feasting, since according to their laws, such rites are to be performed without the assistance of any Catholic, less still with the aid of Catholics of working class who are considered to be of low caste and believed to soil anything coming in contact with their hands. So rigorous are the Hindus in the observance of these rites that it is enough for a Catholic to enter their homes to consider them to be polluted, 51 [At the time the Viceroy wrote this such may have been the situation. Today, however, the Hindus, though not into their private rooms, yet permit the Christians to enter their homes; and any objects touched by them arc neither re-touched or broken.] and they refuse to eat anything touched by the hands or even cut by a knife used by a Christian."
From what has been said we may arrive at the conclusion that if the Archbishop of the time, did not go along with the Inquisition in the attempt to kill the language; he co-operated with it in prohibiting the use of popular vernacular poetry; which surely must have done great harm to the language.
XXVIII
The Ecclesiastical Empire in Portugal as well as in India had three arms: Archbishops and Bishops with their Secular Clergy, Friars or Regular Clergy and the Inquisition. All these three Powers conspired to absorb within their jurisdiction the sovereignty of the King, at the same time competing among themselves for the supreme jurisdiction. There were, above all, incessant quarrels between the Regular and Secular Clergy; and remaining within the domain of our subject matter, we have treated this conflict among them in India. It is this particular circumstance that forces us to consider the influence the Archbishop exerted on the vernacular language of the capital of Portuguese India, and adjacent provinces.
After the first impetus which the conquest had given to the demolition of temples and Hindu emblems, and along with them to the destruction of books written in the language of the people, the Councils and the Prelates recognized how necessary it was to learn these languages, for the progress of the propagation of Faith which was their charge. And during the prolonged battle the Archbishops carried on with the Franciscan Friars regarding the Churches of Bardes (as we have seen) one argument alone was advanced against the latter, namely, that they knew very little or nothing of the language, knowledge of which in the opinion of the Archbishop and all reasonable persons, was an indispensable condition to nourish the flock and increase the number in the fold.
The Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de Santa Maria, is an exception to this, for he wished to remedy the evil both by imitating the errors of the Count of Alvor, and exaggerating their absurdities. In the famous Pastoral, dated 21st November 1745, to which reference has already been made (§ XXIII) and whose manuscript we have studied, the Archbishop enforced the execution of the Decree of the Count of Alvor in so far as it enjoined on the Parish Priests to teach their parishioners Christian doctrine in Portuguese, without the use of the vernacular. The teachers were to do likewise when teaching their students. And not content with this regulation he laid down the following: --
"By our Circular dated 31st May, of the same year with regard the Sacrament of Holy Orders, we have made it known that we shall not admit any person of whatever position he may be to the Orders ... of Dioconate and of the Mass, unless firstly he has gone profitably through the three years of Moral and Speculative Theology, has a good character, proved by frequent reception of sacraments, exercises of piety and devotion, by service of the Church, and the teaching of Christian doctrine; and knows and speaks Portuguese only, this pertains not only to the candidate himself but also to his close relatives of both sexes, this being assured by a rigorous examination and precise care by the Parish-Priests. And convinced as we are of its necessity for the service of God, glory of the ecclesiastical state and general good of the Diocese we reiterate it to all concerned with the assurance that it shall be so executed."
And further on: --
"Since according to law and common opinion of the DD. confirmed by universal usage, both of our Predecessors, the Primates and the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdom of Portugal, we have power to impose new impediments to the marriage of our subjects, for sound reasons regarding the common and individual good, in the exercise of this power, after mature consideration, believing it to be for the service of God and good of our flock, we institute, create, and place anew for this Island of Goa, and its two Provinces: Bardes and Salsete, the impediment of no person contracting any marriage, whether he be man or woman, who does not know or speak the Portuguese language, which impediment will first apply to all the residents of Island of Goa, and adjacent places and to the Parishes of S. Lourenco, Reis Magos, Penha da Franca, Sirula, Pomburpa and of Aldona and to all the Brahmins and Chardos who at the time are resident in the Provinces of Bardes and Salsete, and it will take effect six months after the proclamation of this Circular, a period given to enable such persons to learn the language; whereas, it will extend to other castes of Bardes and Salsete one year after its publication. The Rev. Parish-Priests will specially enforce this order, acquainting themselves with it, and having it circulated for the knowledge of the people, either personally or through their curates, and never by any other person; and examine the contracting parties in the Christian doctrine asking all questions in Portuguese; and thereafter pass a free certificate to that effect at the end of the proclamation of bans and to be taken under oath and sworn on the Gospels."
These orders issued by D. Lourenco had the same fate as the Decree of the Count of Alvor. They were futile, as such fantasies could not be otherwise.
XXIX
After the expulsion of the Franciscan Friars from the Churches of Bardes and that of the Jesuits from the Portuguese State, the Archbishops were solely in charge of appointments to all the Churches, to which they appointed the Secular Clergy. This surely motivated the Archbishops not to follow the directions given by the Marquez de Pombal, desiring that the first Chairs in the Colleges and the Seminaries in the East should be those for instruction in the languages of the places where we had Churches and Missions; and they left the knowledge of local language merely to common use and practice.
The new Goan Constitutions, enjoined by Archbishop D. Antonio Teixeira da Neiva Brum, and amended and enlarged in 1778 by Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Catharina 52 [Printed in Lisbon, Royal Press 1810.] take it for granted that all religious instruction is imparted and received in Portuguese; and do not oblige the Parish Priests to learn the vernacular, rather they are permitted to ignore it. Book 3, Tit. 6, Const. 5, No. 37 says the following: "If the one who instructs (in the mysteries of Faith) be ignorant of the vernacular of the one who confesses or of the dying, and should there be one knowing the language he may translate his questions in that vernacular, as he goes on instructing". And No. 38: "And since low caste and rude people do not know the Portuguese language, we order that for the instruction to be better understood, the Parish Priests have words and terms translated into the native language; and get the same circulated among their parishioners in order to facilitate them to instruct their servants in the mysteries of faith and Christian doctrine."
The Archbishop who followed was D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino. On May the 22nd of the year 1812 53 [Journal da Santa Igreja Lusitana do Oriente, No. 6, 1847.] in the regulations for the Studies which he laid down, he starts with the following rules: "In elementary schools care should be taken to select teachers who know Portuguese well, and great care should be taken by teachers that the children do not as far as possible talk, during the school hours, in the mother tongue and since at the time when they are enrolled, the children are ignorant of the Portuguese language, the teachers should teach this language. They should teach names of things in Portuguese, so that the children may learn every day a few words in proportion to their aptitude and their age; and when the children come across Portuguese words, the teachers should explain them in the vernacular. If the teachers, following our instructions forbid the more advanced to talk in the vernacular, the younger ones will soon learn the Portuguese language and the more progress they have made in the Portuguese language by the time they leave school the more progress they will make in Latin.
"We strictly direct the teachers to impart to the children the Christian doctrine both in the vernacular and in Portuguese; and very much recommend the Parish Priests to have a vigilant eye on the enforcement of this rule."
That the teachers ought to explain to the children the meaning in the vernacular: and that teachers should teach the children Christian doctrine, both in the vernacular and in Portuguese are indeed two pregnant ideas worthy of a Prelate, who himself learnt the language, and as some affirm it, was a fluent preacher in it. It is a pity that these two ideas are mixed up with others, thereby diminishing their efficacy. The Archbishop was carried away by public opinion, which he did not like to oppose or become an object of derision by giving an impulse to the study of the local language. But with this and like provisions 54 [On the 26th of October, the Archbishop issued a Circular recommending public prayers in churches according to the form therein commended, incorporating at the same time its vernacular translation into the Circular and It was printed with additional prayers under the title of Preparacao da Oracao Mental, Nova Goa. National Press, 1857.] he wished to clear the path for others to enlarge and smooth it. He was, however, mistaken. The path was not opened. It was obstructed with thorns and overgrowth, which no one dared to go through. It was considered so difficult that the Archbishop, D. Jose Maria da Silva Torres, did not even attempt to enter it, and left it worse than it was before. "It is absolutely forbidden (says this Archbishop in his Regulations to the Seminaries, dated 15th June, 1847, art. 54,) 55 [Journal da Santa Igreja Lusitana do Oriente No. 6, 1847.] both to the students and any Ecclesiastic residing in the Seminary, to converse with one another in the language of Goa."
We see clearly that the principal intention of the Archbishop Was the cultivation of the Portuguese language; but it was not possible to cultivate it without doing harm to the vernacular. Were not the Seminarians and the Ecclesiastics more competent than the rude and ignorant people to apply the rules of grammar to their vernacular, to improve and correct it? Had the Archbishop forgotten that the greater number of the sons of the Seminary, would later administer to the spiritual needs of their parishioners and that too in the language of Goa? But it was fashionable to despise the language; the natives themselves applauded this; and, therefore, it was all the more difficult to resist the force of the torrent.
XXX
It appears as if the times of the Count of Alvor, and the Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de Santa Maria, had repeated. The civil Government co-operated with the ecclesiastical authorities in persecuting the language and they were supported by influential men in the State, both European and Indian.
On the occasion of the establishment of the first public schools at the cost of the State 56 [Circular of 5th September 1831. L. 4. Cartas e Ordens fl. 1.] the Viceroy, D. Manoel de Portugal e Castro, laid down the following: "In a country like this, forming part of the Crown of Portugal, and governed by Portuguese laws, it appears extraordinary that such a small number of inhabitants speak and write Portuguese, and it is recommended to the primary teachers, and specially to the Professors who teach Latin Grammar, that they first apply themselves with every possible diligence to the teaching of this same language to their students, forbidding them the use of their vernacular in the schools."
Keeping the same thought before his mind, people working in public offices and military quarters were obliged to talk only Portuguese, 57 [We have not found any recorder of this order. However, Judge Louzada III his Segunda Memoria descriptiva e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguzas na Asia affirms it on page 450 of the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes published in 1842.] and a Judge of the High Court of Goa applauded this directive of the Viceroy and manifested his surprise at the bad custom of children talking in their mother tongue in the primary schools. 58 [Same Judge and Ibid.]
In schools carrying out the norms given by Archbishops, S. Galdino and Torres, and by Viceroy D. Manoel de Portugal, children read and write Portuguese mechanically, not understanding the meaning of even one word of that language, which they begin to understand only when they attend Latin classes. From this comes the facility with which many priests can read and write and talk Latin fluently, yet are unable to make themselves understood in Portuguese. Cottineau undoubtedly was not well informed when he said 59 [An Historical Sketch, etc. p. 166.] that all the priests of Goa had perfect grammatical knowledge of the Portuguese language as well as of the vernaculars, and that they could preach in one or the other equally well. But the fact is that very few can preach passably in Portuguese, and almost all make use of the vernacular mechanically without the least grammatical knowledge.
It is to this false basis of instruction rather than to the lack of good books that is due the pedantry and farrago of schools and absence of sound and well digested instruction, which Lagrange discovered in the inhabitants of Portuguese India. 60 [Instruction of the King D. Jose to the Governor and Archbishop in 1774, published by Claude Lagrange Monteiro de Barbuda, Panjim, 1841; Appendix p. VIII.] The absence of good books is the result of the first error since no good book can be written unless there are people able to understand it. And it is needless to add with Lagrange that there are honourable and respectable exceptions.
Having thus settled that the language of the place was to be considered something worthless and useless, it stands to reason that during the later reforms and plans of public instruction there should be complete silence about it. But there appears an intention of promoting the teaching of other common languages of India.
The Chief Justice Louzada himself, who in his Segunda Memoria condemns the local language, had already in his Primeira Memoria 61 [Memoria acerca da educacao publica nos Estados da India, dated Lisbon 15th March 1841 and published in the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes of the year 1842, p. 6.] indicated the great necessity of establishing in Portuguese India a school, where they could be taught to read and translate Hindu letters of Malabar (we do not know whether the reference is to the Marathi language) as an indispensable preparation for those who would take up civil posts, and had proposed as useful the teaching in the Diocesan Seminaries of the languages of places where our Missions work. 62 [Ibidem, p. 13.]
This idea almost forgotten from the time of the Marquez de Pombal, which was taken up again by Chief Justice Louzada, was accepted by the authors of the Regulations for the Seminaries, which were approved by the Decree of the Governor General, the Count of Antas in his Circular, issued on the 17th of March, 1843. This introduced in the course of the studies in the Seminary of Rachol the Tamil language and the Moorish language and in that of Chorao, the Hindustani language, erroneously taken by the authors as separate from the Moorish. These rules were however ineffective. 63
The Governor, Joaquim Mourao Garcez Palha, created a Chair for the Marathi and Canarese languages. 64 [Circular of 8th August 1843 (Boletim No. 53).] Simultaneously the Chamber of Deputies approved a project of general reform of public Instruction in Portugal, in which it was decided that in the Capital of the State of India be established at least a Training School for teachers of the primary course, a Lyceum and a Chair for the Hindustani language. This idea was immediately afterwards made use of and introduced by the Decree of 20th September, 1844, in the form of a transitional article; and to-day we see it realised in the normal school as well as the Lyceum, with the exception of the Chair for Hindustani, for the very fact that its necessity was not felt so much as that of Marathi or even Kanarese.
The Deputy for India, Antonio Caetano Pacheco, in his General Plan for the public Instruction in India, which has been printed, 65 [Plano geral da Instruccao publica nos Estados Portugueses da India, precedido de uma Exposicao, em que se apresenta o quadro historico das Institutos do ensino que ahi existiam, comparando-os com os que a eles se tem mandado substituir, e se demonstra o methodo, pelo qual se deve proceder a sua reforma e organisacao By Antonio Caetano Pacheco. Lisbon 1848.] when dealing mainly with primary schools, is equally silent in the matter of the mother tongue, and also about Marathi and Kanarese; but suggests the establishment in the Capital of Goa of a Chair for Hindustani, Tamil and Malabari, whose occupant was to be the official translator. This plan indicates that Deputy Pacheco walked in the footsteps of his compatriots who despised their own mother tongue and considered that Marathi was not necessary. He thought that one Professor alone would be able to teach with proficiency both the Hindustani and Tamil languages, though there is a great difference between the two, both in their nature and origin.
To evaluate how far the ignorance of the mother tongue had reached in Goa, we shall refer to an incident that occurred a few months ago, in the National Press of the same city. A studious person decided to publish a little book of prayers in his mother tongue. The question was discussed regarding the price of printing; and the compositors demanded 25 per cent more for the work, basing themselves on the rule that this was payable if the work to be printed was in a foreign tongue. This fact, we believe, is unique in the whole history both of modern and ancient languages; but it is not surprising when we learn that the editor himself, a native, who now disputed with the press, had been influenced, at one time, by general opinion and called the Portugues language his own. 66 [Memorias, ou Trahalhos Escolasticos do mez de Maio de 1947. Nova-Goa 1847, p 9.]
More weighty is the declaration made by another author, a native of Goa, and an experienced writer, who ingenuously confesses not only the difficulty of expressing himself correctly and appropriately in Portuguese, because it was not his own language; but also the impossibility of his writing in his own. "The public will forgive us (these are his words) the unpolished phrases with which we introduce the address that follows. The language which we use, not being ours, (even though in using our own unfortunately we would prove even more deficient) we may be excused when our style is inelegant, unnatural and inappropriate." 67 [A. P. Rodrigues, published a Electoral Speech on the 30th November 1846.]
The same contempt for the mother tongue explains the reason why from time immemorial, books written in that vernacular, were not printed; why those already published have vanished and why a few which survive, as manuscripts were kept hidden by certain families, some of these being copies of those first printed.
Therefore, on our arrival in India, towards the end of the year 1858, we tried to secure the Grammars published by the Jesuits which we had reprinted, and in spite of our best efforts, we could barely discover in the whole territory of Goa two copies, one of them in a much decayed and mutilated condition.
And now at the moment when we are writing this, we find great difficulty in discovering any of these books, for many individuals hide them and even deny their possession, with the fear that they may be objects of mockery and derision and be branded as rude, if perchance they acknowledge that they possess and read these monuments of their language.
XXXI
It is now time to undo the damage caused. The time has come to restore the mother tongue to its rightful place. To you, then, oh Goan Youth, is reserved this great work, essential element of the intellectual and social regeneration of your countrymen!
The methodical culture of the mother tongue will bring you closer to the Marathi language; it will facilitate the knowledge of the Asiatic and European languages, ancient and modern, and thereby useful knowledge will be opened to your intelligence; and the treasures of the world, till now hidden from you, due to the absence of this instrument of exploration, will be opened to you.
Let fools laugh and shout from the depth of their ignorance that the language has no grammar, that it is not capable of being written and that as it is in common use now by only a few individuals, the exertion on its study is insufficiently compensated; that its varieties and dialects from province to province, even from caste to caste, make it complicated and unintelligible, and that it is so corrupted that it cannot be purified.
If, however, you feel that these ignorant critics deserve a reply, tell them that this book and all others that will follow it will prove whether the language has a grammar or not, whether it is conducive to writing or not. Do not be ashamed to imitate the example of the British nation, exerting itself to cultivate in Europe the semi-barbarous dialect of Malta, spoken scarcely by 70,000 persons 68 [68. Vide Description of Malta and Gozo, by George Percy Badger, 2nd edition Valleta 1851. According to this author the total population of the Island must. have been 100 souls and of these 30 were from the city of Valleta.], and in India the harsh Jataki or Baloochi, the Pushtu or Afghan 69 [Vide the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society No. XII, January of 1849.] and other such languages. Tell them that the varieties of Konkani, from province to province or from caste to caste, are not greater than the dialects of old Greek, modern Italian, French, or German etc. And lastly its very corruption should be an incentive to you to improve it, to purge it, rather than to despise it. And if they yet persist in their outcry, do not give heed to it but move on.
Indeed, this enterprise is not easy, but it useful, it is honourable, it is glorious.
And that you may have as far as possible a light-house to guide you in the midst of darkness caused by the foolishness of some and the malice of others, we conclude by listing for you some aids to which you may have recourse.
XXXII
KONKANI LIBRARY or Aids for the Methodical Study of Konkani Language
The aids that may be used profitably for the study of any language are Grammars, Dictionaries, works written in the language and other critical works on the same language.
In so far as the Konkani language is concerned, while we acknowledge that the notes we are placing before the readers are far from being complete, we believe, that they will be useful, and will rouse the curiosity for further research.
I GRAMMARS AND DICTIONARIES
A. JESUIT AUTHORS
(a) Father Thomas Stephens.
"Arte da Lingua Canarim" (Grammar of Canarim Language). It was enlarged by Father Diogo Ribeiro, and revised by four priests of the Society of Jesus, and printed in the College of St. Ignatius of the same Society, in the year 1640, in quarto and now reprinted by us. (1859).
For other works written by the author vide pages 225-7.
(b) Father Diogo Ribeiro.
Made additions to Father Thomas Stephens' Arte as well as the Vocabulario]/i] of which there are many copies under the title: [i]Vocabulario da Lingua Canarim (Vocabulary of Canarim Language). This was written by the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, residing then with the Christian population of Salsete. Further additions were made thereto by Father Diogo Ribeiro of the same Society. Year 1626-MS.
There are copies of this Vocabulary both from Canarim language to Portuguese and vice versa. The Bibliotheca Lusitana says that the same "Vocabulario" received additions by Father Miguel de Almeida.
For another work of the author vide page 227.
(c) Father Antonio de Saldanha.
Vocabulario da Lingua Concanica (Vocabulary of Konkani Language)-MS.
For other works of the author vide page 228.
(d) Father Miguel de Almeida.
Made additions to the already enlarged Vocabulario by Father Diogo Ribeiro.
For other works of the author vide pages 228-9.
B. FRANCISCAN AUTHORS
(a) Father Manoel Banha.
Vocabulario (Vocabulary)-- MS. Vide Bibliotheca Lusitana, where the author is erroneously said to have belonged to the Province of Madre de Deus whereas he belonged to that of St. Thomas.
(b) Father Christovao de Jesus.
Arte Grammatical da Lingua Canarina (Grammar of Canarim Language 4°).-MS.
(c) Father Gaspar de S. Miguel.
Arte da Lingua Canarina (Grammar of Canarim Language 4°)-M.S.
For other work of the author vide page 227.
C . VARIOUS AUTHORS
Arte da Grammatica da Lingua Bracmana (The Grammar of Bramana Language) in II Books. Very necessary work for the use of Missionaries, Preachers, Confessors, Writers, Poets, and Students in the East. Written on the island of Chorao by Simon Alz, Brahmin, Shenoy of Chorao etc. Year MDCICIV.-MS:
This Grammar contains the following:--
Vocabulary of three languages, Portuguese, Brahmana and Spanish. Necessary for the Parish priests, Missionaries, Confessors, Preachers, Writers, Poets, Scholars and Students of the East. Written in the Island of Chorao by Simon Alz, and his father, Lourenco Alz, Shenoy Brahmins of Chorao. Year MDCICV.--MS.
It appears to be the same Vocabulary to which additions were made by Father Diogo Ribeiro. The person who tries to add to it the Spanish language, did not proceed further in his intention than the first page. The Choranenses appear to be mere copyists, both of the Grammar and the Dictionary.
(a) Fr. Francisco Xavier.
Grammatica ou Observacoes Grammaticaes sobre a lingua de Concana (Grammar or Grammatical Observations about the Language of Konkan)-MS. The name of the author is omitted, but everything makes us believe that it is the work of Fr. Francis Xavier, Italian Carmelite, Missionary in Kanara, Archbishop of Sardes and Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly. From the work we surmise that it was written in Kanara.
To the Grammatica is attached one Diccionario da Lingua Concana (Dictionary of Konkani Language.)-MS. It is Portuguese- Konkani, with many Italian words and phrases.
(b) Francisco Jose Vieira.
Judge of the High Court of Goa (1809 to 1818).
Reduced to rules and grammatical precepts the native language of Goa according to the assertion of Mr. Manoel Felicissimo Louzada d'Araujo, also Judge of the same Court in his Segunda Memoria descriptiva e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Asia, published in 1842, in the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes, page 45l.
(c) D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino.
Archbishop of Goa (1812-1831), Franciscan of the Reformed Province of Arrabida. Was elected Bishop of Tunkim in 1801, then transferred to Macao, and consecrated on the 27th of March 1803. Arrived in his diocese on the 7th September of the same year. Was transferred to Goa as Coadjutor 'jure successionis' to the Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Catharine, in the year 1805; and on the death of the same, in February 1812, took charge as Archbishop and Primate, and governed till the 15th of June, 1831, when he died. He is buried in the Sanctuary of the Cathedral.
He took pains to learn the language, and is mid to have preached in the vernacular. There is a vague tradition that he wrote Grammatica, but no one seems to have seen it, or has referred to it. It is likely that he had a copy of the Grammar written by the Jesuits, which we have just (1858) reprinted, or some other copy. which gave rise to the report that he wrote a Grammar.
II OTHER WORKS IN THE LANGUAGE.
A. JESUIT AUTHORS
(a) Father Thomas Stephens.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana clearly but erroneously calls him Esteves. He lived towards the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th. The title of his Puranna says that he was an Englishman and in his book Oriente Conquistado (Vol. I,). Fr. Francisco de Souza mentions that he was from London.
Besides his Grammar to which we have referred, he wrote:
Doutrina Christa em Lingua Bramana-Canarim (Christian Doctrine in Bramana-canarim Language) in the form of a dialogue to teach children. Rachol, 8°.
According to the author of Oriente Conquistado, this work was the Cartilha by Father Marcos Jorge, popularly known by the name of the one who amended it, Padre Mestre Ignacio Martins.
Discurso sobre a vinda de Jesu Christo Nosso Salvador ao mundo (Discourse on the coming of Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world). divided in two treatises, by Father Thomas Stephens, Englishman. of the Society of Jesus. The first Treatise speaks of the creation of the world, and many notable things God performed during the times of the Patriarchs and Prophets; wherein are recorded the promises and prophecies about the coming of the Saviour.
The second Treatise concerns the life of Our Lord, how He came into the world and fufilled the prophecies written about His coming.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana seems to be ignorant of this work. The work went through three impressions, and yet we were unfortunate not to see any printed edition, but only manuscripts, beautifully written, imitating the round and ornamental lettering of what were possibly illustration found in the printed books.
This work was first printed at Rachol, at the College of All Saints of the Society of Jesus, in the year 1616 and bears the imprimatur of the Inquisition and of the Ordinary of the place. The second impression was done in the year 1649, though started in 1646. From the permits granted for the first edition, it is clear that the work was first written in Portuguese and it was translated into Bramana language. Persons responsible for granting these permits were: Paulo Mascarenhas, Francisco Borges de Souza, Joao Fernandes Almeida, D. Fr. Cristovao, Archbishop Primate, an Francis Vieira. Persons responsible for granting permission for the second printing of the work are: Antonio de Faria e Machado, Joao de Barros de Castelbranco, Archbishop Primate, Fr. Gaspar de S. Miguel, Domingos Rebello Lobo and Frei Manoel Baptista, Vicar of Colvale, censor deputatus.
The third edition was printed in Goa in the year 1654, with the permission of the Inquisition and the Ordinary of the place. It was printed in the new College of St. Paul. Here again persons responsible for this permit are: Frei Lucas de Cruz, Paulo Castelino de Freitas; the censor deputatus being again the Frei Manoel Baptista, this time Vicar of Revora. From these permits it is clear, that this work was known as Puranna from the second edition of 1849.
Father Stephens dedicated this work to the Archbishop, D. Frei Cristovao de Lisboa, Primate of India, with an introduction both in Portuguese and Bramana languages.
The Introduction is followed by a Poem supposed to have been written by Frei Gaspar de S. Miguel of the Order of St. Francis in laudem auctoris:
The same copies bring the following declaration made after Canto 44.
Passion of Christ Our Redeemer, composed by Father Thomas Stephens of the Society of Jesus, and additions made by Pascoal Gomes da Faria, priest of the Order and habit of the Prince of the Apostle S. Peter, native of Batim, parish of Our Lady of Guadalupe, of the Island of Goa of a few hymns at the end of the book. Year 1772.
(b) Father Diogo Ribeiro
Native of Lisbon, and not of Thomar as is stated in the Bibliotheca Societat. Page 173... He was admitted in the Society in the year 1580 in Goa, when he was 20 years of age. Died in the College at Rachol, on the 18th of June, 1633.
Explicacao (Declaracao) da Doutrina Christa (A statement of Christian Doctrine) gathered from Cardinal Bellarmine and other authors. College of Rachol, 1632. 4°.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana states that he had translated and enlarged to many books in the Konkani language, but excepting this work the names of the translations are not mentioned.
(c) Father Antonio de Saldanha
Was born at the Military Quarters, Mazagon, Africa, of a Portuguese father and an Italian mother. Came to India to join the army, when 16 years of age, and in Goa entered the Society of Jesus, in the year 1615. Appointed to the Mission of Salsete, he learnt the Konkani language so well that he could speak with great facility. Died in the College of Rachol on the 15th December, 1663.
Tratado dos Milagres (Treatise of Miracles) God performed both during the life as well after the death of glorious St. Anthony translated and composed in the language of the place for the better understanding of the people. In the College of Rachol, 1655. 4°.
Rosas e boninas deleitosas (Delightful roses and daisies) from the delicious garden of Mary and her Rosary, translated and composed with suitable reflections for the good of souls. Rachol, 4°. No year of impression.
Fructo da arvore da vida (Fruit of the tree of life) wholesome to soul and body, illustrated with various moral lessons for the good of the souls and honour of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Rachol, 4°. No year of impression.
Beneficios insignes dos Anjos Custodios (Notable benefits through the Guardian Angels)-MS.
Baculo Pastoral (Pastoral staff) for the administration of Sacraments and other Parochial obligations. fol-MS.
(d) Father Miguel D'Almeida
Native of Villa de Gouvea, in the Province of Beira. Entered the Society of Jesus in Goa on the 12th of September 1624, aged 16 years. He had made the profession of all the four vows. Rector of the College of St. Paul at Goa, and afterwards Provincial. Died in the College of Rachol on the 17th September 1683.
Jardim dos Pastores (Garden of the Shepherds) or Feasts of the Year in Bramana language. Doctrinal book, Goa, in the year 1658. College of the Society. 8° Contains sermons and homilies.
Philip Neri Pires in his Marathi Granunar speaks of this work, vide Preface XIII; and on page 105 quotes a few passages. According to Mr. Pires this work is almost 300 years old, whereas as is clear from its date, it is no more than 200 years old.
Cinco Praticas (Five Sermons) on the words: Exurgens Maria, Goa in the same College.
Sermoes de Santos (Sermons on the Saints) and for Lent. 2 Vol. 4°-MS.
(e) Fathers Joao de Pedrosa
Native of Coimbrao in the Diocese of Leiria, son of Joao Fernandes and Antonio Pedrosa ... He entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus at Coimbra on the 26th February 1632, then 16 years of age. He spent many years in the Mission of Salsete, and was Rector of Rachol. Died at Goa on the 10th of May 1672.
Soliloquios divinos (Divine Soliloquies). Work of Father Bernardino de Vilhegas of the S0ciety of Jesus, Professor of Theology in the College of St. Stephen of Murcia of the Society of Jesus, and "Calificador" of the Holy Office. Translated into Bramana language by Father Pedrosa of the same Society. Missionary in Salsete, Province of Goa. Printed in the College (new) of St. Paul 1660. 128 pages. 4°
There is a copy of this book found in the Bibliotheca Publica of Nova Goa. This work is divided into soliloquies and these in Chapters with an index at the beginning in Portuguese and at the end in the Bramana language.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana does not state whether another work of the author entitled Instruccao para a Confissao Sacramental, which he was unable to publish, probably because of his death. was also written in the Bramana language.
(f) Father Theotonio Joseph.
Compendio da Doutrina Christa (Compendium of Christian Doctrine) arranged by Father Teotonio Joseph of the Society of Jesus, in Goan Bramana language to teach children. Lisbon, in the Patr. Offic. of Franc. Luiz Ameno. With the necessary permission, 1768. 32°.
The Compendium consists of three chapters: the first contains prayers and elements of Christian Doctrine. The second explains the name, obligation, and the sign of a Catholic, the theological virtues, and the grace of God. The third (chiefly an abridgement taken from an Instruction composed by Father Joseph Pereira of the Society of Jesus) explains the principal mysteries of the Faith of Christ, the necessary dispositions for confession, and Sacramental Communion.
The second and third chapters are in Portuguese.
B. FRANCISCAN AUTHORS
(a) Father Amador de Santana.
Flos sanctorum
In his book Vergel de Plantas e Flores Father Jacinto de Deos says that this translation has been done with elegance proper to the mother tongue of the people of the East.
(b) Father Domingos de S. Bernadino.
Native of India. Was Commissary of the Holy Office. He wrote: Exposicao do Credo. (The creed Explained)-MS.
(c) Father Gaspar de S. Miguel.
Lived in the middle of the 17th century. According to the Bibliotheca Lusitana, he wrote and dedicated to King Philip IV the following works:
Das Estacoes (On Instructions) the Parish Priests should impart to their flock on the mysteries of our Holy Faith, and explaining the seven Sacraments and God's Commandments.
Sermoes do tempo e dos Santos (Sermons on the Seasons of the Year and on Saints) 4 Vol.
Buculo Pastoral (Pastoral Staff).
Symbolo da Fe (Symbol of Faith) of Ven. Fr. Luiz de Granada.
Symbolo do Cardeal Bellarmino (Symbol of Cardinal Bellarmine).
Manual para os Parocos e Reitores (Hand-book for the Parish Priests and Rectors).
Paixao de Christo (Passion of Christ) containing three thousand verses.
Explicacao de Credo (Explanation of Creed), Life of the Apostles, with various documents and refutation of idolatry, rites, and heathen superstitions.
Das miserias humanas (On human miseries), gravity of sin, four last ends, and the Benefits of God.
These two last mentioned works, according to the Bibliotheca Lisitana consist of six thousand verses, and go under the title of viveqhomalla which means Declaration of Faith, with a very learned treatise confuting deceits, and information regarding idols.
Father Jacinto de Deos too speaks about this author in his book Vergel de Plantas e Flores on page 10.
Poesia (Poem) in praise of Father Thomas Stephens. Was published along with his Puranna.
(d) Fr. Joao de S. Mathias.
Native of Lisbon. Became the 8th Provincial of the Province of St. Thomas.
Symbolo da Fe (Symbol of Faith) composed by Cardinal Bellarmine. This translation consists of two thousand verses, to be sung with ease and to be studied by heart: This is an observation of the Bibliotheca Lusitana.
Vida de Christo (Life of Christ) written in Bramana language called Puranna.
Bibliotheca Lusitana erroneously calls it Puritana.
(e) Fr. Manoel Baptista.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana says that he belonged to the Province of Madre de Deos, whilst he actually belonged to that of St. Thomas. Was Rector of Colvale, and Revora in Bardes and lived in 1654, as can be seen from the Permits and licences granted for the publication of the Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens. Wrote: Catecismo (Catechism). 4°-MS.
(f) Fr. Manoel de Lado.
Was Provincial in 1661 and 1662. Wrote: Catecismo (Catechism) 4°-MS.
C. VARIOUS AUTHORS.
Under this heading we would like to place the printed copy of a book extant in the Bibliotheca Publica of Pangim. The name of the author we are unable to discover since its first as well the last pages are missing. Actually the book starts with page 25. We have also seen a much more mutilated manuscript of the same. From the type and printing work, it appears to have been printed at the Press of the Jesuits in Goa, towards the middle of the 17th century. Until we definitely know who the author is we shall call the book: Puranna da Bibliotheca. 70 [Reference has been made to this book on page 18: Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35, by Fr. Etienne de la Croix.]
Father Francisco Vaz.
Native of Guimaraes.
Declararao (Exposition) freshly made of the most Dolorous Death and Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Written by a devout priest called Francisco Vaz de Guimaraes. Lisbon, with permission of the Real Mesa, and in the press of Domingos Carneiro. Year 1659.
Was reprinted by Antonio Gonsalves, Puranik Shatry. Bombay, 1st January 1845.
This work is a bibliographical enigma. The Bibliotheca Lusitana of Abbot Barbosa Machado says the following: "Francisco Vaz, native of Guimaraes, a pious and devout priest, published this book: Obra da mui dolorosa morte e paixao de N. S. Jesu Christo, conforme a escrevem os quatro Santos Evangelistas ... Evora, Manoel de Lira, 1593 ... 4° Braga Fructuoso de Basto, 1613 ... 4°; Evora ... Francisco Simoes; Lisbon ... Antonio Alvares, 1617 and 1639, 4°; Lisbon ... Domingos Carneiro, 1659, 4°. Has also written other poetic works, divine and secular.
The very rare Catalogue of books of the Royal Academy of Science, Lisbon, gives the title of the work as "Obra da muito dolorosa Morte e Paixao de N. S. Jesu Christo. conforme o que escrevem os quatro Santos Evangelistas." Evora, Manoel de Lira, 1593. 4°. and declares that it is in verse. Both these sources indicate that the first work was published at Evora. Further editions were printed, the last being in Lisbon, in the year 1659. In this very year the Konkani edition was published and in the same press. The Bibliotheca Lusitana makes no reference to this Konkani edition but we know it from Rev. Murray Mitchell who speaks of it in his paper (the Journal of the Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society) as well as from the new edition, printed in Bombay, in 1845.
The Bibliotheca says nothing about the life of the author nor have we any clue from other sources. But if we take into consideration the fact that from the first edition in 1593 in Portuguese to the last published in Lisbon in the year 1659, both in Portuguese and Konkani, we see that from the first copy to this edition a period of 66 years had already elapsed. Hence we may very truly believe that the author never came to India nor knew Konkani, and the work in Konkani must have been a translation by some Missionary. This work must have been held in great esteem from the fact that it ran into so many editions within a short period.
Probably the original and printed editions must have been exhausted at the time of the one that was printed in Bombay. From Rev. Mitchell we know that the printing was done from manuscript. This work he says is largely appreciated by the Catholics who speak Marathi (Konkani) and is generally known as Puranna. 71 [It seems that this Puranna was published for the first time in Bombay in 1845 and that there were several subsequent editions.]
It is a poetical work, that is, written in verse, somewhat imitative of the ovi metre of the Marathi poets. The whole is composed of 36 Cantthas, accompanied with a Portuguese title Capitulo. These 36 Chapters or Songs contain a total of 16,000 verses, thus in its length exceeding the most celebrated epic poems of Europe.
The work is written in Roman characters ... and it starts with the following title in prose:
Canttha Paily Caixy Virge Maria Saibina sambauly Santa Annache udrim chocata Adaoche papavinchun, Paramessorache curpexim.
The poem begins thus:-
(1) Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS.
(2) Other Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS. 72 [A Devanagai transliteration of this poem is published by professor A. K. Priolkar, with an introduction and notes in English. (The Journal of the University of Bombay, vol. IX, part 2, September 1940.]
(3) Another Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS.
Father Manoel Jaques de Noronha
Poesia sobre a Paixao de Christo (Poem about the Passion of Christ) written by Father Manoel Jaques de Noronha, native of Sancoale, resident in Azossim, of the parish of S. Matheus of the Island of Goa ... MS. 73 [A Devanagari transliteration of this poem with notes is being published in the Marathi Samsodhana Patrika, Bombay (April 1958).]
Exposicao do Gentilismo da Asia (Discourse on Paganism of Asia).-MS. The title of this fragment is unknown to us and we give to it the above title. It is a fragment and probably forming part of one of the codices of the 17th century. The first and a good number of pages are missing. It goes from pages 121 to 143. The titles of the chapters are in Portuguese and the fragment starts from chapter 118. [i]Practicas e Sermoes (Homilies and Sermons).
We have seen in the Bibliotheca Publica of Pangim a printed book, 74 [This seems to be the above mentioned book: Jardim dos Pastores by Fr. Minguel da Almeida, 1658 (see pages 21-229).] 270 pages in 4°, containing Sermons and instructions for the Feasts of the Year; but are unable to find the title and the author as the first page of the book is missing. From its type it appears to have been printed in Goa. It comprises material from the feast of Christmas to the feast of St. Bartholomeu. And it starts thus:
Suamiya Jesu Christachea zolmachy sicouonno: which means instruction regarding the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ. Confessionario em lingua Bracmana, or Dialogue between the Confessor and the Penitent according to the Commandments of the Law of God and the Church, the state and profession of each person, and their duties, exhortations and remedies &c.
Chorao. Written by Lourenco Alz, Simao Alz, Father and Son, Brahmins, Shenoy of Chorao. Year 1696 ... MS.
Questionnaire for Confession in the language of the country.
Short questionnaire for Confession in the common tongue.
Short and more succint Questionnaire for Confession.
Compendium of Christian Doctrine in Portuguese and Goan language.
This book is advertised in the catalogue of Books printed in Bombay at his cost by Manoel da Cruz in 1820.
Manual de Devocoes, e Doutrina Christa. (Book of Devotions and Christian Doctrine) In Portuguese and the language of the place, with other useful exercises of Christian piety. Printed in Bombay in the year 1848.
Rev. Murray Mitchell makes reference to this book in his paper "Marathi works composed by the Portuguese." published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Jan. 1849 on page 156).
Father Pascoal Gomes de Faria.
A native cleric of Goa.
Enlarged the treatise on the Passion by Father Thomas Stephens.
Father Pascoal Dias.
A native cleric from Carmona, Salsete, translated into the vernacular the Preparacao da Oracao Mental. Also translated into the vernacular the [i]Stabat Mater with various prayers, all in verse.
This is a booklet of 32 pages and printed in Goa in the Imprensa Nacional in the year 1855. It was edited by Miguel Vicente d'Abreu, Secretary to the Government.
Novas Meditacoes (New Meditations) in the language of Goa (Konkani) to be used during the Way of the Cross. Pangim. In the National Press, 1856, 32 pages, 12°.
Preparacao da Oracao Mental (Preparation for Mental Prayer) with fifteen Mysteries of the Rosary and Magnificat, and Prayer of St. Francis Xavier. Nova-Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1857, 32 pages 32°.
By the same editor. The Preparation for Mental Prayer was the one approved by the Pastoral of Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino, of the 26th October 1818, and translated into Konkani by Father Pascoal Dias, native of Carmona.
III ...... Critical Works
Of this kind we have found only one to which we made reference, namely, "Marathi Works composed by the Portuguese," by Rev. J. Murray Mitchell.
XXVII
The Inquisition cannot be absolved from a large share in the persecution of the vernacular; and what is more, a larger part in the ruin of the Portuguese Empire in Asia.
But we confine ourselves to what concerns the language. The whole system of the Inquisition aimed not only at the extirpation of superstitious and idolatrous beliefs, but also of innocent usages and customs retaining even a trace of the Asiatic Society, which existed previous to the conquest by the Portuguese. Consequently the language was involved in this general prescription.
One Inquisitor with eighteen years of service in the Inquisition of Goa, proposed to His Majesty, in the year 1731, the following: "The first and the principal cause of such a lamentable ruin (loss of souls) is the disregard of the Law of His Majesty, D. Sebastiao of glorious memory, and the Goan Councils, prohibiting the natives to converse in their own vernacular and making obligatory the use of the Portuguese language; this disregard in observing the law, gave rise to so many and so great evils, to the extent of effecting irreparable harm to souls, as well as to the royal revenues. Since I have been, though unworthy, the Inquisitor of this State, ruin has set in the villages of Nadora (sic), Revora, Pirna, Assonora and Aldona in the Province of Bardes; in the villages of Cuncolim, Assolina, Dicarpalli, Consua, and Aquem in Salsete; and in the Island of Goa, in Bambolim, Curca, and Siridao, and presently in the village of Bastora in Bardes. In these places some members of village communities, as also women and children have been arrested and others accused of malpractices; for since they cannot speak any other language but their own vernacular, they are secretly visited by Botos, servants, and High Priests of Pagodas who teach them the tenets of their sect and further persuade them to offer alms to the Pagodas and to supply other necessary requisites for the ornament of the same temples, reminding them of the good fortune their ancestors had enjoyed from such observances and the ruin they were subjected to, for having failed to observe these customs; under such persuasion they are moved to offer gifts and sacrifices and perform other diabolical ceremonies, forgetting the law of Jesus Christ which they had professed in the sacrament of Holy Baptism,. This would not have happened had they known only the Portuguese language; since they being ignorant of the native tongue the Botos, Grous and their attendants would not have been able to have any communication with them, for the simple reason that the latter could only converse in the vernacular of the place. Thus an end would have been put to the great loss among native Christians whose faith has not been well grounded, and who easily yield to the teaching of the Hindu priests."
We do not know what to admire in such a proposal of the Inquisitor, his malice or foolishness. Undoubtedly it is the height of malice to affirm that Goan Councils had prohibited the natives to talk in their mother tongue, and had obliged them to speak the Portuguese language alone. It is foolishness to make people believe that through the vernacular alone could the Botos and other Hindu priests explain the tenets of their belief and sect with a view to convincing the native Christians.
It will be clear from the reading of VIII and IX that the Council, far from forbidding the use of the vernacular, had rather recommended its use for the teaching of Christian doctrine. And so far as the Regulation issued by His Majesty, D. Sebastiao, invoked by the Inquisitor is no doubt the one we have already made reference to in §VIII, dated 4th December 1567, the Inquisitor has as little ground in it as in the Councils for his insinuations.
It is possible that the Inquisitor was ignorant of the existence of the Decree of the Count of Alvor, and its confirmation by the King. It is possible to believe such a thing since reference to them had been already made by the Franciscan Friars in the year 1732 and the following years. This indicates that during those days they were known by all. Since these mandates were so much in his favour, we are unable to discover any reason why the Inquisitor did not refer to them, but falsely referred to the Councils and the law of D. Sebastiao.
A suitable reply was given by the Viceroy, Count of Sandomilo to these inept proposals of the Inquisitor, when the Viceroy reported to His Majesty as follows: "Having considered the means (says the Viceroy) proposed by the Inquisitor, Antonio de Amaral Coutinho, favourable to the conversion of the infidels of the Islands of Goa, and of the Provinces of Salsete and Bardes; and having obtained the necessary information in the matter, it appears to me that in reference to the first it is impracticable to exterminate the mother-tongue of the natives, for they are bred in it, even those who are constantly in touch and in intercourse with the Portuguese; and even if this were possible I do not think one would escape the danger alluded to by this Ministry, that the Hindus residing here among the Christians would learn the Portuguese language equally well, since this would be needed for their intercourse; and even the Botos and priests from the mainland would learn it in order to induce the native Christians worship in temples, even if they did not known it previously, since Portuguese is a lingua franca among Asiatics."
It may be relevant to mention here the Proclamation of the Holy Office against many usages and customs, some most innocent, in which are included the two following: (a) "Item. We command that on all the occasions of their marriages, in all the acts meant to celebrate them, whether at the bridegroom's or the bride's home, the natives do not sing publicly nor privately songs customarily sung in the mother tongue and popularly known as vovios; 50 [Vovi, plural vovio, is a meter in strophes of four verses.] and should they like to have feasts as a demonstration of their joy, let it not be done with the accompaniment of songs, having the semblance of the same vovios, and never on such festive occasions should the singing be done by women folk, relatives, or daijis of the bridegroom or even of the bride."
"Item. We order the said natives of India that on no occasion whatsoever, under no pretext, they sing in their own homes, songs known as vovios, neither publicly nor privately so that among the faithful Christians the use of the same songs may be extinguished."
At this time the Archbishop insisted on the prohibition of the ceremonies of Hindu marriages in places inhabited by the Christian population. He alleged that many Hindus entertaining young Catholic servants were sure to ruin the latter's faith, since these Canarim boys, spoke the same language as their masters, and memorised these songs sung by the masters and repeated and sang them; with the result that their elders considered as true the fiction regarding the Hindu deities narrated therein, in addition to the worship given in them with the praise, petitions and prayers contained therein.
To which the Viceroy, Joao de Saldanha da Gama, replied: "The allegation that the songs sung on such occasions is a source of perversion to the young Catholic servants cannot be counted as true for the reason that they are sung in elegant and difficult language, commonly used in the State, where the popular language is much adulterated and corrupted by constant intercommunication with the Portuguese." And continues:
"There is no sense in asserting that the Hindus engage Christian boys on their festive occasions; they do make use of them to build pandals, but not to help them in their ceremonial acts or feasting, since according to their laws, such rites are to be performed without the assistance of any Catholic, less still with the aid of Catholics of working class who are considered to be of low caste and believed to soil anything coming in contact with their hands. So rigorous are the Hindus in the observance of these rites that it is enough for a Catholic to enter their homes to consider them to be polluted, 51 [At the time the Viceroy wrote this such may have been the situation. Today, however, the Hindus, though not into their private rooms, yet permit the Christians to enter their homes; and any objects touched by them arc neither re-touched or broken.] and they refuse to eat anything touched by the hands or even cut by a knife used by a Christian."
From what has been said we may arrive at the conclusion that if the Archbishop of the time, did not go along with the Inquisition in the attempt to kill the language; he co-operated with it in prohibiting the use of popular vernacular poetry; which surely must have done great harm to the language.
XXVIII
The Ecclesiastical Empire in Portugal as well as in India had three arms: Archbishops and Bishops with their Secular Clergy, Friars or Regular Clergy and the Inquisition. All these three Powers conspired to absorb within their jurisdiction the sovereignty of the King, at the same time competing among themselves for the supreme jurisdiction. There were, above all, incessant quarrels between the Regular and Secular Clergy; and remaining within the domain of our subject matter, we have treated this conflict among them in India. It is this particular circumstance that forces us to consider the influence the Archbishop exerted on the vernacular language of the capital of Portuguese India, and adjacent provinces.
After the first impetus which the conquest had given to the demolition of temples and Hindu emblems, and along with them to the destruction of books written in the language of the people, the Councils and the Prelates recognized how necessary it was to learn these languages, for the progress of the propagation of Faith which was their charge. And during the prolonged battle the Archbishops carried on with the Franciscan Friars regarding the Churches of Bardes (as we have seen) one argument alone was advanced against the latter, namely, that they knew very little or nothing of the language, knowledge of which in the opinion of the Archbishop and all reasonable persons, was an indispensable condition to nourish the flock and increase the number in the fold.
The Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de Santa Maria, is an exception to this, for he wished to remedy the evil both by imitating the errors of the Count of Alvor, and exaggerating their absurdities. In the famous Pastoral, dated 21st November 1745, to which reference has already been made (§ XXIII) and whose manuscript we have studied, the Archbishop enforced the execution of the Decree of the Count of Alvor in so far as it enjoined on the Parish Priests to teach their parishioners Christian doctrine in Portuguese, without the use of the vernacular. The teachers were to do likewise when teaching their students. And not content with this regulation he laid down the following: --
"By our Circular dated 31st May, of the same year with regard the Sacrament of Holy Orders, we have made it known that we shall not admit any person of whatever position he may be to the Orders ... of Dioconate and of the Mass, unless firstly he has gone profitably through the three years of Moral and Speculative Theology, has a good character, proved by frequent reception of sacraments, exercises of piety and devotion, by service of the Church, and the teaching of Christian doctrine; and knows and speaks Portuguese only, this pertains not only to the candidate himself but also to his close relatives of both sexes, this being assured by a rigorous examination and precise care by the Parish-Priests. And convinced as we are of its necessity for the service of God, glory of the ecclesiastical state and general good of the Diocese we reiterate it to all concerned with the assurance that it shall be so executed."
And further on: --
"Since according to law and common opinion of the DD. confirmed by universal usage, both of our Predecessors, the Primates and the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdom of Portugal, we have power to impose new impediments to the marriage of our subjects, for sound reasons regarding the common and individual good, in the exercise of this power, after mature consideration, believing it to be for the service of God and good of our flock, we institute, create, and place anew for this Island of Goa, and its two Provinces: Bardes and Salsete, the impediment of no person contracting any marriage, whether he be man or woman, who does not know or speak the Portuguese language, which impediment will first apply to all the residents of Island of Goa, and adjacent places and to the Parishes of S. Lourenco, Reis Magos, Penha da Franca, Sirula, Pomburpa and of Aldona and to all the Brahmins and Chardos who at the time are resident in the Provinces of Bardes and Salsete, and it will take effect six months after the proclamation of this Circular, a period given to enable such persons to learn the language; whereas, it will extend to other castes of Bardes and Salsete one year after its publication. The Rev. Parish-Priests will specially enforce this order, acquainting themselves with it, and having it circulated for the knowledge of the people, either personally or through their curates, and never by any other person; and examine the contracting parties in the Christian doctrine asking all questions in Portuguese; and thereafter pass a free certificate to that effect at the end of the proclamation of bans and to be taken under oath and sworn on the Gospels."
These orders issued by D. Lourenco had the same fate as the Decree of the Count of Alvor. They were futile, as such fantasies could not be otherwise.
XXIX
After the expulsion of the Franciscan Friars from the Churches of Bardes and that of the Jesuits from the Portuguese State, the Archbishops were solely in charge of appointments to all the Churches, to which they appointed the Secular Clergy. This surely motivated the Archbishops not to follow the directions given by the Marquez de Pombal, desiring that the first Chairs in the Colleges and the Seminaries in the East should be those for instruction in the languages of the places where we had Churches and Missions; and they left the knowledge of local language merely to common use and practice.
The new Goan Constitutions, enjoined by Archbishop D. Antonio Teixeira da Neiva Brum, and amended and enlarged in 1778 by Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Catharina 52 [Printed in Lisbon, Royal Press 1810.] take it for granted that all religious instruction is imparted and received in Portuguese; and do not oblige the Parish Priests to learn the vernacular, rather they are permitted to ignore it. Book 3, Tit. 6, Const. 5, No. 37 says the following: "If the one who instructs (in the mysteries of Faith) be ignorant of the vernacular of the one who confesses or of the dying, and should there be one knowing the language he may translate his questions in that vernacular, as he goes on instructing". And No. 38: "And since low caste and rude people do not know the Portuguese language, we order that for the instruction to be better understood, the Parish Priests have words and terms translated into the native language; and get the same circulated among their parishioners in order to facilitate them to instruct their servants in the mysteries of faith and Christian doctrine."
The Archbishop who followed was D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino. On May the 22nd of the year 1812 53 [Journal da Santa Igreja Lusitana do Oriente, No. 6, 1847.] in the regulations for the Studies which he laid down, he starts with the following rules: "In elementary schools care should be taken to select teachers who know Portuguese well, and great care should be taken by teachers that the children do not as far as possible talk, during the school hours, in the mother tongue and since at the time when they are enrolled, the children are ignorant of the Portuguese language, the teachers should teach this language. They should teach names of things in Portuguese, so that the children may learn every day a few words in proportion to their aptitude and their age; and when the children come across Portuguese words, the teachers should explain them in the vernacular. If the teachers, following our instructions forbid the more advanced to talk in the vernacular, the younger ones will soon learn the Portuguese language and the more progress they have made in the Portuguese language by the time they leave school the more progress they will make in Latin.
"We strictly direct the teachers to impart to the children the Christian doctrine both in the vernacular and in Portuguese; and very much recommend the Parish Priests to have a vigilant eye on the enforcement of this rule."
That the teachers ought to explain to the children the meaning in the vernacular: and that teachers should teach the children Christian doctrine, both in the vernacular and in Portuguese are indeed two pregnant ideas worthy of a Prelate, who himself learnt the language, and as some affirm it, was a fluent preacher in it. It is a pity that these two ideas are mixed up with others, thereby diminishing their efficacy. The Archbishop was carried away by public opinion, which he did not like to oppose or become an object of derision by giving an impulse to the study of the local language. But with this and like provisions 54 [On the 26th of October, the Archbishop issued a Circular recommending public prayers in churches according to the form therein commended, incorporating at the same time its vernacular translation into the Circular and It was printed with additional prayers under the title of Preparacao da Oracao Mental, Nova Goa. National Press, 1857.] he wished to clear the path for others to enlarge and smooth it. He was, however, mistaken. The path was not opened. It was obstructed with thorns and overgrowth, which no one dared to go through. It was considered so difficult that the Archbishop, D. Jose Maria da Silva Torres, did not even attempt to enter it, and left it worse than it was before. "It is absolutely forbidden (says this Archbishop in his Regulations to the Seminaries, dated 15th June, 1847, art. 54,) 55 [Journal da Santa Igreja Lusitana do Oriente No. 6, 1847.] both to the students and any Ecclesiastic residing in the Seminary, to converse with one another in the language of Goa."
We see clearly that the principal intention of the Archbishop Was the cultivation of the Portuguese language; but it was not possible to cultivate it without doing harm to the vernacular. Were not the Seminarians and the Ecclesiastics more competent than the rude and ignorant people to apply the rules of grammar to their vernacular, to improve and correct it? Had the Archbishop forgotten that the greater number of the sons of the Seminary, would later administer to the spiritual needs of their parishioners and that too in the language of Goa? But it was fashionable to despise the language; the natives themselves applauded this; and, therefore, it was all the more difficult to resist the force of the torrent.
XXX
It appears as if the times of the Count of Alvor, and the Archbishop, D. Fr. Lourenco de Santa Maria, had repeated. The civil Government co-operated with the ecclesiastical authorities in persecuting the language and they were supported by influential men in the State, both European and Indian.
On the occasion of the establishment of the first public schools at the cost of the State 56 [Circular of 5th September 1831. L. 4. Cartas e Ordens fl. 1.] the Viceroy, D. Manoel de Portugal e Castro, laid down the following: "In a country like this, forming part of the Crown of Portugal, and governed by Portuguese laws, it appears extraordinary that such a small number of inhabitants speak and write Portuguese, and it is recommended to the primary teachers, and specially to the Professors who teach Latin Grammar, that they first apply themselves with every possible diligence to the teaching of this same language to their students, forbidding them the use of their vernacular in the schools."
Keeping the same thought before his mind, people working in public offices and military quarters were obliged to talk only Portuguese, 57 [We have not found any recorder of this order. However, Judge Louzada III his Segunda Memoria descriptiva e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguzas na Asia affirms it on page 450 of the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes published in 1842.] and a Judge of the High Court of Goa applauded this directive of the Viceroy and manifested his surprise at the bad custom of children talking in their mother tongue in the primary schools. 58 [Same Judge and Ibid.]
In schools carrying out the norms given by Archbishops, S. Galdino and Torres, and by Viceroy D. Manoel de Portugal, children read and write Portuguese mechanically, not understanding the meaning of even one word of that language, which they begin to understand only when they attend Latin classes. From this comes the facility with which many priests can read and write and talk Latin fluently, yet are unable to make themselves understood in Portuguese. Cottineau undoubtedly was not well informed when he said 59 [An Historical Sketch, etc. p. 166.] that all the priests of Goa had perfect grammatical knowledge of the Portuguese language as well as of the vernaculars, and that they could preach in one or the other equally well. But the fact is that very few can preach passably in Portuguese, and almost all make use of the vernacular mechanically without the least grammatical knowledge.
It is to this false basis of instruction rather than to the lack of good books that is due the pedantry and farrago of schools and absence of sound and well digested instruction, which Lagrange discovered in the inhabitants of Portuguese India. 60 [Instruction of the King D. Jose to the Governor and Archbishop in 1774, published by Claude Lagrange Monteiro de Barbuda, Panjim, 1841; Appendix p. VIII.] The absence of good books is the result of the first error since no good book can be written unless there are people able to understand it. And it is needless to add with Lagrange that there are honourable and respectable exceptions.
Having thus settled that the language of the place was to be considered something worthless and useless, it stands to reason that during the later reforms and plans of public instruction there should be complete silence about it. But there appears an intention of promoting the teaching of other common languages of India.
The Chief Justice Louzada himself, who in his Segunda Memoria condemns the local language, had already in his Primeira Memoria 61 [Memoria acerca da educacao publica nos Estados da India, dated Lisbon 15th March 1841 and published in the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes of the year 1842, p. 6.] indicated the great necessity of establishing in Portuguese India a school, where they could be taught to read and translate Hindu letters of Malabar (we do not know whether the reference is to the Marathi language) as an indispensable preparation for those who would take up civil posts, and had proposed as useful the teaching in the Diocesan Seminaries of the languages of places where our Missions work. 62 [Ibidem, p. 13.]
This idea almost forgotten from the time of the Marquez de Pombal, which was taken up again by Chief Justice Louzada, was accepted by the authors of the Regulations for the Seminaries, which were approved by the Decree of the Governor General, the Count of Antas in his Circular, issued on the 17th of March, 1843. This introduced in the course of the studies in the Seminary of Rachol the Tamil language and the Moorish language and in that of Chorao, the Hindustani language, erroneously taken by the authors as separate from the Moorish. These rules were however ineffective. 63
FN63: By a Circular letter dated 24th November, the Conde de Antas, 1842 (Boletim no. 53) appointed a Commission composed of the Vicar Capitular of the Archdiocese. Antonio Joao Athaide, Ex-Secretary to the Government, and Canon Caetano Joao Peres to formulate a new Plan for the Reform of the Seminaries. On the 16th of March 1843, the Commission presented the allotted work. And it was provisionally approved and a circular of the Governor dated 17th March 1843, ordered it to be executed and published it in the Boletim no. 31 and the following numbers. But since it was opposed by a Circular dated 22nd February 1843, of the Ministerio da Marinha e Ultramar ([i]Boletim No. 41) it remained unexecuted. This above named Circular ordered submission in everything to the Metropolitan Government with a view to consider the General Plan for the establishment of the Seminaries in Overseas Provinces ref. which by a Decree of the 30th January of the same year a Commission was appointed the Patriarch Archbishop Elect of Lisbon being its President. It was ineffective. [END FN]
The Governor, Joaquim Mourao Garcez Palha, created a Chair for the Marathi and Canarese languages. 64 [Circular of 8th August 1843 (Boletim No. 53).] Simultaneously the Chamber of Deputies approved a project of general reform of public Instruction in Portugal, in which it was decided that in the Capital of the State of India be established at least a Training School for teachers of the primary course, a Lyceum and a Chair for the Hindustani language. This idea was immediately afterwards made use of and introduced by the Decree of 20th September, 1844, in the form of a transitional article; and to-day we see it realised in the normal school as well as the Lyceum, with the exception of the Chair for Hindustani, for the very fact that its necessity was not felt so much as that of Marathi or even Kanarese.
The Deputy for India, Antonio Caetano Pacheco, in his General Plan for the public Instruction in India, which has been printed, 65 [Plano geral da Instruccao publica nos Estados Portugueses da India, precedido de uma Exposicao, em que se apresenta o quadro historico das Institutos do ensino que ahi existiam, comparando-os com os que a eles se tem mandado substituir, e se demonstra o methodo, pelo qual se deve proceder a sua reforma e organisacao By Antonio Caetano Pacheco. Lisbon 1848.] when dealing mainly with primary schools, is equally silent in the matter of the mother tongue, and also about Marathi and Kanarese; but suggests the establishment in the Capital of Goa of a Chair for Hindustani, Tamil and Malabari, whose occupant was to be the official translator. This plan indicates that Deputy Pacheco walked in the footsteps of his compatriots who despised their own mother tongue and considered that Marathi was not necessary. He thought that one Professor alone would be able to teach with proficiency both the Hindustani and Tamil languages, though there is a great difference between the two, both in their nature and origin.
To evaluate how far the ignorance of the mother tongue had reached in Goa, we shall refer to an incident that occurred a few months ago, in the National Press of the same city. A studious person decided to publish a little book of prayers in his mother tongue. The question was discussed regarding the price of printing; and the compositors demanded 25 per cent more for the work, basing themselves on the rule that this was payable if the work to be printed was in a foreign tongue. This fact, we believe, is unique in the whole history both of modern and ancient languages; but it is not surprising when we learn that the editor himself, a native, who now disputed with the press, had been influenced, at one time, by general opinion and called the Portugues language his own. 66 [Memorias, ou Trahalhos Escolasticos do mez de Maio de 1947. Nova-Goa 1847, p 9.]
More weighty is the declaration made by another author, a native of Goa, and an experienced writer, who ingenuously confesses not only the difficulty of expressing himself correctly and appropriately in Portuguese, because it was not his own language; but also the impossibility of his writing in his own. "The public will forgive us (these are his words) the unpolished phrases with which we introduce the address that follows. The language which we use, not being ours, (even though in using our own unfortunately we would prove even more deficient) we may be excused when our style is inelegant, unnatural and inappropriate." 67 [A. P. Rodrigues, published a Electoral Speech on the 30th November 1846.]
The same contempt for the mother tongue explains the reason why from time immemorial, books written in that vernacular, were not printed; why those already published have vanished and why a few which survive, as manuscripts were kept hidden by certain families, some of these being copies of those first printed.
Therefore, on our arrival in India, towards the end of the year 1858, we tried to secure the Grammars published by the Jesuits which we had reprinted, and in spite of our best efforts, we could barely discover in the whole territory of Goa two copies, one of them in a much decayed and mutilated condition.
And now at the moment when we are writing this, we find great difficulty in discovering any of these books, for many individuals hide them and even deny their possession, with the fear that they may be objects of mockery and derision and be branded as rude, if perchance they acknowledge that they possess and read these monuments of their language.
XXXI
It is now time to undo the damage caused. The time has come to restore the mother tongue to its rightful place. To you, then, oh Goan Youth, is reserved this great work, essential element of the intellectual and social regeneration of your countrymen!
The methodical culture of the mother tongue will bring you closer to the Marathi language; it will facilitate the knowledge of the Asiatic and European languages, ancient and modern, and thereby useful knowledge will be opened to your intelligence; and the treasures of the world, till now hidden from you, due to the absence of this instrument of exploration, will be opened to you.
Let fools laugh and shout from the depth of their ignorance that the language has no grammar, that it is not capable of being written and that as it is in common use now by only a few individuals, the exertion on its study is insufficiently compensated; that its varieties and dialects from province to province, even from caste to caste, make it complicated and unintelligible, and that it is so corrupted that it cannot be purified.
If, however, you feel that these ignorant critics deserve a reply, tell them that this book and all others that will follow it will prove whether the language has a grammar or not, whether it is conducive to writing or not. Do not be ashamed to imitate the example of the British nation, exerting itself to cultivate in Europe the semi-barbarous dialect of Malta, spoken scarcely by 70,000 persons 68 [68. Vide Description of Malta and Gozo, by George Percy Badger, 2nd edition Valleta 1851. According to this author the total population of the Island must. have been 100 souls and of these 30 were from the city of Valleta.], and in India the harsh Jataki or Baloochi, the Pushtu or Afghan 69 [Vide the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society No. XII, January of 1849.] and other such languages. Tell them that the varieties of Konkani, from province to province or from caste to caste, are not greater than the dialects of old Greek, modern Italian, French, or German etc. And lastly its very corruption should be an incentive to you to improve it, to purge it, rather than to despise it. And if they yet persist in their outcry, do not give heed to it but move on.
Indeed, this enterprise is not easy, but it useful, it is honourable, it is glorious.
And that you may have as far as possible a light-house to guide you in the midst of darkness caused by the foolishness of some and the malice of others, we conclude by listing for you some aids to which you may have recourse.
XXXII
KONKANI LIBRARY or Aids for the Methodical Study of Konkani Language
The aids that may be used profitably for the study of any language are Grammars, Dictionaries, works written in the language and other critical works on the same language.
In so far as the Konkani language is concerned, while we acknowledge that the notes we are placing before the readers are far from being complete, we believe, that they will be useful, and will rouse the curiosity for further research.
I GRAMMARS AND DICTIONARIES
A. JESUIT AUTHORS
(a) Father Thomas Stephens.
"Arte da Lingua Canarim" (Grammar of Canarim Language). It was enlarged by Father Diogo Ribeiro, and revised by four priests of the Society of Jesus, and printed in the College of St. Ignatius of the same Society, in the year 1640, in quarto and now reprinted by us. (1859).
For other works written by the author vide pages 225-7.
(b) Father Diogo Ribeiro.
Made additions to Father Thomas Stephens' Arte as well as the Vocabulario]/i] of which there are many copies under the title: [i]Vocabulario da Lingua Canarim (Vocabulary of Canarim Language). This was written by the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, residing then with the Christian population of Salsete. Further additions were made thereto by Father Diogo Ribeiro of the same Society. Year 1626-MS.
There are copies of this Vocabulary both from Canarim language to Portuguese and vice versa. The Bibliotheca Lusitana says that the same "Vocabulario" received additions by Father Miguel de Almeida.
For another work of the author vide page 227.
(c) Father Antonio de Saldanha.
Vocabulario da Lingua Concanica (Vocabulary of Konkani Language)-MS.
For other works of the author vide page 228.
(d) Father Miguel de Almeida.
Made additions to the already enlarged Vocabulario by Father Diogo Ribeiro.
For other works of the author vide pages 228-9.
B. FRANCISCAN AUTHORS
(a) Father Manoel Banha.
Vocabulario (Vocabulary)-- MS. Vide Bibliotheca Lusitana, where the author is erroneously said to have belonged to the Province of Madre de Deus whereas he belonged to that of St. Thomas.
(b) Father Christovao de Jesus.
Arte Grammatical da Lingua Canarina (Grammar of Canarim Language 4°).-MS.
(c) Father Gaspar de S. Miguel.
Arte da Lingua Canarina (Grammar of Canarim Language 4°)-M.S.
For other work of the author vide page 227.
C . VARIOUS AUTHORS
Arte da Grammatica da Lingua Bracmana (The Grammar of Bramana Language) in II Books. Very necessary work for the use of Missionaries, Preachers, Confessors, Writers, Poets, and Students in the East. Written on the island of Chorao by Simon Alz, Brahmin, Shenoy of Chorao etc. Year MDCICIV.-MS:
This Grammar contains the following:--
Vocabulary of three languages, Portuguese, Brahmana and Spanish. Necessary for the Parish priests, Missionaries, Confessors, Preachers, Writers, Poets, Scholars and Students of the East. Written in the Island of Chorao by Simon Alz, and his father, Lourenco Alz, Shenoy Brahmins of Chorao. Year MDCICV.--MS.
It appears to be the same Vocabulary to which additions were made by Father Diogo Ribeiro. The person who tries to add to it the Spanish language, did not proceed further in his intention than the first page. The Choranenses appear to be mere copyists, both of the Grammar and the Dictionary.
(a) Fr. Francisco Xavier.
Grammatica ou Observacoes Grammaticaes sobre a lingua de Concana (Grammar or Grammatical Observations about the Language of Konkan)-MS. The name of the author is omitted, but everything makes us believe that it is the work of Fr. Francis Xavier, Italian Carmelite, Missionary in Kanara, Archbishop of Sardes and Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly. From the work we surmise that it was written in Kanara.
To the Grammatica is attached one Diccionario da Lingua Concana (Dictionary of Konkani Language.)-MS. It is Portuguese- Konkani, with many Italian words and phrases.
(b) Francisco Jose Vieira.
Judge of the High Court of Goa (1809 to 1818).
Reduced to rules and grammatical precepts the native language of Goa according to the assertion of Mr. Manoel Felicissimo Louzada d'Araujo, also Judge of the same Court in his Segunda Memoria descriptiva e estatistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Asia, published in 1842, in the Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes, page 45l.
(c) D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino.
Archbishop of Goa (1812-1831), Franciscan of the Reformed Province of Arrabida. Was elected Bishop of Tunkim in 1801, then transferred to Macao, and consecrated on the 27th of March 1803. Arrived in his diocese on the 7th September of the same year. Was transferred to Goa as Coadjutor 'jure successionis' to the Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Catharine, in the year 1805; and on the death of the same, in February 1812, took charge as Archbishop and Primate, and governed till the 15th of June, 1831, when he died. He is buried in the Sanctuary of the Cathedral.
He took pains to learn the language, and is mid to have preached in the vernacular. There is a vague tradition that he wrote Grammatica, but no one seems to have seen it, or has referred to it. It is likely that he had a copy of the Grammar written by the Jesuits, which we have just (1858) reprinted, or some other copy. which gave rise to the report that he wrote a Grammar.
II OTHER WORKS IN THE LANGUAGE.
A. JESUIT AUTHORS
(a) Father Thomas Stephens.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana clearly but erroneously calls him Esteves. He lived towards the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th. The title of his Puranna says that he was an Englishman and in his book Oriente Conquistado (Vol. I,). Fr. Francisco de Souza mentions that he was from London.
Besides his Grammar to which we have referred, he wrote:
Doutrina Christa em Lingua Bramana-Canarim (Christian Doctrine in Bramana-canarim Language) in the form of a dialogue to teach children. Rachol, 8°.
According to the author of Oriente Conquistado, this work was the Cartilha by Father Marcos Jorge, popularly known by the name of the one who amended it, Padre Mestre Ignacio Martins.
Discurso sobre a vinda de Jesu Christo Nosso Salvador ao mundo (Discourse on the coming of Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world). divided in two treatises, by Father Thomas Stephens, Englishman. of the Society of Jesus. The first Treatise speaks of the creation of the world, and many notable things God performed during the times of the Patriarchs and Prophets; wherein are recorded the promises and prophecies about the coming of the Saviour.
The second Treatise concerns the life of Our Lord, how He came into the world and fufilled the prophecies written about His coming.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana seems to be ignorant of this work. The work went through three impressions, and yet we were unfortunate not to see any printed edition, but only manuscripts, beautifully written, imitating the round and ornamental lettering of what were possibly illustration found in the printed books.
This work was first printed at Rachol, at the College of All Saints of the Society of Jesus, in the year 1616 and bears the imprimatur of the Inquisition and of the Ordinary of the place. The second impression was done in the year 1649, though started in 1646. From the permits granted for the first edition, it is clear that the work was first written in Portuguese and it was translated into Bramana language. Persons responsible for granting these permits were: Paulo Mascarenhas, Francisco Borges de Souza, Joao Fernandes Almeida, D. Fr. Cristovao, Archbishop Primate, an Francis Vieira. Persons responsible for granting permission for the second printing of the work are: Antonio de Faria e Machado, Joao de Barros de Castelbranco, Archbishop Primate, Fr. Gaspar de S. Miguel, Domingos Rebello Lobo and Frei Manoel Baptista, Vicar of Colvale, censor deputatus.
The third edition was printed in Goa in the year 1654, with the permission of the Inquisition and the Ordinary of the place. It was printed in the new College of St. Paul. Here again persons responsible for this permit are: Frei Lucas de Cruz, Paulo Castelino de Freitas; the censor deputatus being again the Frei Manoel Baptista, this time Vicar of Revora. From these permits it is clear, that this work was known as Puranna from the second edition of 1849.
Father Stephens dedicated this work to the Archbishop, D. Frei Cristovao de Lisboa, Primate of India, with an introduction both in Portuguese and Bramana languages.
The Introduction is followed by a Poem supposed to have been written by Frei Gaspar de S. Miguel of the Order of St. Francis in laudem auctoris:
Sadhu chaturagu Padri
Hea purannacha adicary
Thomas Esteuao cavitua Srunghari
Mirauala changu.
The holy and wise Priest
Author of this Puranna,
Is Thomas Stephens, the
well known
ornament of Poetry.
The same copies bring the following declaration made after Canto 44.
Passion of Christ Our Redeemer, composed by Father Thomas Stephens of the Society of Jesus, and additions made by Pascoal Gomes da Faria, priest of the Order and habit of the Prince of the Apostle S. Peter, native of Batim, parish of Our Lady of Guadalupe, of the Island of Goa of a few hymns at the end of the book. Year 1772.
(b) Father Diogo Ribeiro
Native of Lisbon, and not of Thomar as is stated in the Bibliotheca Societat. Page 173... He was admitted in the Society in the year 1580 in Goa, when he was 20 years of age. Died in the College at Rachol, on the 18th of June, 1633.
Explicacao (Declaracao) da Doutrina Christa (A statement of Christian Doctrine) gathered from Cardinal Bellarmine and other authors. College of Rachol, 1632. 4°.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana states that he had translated and enlarged to many books in the Konkani language, but excepting this work the names of the translations are not mentioned.
(c) Father Antonio de Saldanha
Was born at the Military Quarters, Mazagon, Africa, of a Portuguese father and an Italian mother. Came to India to join the army, when 16 years of age, and in Goa entered the Society of Jesus, in the year 1615. Appointed to the Mission of Salsete, he learnt the Konkani language so well that he could speak with great facility. Died in the College of Rachol on the 15th December, 1663.
Tratado dos Milagres (Treatise of Miracles) God performed both during the life as well after the death of glorious St. Anthony translated and composed in the language of the place for the better understanding of the people. In the College of Rachol, 1655. 4°.
Rosas e boninas deleitosas (Delightful roses and daisies) from the delicious garden of Mary and her Rosary, translated and composed with suitable reflections for the good of souls. Rachol, 4°. No year of impression.
Fructo da arvore da vida (Fruit of the tree of life) wholesome to soul and body, illustrated with various moral lessons for the good of the souls and honour of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Rachol, 4°. No year of impression.
Beneficios insignes dos Anjos Custodios (Notable benefits through the Guardian Angels)-MS.
Baculo Pastoral (Pastoral staff) for the administration of Sacraments and other Parochial obligations. fol-MS.
(d) Father Miguel D'Almeida
Native of Villa de Gouvea, in the Province of Beira. Entered the Society of Jesus in Goa on the 12th of September 1624, aged 16 years. He had made the profession of all the four vows. Rector of the College of St. Paul at Goa, and afterwards Provincial. Died in the College of Rachol on the 17th September 1683.
Jardim dos Pastores (Garden of the Shepherds) or Feasts of the Year in Bramana language. Doctrinal book, Goa, in the year 1658. College of the Society. 8° Contains sermons and homilies.
Philip Neri Pires in his Marathi Granunar speaks of this work, vide Preface XIII; and on page 105 quotes a few passages. According to Mr. Pires this work is almost 300 years old, whereas as is clear from its date, it is no more than 200 years old.
Cinco Praticas (Five Sermons) on the words: Exurgens Maria, Goa in the same College.
Sermoes de Santos (Sermons on the Saints) and for Lent. 2 Vol. 4°-MS.
(e) Fathers Joao de Pedrosa
Native of Coimbrao in the Diocese of Leiria, son of Joao Fernandes and Antonio Pedrosa ... He entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus at Coimbra on the 26th February 1632, then 16 years of age. He spent many years in the Mission of Salsete, and was Rector of Rachol. Died at Goa on the 10th of May 1672.
Soliloquios divinos (Divine Soliloquies). Work of Father Bernardino de Vilhegas of the S0ciety of Jesus, Professor of Theology in the College of St. Stephen of Murcia of the Society of Jesus, and "Calificador" of the Holy Office. Translated into Bramana language by Father Pedrosa of the same Society. Missionary in Salsete, Province of Goa. Printed in the College (new) of St. Paul 1660. 128 pages. 4°
There is a copy of this book found in the Bibliotheca Publica of Nova Goa. This work is divided into soliloquies and these in Chapters with an index at the beginning in Portuguese and at the end in the Bramana language.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana does not state whether another work of the author entitled Instruccao para a Confissao Sacramental, which he was unable to publish, probably because of his death. was also written in the Bramana language.
(f) Father Theotonio Joseph.
Compendio da Doutrina Christa (Compendium of Christian Doctrine) arranged by Father Teotonio Joseph of the Society of Jesus, in Goan Bramana language to teach children. Lisbon, in the Patr. Offic. of Franc. Luiz Ameno. With the necessary permission, 1768. 32°.
The Compendium consists of three chapters: the first contains prayers and elements of Christian Doctrine. The second explains the name, obligation, and the sign of a Catholic, the theological virtues, and the grace of God. The third (chiefly an abridgement taken from an Instruction composed by Father Joseph Pereira of the Society of Jesus) explains the principal mysteries of the Faith of Christ, the necessary dispositions for confession, and Sacramental Communion.
The second and third chapters are in Portuguese.
B. FRANCISCAN AUTHORS
(a) Father Amador de Santana.
Flos sanctorum
In his book Vergel de Plantas e Flores Father Jacinto de Deos says that this translation has been done with elegance proper to the mother tongue of the people of the East.
(b) Father Domingos de S. Bernadino.
Native of India. Was Commissary of the Holy Office. He wrote: Exposicao do Credo. (The creed Explained)-MS.
(c) Father Gaspar de S. Miguel.
Lived in the middle of the 17th century. According to the Bibliotheca Lusitana, he wrote and dedicated to King Philip IV the following works:
Das Estacoes (On Instructions) the Parish Priests should impart to their flock on the mysteries of our Holy Faith, and explaining the seven Sacraments and God's Commandments.
Sermoes do tempo e dos Santos (Sermons on the Seasons of the Year and on Saints) 4 Vol.
Buculo Pastoral (Pastoral Staff).
Symbolo da Fe (Symbol of Faith) of Ven. Fr. Luiz de Granada.
Symbolo do Cardeal Bellarmino (Symbol of Cardinal Bellarmine).
Manual para os Parocos e Reitores (Hand-book for the Parish Priests and Rectors).
Paixao de Christo (Passion of Christ) containing three thousand verses.
Explicacao de Credo (Explanation of Creed), Life of the Apostles, with various documents and refutation of idolatry, rites, and heathen superstitions.
Das miserias humanas (On human miseries), gravity of sin, four last ends, and the Benefits of God.
These two last mentioned works, according to the Bibliotheca Lisitana consist of six thousand verses, and go under the title of viveqhomalla which means Declaration of Faith, with a very learned treatise confuting deceits, and information regarding idols.
Father Jacinto de Deos too speaks about this author in his book Vergel de Plantas e Flores on page 10.
Poesia (Poem) in praise of Father Thomas Stephens. Was published along with his Puranna.
(d) Fr. Joao de S. Mathias.
Native of Lisbon. Became the 8th Provincial of the Province of St. Thomas.
Symbolo da Fe (Symbol of Faith) composed by Cardinal Bellarmine. This translation consists of two thousand verses, to be sung with ease and to be studied by heart: This is an observation of the Bibliotheca Lusitana.
Vida de Christo (Life of Christ) written in Bramana language called Puranna.
Bibliotheca Lusitana erroneously calls it Puritana.
(e) Fr. Manoel Baptista.
The Bibliotheca Lusitana says that he belonged to the Province of Madre de Deos, whilst he actually belonged to that of St. Thomas. Was Rector of Colvale, and Revora in Bardes and lived in 1654, as can be seen from the Permits and licences granted for the publication of the Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens. Wrote: Catecismo (Catechism). 4°-MS.
(f) Fr. Manoel de Lado.
Was Provincial in 1661 and 1662. Wrote: Catecismo (Catechism) 4°-MS.
C. VARIOUS AUTHORS.
Under this heading we would like to place the printed copy of a book extant in the Bibliotheca Publica of Pangim. The name of the author we are unable to discover since its first as well the last pages are missing. Actually the book starts with page 25. We have also seen a much more mutilated manuscript of the same. From the type and printing work, it appears to have been printed at the Press of the Jesuits in Goa, towards the middle of the 17th century. Until we definitely know who the author is we shall call the book: Puranna da Bibliotheca. 70 [Reference has been made to this book on page 18: Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35, by Fr. Etienne de la Croix.]
Father Francisco Vaz.
Native of Guimaraes.
Declararao (Exposition) freshly made of the most Dolorous Death and Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Written by a devout priest called Francisco Vaz de Guimaraes. Lisbon, with permission of the Real Mesa, and in the press of Domingos Carneiro. Year 1659.
Was reprinted by Antonio Gonsalves, Puranik Shatry. Bombay, 1st January 1845.
This work is a bibliographical enigma. The Bibliotheca Lusitana of Abbot Barbosa Machado says the following: "Francisco Vaz, native of Guimaraes, a pious and devout priest, published this book: Obra da mui dolorosa morte e paixao de N. S. Jesu Christo, conforme a escrevem os quatro Santos Evangelistas ... Evora, Manoel de Lira, 1593 ... 4° Braga Fructuoso de Basto, 1613 ... 4°; Evora ... Francisco Simoes; Lisbon ... Antonio Alvares, 1617 and 1639, 4°; Lisbon ... Domingos Carneiro, 1659, 4°. Has also written other poetic works, divine and secular.
The very rare Catalogue of books of the Royal Academy of Science, Lisbon, gives the title of the work as "Obra da muito dolorosa Morte e Paixao de N. S. Jesu Christo. conforme o que escrevem os quatro Santos Evangelistas." Evora, Manoel de Lira, 1593. 4°. and declares that it is in verse. Both these sources indicate that the first work was published at Evora. Further editions were printed, the last being in Lisbon, in the year 1659. In this very year the Konkani edition was published and in the same press. The Bibliotheca Lusitana makes no reference to this Konkani edition but we know it from Rev. Murray Mitchell who speaks of it in his paper (the Journal of the Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society) as well as from the new edition, printed in Bombay, in 1845.
The Bibliotheca says nothing about the life of the author nor have we any clue from other sources. But if we take into consideration the fact that from the first edition in 1593 in Portuguese to the last published in Lisbon in the year 1659, both in Portuguese and Konkani, we see that from the first copy to this edition a period of 66 years had already elapsed. Hence we may very truly believe that the author never came to India nor knew Konkani, and the work in Konkani must have been a translation by some Missionary. This work must have been held in great esteem from the fact that it ran into so many editions within a short period.
Probably the original and printed editions must have been exhausted at the time of the one that was printed in Bombay. From Rev. Mitchell we know that the printing was done from manuscript. This work he says is largely appreciated by the Catholics who speak Marathi (Konkani) and is generally known as Puranna. 71 [It seems that this Puranna was published for the first time in Bombay in 1845 and that there were several subsequent editions.]
It is a poetical work, that is, written in verse, somewhat imitative of the ovi metre of the Marathi poets. The whole is composed of 36 Cantthas, accompanied with a Portuguese title Capitulo. These 36 Chapters or Songs contain a total of 16,000 verses, thus in its length exceeding the most celebrated epic poems of Europe.
The work is written in Roman characters ... and it starts with the following title in prose:
Canttha Paily Caixy Virge Maria Saibina sambauly Santa Annache udrim chocata Adaoche papavinchun, Paramessorache curpexim.
The poem begins thus:-
Christaovando aica tumim,
Eque chitim canttha Saibinimchy
Caixy sambauly Santa Annache udrim Parmessorache curpexim.
(1) Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS.
(2) Other Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS. 72 [A Devanagai transliteration of this poem is published by professor A. K. Priolkar, with an introduction and notes in English. (The Journal of the University of Bombay, vol. IX, part 2, September 1940.]
(3) Another Poem about the Passion of Christ.-MS.
Father Manoel Jaques de Noronha
Poesia sobre a Paixao de Christo (Poem about the Passion of Christ) written by Father Manoel Jaques de Noronha, native of Sancoale, resident in Azossim, of the parish of S. Matheus of the Island of Goa ... MS. 73 [A Devanagari transliteration of this poem with notes is being published in the Marathi Samsodhana Patrika, Bombay (April 1958).]
Exposicao do Gentilismo da Asia (Discourse on Paganism of Asia).-MS. The title of this fragment is unknown to us and we give to it the above title. It is a fragment and probably forming part of one of the codices of the 17th century. The first and a good number of pages are missing. It goes from pages 121 to 143. The titles of the chapters are in Portuguese and the fragment starts from chapter 118. [i]Practicas e Sermoes (Homilies and Sermons).
We have seen in the Bibliotheca Publica of Pangim a printed book, 74 [This seems to be the above mentioned book: Jardim dos Pastores by Fr. Minguel da Almeida, 1658 (see pages 21-229).] 270 pages in 4°, containing Sermons and instructions for the Feasts of the Year; but are unable to find the title and the author as the first page of the book is missing. From its type it appears to have been printed in Goa. It comprises material from the feast of Christmas to the feast of St. Bartholomeu. And it starts thus:
Suamiya Jesu Christachea zolmachy sicouonno: which means instruction regarding the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ. Confessionario em lingua Bracmana, or Dialogue between the Confessor and the Penitent according to the Commandments of the Law of God and the Church, the state and profession of each person, and their duties, exhortations and remedies &c.
Chorao. Written by Lourenco Alz, Simao Alz, Father and Son, Brahmins, Shenoy of Chorao. Year 1696 ... MS.
Questionnaire for Confession in the language of the country.
Short questionnaire for Confession in the common tongue.
Short and more succint Questionnaire for Confession.
Compendium of Christian Doctrine in Portuguese and Goan language.
This book is advertised in the catalogue of Books printed in Bombay at his cost by Manoel da Cruz in 1820.
Manual de Devocoes, e Doutrina Christa. (Book of Devotions and Christian Doctrine) In Portuguese and the language of the place, with other useful exercises of Christian piety. Printed in Bombay in the year 1848.
Rev. Murray Mitchell makes reference to this book in his paper "Marathi works composed by the Portuguese." published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Jan. 1849 on page 156).
Father Pascoal Gomes de Faria.
A native cleric of Goa.
Enlarged the treatise on the Passion by Father Thomas Stephens.
Father Pascoal Dias.
A native cleric from Carmona, Salsete, translated into the vernacular the Preparacao da Oracao Mental. Also translated into the vernacular the [i]Stabat Mater with various prayers, all in verse.
This is a booklet of 32 pages and printed in Goa in the Imprensa Nacional in the year 1855. It was edited by Miguel Vicente d'Abreu, Secretary to the Government.
Novas Meditacoes (New Meditations) in the language of Goa (Konkani) to be used during the Way of the Cross. Pangim. In the National Press, 1856, 32 pages, 12°.
Preparacao da Oracao Mental (Preparation for Mental Prayer) with fifteen Mysteries of the Rosary and Magnificat, and Prayer of St. Francis Xavier. Nova-Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1857, 32 pages 32°.
By the same editor. The Preparation for Mental Prayer was the one approved by the Pastoral of Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel de S. Galdino, of the 26th October 1818, and translated into Konkani by Father Pascoal Dias, native of Carmona.
III ...... Critical Works
Of this kind we have found only one to which we made reference, namely, "Marathi Works composed by the Portuguese," by Rev. J. Murray Mitchell.
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Re: The Printing Press in India, by Anant Kakba Priolkar
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PART III: EXTRACTS FROM BOOKS PRINTED IN GOA IN THE 17TH CENTURY
Contents
(Extracts)
I. THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J.
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The Poet's invocation, (c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write, (d) What led the poet to write the Puranna. (e) How Jesus calms the sea. ... 240
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 ... 258
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J.
A statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The first chapter... 260
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J.
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The poet's invocation, (c) Christ blesses St. Peter, (d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God. 264
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA S.J.
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655:-
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language), (b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)... 282
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S.J.
Garden of Shepherds, 1658:-
(a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar, (b) Sermon on the Apostle St. Peter... 288
V.I JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J.
Divine Soliloquies 1660:-
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I... 292
THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J. (1549-1619)
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616[/b]
(See pages 17, 225)
a) Introduction
Bhauarthiya baraueya Christauano, hea Purannantu Suamiya Jesu Christa Taracachy Catha lihily ahe, to caissa manu xu hounu saunssari' ala; anny cauanna cariyassi ala tea yenneacha viuecu quela. He catheche dona bhaga athaua doni Puranne queli hati. Pailea Purannantu saunssara rachane tthal arambhu carunu, udanddy utamy caranniya Deua Suamiyana apula yecuchy Putru saunssarl patthauanneache adl queliya tea caranniyanchy veuasta niropito. Dussarea Purannantu Jesu Taracache yenne sangunu, to manuxu hounu zalmala taua veri va suargaprauessu cary pariyenta teyachy yecatry catha quely ahe, tiye cathe varaunu samastanssi sateuanta Paramesuara va teyachea yecachi Putra Jesu Christachy yollaqhi houaueya, zeya Jesu vanchonu anniyeca niiua zeache varaunu pranniyassi mucti zodde aisse suarga qhalute namelle.
He sarua Maratthiye bhassena lihile ahe. Hea dessinchea bhassa bhitura hy bhassa Paramesuarachea yastu niropunssi yogue aissy dissali mhannaunu, panna sudha Maratthy madhima locassi nacalle deqhunu, hea purannacha phallu bahuta zananssi suphallu hounssi, cae quele, maguilea cauesuaranchl bahuteque auaghadde utare sanddunu sampucheya cauesuaranchiye ritu pramanne anniyeque sompl Bramhannanche bhassechi utare tthai' tthai' missarita carunu cauitua sompe quele; ya pary Paramesuarache crupestaua udandda locache arata purna hoila, anny ze cauanna yecade vella puruilea cauituancha srungaru va barauy bhassa adeapi' atthauataty te he cauitua yachunu santossu manity anny phaue to phallu bhoguity; ca maguilea cauituanchea sthani anniyeca cauitua dento teya hounu phallasta suphalla.
I. THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J. (1549-1619)
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616
(See pages 17, 225)
(a) Introduction
[x]
(b) The Poet's invocation
Vo namo visuabharita
Deua Bapa sarua samaratha
Paramesuara sateuanta
Suarga prathuuichea rachannara
Tu ridhy sidhicha dataru
Crupanidhy carunnacaru
Ta sarua suqhacha sagharu
Adi antu natodde
Tu paramanandu sarua suarupu
Visuaueapacu gneana dipu
Tu sarua gunni nirlepu
Nirmallu niruicaru suamiya
Tu adrusttu tu auectu
Sama dayallu sarua praptu
Sarua gneanu sarua nitiuantu
Yecuchi Deuo tu
Tu saqheata Paramesuaru
Anadassidhu aparamparu
Adi anadi auinassu amaru
Tuze stauana triloqui
Suargu srustti tuua hella matre
Quela chandru suryu naqhetre
Tuzeni yeque sabde pauitre
Quely sarua rachana
Tu anny tuza yecuchi sutu
Anny Spiritu Sanctu
Tegai zanna yecuchi sateuantu
Deuo zannaua
Teya tuzeya dayalla cumara
Crupanidhy amruta saghara
Suarga srusttichea suastacara
Namana maze
(b) The Poet's invocation
[x]
Namo visuachiye dipty
Namo vaincunttha sabheche canty
Deua Bapacha daqhinna hasti
Sihassanna tuze
Zari tu ama mani righaua carissy
Tari agneana pattalla pheddissy
Amruta sariqhy ghoddiua dauissy Premabharita caroni ...
(c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write
Parama xastra zagui praghattaueya
Bahuta zana phalla sidhy houaueya
Bhassa bandoni Maratthiya
Catha niropily
Zaissy haralla mazi ratnaouilla
Qui ratna mazi hira nilla
Taissy bhassa mazi choqhalla
Bhassa Maratthy ...
Zaissy puspa mazi puspa mogary
Qui parimalla mazi casturi
Taissy bhassa mazi saziry
Maratthiya ...
Paqhia madhe maioru
Vruqhia madhe calpataru
Bhassa madhe manu thoru
Maratthiyessi
Tara madhe bara rassy
Sapta vara mazi rauy sassy
Ya dipichea bhassa madhe taissy
Boly Maratthiya ...
[x]
(c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write
[x]
(d) What led the poet to write the Puranna
Sassatty dessi yeque Deuamandhiri
Astamanr aditeuari
Christauanche cumara ritu sary
Doutriny baissale
Padry phudda ballaque baissaty
Sussara sabdi doutrina ucharity
Gaghani paddasabda utthity
Pauitry sumrutiche
Doutrinicha vellu sarala
Taua yecu bramhannu patala
Padry gurussi bolata zahala
Namascaru carunu
Mhanne tumancheni darussanne
Dhane zahale ddolleya paranne
Panna seuacathe anugnea denne
Prusttnu asse yecu
Tathastu mhanne Padry guru
Taua cae bolila yeru
Puranna charchecha vicharu
Manddila tenne
Zi zi hy doutrini barauy niquy
Carauissy pattha hiye loqur
Deaueya parama vollaqhy
Paramesuarchy
Caisse teyathe baraue maguize
Anny caisse sacha manize
Barauea caranniyani vartize
Cauanne pary
Ya tini vastu ziya hati
Tea guru tumi sicauity
Ya passoni pranniya mucti
Zoddaila sate
(d) What led the poet to write the Puranna
[x]
Panna he doutriny vanchoni ana
Cahi yeca agalle xastra puranna
Zari ama carauite patthanna
Tari honte changa
Manuxe dehachy pracruti
Guru tumi tari zannaty
Nauiya vastu chintity
Vello vella
Ghari athaua bhalatea tthaya
Changu vellu cramaueya
Nana pretna guiuassuniya
Pahanty nite
Ye yetuque naghadde tari
Upae sodity anniyeque pari
Tea passoni yequeca zuuhary
Qhellaty qhellu
Melloniya daha atta
Yecameca carity chacatta
Anniyeca zanty hatta
Hinddaueya
Aisse auideche sangaty
Aneque carme acharaty
Ya passoni vissaraty
Bhactipanthu
He niuaraueya caranne
Phringuiyancha dessi hati puranne
Ti vachoniya tethila zanu
Cramauity vellu
Vachoni mani ghenty ulassu
Nite seuity catha rassu
Panna te dessiche bhassessi abheassu
Nahi ama
[x]
Zaisse tea tea dipauati
Dessaparichi puranne hati
Taissi pustaque ca namellaty
Amancha dessi
Ha motta abhiprauo zi mhanne
Tumi tari varili maguili puranne
Tari pratipustaque ama caranne
Caissi nacarity tumi
Ya passoniya zi ata
Gentiyanchea puranna catha
Nauea Christauanchea chita
Atthauaty deqha
Zari Maratthiye bhassechi cahi
Xastra puranne honti ama tthai
Tari locacha manorathu pai
Purna honta
Taua tea Christauachea bola
Padri guru ulassala
Mhanne tu bhala re bhala
Prusttnu quelassi changu
Santossala tuziye maty
Ze vicharile maza praty
Te aicapa yeca chiti
Sangaina ze
Phringuiyanche bolanne auadhari
Te upama denty cauanne pary
Mhannaty yeque diuassi Romanagari
Ubhauily nahi
Ze ami quele nahi azoni veri
Te Deuo sidhy neila phuddari
Bhacta sruteya ziuichy uri
Purauila suamy
[x]
(b) How Jesus calms the sea
Ata aica srute sacalla
Ze sangaina apurua nauala
Caissa pauanu anny sendhuzalla
Sthirauile suamiye
Maga cauanneque auasuari
Locassi patthauni ghari
Jesu baissala taruua vari
Sixe adi caroni
Niropu didhala carnadhara
Taru cadda re pailea tira
Anniyeque taruue saghara
Honti teya saue
Aissa cramauita sagharu
Astu zahala dinancaru
Maga pouddala Saluadoru
Apula tthai
Yetuquea acassa calle zahale
Abhrapattalli veddile
Cheary megha varussale
Samudra antu
Uchamballale sendhuzalla
Lahare utthili qhallaballa
Paruata sariqhi palla
Vaddoni yenty
Taua pariuanni ze baissale honte
Acantu vartala teyanthe
Bobattu zahale carite
Maha thoru
Chou cadda bhare pauanu
Tenne zhaddazhadda vazaty carna
Zanno naye vachana
Yecamecanche
[b](e) How Jesus calms the sea/b]
[x]
Saghari andharu dattala
Gaghani garzharu utthila
Vizu zhempau lagala
Acassamanddalli
Yentaye vauttally veapunu
Sidde phattali cauallunu
Palla uddaty chumbunu
Tarangannathe
Qhinna taru palla varute chadde
Qhinna palla mazi padde
Pahanta nadisse phudde
Udady mazi
Lahare vole moddale
Pariuanna banni paddale
Panni bhituri bharale
Siqhare zaissi
Sixe dhiuara anny bhaddecary
Teya bheuo utthila ziuhari
Marannacallu drustty samori
Deqhate zahale
Te vella suncannua sarissa
Jesu nizala carunu ussassa
Teya zagau ale sixe
Callaualluni
Mhannaty zi zi guru natha
Ami zanto marannapantha
Tu ca nizela nischinta
Raqhai raqhai datara
Pahepa paddaleu vollassa
Tunttaly ziuituachy assa
Ata nahi bharauanssa
Ziuituacha ama
[To be cont'd.]
Contents
(Extracts)
I. THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J.
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The Poet's invocation, (c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write, (d) What led the poet to write the Puranna. (e) How Jesus calms the sea. ... 240
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 ... 258
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J.
A statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The first chapter... 260
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J.
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35:-
(a) Introduction, (b) The poet's invocation, (c) Christ blesses St. Peter, (d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God. 264
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA S.J.
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655:-
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language), (b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)... 282
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S.J.
Garden of Shepherds, 1658:-
(a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar, (b) Sermon on the Apostle St. Peter... 288
V.I JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J.
Divine Soliloquies 1660:-
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I... 292
THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J. (1549-1619)
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616[/b]
(See pages 17, 225)
a) Introduction
Bhauarthiya baraueya Christauano, hea Purannantu Suamiya Jesu Christa Taracachy Catha lihily ahe, to caissa manu xu hounu saunssari' ala; anny cauanna cariyassi ala tea yenneacha viuecu quela. He catheche dona bhaga athaua doni Puranne queli hati. Pailea Purannantu saunssara rachane tthal arambhu carunu, udanddy utamy caranniya Deua Suamiyana apula yecuchy Putru saunssarl patthauanneache adl queliya tea caranniyanchy veuasta niropito. Dussarea Purannantu Jesu Taracache yenne sangunu, to manuxu hounu zalmala taua veri va suargaprauessu cary pariyenta teyachy yecatry catha quely ahe, tiye cathe varaunu samastanssi sateuanta Paramesuara va teyachea yecachi Putra Jesu Christachy yollaqhi houaueya, zeya Jesu vanchonu anniyeca niiua zeache varaunu pranniyassi mucti zodde aisse suarga qhalute namelle.
He sarua Maratthiye bhassena lihile ahe. Hea dessinchea bhassa bhitura hy bhassa Paramesuarachea yastu niropunssi yogue aissy dissali mhannaunu, panna sudha Maratthy madhima locassi nacalle deqhunu, hea purannacha phallu bahuta zananssi suphallu hounssi, cae quele, maguilea cauesuaranchl bahuteque auaghadde utare sanddunu sampucheya cauesuaranchiye ritu pramanne anniyeque sompl Bramhannanche bhassechi utare tthai' tthai' missarita carunu cauitua sompe quele; ya pary Paramesuarache crupestaua udandda locache arata purna hoila, anny ze cauanna yecade vella puruilea cauituancha srungaru va barauy bhassa adeapi' atthauataty te he cauitua yachunu santossu manity anny phaue to phallu bhoguity; ca maguilea cauituanchea sthani anniyeca cauitua dento teya hounu phallasta suphalla.
I. THOMAS STEPHENS, S.J. (1549-1619)
1. Discourse on the Coming of the Christ to the World, 1616
(See pages 17, 225)
(a) Introduction
[x]
(b) The Poet's invocation
Vo namo visuabharita
Deua Bapa sarua samaratha
Paramesuara sateuanta
Suarga prathuuichea rachannara
Tu ridhy sidhicha dataru
Crupanidhy carunnacaru
Ta sarua suqhacha sagharu
Adi antu natodde
Tu paramanandu sarua suarupu
Visuaueapacu gneana dipu
Tu sarua gunni nirlepu
Nirmallu niruicaru suamiya
Tu adrusttu tu auectu
Sama dayallu sarua praptu
Sarua gneanu sarua nitiuantu
Yecuchi Deuo tu
Tu saqheata Paramesuaru
Anadassidhu aparamparu
Adi anadi auinassu amaru
Tuze stauana triloqui
Suargu srustti tuua hella matre
Quela chandru suryu naqhetre
Tuzeni yeque sabde pauitre
Quely sarua rachana
Tu anny tuza yecuchi sutu
Anny Spiritu Sanctu
Tegai zanna yecuchi sateuantu
Deuo zannaua
Teya tuzeya dayalla cumara
Crupanidhy amruta saghara
Suarga srusttichea suastacara
Namana maze
(b) The Poet's invocation
[x]
Namo visuachiye dipty
Namo vaincunttha sabheche canty
Deua Bapacha daqhinna hasti
Sihassanna tuze
Zari tu ama mani righaua carissy
Tari agneana pattalla pheddissy
Amruta sariqhy ghoddiua dauissy Premabharita caroni ...
(c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write
Parama xastra zagui praghattaueya
Bahuta zana phalla sidhy houaueya
Bhassa bandoni Maratthiya
Catha niropily
Zaissy haralla mazi ratnaouilla
Qui ratna mazi hira nilla
Taissy bhassa mazi choqhalla
Bhassa Maratthy ...
Zaissy puspa mazi puspa mogary
Qui parimalla mazi casturi
Taissy bhassa mazi saziry
Maratthiya ...
Paqhia madhe maioru
Vruqhia madhe calpataru
Bhassa madhe manu thoru
Maratthiyessi
Tara madhe bara rassy
Sapta vara mazi rauy sassy
Ya dipichea bhassa madhe taissy
Boly Maratthiya ...
[x]
(c) Praises of the Marathi language in which the poet proposes to write
[x]
(d) What led the poet to write the Puranna
Sassatty dessi yeque Deuamandhiri
Astamanr aditeuari
Christauanche cumara ritu sary
Doutriny baissale
Padry phudda ballaque baissaty
Sussara sabdi doutrina ucharity
Gaghani paddasabda utthity
Pauitry sumrutiche
Doutrinicha vellu sarala
Taua yecu bramhannu patala
Padry gurussi bolata zahala
Namascaru carunu
Mhanne tumancheni darussanne
Dhane zahale ddolleya paranne
Panna seuacathe anugnea denne
Prusttnu asse yecu
Tathastu mhanne Padry guru
Taua cae bolila yeru
Puranna charchecha vicharu
Manddila tenne
Zi zi hy doutrini barauy niquy
Carauissy pattha hiye loqur
Deaueya parama vollaqhy
Paramesuarchy
Caisse teyathe baraue maguize
Anny caisse sacha manize
Barauea caranniyani vartize
Cauanne pary
Ya tini vastu ziya hati
Tea guru tumi sicauity
Ya passoni pranniya mucti
Zoddaila sate
(d) What led the poet to write the Puranna
[x]
Panna he doutriny vanchoni ana
Cahi yeca agalle xastra puranna
Zari ama carauite patthanna
Tari honte changa
Manuxe dehachy pracruti
Guru tumi tari zannaty
Nauiya vastu chintity
Vello vella
Ghari athaua bhalatea tthaya
Changu vellu cramaueya
Nana pretna guiuassuniya
Pahanty nite
Ye yetuque naghadde tari
Upae sodity anniyeque pari
Tea passoni yequeca zuuhary
Qhellaty qhellu
Melloniya daha atta
Yecameca carity chacatta
Anniyeca zanty hatta
Hinddaueya
Aisse auideche sangaty
Aneque carme acharaty
Ya passoni vissaraty
Bhactipanthu
He niuaraueya caranne
Phringuiyancha dessi hati puranne
Ti vachoniya tethila zanu
Cramauity vellu
Vachoni mani ghenty ulassu
Nite seuity catha rassu
Panna te dessiche bhassessi abheassu
Nahi ama
[x]
Zaisse tea tea dipauati
Dessaparichi puranne hati
Taissi pustaque ca namellaty
Amancha dessi
Ha motta abhiprauo zi mhanne
Tumi tari varili maguili puranne
Tari pratipustaque ama caranne
Caissi nacarity tumi
Ya passoniya zi ata
Gentiyanchea puranna catha
Nauea Christauanchea chita
Atthauaty deqha
Zari Maratthiye bhassechi cahi
Xastra puranne honti ama tthai
Tari locacha manorathu pai
Purna honta
Taua tea Christauachea bola
Padri guru ulassala
Mhanne tu bhala re bhala
Prusttnu quelassi changu
Santossala tuziye maty
Ze vicharile maza praty
Te aicapa yeca chiti
Sangaina ze
Phringuiyanche bolanne auadhari
Te upama denty cauanne pary
Mhannaty yeque diuassi Romanagari
Ubhauily nahi
Ze ami quele nahi azoni veri
Te Deuo sidhy neila phuddari
Bhacta sruteya ziuichy uri
Purauila suamy
[x]
(b) How Jesus calms the sea
Ata aica srute sacalla
Ze sangaina apurua nauala
Caissa pauanu anny sendhuzalla
Sthirauile suamiye
Maga cauanneque auasuari
Locassi patthauni ghari
Jesu baissala taruua vari
Sixe adi caroni
Niropu didhala carnadhara
Taru cadda re pailea tira
Anniyeque taruue saghara
Honti teya saue
Aissa cramauita sagharu
Astu zahala dinancaru
Maga pouddala Saluadoru
Apula tthai
Yetuquea acassa calle zahale
Abhrapattalli veddile
Cheary megha varussale
Samudra antu
Uchamballale sendhuzalla
Lahare utthili qhallaballa
Paruata sariqhi palla
Vaddoni yenty
Taua pariuanni ze baissale honte
Acantu vartala teyanthe
Bobattu zahale carite
Maha thoru
Chou cadda bhare pauanu
Tenne zhaddazhadda vazaty carna
Zanno naye vachana
Yecamecanche
[b](e) How Jesus calms the sea/b]
[x]
Saghari andharu dattala
Gaghani garzharu utthila
Vizu zhempau lagala
Acassamanddalli
Yentaye vauttally veapunu
Sidde phattali cauallunu
Palla uddaty chumbunu
Tarangannathe
Qhinna taru palla varute chadde
Qhinna palla mazi padde
Pahanta nadisse phudde
Udady mazi
Lahare vole moddale
Pariuanna banni paddale
Panni bhituri bharale
Siqhare zaissi
Sixe dhiuara anny bhaddecary
Teya bheuo utthila ziuhari
Marannacallu drustty samori
Deqhate zahale
Te vella suncannua sarissa
Jesu nizala carunu ussassa
Teya zagau ale sixe
Callaualluni
Mhannaty zi zi guru natha
Ami zanto marannapantha
Tu ca nizela nischinta
Raqhai raqhai datara
Pahepa paddaleu vollassa
Tunttaly ziuituachy assa
Ata nahi bharauanssa
Ziuituacha ama
[To be cont'd.]
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Re: The Printing Press in India, by Anant Kakba Priolkar
by admin » Tue Oct 01, 2024 4:13 am
PART III: EXTRACTS FROM BOOKS PRINTED IN GOA IN THE 17TH CENTURY
Taua teyanssi Jesu mhanne
Ca re bhintati satuahinna
Bheddachita antacaranna
Alpabhauo manassi
Aisse teyanthe bolunu
Utthila Jesu zagaziuanu
Anny vautarassi nitezunu
Cae bole sagharathe
Mhanne zalla sendhu sthiru sthiru
Sanddi pallancha garzharu
Taua Jesucheni bole sagharu
Sthirauala
Moddale vauddache balla
Qhalute paddale lahara palla
Samudru rahila nichhallu
Tallauiyeche pary
Zaisse yecade auasuari
Bhanddanna hontaye nagari
Tethe hinna locu zuzhary
Yenty sacalla
Ghenty gunddeya pathara
Yeca marity mussallaphara
Ze ze mellale tenchi cara
Ghenty marity
Taua bhalata razecumaru utthy
To zari padde locache drustty
Tari apeapa viscatty
Zuzhary teyanchy
To prazethe buzauitu
Teyancha copu cary xantu
Zuzha bhanddanna niuaritu
Sacallaicanthe
[x]
Taisse Jesu Deuanandane
Dauni apule amrutauadana
Srustty sendhuchy garzhana
Sthirauily
Yetuque te manuxe deqhaty
Deqhoni visneuo pauaty
Maga yecamecanthe mhannaty
He nauala vatte
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 (See page 17)
Guru: Tu Christau?
Sissu: Hoi Paramesparache crupena.
G.: Christau mhannaze quite?
S.: Christau mhannaze, zo connu JESV Christachem xastra sumurti satemanita, anny ucharita to.
G.: Satemanita, anny vcharita, aisse mhannatassi quitea?
S.: Quitea bhauarthia Christauana, JESV Christachy fee satemanuchy, taissichi, zari yecade uello ti muqhi ucharunchy zaita, tari tiche qhatira maranna paualoi tari, muqhi ucharunchy.
G.: Mannussu Christao zalea nimitim, connu manu, conni uhaddiua taca zoddata?
S.: Paramesparacho dharma putru hounu, suarguicho ddaizy zata.
G.: Anny Christau nhoe to?
S.: Ho aissalo saitanacho gulamu, anny suarguinchea ddaizaca chucata.
G.: Christau naua conna uaraunu amaca labala?
S.: JESV Christa uaraunu.
G.: Christu connu to tu zannassi?
[x]
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 (See page 17)
[x]
S.: Zanna hoi, to nizu Paramesparu, anny nizu mannussu.
G.: Nizu Paramesparu caisso?
S.: Sarua hucumadara Paramespara Bapacho yecuchi nizu putru mhonnu.
G.: Nizu mannussu caisso?
S.: Amachie suaminny virge Mariecho, yecuchi nizu putru mhonnu, yenne pramanny Deuapanni, suargui taca maye na, anny mannussapanny saunsari taca Bapu na.
G.: Taca Christu naua quitea?
S.: Christu mhannaze Raza, Profetu, anny sacerdote, aisso to, samesta Rayacho Rau, samesta Propheta hounu srasttu Prophetu, anny samesta sacerdoti passi srasttu sacerdote deqhunu, taca Christu naua phauale.
G.: Taca JESV mhannatau quitea.
S.: JESV mhannaze Taracu. Anny to saussaracho taracu deqhunu, he tache niza naua, ze suargari tthaunu ailalem tem, mhonnucheaca amaca cai zadda paddaleari, tem naua ucharunu, sarua uigna niuari mhonnu, taca manu minati caritau.
G.: Bare mhannatassi. mhonnucheaca mha pauitra Jesuche naua ucharite uelle, hou ucharlalem aicatachi, taca manu hurmati deuchy.
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J. (1560-1633)
A Statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632 (See pages 18, 227)
(a) Introduction
He Cartiliche arabhi maca mana aila, nauea Christauaca panna bhou carunu Concanneaca samazaucheaca, qui tantu ze lihila,
[x]
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J. (1560-1633)
A Statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632 (See pages 18, 227)
(a) Introduction
[x]
te uachitaleaca, hou vachilale aicatachi he naua Vaicuttha nauaddilalea uagta, te anny cae nhoe bagara zea Asthanatu sateuantu Paramesparu assa, ua apulea bhagtaca sadrustta praghattata, tenchi sadaiua Asthana callata. Tenne pramanni Padre nossachea Oracauatu ze mhalla, mhannaze tuzy qhossy zaissy Valcuttha zata, taissichi saussarantu zau mhonnu mhannatati taualli, techi Asthana, ua queuala, Vaicuttha callata: Phiringue bhassena ami taca Parayso mhannatau. He zannapazanna haue adhi quela, quitea Concanne manussa ze assati, teuai, apulea lattica Deua Deuastanache suateca Valcuttha mhannatati. Te qhai assa mhonnu nimiguileauari, paroparini zapa ditati; tea bhitarle yeca aucamatha bhassunu Vaincuttha prathumy sacala, hera suargauari, hera ze rai Deuana bhramadda rachila, tache bhaileana niza Vaicuttha mhannatati, hera phalanniye phalanniye cadde assa mhonnu zallapatati, taca bandu na, yeca, chita na. Panna amache queuala Valcuttha ze assa, te samesta suarga uairi assa, addhalla sanchitra, cadi sarnu sarana, te Paramesparana apulea utarana rachilale, tatu apulea bhagtaca apule darussanna daqhaucheaca. Tanche sangati nassaratale sarua suqha bhoguca, teachi queuala Vaicutthantu Paramesparana apulie daye cacullatina ama samestanca uhelea puro.
(b) The first chapter
Sissu: Manusseana mugty paucheaca Christauachy doctrini sicuche caranna, deqhunu, tumy maca maramati carunu, ticho arthu parassunu saga.
Guru: Christauachy doctrini mhannaze, ze Christa amachea suamiyana mugtipathu amaca daqhaucheaca sicaila, tache sassara.
S.: Hie doctriniche srastta bhaga, adicatory garzeche quitule?
G.: Cheari, mhannaze Credo, Padre nosso, dha vpadessa, anny sata sacramenta.
S.: Chearichi? agalle vnne nati quitea?
[x]
(b) The first chapter
[x]
G.: Quitea srastta sagunna ze assati te tini, bhauarthu, bharuasso, anny Caridade, mhannaze Paramesparacho, va peleacho moho. Bhauarthaca Credo zao, quitea ze amy satemanuche assa, ituquei to amaca sicaita mhonnu. Bharuasseaca Padre nosso zao, quitea conna vehitaca ami rabuchesse, to amaca sangata mhonnu. Caridadica dha vpadessa zae, quitea caissem carunu amy Paramesparachem chita zoddtuchesse, te amaca daqhaitati mhonnu. Heauari Sacramentachem vdhadda caranna, quitea mugty paucheaca amaca zae, te sagunna, tache varaunu punnaty labatati, anny taratati mhonnu.
S.: Tumi maca cai yequi vopari diunu, Christauachie doctrinichea hea chou bhagachy garza adicatori samazassy carea.
G.: Sancto Agustinho Gharachy vopari dita, quitea zennepramanni yeca Ghara baduche zaleari, paily buneadi gheunchy, maguiri vonnaty vbharuchio, seuatty siuche, panna he ituque carucheaca, caraguiraicachi cai yeca aidanna zai, tennechi pramanni amachea atmeatu sagunnache Ghara baducheaca bhauarthu zao, to buneadi mhonnu. Bharuusso zao, to vonnaty, Caridadi zai ty seza mhonnu. Aidannay zai, ti mhannaze sancta Sacramenta.
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J. (1579-1643)
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35 (See pages 18, 232)
(a) Introduction
Mugtiuata Apostola S. Pedruche zinny, anny abhinaua qhellache Discursa, viueqha quele hati. Bhassa maratthy ghaddita vouiyache. Abhauica cocanne getia locu S. Pedru praty prusttnu carita, anny bhagtu teyansi pratiutara denta, xastraueuadu
[x]
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J. (1579-1643)
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35 (See pages 18, 232)
(a) Introduction
[x]
manddoni cocannetuache chhedanna caritae. Maga queuala Paramesparu ta cauannu mhannoni arthuni dauitae. Hindusthana dessinchea cuddha Deuachi anny, brahamanna, bhatta, achariyachi namachi dharilu hati; yera dessinchea cuddha deuanchi anny teachea achariachu name ya dessichea locassi acalla mhannoni. Grathi bolilia vastuchia saqhy ziya didhaliya hati, tiya cocannea purannachiya, anny suayazoty, paramarthachia, va pauitra grathachia. Samada grathu puranne tini. Pailea purannachi cadde doni. Paile caddi lihile ahe, cauanne pary suami Jesu suargui adi naaruddhata S. Pedru tea suamiyache xeue tthai vartata zahala. Duze caddi suami mugty vallagaleya vpari S. Pedru concanneacha dess I xastracathane laguy nanigue veri ta cauanne rity Deuaseuessl chalila, yetuque niropile.
Dussarea Purannachi pancha candde. Paile caddi viuidha cocanneachea cudeuache bhazana chhedile ahe; Dussare caddi pursa adisttanche puzana chhedile asse: Tissare caddim saitana marua, bhuta, betallache qhaddanna quele ahe. Chouthe caddi tetissa cottim cudeuanchy bhazana chhedily ahe. Panchama canddi Bramha, Visttnnu, Mhaessache bhazaneche chhedanna quele asse. Anny cocanneanchi xastre, veda, puranne, ritu, achara vpachara yetuquei cuddha lattica mhannoni, aissiya saqhy deuni praghattauile asse.
Tissare puranni queuala Paramesparu ta cauannu mhannoni, aisse arthuni dauile ahe.
Tthai tthai aghaue granthi viuidha Fee bhauarthache para arthile hati, anny viuidhy vpama didhaliya hati. Panna xebda aqhera, anny vouiyachea ghaddita tthai zy chuqui, bhedu paddala assela, ituqueacha aparadhu maza paradessiya Phringuiyassi tumi qhema caraua lague. Anny bhassa nagamatea tthassannare granthu tthassila deqhoni vnne pure tthai tthai ze chuquira paddale asse, teache ze cahi sarassauile nahi, te tumi granthauachapa carita viueqhi sarassaue, Mhannipe naphaue tea aqhere, athaua xebde ze cahi arute parute, ynne pure chuconi tthassauile ahe, te chuquira aisse nauachita, panna chucalali aqhere, athaua xebda viueqhamuqhi caddoni, athaua chaddauni phaue te pracari, sudha supastta vachize.
[x]
(b) The poet's invocation
Namana maze mugtinatha
Zaya uisuataraca JESV Christa:
Sasttangue pranipatu ata
Tuza charanni.
Tu nandanu Deua piteyacha
Sagharu sacalla gunnacha:
Tu Xendhu crupe carunnecha
Anadanidhi.
Ata maza hoize prassana
Del tuze crupeche uarudana:
Zenne praghatte cauituagneana
Hrudayemadhiri.
Arambhaueya cauituauitpati
Maza deize gneana mati:
Mhannoni carito uinaty
Tuza suamiya.
Duzy uadily Sancta Mary
Dauid culliyechi manohari:
Crupa bhariti carunnacari
Deuamata suaminni.
Maza caranne Mariye Suaminny
Cari putrassi uinauanny:
Deuauize gneanasanttauanny
Cauitua sidhy pauaueya.
Ata srutea sauadhana
Aica catheche uidhana:
Catha S. Pedruchy sangaina
Paricari
(b) The poet's invocation
[x]
(c) Christ blesses St. Peter
Ata S. Pedruchy catha
Ta caissa uartala honta:
Bhagtipauadde mrutiachi uarta
Pariyessa teachi.
Adhi cahichi nassata pracaru
Zadi Deue rachila saussaru:
Quela prathiuicha srungharu
Paramesuare.
Ty saussararachana quelea upary
Tai lagoni he saussari:
Pancha sahastra uarusseueri
Lottali maga.
Taua Galile Iudea dessi
Bethxaida nagara passi
S. Pedru zalmala tethessi
Zagahitalaguy.
Pussala cauanne culliyecha
Sambhramu queuadda teacha:
Tari aica pratiuacha
Viueqhu caroni.
Srastty culliyecha teyassi
Quela nahi srusttissi:
Linnu, durballu S. Pedrussi
Quela Deue.
Caraueya cuttambacbe poxenna
Veaparu dinala dbiuarapanna:
Machhe marache abheassanna
Nirmile teya.
(e) Christ blesses St. Peter
[x]
To assrami honta xendhu tiri
Punnepranny nirmallu xeriri:
Saussarica teacha zi uhari
Nauadde honte.
Nahi garua, hancarachy uassana
Nahi saussaragoddiuechy calpana:
Grestapanna nauadde mana
Xatuieuchi houni uarte.
Tiechy samayantari
[Jesu] Galiliye xendhucha tiri:
Vpadessunu apautari
Loca bolauita honta.
Suamiyache amrutauachana
Loque aiconiya carna:
Sthira narahanty charanna
JESV bhettessi dhauaty.
Nagara, pattanni, grama, puri
Locassi utcanttha thori:
Dhavaty JESV magari
Xastrasrauanna laguy.
Te Pedrussi zahale sruta
Mhannoni tthela premabharita:
Nigata zahala tuarita
Suamiyache bhette.
Pedrussi zahaly Deuabhetty
JESVna pahila crupadrustty:
Pracassauadane Pedru praty
Cae bole.
Tu re Simao Barjonacha cumaru
Yethouni nama pauassi Pedru:
Aisse crupalla uachana saluadoru
Bolata zahala.
[x]
Aissa Jesuchea muqha antunu
Pedrucha uaru aicunu:
Atozapanne sacallai zanu
Muqha pabanty teache
Locu acharye honty samasta
Teahy houni Pedru uismita:
Cara sampustta caroni tetha
Charanna uandy.
(d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God
Aissa dalladbaru bolila
S. Pedru ziui ulassala:
Maga sangata zahala
Visttnnuchi acruta.
Mhanne Haricathe puranna antu
Bolilea Visttnnuchea matu:
Qui maga yecu daitiu
Balli mhannoni.
Ta Visttnnuchy seua cary
Punne dharmu achary:
Teachy uollaga nirantari
Caroni chale.
Yauari teacha ghari
Visttnnu alea uamanacari:
Sanimanu quela uiuidha pari
Balli teassi.
Yetuqueyachea uchita
Visttnne rachile ducruta:
Patalli ghatala phuncatta
Cheponi teya.
[x]
(d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God
[x]
Vachisttarussicha granthu
Bolileachy ahe saqhi detu:
Tumi aica teachy matu
Carna ugate caroni.
Mhanne Deu adharile icchabhozana
Tetha utthauile asse uighna
Balli caru adbarile dana
To paddila patalli.
Duzy saqhi Drunnapuranna
Lihita teache sauadhana:
Aica adbhuta qhottepanna
Viueqhoni Visttnnuche.
Mhanne lahanu brahamannu zala
Bhiqhea magaueya guela:
Bally patalli ghatala
Capatta caroni.
Aisse bole Drunnapuranna
Haricatha tennechi gunna:
Yachy denty saqhi qhunna
Ty tari pariyessa.
Mhanne Tize pada uega [gaue?]
Deuo magataye:
Yeru mhanne ahe
pustti mazy.
Pustty uari pauo
Deuniya tiya uella:
Ballissi patalla
Pae ghatala.
Aisse Visttnnuche gunna
Changa queleachea bauaddana:
Qhotte carila nenne panna
Changa caru.
[x]
Lihunu ghatale puranni
Qui uanasihea yeque dini:
Canttacu ruponi charanni
Vanna zahale mhannoni.
Bahiri caddaueya canttacu
Nhauata mhannoni hastacu:
Charannu cussoni quittacu
Ttonchoni qhanto.
Zivi utthity duqhazalla
Bapudda lulle uanastalla:
Sahe carita tiya uella
Nhauata cauannu.
Tetha patala tascaru
Sihiu davy cussatra qhuru:
Deqhatanchi paddala yeru
Bhenne thore
Sihiu tari qhuru dauita
Ttanque zaissa abhayu denta:
Tascare pahuni tuarita
Caddila canttacu.
Maga lottale dina bahuta
Ta tascaru zahala dasta:
Siqhestaua ghatala tuarita
Grassaueya sinui.
Pauatanchi Sihea uiuara
Sihea utthile bhayancara:
Dhauaty ghoquity siua cara
Caraveya.
Taua uipala abhiprauo yecu
Zea siuacha caddila canttacu:
Dharoni ghatala razanayequi
Tiye uiuari
[x]
Ta phuddaroni ugru thoru
Paila patala tascara samoru:
Nihallitanchi teacha acaru
Vollaquila tehi.
Taua patthy ghaloni teathe
Vgru zhempauni yera siuheanthe:
Sahe cary tascarathe
Viduassuni yera.
Tenne tascarassi iaquila
Teacha charanni lullala:
Locu deqhoni patala
Visneuo thoru.
Siheauiuara antunu
Tehi tascarassi caddunu:
Prastauo pussaty uinaunu
Teya praty.
Mhanne auadhari
Sihiu honta uanatari:
Canttacu lagala teacha qhuri
Ta caddila mea.
Mea alpu quela upacaru
Siheassi nahi zahala uissaru:
He uchite raqhennaru
Zahala maza.
Panna tea uanichea siheapunnu
Sama nhauata tumancha Visttnnu:
Balliupega anupegu carunu
Bauaddila nistture.
[x]
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA, S. J. (1599-1663)
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655 ( See pages 21, 228 )
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language)
Bhagtu Sancto Antonio ziuo assatana saussarantu dissana dissu locaca xastra nimati matu gostti sangunca, cainchi unne cary na assilo. yequy diuassi quelalea patacanchea prachita nimati loca laguy matu gostti quelea vparante, ty matu aiquilaleana yecu maha thoru papy, zo tea loca bhitari assilo, to chetaulo anny quelalea patacanchy maha thori duqhi manantu dharunu, va quelalea patacancho santapu gheunu, Sancto Antonichea charannadde papa ucharanna caruca guelo; taea aicuca Deuacho bhagtu taissochi baissalo; panna duqha himpattea nimati, tea manuxacheana, yecai utara punnu sangauana zale; te bhagtana deqhunu, tachy bhuzauanna quely: anny taca sambhoqhunu mhalle: aga manuxa tuzeana zari ulaua na, tari ghara vacha, anny tuzi samasta pataca yeca cagatari barai anny mazadde vegui paratunu yo. Sancto Antoniche utara tanne aicunu, bhagtana sanguilale, te uegui caruca apulea ghara utthautthi guelo, ghara pauatachi, apulea patacancho baro ugaddassu quelo; quelea uparante, apuli samesta pataca yeca cagatari baraili: barailea uparante, taissochi Sancto Antonicadde, te cagata gheunu guelo, apulea papache vcharanna carunca Sancto Antonichea charannadde pauatachi, te cagata tanne caddile, anny bhagtachie hati dile, te Sancto Antonina apulie hati gheunu, zari palle, tari ailea peleana cainchi barailale na deqhile, hea passauata maha azeapa zaunu, tea manuxa laguy vicharile; aga manuxa, haue tuca caru sanguile quite? anny tuue quele quite? tea utaraca tea pataquia manuxana mhalle; Datarano, zaisse tumi sanguile, taissenchi haue quele; mazi samesta pataca mazea hatana, hea cagatari haue baraili, ytule mhannataehi, tharathara campu lagalo; to bhou bhilo deqhunu, Sancto Antonina bhieu.
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA, S. J. (1599-1663)
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655 (See pages 21, 228)
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language)
[x]
naca mhalle, tuue bhou thori patacanchy duqhi, santapu, anny vittallu mani dharlo mhonnu, tuzi samesta pataca Paramesparana bhagassili, anny sudhi bhagassili mhonnu, tuca tarounna yeuncheaca zi pataca tuue apulea hatana, hea cagatari baraili, ti taissinchi suamia Deuana bhanzassi queli: hea bhagtachea utarana, to pataquy manuxu buzaualo, anny maha suqhy zaunu, hie suamiache crupe nimati Paramesparaca udhandda arga dili, anny Sancto Antonica paya paddalea vparante, apulea ghara sostachiti guelo, ty crupa bhagtachea punneana, Paramesparana apanneauari quely mhonnu manantu samazunu bhagtachie budhy qhala maraparienta rauilo. Sarua papachy vatta varzunu, papachie vatteri dussari choina zalo, anny auichari hou agneanapanni papa zari paddalo, tari vegui Sancto Antonichea chararnandde vachunu, apule papa vcharanna cary.
Atmeaca phallu caddunca vpaxamu
Ze atmeache, suasta (Christauano) ze patacanche bhagassanne, amanca melluche assa, te Sancto Antonichea punneana, amanca mellatale, tachy bhagti tumi carea. Taca tumi apule mazatica muqhari ghalear zari ghalixata tari tache vinanty prarthanena Paramesparu tumanchy cacullati carita, va tumanchi pataca bhagassita ytulo visuassu tumi manantu dharea; quitea zari Sancto Antonio saussarantu assatana tachea punneana ytuly Paramesparachy crupa va patacanche bhagassanne, tea papiaca zari mellale, ata mugtirazeantu to assatana, tachea maha thora punneana Paramesparu tumanca nede zaita cae? dita, anny annieca, nana parinche vpacara carita, tea bhitari quelalea patacanchy vollaqhi, tancho vittallu, tanchy pury duqhi tumi mani dharunca, tumanca gneana ddolle Paramesparu hea crupalla bhagtachea punneana dita. Saruai papacho zinossu, tumi varzuca, amancho sarathy bhagtu Antonio Paramespara laguy tumanche qhatira vinati carunu, tumanche mani dhiru zaisso carita, saitana, va tochy ttallanny ziqhunca: tumanche mani satuadhiru zaisso carita: tea satuadhirana, saitanaca, va papaca tumi saunssarantu ziqhunu, anti bhagtachea punnea vinantina Paramesparachea daruxennaca pauaxata.
[x]
(b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)
Rea sadaiua bhagtachy sassai
Nhaue yequechi cathane tthai
Panna to anniyeque prastai
Sassayeuantu thoru.
Mhannipe confessara tthai
Adiqui asse teyachy sassai
Caye vartale cauanne yeque samai
Te aica tumi.
Hea sadaiua Deuabhagta passi
Yecu manuxu maha papa dossy
Confessara houaueya yeque diuassi
Aleauari.
To dossy confessara honte vella
Mani dharoni dossancha canttalla
Apule papadossa bhagta zaualla
Sango mhanne tari.
Papaduqhachiya himputtiya vdhari
Yeuni zhombaty cantthu ueri
Tenne xebdu naye muqhantari
Bolaueya.
Vcharu caraueya apulea dossancha
Cuntthaly teyachy bolanny vacha
Yetuca abhiprauo deqhoni teyacha
Sadaiua bhagte.
Taua teyassi mhanne Sancto Antoni
Zari dossaucharu nacaraue vachani
Tari tuzi pataque anni cagalli lihuni
Maze phudda.
Te bhagtache vachana aicunu
Tenne apule dossa cagalli lihunu
Cagalla didhale ddimbiya ghalunu
Deuabhagta passi.
(b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)
[x]
Zi cagalli lihili honti pataque
Ti pahu gueleya sacallaique
Bhanzali deqhili yecana yeque
Tea manuxe.
Aisse he apurua tiye samai
Vartale confissanua tthai
Aissy Sancto Antonichy sassai
Praghattaly zagui.
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S. J. (C. 1607-1683)
Garden of Shepherds, 1658 (See pages 21, 228)
(a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar
Anny ata hanue hiye surauliye ganuichy tusti caruncheaca, maca margu mecallo zaita veta. Suraulicarano, tumachea ganuanca surauly naua qhai tthaunu ailem? tachy conni vibhagti, va connu arthu tumi zannataleti? purannica mhannatati, quy hea ganuaca tini nanua assati. paile sury aily, mhannaze hea ganuaca yequi sury, athaua piscati aily. hea nanua tthai zari tumaca tusti phaua tari, tachi gostti nacari, quitea tumanchea ganuaca, zy sury piscati hatiara assa te pataca, va qhealy catarunca, chora chanddallanca hannunca, marunca. Febhauarthachea drusttanri zhuza sangramu carunca: zenne pramanni sapuche diuassi, samesta phudde anubhauarthia Turcanri chalunche nimiti, niropu maguncheaca, tumi phuddaraleti: yenne carta hera donii nanua tumaca bari phauati. Dussare nanua suriya aily, adhile mhannatati tennepramanni hea tumachea ganuantu suriyachy mae aily: deqhunu hea ganuanca surauly mhonnu nanuadditati, suriyache mayecho ganusso vcharitati, Christauano hy suriyachy mae connissy, tumi zannataleti? Hy zy assa, ty Pilarichy Ancuari Suaminni quitea suamia Jesvca Suriyu mhonnu nauadditati: Christus sol justitiae: tari hy sadha Ancuary Suaminni suriyachy mae hounu vartata: anny ho surauly gau tichi doti ddaiza va ananna hounu mirauata.
[x]
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S. J. (C. 1607-1683)
Garden of Shepherds, 1658 (See pages 21, 228)
[b](a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar
[x]
Bhagueuantu gau, sadaiuu locu, tumanchea daiua dasseca antu paru na; quitea tichi ty suaminni Deva mae, hea ganuanchi ddaizinni, ho samangru gau tiche adina zala, tine tumca samestanca apule seuaca, apule bhagtiuanchalla, apule putrasse carunu apulea alassirea dharileati. Tissare nanua ze marastte bhassena assa, te he suru ailo, suru aile, suru aily: mhannaze suarguincho locu: yenne carita surauly zy assa ty suargui tthaunu ailali yequi stri: hy zy assa tychi ty pilarichy suaminni, tine zaisso mugtiuanta, Apostola S. Thiagaca buzailo, va taca drustty paddaly, taissichi bhauarthache vollaqhina, hea ganuaca, drustty paddunu taca apule dulaba nanua dile, anny hea vaqhanne va brada nimiti samestanca vhadda manupada paile. Pallea Christauano? quitulea manatuache, quitulea daiua dasseche, quede bhagueuata surauleche Gauncara, va gharauassi, quitea suraulecho locu mhalleari suarguincho locusso samazata: he sadaiua nanua tumaca labata, he vaqhanne tumaca purannadica ditati: he brada tumaca phaua, tumache tthai hy Pilarichi Suaminni assalalea prassangui sarua tumaca labala: ty zaualli tochi to suargu, taualli ty assilaly suata va gau suargu, va suarguincho locu hounu vartata.
Ata Dhonculy ganuachy conni tusti caru? Hea ganuache vaqhanne yede vhadda, qui arthunu sangana, mhalleari, vellu nupuro: panna donchi vtarani sangta. Dhonculy nanua ze assa te do vtarache manddata, yeca vtara phiringue bhasseche, hera concanniye bhasseche: phiringue ze assa te Dom, concanne ze assa te cully. Phiringue vtara Dom. thoriua, prapti, mahima, arthata, zennepramanni Dom Joao, Dom Francisco, Do Diogo, anny hiye parichi anniyeca quirtiuanta nanua saunssarantu sobhatati. Cocanne vtara cully, apulie culliyeche teza daqhaunu dita: yenne carta Do cully nanua ze assa, te culliye, padauiye, thoriue, praptimhaimeche quirtiuanta nanua. Zari hiye suaminniche niza sevaca, niza bhagtiuanchalla hounu vartasseata, tari saruai tthai tumi samesta vhaddu zasseata: quitea hy suaminni tumaca niza suarguinche sarua suqha, mugti labassy carita. Zhai ama samestanca Deu suami vharu.
(b) Sermon of the Apostle St. Peter
Yeque diuassi Christu amancho taracu apulea Apostola saue vlaita assata tanehe laguy tanne vicharile, manuxa maca quite
[x]
(b) Sermon of the Apostle St. Peter
[x]
mhannatati? hanua connusso mhonnu apannea bhitari vcharitati? maze nimiti, manuxa madhe conni vadanty chalata. hea vicharaca Apostolani pratizapa dily. Suamia? Yequeca tu vhaddu Bhaptistu mhannatati: anni yecu tu Elias mhonnu pratisttitati: hera tu Jeremias mhonnu bhassitati athaua adhilea vhadda Bhagta bhiturlo conni yecu vhaddu prophetu, zo hiye amanche cali ziuantu hounu aila.
Yenne pramannichy apuly varta va quirti, zy praze tthai phancalea ty suamiana aicunu, punarapi Apostola laguy vicharu carunu, tanca mhalle: praze tthai mazy quirti zy phancalia ty tumi maca sanguitaly, ata tumaca hanua connusso dista, maca saga. Hea vicharachy pratizapa Apostolanchea siracamala S. Pedruna, apannea qhala carunu ghetaly: anny samestanche naui suamia laguy vlaunu mhalle. Tum Christu ziuanta Devacho putru; Sao Pedruchy pratizapa aicunu Suami tacheri itulo santossalo: va tusttalo quy techi qhenni taca suamiana sadaiuu bhagueuantu carunu davarilo: anny ituleanai suamiche chita purauale na, taca Apostola bhitari srasttu apulea samagra dhamacho gonuallo, apulie Igrezechy qholi buneadi va druddu phataru carunu manddilo: anny hea ituleai mana manatua vairi taca zae te te velle suargu vgadduncheaca va ddhampunchea suarguinchea Darvattheanchio chauiyo tache adina quelio.
JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J. (C. 1616-1672)
Divine Soliloquies 1660 (See pages 23, 229)
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I
Suamya Jesu Christachea punnephalla qhatira apulea aparadancho guneao bhagassi mhannu atmo prarthita.
Dulaba Jesu, tuzea gunna saraqhe mazeuari upacara carissy mhonnu, uissuassi tuze adharim ailam; tuzea canniuallam netranchi nadara mazeuari cari ga suamia, anny mazo sambhallu caruncheaca tuzea ddollea sarisse hata zau dy. Tum mazo uaquilu
[x]
JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J. (C. 1616-1672)
Divine Soliloquies 1660 (See page, 23, 229)
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I
[x]
anny sauenchi mazea prannacho zamany, tari suamia mazea bhagassanea qhatira tuzea bapaca aqhepi, minati cari, hea passauata queti laba ama dogancai yet a tuca acallu nhoi. Hanua aparady, anny mudaly azanny deqhunu tum zamany mazeam dossancho pariharu carunca vbho raualossi mhonnu. Ye anadisidha bapa, ye sarua hucumadara Deua, tuzea charanauari mastaca ttheunu tuca xeranna aila, maze papa, mapa cari datara anny zagui tuzye ananti carunne dayena mazeuari crupallu hounu mazi patacam, bhagassi mhonnu uellouelli hanue tuze laguy maguileauari atam qhari niti ua nitidharmacho tthasso magata; tum barauo zannassi anupama suamiya, quy tuzo yecauattu putru ua mazo suamy Jesu Christu, apannapea passauata nhoe, bagara mazea pataca qhatira maranna paualo: mhonnucheaca tem tachem punne maca phauo anny tenchi ragta, ua punne mazye soddauannechem mola zaunchea caranne apule ddaiza thira carunu maca dauarile. Suamya, mazea aparadanchea, bhagassannea badala tem tum paticarunu ghe, quitea zem tum maca ditassi teachi hounu sahaza hanua tuca dita hanue maguitaleai parassa adicatara tuca arpitam denneaipassi amita bauadditam tari Suamya tuzea putrachea mogana maca bhagassi, taehechi qhatira mazeuari prasana za, anny tachy anadina seua maze tthai mani, mazea dossapassi tazo mogallu putru, mazo rachannaru adicu sayassalo deqhunu, tachi seuavruti anny tuzy ananti carunna, mazea dossampassi adiqui tullana cae hoi sate tari tuzy prapti tunttallaly na, vnny zali na, pahily carunna saraly na, tochi sagunnu tichi cacullati tuze tthai sadha nite pracattata, anny hea gunni quiticanca tunue bhagassunu crupesti srunzilis tari macai bhagassunu suqhy cari.
Zari (vtama Suamya anny mazea manachea Deua) te adhile xerannagata tuzea mogachea tezana, harqhita zaunu anandale hoi tari apulo copu niuaunu mazy cacullati cari anny mazea dossanche aghori maca ghalunu tuzye samadrustti parato zau dyu naca. Tede cali anny atam tum tochi to Suami, anny tichi hucume, va carunna tuca assa; yugam varussai tuze tatua pallatty nanti viuida paricho vellu cala tuze tthai palattu nacary.
Ye saunssarataraca? ye carunne dayechea bapa? tuze charanna maca hatassalea vinna tanche zaualicho vpeqhi naca.
[x]
Taua teyanssi Jesu mhanne
Ca re bhintati satuahinna
Bheddachita antacaranna
Alpabhauo manassi
Aisse teyanthe bolunu
Utthila Jesu zagaziuanu
Anny vautarassi nitezunu
Cae bole sagharathe
Mhanne zalla sendhu sthiru sthiru
Sanddi pallancha garzharu
Taua Jesucheni bole sagharu
Sthirauala
Moddale vauddache balla
Qhalute paddale lahara palla
Samudru rahila nichhallu
Tallauiyeche pary
Zaisse yecade auasuari
Bhanddanna hontaye nagari
Tethe hinna locu zuzhary
Yenty sacalla
Ghenty gunddeya pathara
Yeca marity mussallaphara
Ze ze mellale tenchi cara
Ghenty marity
Taua bhalata razecumaru utthy
To zari padde locache drustty
Tari apeapa viscatty
Zuzhary teyanchy
To prazethe buzauitu
Teyancha copu cary xantu
Zuzha bhanddanna niuaritu
Sacallaicanthe
[x]
Taisse Jesu Deuanandane
Dauni apule amrutauadana
Srustty sendhuchy garzhana
Sthirauily
Yetuque te manuxe deqhaty
Deqhoni visneuo pauaty
Maga yecamecanthe mhannaty
He nauala vatte
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 (See page 17)
Guru: Tu Christau?
Sissu: Hoi Paramesparache crupena.
G.: Christau mhannaze quite?
S.: Christau mhannaze, zo connu JESV Christachem xastra sumurti satemanita, anny ucharita to.
G.: Satemanita, anny vcharita, aisse mhannatassi quitea?
S.: Quitea bhauarthia Christauana, JESV Christachy fee satemanuchy, taissichi, zari yecade uello ti muqhi ucharunchy zaita, tari tiche qhatira maranna paualoi tari, muqhi ucharunchy.
G.: Mannussu Christao zalea nimitim, connu manu, conni uhaddiua taca zoddata?
S.: Paramesparacho dharma putru hounu, suarguicho ddaizy zata.
G.: Anny Christau nhoe to?
S.: Ho aissalo saitanacho gulamu, anny suarguinchea ddaizaca chucata.
G.: Christau naua conna uaraunu amaca labala?
S.: JESV Christa uaraunu.
G.: Christu connu to tu zannassi?
[x]
2. Doutrina Christam, 1622 (See page 17)
[x]
S.: Zanna hoi, to nizu Paramesparu, anny nizu mannussu.
G.: Nizu Paramesparu caisso?
S.: Sarua hucumadara Paramespara Bapacho yecuchi nizu putru mhonnu.
G.: Nizu mannussu caisso?
S.: Amachie suaminny virge Mariecho, yecuchi nizu putru mhonnu, yenne pramanny Deuapanni, suargui taca maye na, anny mannussapanny saunsari taca Bapu na.
G.: Taca Christu naua quitea?
S.: Christu mhannaze Raza, Profetu, anny sacerdote, aisso to, samesta Rayacho Rau, samesta Propheta hounu srasttu Prophetu, anny samesta sacerdoti passi srasttu sacerdote deqhunu, taca Christu naua phauale.
G.: Taca JESV mhannatau quitea.
S.: JESV mhannaze Taracu. Anny to saussaracho taracu deqhunu, he tache niza naua, ze suargari tthaunu ailalem tem, mhonnucheaca amaca cai zadda paddaleari, tem naua ucharunu, sarua uigna niuari mhonnu, taca manu minati caritau.
G.: Bare mhannatassi. mhonnucheaca mha pauitra Jesuche naua ucharite uelle, hou ucharlalem aicatachi, taca manu hurmati deuchy.
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J. (1560-1633)
A Statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632 (See pages 18, 227)
(a) Introduction
He Cartiliche arabhi maca mana aila, nauea Christauaca panna bhou carunu Concanneaca samazaucheaca, qui tantu ze lihila,
[x]
II. DIOGO RIBEIRO, S.J. (1560-1633)
A Statement of the Christian Doctrine, 1632 (See pages 18, 227)
(a) Introduction
[x]
te uachitaleaca, hou vachilale aicatachi he naua Vaicuttha nauaddilalea uagta, te anny cae nhoe bagara zea Asthanatu sateuantu Paramesparu assa, ua apulea bhagtaca sadrustta praghattata, tenchi sadaiua Asthana callata. Tenne pramanni Padre nossachea Oracauatu ze mhalla, mhannaze tuzy qhossy zaissy Valcuttha zata, taissichi saussarantu zau mhonnu mhannatati taualli, techi Asthana, ua queuala, Vaicuttha callata: Phiringue bhassena ami taca Parayso mhannatau. He zannapazanna haue adhi quela, quitea Concanne manussa ze assati, teuai, apulea lattica Deua Deuastanache suateca Valcuttha mhannatati. Te qhai assa mhonnu nimiguileauari, paroparini zapa ditati; tea bhitarle yeca aucamatha bhassunu Vaincuttha prathumy sacala, hera suargauari, hera ze rai Deuana bhramadda rachila, tache bhaileana niza Vaicuttha mhannatati, hera phalanniye phalanniye cadde assa mhonnu zallapatati, taca bandu na, yeca, chita na. Panna amache queuala Valcuttha ze assa, te samesta suarga uairi assa, addhalla sanchitra, cadi sarnu sarana, te Paramesparana apulea utarana rachilale, tatu apulea bhagtaca apule darussanna daqhaucheaca. Tanche sangati nassaratale sarua suqha bhoguca, teachi queuala Vaicutthantu Paramesparana apulie daye cacullatina ama samestanca uhelea puro.
(b) The first chapter
Sissu: Manusseana mugty paucheaca Christauachy doctrini sicuche caranna, deqhunu, tumy maca maramati carunu, ticho arthu parassunu saga.
Guru: Christauachy doctrini mhannaze, ze Christa amachea suamiyana mugtipathu amaca daqhaucheaca sicaila, tache sassara.
S.: Hie doctriniche srastta bhaga, adicatory garzeche quitule?
G.: Cheari, mhannaze Credo, Padre nosso, dha vpadessa, anny sata sacramenta.
S.: Chearichi? agalle vnne nati quitea?
[x]
(b) The first chapter
[x]
G.: Quitea srastta sagunna ze assati te tini, bhauarthu, bharuasso, anny Caridade, mhannaze Paramesparacho, va peleacho moho. Bhauarthaca Credo zao, quitea ze amy satemanuche assa, ituquei to amaca sicaita mhonnu. Bharuasseaca Padre nosso zao, quitea conna vehitaca ami rabuchesse, to amaca sangata mhonnu. Caridadica dha vpadessa zae, quitea caissem carunu amy Paramesparachem chita zoddtuchesse, te amaca daqhaitati mhonnu. Heauari Sacramentachem vdhadda caranna, quitea mugty paucheaca amaca zae, te sagunna, tache varaunu punnaty labatati, anny taratati mhonnu.
S.: Tumi maca cai yequi vopari diunu, Christauachie doctrinichea hea chou bhagachy garza adicatori samazassy carea.
G.: Sancto Agustinho Gharachy vopari dita, quitea zennepramanni yeca Ghara baduche zaleari, paily buneadi gheunchy, maguiri vonnaty vbharuchio, seuatty siuche, panna he ituque carucheaca, caraguiraicachi cai yeca aidanna zai, tennechi pramanni amachea atmeatu sagunnache Ghara baducheaca bhauarthu zao, to buneadi mhonnu. Bharuusso zao, to vonnaty, Caridadi zai ty seza mhonnu. Aidannay zai, ti mhannaze sancta Sacramenta.
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J. (1579-1643)
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35 (See pages 18, 232)
(a) Introduction
Mugtiuata Apostola S. Pedruche zinny, anny abhinaua qhellache Discursa, viueqha quele hati. Bhassa maratthy ghaddita vouiyache. Abhauica cocanne getia locu S. Pedru praty prusttnu carita, anny bhagtu teyansi pratiutara denta, xastraueuadu
[x]
III. ETIENNE DE LA CROIX, S.J. (1579-1643)
Discourses on the Life of the Apostle St. Peter, 1629-35 (See pages 18, 232)
(a) Introduction
[x]
manddoni cocannetuache chhedanna caritae. Maga queuala Paramesparu ta cauannu mhannoni arthuni dauitae. Hindusthana dessinchea cuddha Deuachi anny, brahamanna, bhatta, achariyachi namachi dharilu hati; yera dessinchea cuddha deuanchi anny teachea achariachu name ya dessichea locassi acalla mhannoni. Grathi bolilia vastuchia saqhy ziya didhaliya hati, tiya cocannea purannachiya, anny suayazoty, paramarthachia, va pauitra grathachia. Samada grathu puranne tini. Pailea purannachi cadde doni. Paile caddi lihile ahe, cauanne pary suami Jesu suargui adi naaruddhata S. Pedru tea suamiyache xeue tthai vartata zahala. Duze caddi suami mugty vallagaleya vpari S. Pedru concanneacha dess I xastracathane laguy nanigue veri ta cauanne rity Deuaseuessl chalila, yetuque niropile.
Dussarea Purannachi pancha candde. Paile caddi viuidha cocanneachea cudeuache bhazana chhedile ahe; Dussare caddi pursa adisttanche puzana chhedile asse: Tissare caddim saitana marua, bhuta, betallache qhaddanna quele ahe. Chouthe caddi tetissa cottim cudeuanchy bhazana chhedily ahe. Panchama canddi Bramha, Visttnnu, Mhaessache bhazaneche chhedanna quele asse. Anny cocanneanchi xastre, veda, puranne, ritu, achara vpachara yetuquei cuddha lattica mhannoni, aissiya saqhy deuni praghattauile asse.
Tissare puranni queuala Paramesparu ta cauannu mhannoni, aisse arthuni dauile ahe.
Tthai tthai aghaue granthi viuidha Fee bhauarthache para arthile hati, anny viuidhy vpama didhaliya hati. Panna xebda aqhera, anny vouiyachea ghaddita tthai zy chuqui, bhedu paddala assela, ituqueacha aparadhu maza paradessiya Phringuiyassi tumi qhema caraua lague. Anny bhassa nagamatea tthassannare granthu tthassila deqhoni vnne pure tthai tthai ze chuquira paddale asse, teache ze cahi sarassauile nahi, te tumi granthauachapa carita viueqhi sarassaue, Mhannipe naphaue tea aqhere, athaua xebde ze cahi arute parute, ynne pure chuconi tthassauile ahe, te chuquira aisse nauachita, panna chucalali aqhere, athaua xebda viueqhamuqhi caddoni, athaua chaddauni phaue te pracari, sudha supastta vachize.
[x]
(b) The poet's invocation
Namana maze mugtinatha
Zaya uisuataraca JESV Christa:
Sasttangue pranipatu ata
Tuza charanni.
Tu nandanu Deua piteyacha
Sagharu sacalla gunnacha:
Tu Xendhu crupe carunnecha
Anadanidhi.
Ata maza hoize prassana
Del tuze crupeche uarudana:
Zenne praghatte cauituagneana
Hrudayemadhiri.
Arambhaueya cauituauitpati
Maza deize gneana mati:
Mhannoni carito uinaty
Tuza suamiya.
Duzy uadily Sancta Mary
Dauid culliyechi manohari:
Crupa bhariti carunnacari
Deuamata suaminni.
Maza caranne Mariye Suaminny
Cari putrassi uinauanny:
Deuauize gneanasanttauanny
Cauitua sidhy pauaueya.
Ata srutea sauadhana
Aica catheche uidhana:
Catha S. Pedruchy sangaina
Paricari
(b) The poet's invocation
[x]
(c) Christ blesses St. Peter
Ata S. Pedruchy catha
Ta caissa uartala honta:
Bhagtipauadde mrutiachi uarta
Pariyessa teachi.
Adhi cahichi nassata pracaru
Zadi Deue rachila saussaru:
Quela prathiuicha srungharu
Paramesuare.
Ty saussararachana quelea upary
Tai lagoni he saussari:
Pancha sahastra uarusseueri
Lottali maga.
Taua Galile Iudea dessi
Bethxaida nagara passi
S. Pedru zalmala tethessi
Zagahitalaguy.
Pussala cauanne culliyecha
Sambhramu queuadda teacha:
Tari aica pratiuacha
Viueqhu caroni.
Srastty culliyecha teyassi
Quela nahi srusttissi:
Linnu, durballu S. Pedrussi
Quela Deue.
Caraueya cuttambacbe poxenna
Veaparu dinala dbiuarapanna:
Machhe marache abheassanna
Nirmile teya.
(e) Christ blesses St. Peter
[x]
To assrami honta xendhu tiri
Punnepranny nirmallu xeriri:
Saussarica teacha zi uhari
Nauadde honte.
Nahi garua, hancarachy uassana
Nahi saussaragoddiuechy calpana:
Grestapanna nauadde mana
Xatuieuchi houni uarte.
Tiechy samayantari
[Jesu] Galiliye xendhucha tiri:
Vpadessunu apautari
Loca bolauita honta.
Suamiyache amrutauachana
Loque aiconiya carna:
Sthira narahanty charanna
JESV bhettessi dhauaty.
Nagara, pattanni, grama, puri
Locassi utcanttha thori:
Dhavaty JESV magari
Xastrasrauanna laguy.
Te Pedrussi zahale sruta
Mhannoni tthela premabharita:
Nigata zahala tuarita
Suamiyache bhette.
Pedrussi zahaly Deuabhetty
JESVna pahila crupadrustty:
Pracassauadane Pedru praty
Cae bole.
Tu re Simao Barjonacha cumaru
Yethouni nama pauassi Pedru:
Aisse crupalla uachana saluadoru
Bolata zahala.
[x]
Aissa Jesuchea muqha antunu
Pedrucha uaru aicunu:
Atozapanne sacallai zanu
Muqha pabanty teache
Locu acharye honty samasta
Teahy houni Pedru uismita:
Cara sampustta caroni tetha
Charanna uandy.
(d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God
Aissa dalladbaru bolila
S. Pedru ziui ulassala:
Maga sangata zahala
Visttnnuchi acruta.
Mhanne Haricathe puranna antu
Bolilea Visttnnuchea matu:
Qui maga yecu daitiu
Balli mhannoni.
Ta Visttnnuchy seua cary
Punne dharmu achary:
Teachy uollaga nirantari
Caroni chale.
Yauari teacha ghari
Visttnnu alea uamanacari:
Sanimanu quela uiuidha pari
Balli teassi.
Yetuqueyachea uchita
Visttnne rachile ducruta:
Patalli ghatala phuncatta
Cheponi teya.
[x]
(d) The poet reviles Vishnu, the Hindu God
[x]
Vachisttarussicha granthu
Bolileachy ahe saqhi detu:
Tumi aica teachy matu
Carna ugate caroni.
Mhanne Deu adharile icchabhozana
Tetha utthauile asse uighna
Balli caru adbarile dana
To paddila patalli.
Duzy saqhi Drunnapuranna
Lihita teache sauadhana:
Aica adbhuta qhottepanna
Viueqhoni Visttnnuche.
Mhanne lahanu brahamannu zala
Bhiqhea magaueya guela:
Bally patalli ghatala
Capatta caroni.
Aisse bole Drunnapuranna
Haricatha tennechi gunna:
Yachy denty saqhi qhunna
Ty tari pariyessa.
Mhanne Tize pada uega [gaue?]
Deuo magataye:
Yeru mhanne ahe
pustti mazy.
Pustty uari pauo
Deuniya tiya uella:
Ballissi patalla
Pae ghatala.
Aisse Visttnnuche gunna
Changa queleachea bauaddana:
Qhotte carila nenne panna
Changa caru.
[x]
Lihunu ghatale puranni
Qui uanasihea yeque dini:
Canttacu ruponi charanni
Vanna zahale mhannoni.
Bahiri caddaueya canttacu
Nhauata mhannoni hastacu:
Charannu cussoni quittacu
Ttonchoni qhanto.
Zivi utthity duqhazalla
Bapudda lulle uanastalla:
Sahe carita tiya uella
Nhauata cauannu.
Tetha patala tascaru
Sihiu davy cussatra qhuru:
Deqhatanchi paddala yeru
Bhenne thore
Sihiu tari qhuru dauita
Ttanque zaissa abhayu denta:
Tascare pahuni tuarita
Caddila canttacu.
Maga lottale dina bahuta
Ta tascaru zahala dasta:
Siqhestaua ghatala tuarita
Grassaueya sinui.
Pauatanchi Sihea uiuara
Sihea utthile bhayancara:
Dhauaty ghoquity siua cara
Caraveya.
Taua uipala abhiprauo yecu
Zea siuacha caddila canttacu:
Dharoni ghatala razanayequi
Tiye uiuari
[x]
Ta phuddaroni ugru thoru
Paila patala tascara samoru:
Nihallitanchi teacha acaru
Vollaquila tehi.
Taua patthy ghaloni teathe
Vgru zhempauni yera siuheanthe:
Sahe cary tascarathe
Viduassuni yera.
Tenne tascarassi iaquila
Teacha charanni lullala:
Locu deqhoni patala
Visneuo thoru.
Siheauiuara antunu
Tehi tascarassi caddunu:
Prastauo pussaty uinaunu
Teya praty.
Mhanne auadhari
Sihiu honta uanatari:
Canttacu lagala teacha qhuri
Ta caddila mea.
Mea alpu quela upacaru
Siheassi nahi zahala uissaru:
He uchite raqhennaru
Zahala maza.
Panna tea uanichea siheapunnu
Sama nhauata tumancha Visttnnu:
Balliupega anupegu carunu
Bauaddila nistture.
[x]
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA, S. J. (1599-1663)
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655 ( See pages 21, 228 )
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language)
Bhagtu Sancto Antonio ziuo assatana saussarantu dissana dissu locaca xastra nimati matu gostti sangunca, cainchi unne cary na assilo. yequy diuassi quelalea patacanchea prachita nimati loca laguy matu gostti quelea vparante, ty matu aiquilaleana yecu maha thoru papy, zo tea loca bhitari assilo, to chetaulo anny quelalea patacanchy maha thori duqhi manantu dharunu, va quelalea patacancho santapu gheunu, Sancto Antonichea charannadde papa ucharanna caruca guelo; taea aicuca Deuacho bhagtu taissochi baissalo; panna duqha himpattea nimati, tea manuxacheana, yecai utara punnu sangauana zale; te bhagtana deqhunu, tachy bhuzauanna quely: anny taca sambhoqhunu mhalle: aga manuxa tuzeana zari ulaua na, tari ghara vacha, anny tuzi samasta pataca yeca cagatari barai anny mazadde vegui paratunu yo. Sancto Antoniche utara tanne aicunu, bhagtana sanguilale, te uegui caruca apulea ghara utthautthi guelo, ghara pauatachi, apulea patacancho baro ugaddassu quelo; quelea uparante, apuli samesta pataca yeca cagatari baraili: barailea uparante, taissochi Sancto Antonicadde, te cagata gheunu guelo, apulea papache vcharanna carunca Sancto Antonichea charannadde pauatachi, te cagata tanne caddile, anny bhagtachie hati dile, te Sancto Antonina apulie hati gheunu, zari palle, tari ailea peleana cainchi barailale na deqhile, hea passauata maha azeapa zaunu, tea manuxa laguy vicharile; aga manuxa, haue tuca caru sanguile quite? anny tuue quele quite? tea utaraca tea pataquia manuxana mhalle; Datarano, zaisse tumi sanguile, taissenchi haue quele; mazi samesta pataca mazea hatana, hea cagatari haue baraili, ytule mhannataehi, tharathara campu lagalo; to bhou bhilo deqhunu, Sancto Antonina bhieu.
IV. ANTONIO DA SALDANHA, S. J. (1599-1663)
Life of St. Anthony of Padua, 1655 (See pages 21, 228)
(a) Confession of a sinner (in the spoken language)
[x]
naca mhalle, tuue bhou thori patacanchy duqhi, santapu, anny vittallu mani dharlo mhonnu, tuzi samesta pataca Paramesparana bhagassili, anny sudhi bhagassili mhonnu, tuca tarounna yeuncheaca zi pataca tuue apulea hatana, hea cagatari baraili, ti taissinchi suamia Deuana bhanzassi queli: hea bhagtachea utarana, to pataquy manuxu buzaualo, anny maha suqhy zaunu, hie suamiache crupe nimati Paramesparaca udhandda arga dili, anny Sancto Antonica paya paddalea vparante, apulea ghara sostachiti guelo, ty crupa bhagtachea punneana, Paramesparana apanneauari quely mhonnu manantu samazunu bhagtachie budhy qhala maraparienta rauilo. Sarua papachy vatta varzunu, papachie vatteri dussari choina zalo, anny auichari hou agneanapanni papa zari paddalo, tari vegui Sancto Antonichea chararnandde vachunu, apule papa vcharanna cary.
Atmeaca phallu caddunca vpaxamu
Ze atmeache, suasta (Christauano) ze patacanche bhagassanne, amanca melluche assa, te Sancto Antonichea punneana, amanca mellatale, tachy bhagti tumi carea. Taca tumi apule mazatica muqhari ghalear zari ghalixata tari tache vinanty prarthanena Paramesparu tumanchy cacullati carita, va tumanchi pataca bhagassita ytulo visuassu tumi manantu dharea; quitea zari Sancto Antonio saussarantu assatana tachea punneana ytuly Paramesparachy crupa va patacanche bhagassanne, tea papiaca zari mellale, ata mugtirazeantu to assatana, tachea maha thora punneana Paramesparu tumanca nede zaita cae? dita, anny annieca, nana parinche vpacara carita, tea bhitari quelalea patacanchy vollaqhi, tancho vittallu, tanchy pury duqhi tumi mani dharunca, tumanca gneana ddolle Paramesparu hea crupalla bhagtachea punneana dita. Saruai papacho zinossu, tumi varzuca, amancho sarathy bhagtu Antonio Paramespara laguy tumanche qhatira vinati carunu, tumanche mani dhiru zaisso carita, saitana, va tochy ttallanny ziqhunca: tumanche mani satuadhiru zaisso carita: tea satuadhirana, saitanaca, va papaca tumi saunssarantu ziqhunu, anti bhagtachea punnea vinantina Paramesparachea daruxennaca pauaxata.
[x]
(b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)
Rea sadaiua bhagtachy sassai
Nhaue yequechi cathane tthai
Panna to anniyeque prastai
Sassayeuantu thoru.
Mhannipe confessara tthai
Adiqui asse teyachy sassai
Caye vartale cauanne yeque samai
Te aica tumi.
Hea sadaiua Deuabhagta passi
Yecu manuxu maha papa dossy
Confessara houaueya yeque diuassi
Aleauari.
To dossy confessara honte vella
Mani dharoni dossancha canttalla
Apule papadossa bhagta zaualla
Sango mhanne tari.
Papaduqhachiya himputtiya vdhari
Yeuni zhombaty cantthu ueri
Tenne xebdu naye muqhantari
Bolaueya.
Vcharu caraueya apulea dossancha
Cuntthaly teyachy bolanny vacha
Yetuca abhiprauo deqhoni teyacha
Sadaiua bhagte.
Taua teyassi mhanne Sancto Antoni
Zari dossaucharu nacaraue vachani
Tari tuzi pataque anni cagalli lihuni
Maze phudda.
Te bhagtache vachana aicunu
Tenne apule dossa cagalli lihunu
Cagalla didhale ddimbiya ghalunu
Deuabhagta passi.
(b) Confession of a sinner (in the literary language)
[x]
Zi cagalli lihili honti pataque
Ti pahu gueleya sacallaique
Bhanzali deqhili yecana yeque
Tea manuxe.
Aisse he apurua tiye samai
Vartale confissanua tthai
Aissy Sancto Antonichy sassai
Praghattaly zagui.
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S. J. (C. 1607-1683)
Garden of Shepherds, 1658 (See pages 21, 228)
(a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar
Anny ata hanue hiye surauliye ganuichy tusti caruncheaca, maca margu mecallo zaita veta. Suraulicarano, tumachea ganuanca surauly naua qhai tthaunu ailem? tachy conni vibhagti, va connu arthu tumi zannataleti? purannica mhannatati, quy hea ganuaca tini nanua assati. paile sury aily, mhannaze hea ganuaca yequi sury, athaua piscati aily. hea nanua tthai zari tumaca tusti phaua tari, tachi gostti nacari, quitea tumanchea ganuaca, zy sury piscati hatiara assa te pataca, va qhealy catarunca, chora chanddallanca hannunca, marunca. Febhauarthachea drusttanri zhuza sangramu carunca: zenne pramanni sapuche diuassi, samesta phudde anubhauarthia Turcanri chalunche nimiti, niropu maguncheaca, tumi phuddaraleti: yenne carta hera donii nanua tumaca bari phauati. Dussare nanua suriya aily, adhile mhannatati tennepramanni hea tumachea ganuantu suriyachy mae aily: deqhunu hea ganuanca surauly mhonnu nanuadditati, suriyache mayecho ganusso vcharitati, Christauano hy suriyachy mae connissy, tumi zannataleti? Hy zy assa, ty Pilarichy Ancuari Suaminni quitea suamia Jesvca Suriyu mhonnu nauadditati: Christus sol justitiae: tari hy sadha Ancuary Suaminni suriyachy mae hounu vartata: anny ho surauly gau tichi doti ddaiza va ananna hounu mirauata.
[x]
V. MIGUEL DE ALMEIDA, S. J. (C. 1607-1683)
Garden of Shepherds, 1658 (See pages 21, 228)
[b](a) Sermon on our Lady of Pilar
[x]
Bhagueuantu gau, sadaiuu locu, tumanchea daiua dasseca antu paru na; quitea tichi ty suaminni Deva mae, hea ganuanchi ddaizinni, ho samangru gau tiche adina zala, tine tumca samestanca apule seuaca, apule bhagtiuanchalla, apule putrasse carunu apulea alassirea dharileati. Tissare nanua ze marastte bhassena assa, te he suru ailo, suru aile, suru aily: mhannaze suarguincho locu: yenne carita surauly zy assa ty suargui tthaunu ailali yequi stri: hy zy assa tychi ty pilarichy suaminni, tine zaisso mugtiuanta, Apostola S. Thiagaca buzailo, va taca drustty paddaly, taissichi bhauarthache vollaqhina, hea ganuaca, drustty paddunu taca apule dulaba nanua dile, anny hea vaqhanne va brada nimiti samestanca vhadda manupada paile. Pallea Christauano? quitulea manatuache, quitulea daiua dasseche, quede bhagueuata surauleche Gauncara, va gharauassi, quitea suraulecho locu mhalleari suarguincho locusso samazata: he sadaiua nanua tumaca labata, he vaqhanne tumaca purannadica ditati: he brada tumaca phaua, tumache tthai hy Pilarichi Suaminni assalalea prassangui sarua tumaca labala: ty zaualli tochi to suargu, taualli ty assilaly suata va gau suargu, va suarguincho locu hounu vartata.
Ata Dhonculy ganuachy conni tusti caru? Hea ganuache vaqhanne yede vhadda, qui arthunu sangana, mhalleari, vellu nupuro: panna donchi vtarani sangta. Dhonculy nanua ze assa te do vtarache manddata, yeca vtara phiringue bhasseche, hera concanniye bhasseche: phiringue ze assa te Dom, concanne ze assa te cully. Phiringue vtara Dom. thoriua, prapti, mahima, arthata, zennepramanni Dom Joao, Dom Francisco, Do Diogo, anny hiye parichi anniyeca quirtiuanta nanua saunssarantu sobhatati. Cocanne vtara cully, apulie culliyeche teza daqhaunu dita: yenne carta Do cully nanua ze assa, te culliye, padauiye, thoriue, praptimhaimeche quirtiuanta nanua. Zari hiye suaminniche niza sevaca, niza bhagtiuanchalla hounu vartasseata, tari saruai tthai tumi samesta vhaddu zasseata: quitea hy suaminni tumaca niza suarguinche sarua suqha, mugti labassy carita. Zhai ama samestanca Deu suami vharu.
(b) Sermon of the Apostle St. Peter
Yeque diuassi Christu amancho taracu apulea Apostola saue vlaita assata tanehe laguy tanne vicharile, manuxa maca quite
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(b) Sermon of the Apostle St. Peter
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mhannatati? hanua connusso mhonnu apannea bhitari vcharitati? maze nimiti, manuxa madhe conni vadanty chalata. hea vicharaca Apostolani pratizapa dily. Suamia? Yequeca tu vhaddu Bhaptistu mhannatati: anni yecu tu Elias mhonnu pratisttitati: hera tu Jeremias mhonnu bhassitati athaua adhilea vhadda Bhagta bhiturlo conni yecu vhaddu prophetu, zo hiye amanche cali ziuantu hounu aila.
Yenne pramannichy apuly varta va quirti, zy praze tthai phancalea ty suamiana aicunu, punarapi Apostola laguy vicharu carunu, tanca mhalle: praze tthai mazy quirti zy phancalia ty tumi maca sanguitaly, ata tumaca hanua connusso dista, maca saga. Hea vicharachy pratizapa Apostolanchea siracamala S. Pedruna, apannea qhala carunu ghetaly: anny samestanche naui suamia laguy vlaunu mhalle. Tum Christu ziuanta Devacho putru; Sao Pedruchy pratizapa aicunu Suami tacheri itulo santossalo: va tusttalo quy techi qhenni taca suamiana sadaiuu bhagueuantu carunu davarilo: anny ituleanai suamiche chita purauale na, taca Apostola bhitari srasttu apulea samagra dhamacho gonuallo, apulie Igrezechy qholi buneadi va druddu phataru carunu manddilo: anny hea ituleai mana manatua vairi taca zae te te velle suargu vgadduncheaca va ddhampunchea suarguinchea Darvattheanchio chauiyo tache adina quelio.
JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J. (C. 1616-1672)
Divine Soliloquies 1660 (See pages 23, 229)
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I
Suamya Jesu Christachea punnephalla qhatira apulea aparadancho guneao bhagassi mhannu atmo prarthita.
Dulaba Jesu, tuzea gunna saraqhe mazeuari upacara carissy mhonnu, uissuassi tuze adharim ailam; tuzea canniuallam netranchi nadara mazeuari cari ga suamia, anny mazo sambhallu caruncheaca tuzea ddollea sarisse hata zau dy. Tum mazo uaquilu
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JOAO DE PEDROSA, S. J. (C. 1616-1672)
Divine Soliloquies 1660 (See page, 23, 229)
Soliloquy (Yecagra bolannem) I
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anny sauenchi mazea prannacho zamany, tari suamia mazea bhagassanea qhatira tuzea bapaca aqhepi, minati cari, hea passauata queti laba ama dogancai yet a tuca acallu nhoi. Hanua aparady, anny mudaly azanny deqhunu tum zamany mazeam dossancho pariharu carunca vbho raualossi mhonnu. Ye anadisidha bapa, ye sarua hucumadara Deua, tuzea charanauari mastaca ttheunu tuca xeranna aila, maze papa, mapa cari datara anny zagui tuzye ananti carunne dayena mazeuari crupallu hounu mazi patacam, bhagassi mhonnu uellouelli hanue tuze laguy maguileauari atam qhari niti ua nitidharmacho tthasso magata; tum barauo zannassi anupama suamiya, quy tuzo yecauattu putru ua mazo suamy Jesu Christu, apannapea passauata nhoe, bagara mazea pataca qhatira maranna paualo: mhonnucheaca tem tachem punne maca phauo anny tenchi ragta, ua punne mazye soddauannechem mola zaunchea caranne apule ddaiza thira carunu maca dauarile. Suamya, mazea aparadanchea, bhagassannea badala tem tum paticarunu ghe, quitea zem tum maca ditassi teachi hounu sahaza hanua tuca dita hanue maguitaleai parassa adicatara tuca arpitam denneaipassi amita bauadditam tari Suamya tuzea putrachea mogana maca bhagassi, taehechi qhatira mazeuari prasana za, anny tachy anadina seua maze tthai mani, mazea dossapassi tazo mogallu putru, mazo rachannaru adicu sayassalo deqhunu, tachi seuavruti anny tuzy ananti carunna, mazea dossampassi adiqui tullana cae hoi sate tari tuzy prapti tunttallaly na, vnny zali na, pahily carunna saraly na, tochi sagunnu tichi cacullati tuze tthai sadha nite pracattata, anny hea gunni quiticanca tunue bhagassunu crupesti srunzilis tari macai bhagassunu suqhy cari.
Zari (vtama Suamya anny mazea manachea Deua) te adhile xerannagata tuzea mogachea tezana, harqhita zaunu anandale hoi tari apulo copu niuaunu mazy cacullati cari anny mazea dossanche aghori maca ghalunu tuzye samadrustti parato zau dyu naca. Tede cali anny atam tum tochi to Suami, anny tichi hucume, va carunna tuca assa; yugam varussai tuze tatua pallatty nanti viuida paricho vellu cala tuze tthai palattu nacary.
Ye saunssarataraca? ye carunne dayechea bapa? tuze charanna maca hatassalea vinna tanche zaualicho vpeqhi naca.
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Re: The Printing Press in India, by Anant Kakba Priolkar
by admin » Tue Oct 01, 2024 4:16 am
PART IV. REPRODUCTIONS OF SPECIMEN PAGES FROM EARLY PRINTED BOOKS
LIST OF PLATES (Sizes adjusted to the size of the page)
1. Mohenjo-Daro Seals, c. 3000 B.C. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Sir John Marshall: Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, London 1931, (See p. 1).
2. Hiraka Sutra, China 868 A.D. The first printed book in the World. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author T. F. Carter: The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, New York, 1931, (See p. 1).
ROMAN TYPES
3. First types by Gutenberg, c. 1445. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author L. C. Wroth: A History of the Printed Book, New York 1938. (See p. 2).
4. Compendio Spiritual da Vida Christaa, Goa 1561. The first available book printed in India. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author J. B. Primrose: The First Press in India and its Printers, London 1940. (See p. 15).
5. Doutrina Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1622. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the Editor Mariano Saldanha: Doutrina Crista em Lingua Concani, Lisboa 1945. (See p. 17).
6. Declaracam da Doutrina Christam, Rachol 1632. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
7. Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (Title page), Goa 1629-35. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
8. Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (First page), Goa 1629-34. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
9. Arte da Lingoa Canarim, Rachol 1640. Reproduced from a copy in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Rome. (See p. 18).
10. Sancto Antonichy Zivitua catha, Goa 1655. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 21).
11. Soliloquios Divinos, Goa 1660. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional Goa. (See p. 23).
TAMIL TYPES
12. Doutrina Christiana, Quilon 1578. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Fr. G. Schurhammer; "The first Printing in Indic Characters," Harvard Library Bulletin, Vol. VI, No. 2, 1952. (See p. 10).
13. Flos Sanctorum, (Punicale?) 1586. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Fr. J. Wicki: IV Centenario da Primeira Imprensa de Goa. Lisbon 1956. (See p. 11).
14. The Four Evangelists and the Acts of the Apostles, Tranquebar 1714. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 45).
15. A Dictionary English and Malalbar, Vepery 1786. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 47).
TELINGA (TELOOGOO) TYPES
16. New Testament in Telinga (Telugoo), Serampore 1818. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 66).
17. A Grammar of the Teloogoo Language, Madras 1820. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 47).
MALAYALAM TYPES
18. A Grammar of the Malabar (Malayalam) Language, Bombay 1799. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library. (See pp. 73-4).
CANARESE TYPES
19. Grammar of the Kurnata Language, Serampore 1817. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 49).
20. An English Kannada Dictionary, Madras 1824. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library. (See p. 48).
21. A Manual English and Canarese Dictionary, Bangalore 1844. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 49).
BENGALI TYPES
22. A Grammar of the Bengal Language, Hoogly (Bengal) 1778. (See p. 52).
23. Ingaraji and Bengali Vokabilari, Calcutta 1793. Reproduced from a copy in the Bamgia Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta. (See p. 55).
24. Dialogues intended to facilitate the acquiring of the Bengali Language, Serampore 1801. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 60)
PERSIAN TYPES
25. A New Persian and English work after the Method of Boyer and others, Calcutta, 1792. Reproduced from a book with the author. (See p. 55).
26. Pund-nameh by Shaykh Sa'adi Shirazi, Calcutta 1803. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (No reference in the book).
CHINESE TYPES
27. Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore 1814. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See pp. 67-8).
28. The Holy Bible (Chinese), Serampore 1822. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See pp. 67-8).
GUJERATI TYPES
29. The Earliest Specimen of the Gujerati Printing with a running top-line (Bombay Courter, Bombay 29th January 1797). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 74).
30. The Earliest Specimen of the Gujerati Printing without a running top-line (Bombay Courier, Bombay 22nd July 1797). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 74).
31. Dabestan (Gujerati), Bombay 1815. Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay. (See p. 78).
32. The Holy Bible (Gujerat.), Surat 1828. Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay. (See p. 114).
MODI TYPES
33. The First Modi Marathi types prepared in Bombay (Bombay Courier, Bombay 17th July 1802). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 75).
34. The New Testament in Modi (Marathi), Serampore 1807. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 73).
33. The Earliest book in Modi (Marathi) types. (Illustrations of the Grammatical parts of the Guzerattee, Mahratta and English Languages, Bombay 1808). Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 75).
DEVANAGARI
36. The Earliest Devanagari (Block) Printing Hortus Indicus Malabaricus adornatus per Henricum van Rheede, van Draakenstein, Amsterdam 1678. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library, Bombay (No reference in the text).
37. The Earliest specimen of the Devanagari types (Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanum, Rome 1771). Reproduced from a copy in the Asiatic Society, Bombay. (See p. 63).
38. The Earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) Printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language, Calcutta 1796). Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 62).
39. Essays (thesis) by the Students of the College of Fort William, Bengal, Calcutta 1802. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 62).
40. The earliest Devanagari Block-Printing in Bombay (Gita) Miraj 1805. Reproduced from a copy in the Sanskrit Pathasala, Rajapore. (See p. 34).
41. A Grammar of the Mahratta Language, Serampore 1805. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 61).
42. Balbodha Muktavali, Tanjore, c. 1806. Reproduced from a copy in the British Museum. (See p. 46).
43. The New Testament in Sanskrit, Serampore 1808. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 66).
44. The earliest available Devanagari (Marathi) book printed in Bombay: An Easy and Expeditious means of acquiring knowledge of the English Language, Bombay 1818. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 81).
45. Pamcopakhyana, Bombay 1822. Reproduced from a copy in the Mumbai Marathi Grantha-sangrahalaya, Bombay. (See p. 89).
46. One of the earliest book lithographed in Bombay in 1826. (Ganitamarga, Gujerati in the Devanagari script). Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay.
MISCELLANEOUS
47. The first book printed in Bombay in 1793. (Remarks and Occurrences of Mr. Henry Becher, Bombay 1793). Reproduced from a copy in the Heras Institute of History and Culture, Bombay. (See p. 72).
48. The Bible in the Punjabee Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 66).
49. The Bible in Ooria, Serampore, 1811. (See p. 65).
50. Assamese New Testament, Serampore 1815. (See p. 65).
51. New Testament in Mooltanee, Serampore 1819. (See p. 66).
52. Pushtoo New Testament, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
53. New Testament in Marwari, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
Nos. 48 to 53: Reproduced from the copies in the Serampore College Library.
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Plate 1: Mohenjo-Daro Seals, c. 3000 B.C. (See p. 1)
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Plate 2: The first printed book. Hiraka Sutra, China 868 A.D. (See p. 1).
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Plate 3: First types by Gutenburg, c. 1445. (See p. 2.)
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Plate 4: Compendio Spiritual da Vida Christaa, Goa 1561. (See p. 15)
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Plate 5: Doutrine Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1622. (See p. 17).
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Plate 6: Declaracam da Doutrina Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1632. (See p. 18).
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Plate 7: Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (Title page). Goa 1629-34. (See p. 18)
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Plate 8: Dioscursos sobre a vida do Aopostolo Sam Pedro (First page). Goa 1629-34. (See p. 18).
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Plate 9: Arte da Lingoa Canarim, Rachol (Goa) 1640. (See p. 18).
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Plate 10: Sancto Antonichy Zivitua catha. Goa 1655. (See p. 21)
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Plate 11: Sohloquios Divinos. Goa 1660. (See p. 23).
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Plate 12: Doutrina Christiana (Tamil). Qulilon 1578. (See p. 10)
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Plate 13: Flos Sanctoram (Tammil), Punicale 1586. (See p. 11)
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Plate 14: The Four Evangelists and the Acts of the Apostles (Tamil). Tranquebar 1714. (See p. 43)
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Plate 15: A Dictionary English and Malabar (Tamil). Vepery 1786. (See p. 47)
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Plate 16: New Testament in Telinga (Telugoo), Serampore 1818. (See p. 66)
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Plate 17: A Grammar of the Teloogoo Lannguage, Madras 1820. (See p. 47)
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Plate 18: Grammar of the Malabar (Malayalam) Language, Bombay 1799. (See pp. 73-74).
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Plate 19: A Grammar of the Kurnata Language, Serampore 1817. (See p. 49).
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Plate 20: An English Kannada Dictionary, Madras 1824. (See p. 48).
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Plate 21: A Manual English and Canarese Dictionary, Bangalore 1844. (See p. 49).
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Plate 22: A Grammar of the Bengal Language, Hoogly (Bengal) 1778. (See p. 32).
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Plate 23: Ingarraji and Bengali Vokabilari, Calcutta 1793. (See p. 55).
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Plate 24: Dialogues intended to facilitate the [illegible] of the Bengali Language, Serampore 1801. (See p. 60).
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Plate 25: A New Persian and English work etc., Calcutta 1792. (See p. 33)
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Plate 26: Pund-nameh by Shaykh Sa'adi Sharazi, Calcutta 1803.
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Plate 27: Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore 1814. (See p. 67-8)
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Plate 28: The Holy Bible (Chinese), Serampore 1822. (See p. 67-8).
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Plate 29: The earliest specimen of the Gujerati Printing (with a running top-line). Bombay Courier, Bombay 29th January 1797. (See p. 74).
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Plate 30: The earliest specimen of the Gujerati Printing (without a running top-line). Bombay Courier, Bombay 22nd July, 1797. (See p. 74).
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Plate 31: Dabestan (Gujerati), Bombay 1815. (See p. 78.).
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Plate 33: The first Modi Marathi types prepared in Bombay, Bombay Courier, Bombay 17th July 1802. (See p. 75).
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Plate 34: The New Testament in Modi (Marathi), Serampore 1807. (See p. 73).
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Plate 35: The earliest book in Modi (Marathi) types, Bombay, 1808 (See p. 75).
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Plate 36: The earliest Devanagari block-printing (Hortus Indicas Malabaricus). Amsterdam 1678.
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Plate 37: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari types (Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanum), Rome 1771. (See p. 63).
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Plate 38: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostannee Language), Calcutta 1796. (See p. 62).
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Plate 38: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostannee Language), Calcutta 1796. (See p. 62).
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Plate 39: Essays (Thesis) by the students of the college of Fort William, Bengal, Calcutta 1802. (See p. 62).
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Plate 40: The earliest Devanagari Block-printing in Bombay (Gita), Miraj 1803. (See p. 34).
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Plate 41: A Grammar of the Mahratta Language, Serampore 1805. (See p. 64).
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Plate 42: Balbodha Muktavali, Tanjore c. 1806. (See p. 46).
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Plate 43: The New Testament in Sanskrit, Serampore 1808. (See p. 66).
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Plate 44: The earliest available Devanagari (Maratha book printed in Bombay 1818. (See p. 81).
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Plate 45: Pamcopakhyana (Marathi Devanagari), Bombay 1822. (See p. 89).
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Plate 46: One of the earliest book lithographed in Bombay in 1826 (Ganitamarga, Gujerati in the Devanagari script .
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Plate 47: The first book printed in Bombay in 1793. (See p. 72).
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Plate 48: The Holy Bible in the Punjabee Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 66).
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Plate 49: The Bible in Ooria Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 65).
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Plate 50: Assamese New Testament, Serampore 1813. (See p. 65).
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Plate 51: New Testament in Mooltanee, Serampore 1819. (See p. 66).
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Plate 52: Pushtoo New Testament, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
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Plate 53: New Testament in Marwari, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
LIST OF PLATES (Sizes adjusted to the size of the page)
1. Mohenjo-Daro Seals, c. 3000 B.C. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Sir John Marshall: Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, London 1931, (See p. 1).
2. Hiraka Sutra, China 868 A.D. The first printed book in the World. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author T. F. Carter: The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, New York, 1931, (See p. 1).
ROMAN TYPES
3. First types by Gutenberg, c. 1445. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author L. C. Wroth: A History of the Printed Book, New York 1938. (See p. 2).
4. Compendio Spiritual da Vida Christaa, Goa 1561. The first available book printed in India. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author J. B. Primrose: The First Press in India and its Printers, London 1940. (See p. 15).
5. Doutrina Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1622. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the Editor Mariano Saldanha: Doutrina Crista em Lingua Concani, Lisboa 1945. (See p. 17).
6. Declaracam da Doutrina Christam, Rachol 1632. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
7. Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (Title page), Goa 1629-35. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
8. Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (First page), Goa 1629-34. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 18).
9. Arte da Lingoa Canarim, Rachol 1640. Reproduced from a copy in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Rome. (See p. 18).
10. Sancto Antonichy Zivitua catha, Goa 1655. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. (See p. 21).
11. Soliloquios Divinos, Goa 1660. Reproduced from the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional Goa. (See p. 23).
TAMIL TYPES
12. Doutrina Christiana, Quilon 1578. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Fr. G. Schurhammer; "The first Printing in Indic Characters," Harvard Library Bulletin, Vol. VI, No. 2, 1952. (See p. 10).
13. Flos Sanctorum, (Punicale?) 1586. Reproduced with due acknowledgment to the author Fr. J. Wicki: IV Centenario da Primeira Imprensa de Goa. Lisbon 1956. (See p. 11).
14. The Four Evangelists and the Acts of the Apostles, Tranquebar 1714. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 45).
15. A Dictionary English and Malalbar, Vepery 1786. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 47).
TELINGA (TELOOGOO) TYPES
16. New Testament in Telinga (Telugoo), Serampore 1818. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 66).
17. A Grammar of the Teloogoo Language, Madras 1820. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 47).
MALAYALAM TYPES
18. A Grammar of the Malabar (Malayalam) Language, Bombay 1799. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library. (See pp. 73-4).
CANARESE TYPES
19. Grammar of the Kurnata Language, Serampore 1817. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 49).
20. An English Kannada Dictionary, Madras 1824. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library. (See p. 48).
21. A Manual English and Canarese Dictionary, Bangalore 1844. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 49).
BENGALI TYPES
22. A Grammar of the Bengal Language, Hoogly (Bengal) 1778. (See p. 52).
23. Ingaraji and Bengali Vokabilari, Calcutta 1793. Reproduced from a copy in the Bamgia Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta. (See p. 55).
24. Dialogues intended to facilitate the acquiring of the Bengali Language, Serampore 1801. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 60)
PERSIAN TYPES
25. A New Persian and English work after the Method of Boyer and others, Calcutta, 1792. Reproduced from a book with the author. (See p. 55).
26. Pund-nameh by Shaykh Sa'adi Shirazi, Calcutta 1803. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (No reference in the book).
CHINESE TYPES
27. Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore 1814. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See pp. 67-8).
28. The Holy Bible (Chinese), Serampore 1822. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See pp. 67-8).
GUJERATI TYPES
29. The Earliest Specimen of the Gujerati Printing with a running top-line (Bombay Courter, Bombay 29th January 1797). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 74).
30. The Earliest Specimen of the Gujerati Printing without a running top-line (Bombay Courier, Bombay 22nd July 1797). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 74).
31. Dabestan (Gujerati), Bombay 1815. Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay. (See p. 78).
32. The Holy Bible (Gujerat.), Surat 1828. Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay. (See p. 114).
MODI TYPES
33. The First Modi Marathi types prepared in Bombay (Bombay Courier, Bombay 17th July 1802). Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay Secretariat Record Office. (See p. 75).
34. The New Testament in Modi (Marathi), Serampore 1807. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 73).
33. The Earliest book in Modi (Marathi) types. (Illustrations of the Grammatical parts of the Guzerattee, Mahratta and English Languages, Bombay 1808). Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 75).
DEVANAGARI
36. The Earliest Devanagari (Block) Printing Hortus Indicus Malabaricus adornatus per Henricum van Rheede, van Draakenstein, Amsterdam 1678. Reproduced from a copy in the Bombay University Library, Bombay (No reference in the text).
37. The Earliest specimen of the Devanagari types (Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanum, Rome 1771). Reproduced from a copy in the Asiatic Society, Bombay. (See p. 63).
38. The Earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) Printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language, Calcutta 1796). Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 62).
39. Essays (thesis) by the Students of the College of Fort William, Bengal, Calcutta 1802. Reproduced from a copy in the National Library, Calcutta. (See p. 62).
40. The earliest Devanagari Block-Printing in Bombay (Gita) Miraj 1805. Reproduced from a copy in the Sanskrit Pathasala, Rajapore. (See p. 34).
41. A Grammar of the Mahratta Language, Serampore 1805. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 61).
42. Balbodha Muktavali, Tanjore, c. 1806. Reproduced from a copy in the British Museum. (See p. 46).
43. The New Testament in Sanskrit, Serampore 1808. Reproduced from a copy in the Serampore College Library. (See p. 66).
44. The earliest available Devanagari (Marathi) book printed in Bombay: An Easy and Expeditious means of acquiring knowledge of the English Language, Bombay 1818. Reproduced from a copy with the author. (See p. 81).
45. Pamcopakhyana, Bombay 1822. Reproduced from a copy in the Mumbai Marathi Grantha-sangrahalaya, Bombay. (See p. 89).
46. One of the earliest book lithographed in Bombay in 1826. (Ganitamarga, Gujerati in the Devanagari script). Reproduced from a copy in the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay.
MISCELLANEOUS
47. The first book printed in Bombay in 1793. (Remarks and Occurrences of Mr. Henry Becher, Bombay 1793). Reproduced from a copy in the Heras Institute of History and Culture, Bombay. (See p. 72).
48. The Bible in the Punjabee Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 66).
49. The Bible in Ooria, Serampore, 1811. (See p. 65).
50. Assamese New Testament, Serampore 1815. (See p. 65).
51. New Testament in Mooltanee, Serampore 1819. (See p. 66).
52. Pushtoo New Testament, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
53. New Testament in Marwari, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
Nos. 48 to 53: Reproduced from the copies in the Serampore College Library.
[x]
[x]
Plate 1: Mohenjo-Daro Seals, c. 3000 B.C. (See p. 1)
[x]
Plate 2: The first printed book. Hiraka Sutra, China 868 A.D. (See p. 1).
[x]
Plate 3: First types by Gutenburg, c. 1445. (See p. 2.)
[x]
Plate 4: Compendio Spiritual da Vida Christaa, Goa 1561. (See p. 15)
[x]
Plate 5: Doutrine Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1622. (See p. 17).
[x]
Plate 6: Declaracam da Doutrina Christam, Rachol (Goa) 1632. (See p. 18).
[x]
Plate 7: Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro (Title page). Goa 1629-34. (See p. 18)
[x]
Plate 8: Dioscursos sobre a vida do Aopostolo Sam Pedro (First page). Goa 1629-34. (See p. 18).
[x]
Plate 9: Arte da Lingoa Canarim, Rachol (Goa) 1640. (See p. 18).
[x]
Plate 10: Sancto Antonichy Zivitua catha. Goa 1655. (See p. 21)
[x]
Plate 11: Sohloquios Divinos. Goa 1660. (See p. 23).
[x]
Plate 12: Doutrina Christiana (Tamil). Qulilon 1578. (See p. 10)
[x]
Plate 13: Flos Sanctoram (Tammil), Punicale 1586. (See p. 11)
[x]
Plate 14: The Four Evangelists and the Acts of the Apostles (Tamil). Tranquebar 1714. (See p. 43)
[x]
Plate 15: A Dictionary English and Malabar (Tamil). Vepery 1786. (See p. 47)
[x]
Plate 16: New Testament in Telinga (Telugoo), Serampore 1818. (See p. 66)
[x]
Plate 17: A Grammar of the Teloogoo Lannguage, Madras 1820. (See p. 47)
[x]
Plate 18: Grammar of the Malabar (Malayalam) Language, Bombay 1799. (See pp. 73-74).
[x]
Plate 19: A Grammar of the Kurnata Language, Serampore 1817. (See p. 49).
[x]
Plate 20: An English Kannada Dictionary, Madras 1824. (See p. 48).
[x]
Plate 21: A Manual English and Canarese Dictionary, Bangalore 1844. (See p. 49).
[x]
Plate 22: A Grammar of the Bengal Language, Hoogly (Bengal) 1778. (See p. 32).
[x]
Plate 23: Ingarraji and Bengali Vokabilari, Calcutta 1793. (See p. 55).
[x]
Plate 24: Dialogues intended to facilitate the [illegible] of the Bengali Language, Serampore 1801. (See p. 60).
[x]
Plate 25: A New Persian and English work etc., Calcutta 1792. (See p. 33)
[x]
Plate 26: Pund-nameh by Shaykh Sa'adi Sharazi, Calcutta 1803.
[x]
Plate 27: Elements of Chinese Grammar, Serampore 1814. (See p. 67-8)
[x]
Plate 28: The Holy Bible (Chinese), Serampore 1822. (See p. 67-8).
[x]
Plate 29: The earliest specimen of the Gujerati Printing (with a running top-line). Bombay Courier, Bombay 29th January 1797. (See p. 74).
[x]
Plate 30: The earliest specimen of the Gujerati Printing (without a running top-line). Bombay Courier, Bombay 22nd July, 1797. (See p. 74).
[x]
Plate 31: Dabestan (Gujerati), Bombay 1815. (See p. 78.).
[x]
Plate 33: The first Modi Marathi types prepared in Bombay, Bombay Courier, Bombay 17th July 1802. (See p. 75).
[x]
Plate 34: The New Testament in Modi (Marathi), Serampore 1807. (See p. 73).
[x]
Plate 35: The earliest book in Modi (Marathi) types, Bombay, 1808 (See p. 75).
[x]
Plate 36: The earliest Devanagari block-printing (Hortus Indicas Malabaricus). Amsterdam 1678.
[x]
Plate 37: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari types (Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanum), Rome 1771. (See p. 63).
[x]
Plate 38: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostannee Language), Calcutta 1796. (See p. 62).
[x]
Plate 38: The earliest specimen of the Devanagari and Hindustani (Urdu) printing in India (Grammar of the Hindoostannee Language), Calcutta 1796. (See p. 62).
[x]
Plate 39: Essays (Thesis) by the students of the college of Fort William, Bengal, Calcutta 1802. (See p. 62).
[x]
Plate 40: The earliest Devanagari Block-printing in Bombay (Gita), Miraj 1803. (See p. 34).
[x]
Plate 41: A Grammar of the Mahratta Language, Serampore 1805. (See p. 64).
[x]
Plate 42: Balbodha Muktavali, Tanjore c. 1806. (See p. 46).
[x]
Plate 43: The New Testament in Sanskrit, Serampore 1808. (See p. 66).
[x]
Plate 44: The earliest available Devanagari (Maratha book printed in Bombay 1818. (See p. 81).
[x]
Plate 45: Pamcopakhyana (Marathi Devanagari), Bombay 1822. (See p. 89).
[x]
Plate 46: One of the earliest book lithographed in Bombay in 1826 (Ganitamarga, Gujerati in the Devanagari script .
[x]
Plate 47: The first book printed in Bombay in 1793. (See p. 72).
[x]
Plate 48: The Holy Bible in the Punjabee Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 66).
[x]
Plate 49: The Bible in Ooria Language, Serampore 1811. (See p. 65).
[x]
Plate 50: Assamese New Testament, Serampore 1813. (See p. 65).
[x]
Plate 51: New Testament in Mooltanee, Serampore 1819. (See p. 66).
[x]
Plate 52: Pushtoo New Testament, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
[x]
Plate 53: New Testament in Marwari, Serampore 1821. (See p. 66).
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