Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni/Shams-i Siraj 'Afif

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Kism I. — [???]

First Mukaddama, — Birth of Firoz Shah.

Firoz Shah was born in the year 709 H. (1309 A.D.). It is recorded that his father was named Sipah-salar Rajab, and was brother of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Ghazi. [Sipah-salar Rajab was the uncle of Muhammad Shah, and Firoz Shah was the cousin of Muhammad Shah?]

Ghazi Malik, who afterwards became Sultan Tughlik Shah ...

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

When Firoz Shah was seven years old his father, Sipah-salar Rajab, died, and Tughlik Shah made great mourning for him....

Firoz Shah was fourteen years old when Sultan Tughlik Shah ascended the throne. The Sultan was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Firoz Shah attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultan. On the death of Sultan Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehli by Muhammad Shah.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

On the 21st Muharram, 752 H. (1350 A.D.), Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik departed this life on the banks of the Indus, at fourteen kos from Thatta....

Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son [Sipah-salar Rajab was the brother of Muhammad Shah, and Firoz Shah was the nephew of Muhammad Shah?]; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people." Firoz Shah made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown. "If he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultan ascended the throne.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq, the military governor of Dipalpur and Multan, seized power in 720/1320 and established a new ruling Muslim line.

Abu’l-Muzaffar Firuz Shah was born in 709/1309, the son of an sipahsalar (army commander), Rajab, who was the brother of Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq Ghazi. His mother, Bibi Na’ila, was a Hindu from the Punjab, the daughter of the Rana of Dipalpur, a zamindar (landholder).

Little is known about Firuz Shah’s childhood. His father died when he was seven whereupon his upbringing fell into the hands of his uncle Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq. When Ghiyath al-Din ascended the throne in 720/1320, Firuz Shah’s education in the affairs of state began. When he was eighteen, Ghiyath al-Din died and his tutelage was continued under Muhammad bin Tughluq, the brother of Ghiyath al-Din. [Sipah-salar Rajab was the brother of Muhammad Shah, and Firoz Shah was the nephew of Muhammad Shah?] Muhammad bin Tughluq appointed Firuz Shah as naib-i amir-hajib (deputy of the lord chamberlain) and granted him the title na’ib bar-bak which carried a command of 12,000 horses.

-- The Architecture of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate, School of The Ohio State University, by William Jeffrey McKibben, B.A., M.A.

Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq (1309 – 20 September 1388) was a Muslim ruler of the Tughlaq dynasty, who reigned over the Sultanate of Delhi from 1351 to 1388. He succeeded his cousin Muhammad bin Tughlaq following the latter's death at Thatta in Sindh, where Muhammad bin Tughlaq had gone in pursuit of Taghi the ruler of Gujarat.1 [Peter Jackson. The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History: "When Muhammad left Delhi for the last time, he delegated authority in the capital to Khwaja Jahan, his cousin, Firuz and Malik Qabul 'Khalifat!' (also known as 'Malik Kabir').81 As undisputed heir-apparent throughout his father's reign, Muhammad seems to have built up a power-base of his own. Nigam's assertion that the slave system did not receive much encouragement during Muhammad's reign82 is simply at variance with the testimony of our sources. Among his most trusted amirs was Malik Qabul, his slave and probably an Indian; and we know that the sultan also recruited black slaves (Habashis), one of whom, presumably, was Badr al-Habashi, his governor at c. Alapur.83... the total figure of 20,000 for Muhammad's Turkish slaves transmitted by al-c. Umari is probably too low84...Even discounting the amirs whom Firuz Shah had inherited from his cousin, however, there were still several nobles of free stock. Zafar Khan (II), the muqta' of Gujarat, was the son and successor of Zafar Khan (I)... Firuz Shah, in turn, may well have been a more orthodox and pious figure than his late cousin; but extraneous factors also surely underlay his policies. The sultan's accession had not gone unchallenged; and he was clearly conscious, moreover, of a need to distance himself from the extravagances of Muhammad, who had clashed with the Islamic ‘religious establishment’ and executed not a few of its members.... two groups that had coalesced around Muhammad and around the descendants of his eldest brother ... we are told, he enjoyed the sympathy of not only the amirs and the people of the capital but also Firuz Shah's slaves...On Muhammad’s death in 752/1351, the army commanders and other leading figures present in Sind prevailed upon the late sultan’s cousin and arriir-hajib , Firuz b. Rajab, to accept the throne; and after expressing a reluctance that may not have been totally assumed, he did so. The accession of Firuz Shah did not go unchallenged. The claims of the the late monarch’s nephew, Dawar Malik, were advanced by his mother, Tughluq’s daughter Khudawandzada, who was dissuaded by the amirs on the grounds of her son’s inexperience.97 In the capital the wazir Khwaja Jahan Ahmad b. Ayaz had set up as sultan an alleged child of Muhammad’s as Ghiyath al-DIn Mahmud Shah.98 As Firuz Shah moved on Delhi, he was joined by a great many notables who had deserted Khwaja Jahan. Eventually the wazir himself appeared in an attitude of humble submission. Firuz Shah was disposed to be merciful, but yielded to pressure from his amirs, who were out for the old wazir’s blood. Khwaja Jahan, despatched to his new iqta c of Samana, was overtaken and executed by Shir Khan, its current muqta c . A few of his associates were likewise put to death;99 but the fate of the child sultan he had enthroned is a mystery.]

-- Firuz Shah Tughlaq, by Wikipedia

The writer of this work has given a full account of their parentage in his Memoirs of Sultan Tughlik (Manakib-i Sultan Tughlik).

Besides this history of Firoz Shah, the author often refers to his Manakib-i Sultan Tughlik, and he mentions his intention of writing similar memoirs of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firoz Shah. Nothing more appears to be known of these works.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

The three brothers, Tughlik, Rajab, and Abu Bakr, came from Khurasan to Dehli in the reign of 'Alau-d din, and that monarch, under Divine guidance, treated them with great kindness and favour. All three were taken into the service of the Court, and the Sultan, observing their courage and energy, conferred upon Tughlik the country of Dipalpur, and employed all the brothers in public business. Tughlik was desirous that his brother Sipahsalar Rajab should obtain in marriage the daughter of one of the Rais of Dipalpur; and while he was seeking a suitable match, he was informed that the daughters of Rana Mall Bhatti were very beautiful and accomplished. In those days all the estates, from the highest to the lowest, and all the jungle belonging to the Mini and Bhatti tribes, were attached to the town of Abuhar, which was one of the dependencies of Dipalpur. The author's great-grandfather, Malik S'adu-l Mulk Shahab 'Afif was then 'amaldar of Abuhar, and Tughlik Shah, after consultation with him, sent some intelligent and acute persons to Rana Mall with a proposal of marriage.

When the messengers delivered Tughlik's message, Rana Mall, in his pride and haughtiness, uttered unseemly and improper observations. This, together with the Rana's refusal, was communicated to Tughlik Shah, who then again took counsel with the author's ancestor, and after much debate it was decided that Tughlik Shah should proceed to the villages (talwandi) belonging to Rana Mall, and demand payment of the year's revenue. Next day Tughlik proceeded thither and demanded payment in ready money of the whole amount. The mukaddims and chaudharis were subjected to coercion, and payment in full was insisted upon. The Rana's people were helpless and could do nothing, for those were the days of 'Alau-d din, and no one dared to make any outcry. In the course of two or three days they were reduced to extremities and suffered much hardship. Some trustworthy and precise persons told the author that the mother of Rana Mall, who was an old woman, when she heard of Tughlik Shah's severity to the people, proceeded at the time of evening prayer into the house of her son, weeping and tearing her hair, and spoke most feelingly upon the matter. At that time Rana Mall's daughter, the future mother of Firoz Shah, was in the court-yard. When that fortunate damsel heard the wailing and crying of the Rana's mother, she inquired what was the cause of her grief; and the dame replied, "I am weeping on your account, for it is through you that Tughlik Shah is weighing so heavily on the people of this land." The author's veracious informer said that the high-spirited, noble girl exclaimed, ''If the surrender of me will deliver the people from such misery, comply instantly with the demand, and send me to him; consider then that the Mughals have carried off one of your daughters."

Ghazi Malik, who afterwards became Sultan Tughlik Shah, had obtained great renown in Hindustan and Khurasan. He held the territories of Debalpur and Lahor, and, until the end of the reign of Kutbu-d din, he proved a barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, occupying, in fact, the position formerly held by Shir Khan. Every winter he led out a chosen force from Debalpur, and marching to the frontiers of the Mughals he challenged them to come forth. The Mughals were so dispirited that they dared not even make any military display upon their frontiers. No one now cared about them, or gave them the slightest thought. ***...

When more than two months had passed after the overthrow of the house of 'Alau-d din, and the degradation of all its connections and dependents before the eyes of several of its great nobles, Malik Fakhru-d din began to take heart, and courageously to resolve upon exacting vengeance. One afternoon he mounted his horse, and, with a few slaves, confiding himself to God, he fled from Khusru. *** At evening his flight became known, * * * and filled Khusru and his followers with dismay. * * * A body of horse was sent after him, but Fakhru-d din, the hero of Iran and Turan, reached Sarsuti, and his pursuers, not being able to overtake him, returned dispirited to Dehli. Before he reached Sarsuti, his father, Ghazi Malik (afterwards Sultan Ghiyasu-d din), sent Muhammad Sartaba with two hundred horse, and he had taken possession of the fort of Sarsuti. With these horsemen Fakhru-d din proceeded to his father, whom, to his great joy, he reached in safety at Deobalpur. Malik Ghazi's hands were now free to wreak vengeance on the Parwaris and Hindus for the murder of his patron, and he immediately prepared to march against the enemy. Khusru appointed his brother, whom he had made Khan-i Khanan, and Yusuf Sufi, now Yusuf Khan, to command his army. He gave his brother a royal canopy, and sent them with elephants and treasure towards Deobalpur. So these two foolish ignorant lads went forth, like newly-hatched chickens just beginning to fly, to fight with a veteran warrior like Malik Ghazi, whose sword had made Khurasan and the land of the Mughals to tremble. * * * They reached Sarsuti; but such was their inexperience and want of energy, that they could not drive out Malik Ghazi's horse. So they turned their backs upon the place, and in their folly, * * * marched to encounter the hero, who twenty times had routed the Mughals. Like children in their parents' laps, they went on helplessly all in confusion.... * * *

That night, while Ghazi Malik was at Indarpat, most of the nobles and chief men and officers came forth from the city to pay their respects, and the keys of the palace and of the city gates were brought to him. On the second day after the battle he proceeded with a great following from Indarpat to the palace of Siri. He seated himself in the Hazar-sutun, and, in the presence of the assembled nobles, wept over the unhappy fate which had befallen Kutbu-d din and the other sons of 'Alau-d din, his patron, * * and gave thanks to God for the victory he had gained. Then he cried with a loud voice, "I am one of those who have been brought up under 'Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din, and the loyalty of my nature has roused me up against their enemies and destroyers. I have drawn my sword, and have taken revenge to the best of my power. Ye are the noblest of the State! If ye know of any son of our patron's blood, bring him forth immediately, and I will seat him on the throne, and will be the first to tender him my service and devotion. If the whole stock has been clean cut off, then do ye bring forward some worthy and proper person and raise him to the throne; I will pay my allegiance to him. I have drawn my sword to avenge my patrons, not to gain power and ascend a throne." *** The assembled nobles unanimously replied that the usurpers had left no scion of the royal stock in existence. The murder of Kutbu-d din and the supremacy of Khusru and the Parwaris had caused disturbances, and had stirred up rebels in every direction. Affairs were all in confusion. They then added, ''Thou, Ghazi Malik, hast claims upon us. For many years thou hast been a banner to the Mughals and hast prevented their coming into Hindustan. Now thou hast done a faithful work, which will be recorded in history; thou hast delivered the Musulmans from the yoke of Hindus and Parwaris; thou hast avenged our benefactors, and hast laid every one, rich and poor, under obligation. *** All we who are here present know no one besides thee who is worthy of royalty and fit to rule." All who were present agreed with one acclaim, and, taking him by the hand, they conducted him to the throne. He then took the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din, * * * and every one paid him due homage. ***

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

The old lady went and told the Rana of his daughter's resolution, and he gave his assent. The Rana communicated the act to the author's great-grandfather, when a messenger was sent to Tughlik Shah announcing the Rana's assent to the marriage, and the damsel herself was brought to Dipalpur. Before her marriage she was called Bibi Naila, but on entering the house of Sipah-salar Rajab, she was styled Sultan Bibi Kadbanu.

After the lapse of a few years she gave birth to Firoz Shah in a most auspicious hour, and Tughlik Shah distributed his bounty on all sides in token of his joy. On the very day that Firoz Shah was born, the author's grandfather, Shams-i Shahab 'Afif, also came into the world. The females of the author's ancestors then lived at Dipalpur, and constantly visited the female apartments of Tughlik Shah, and often in talking of these matters the author's great-grandfather used to say that he had frequently given Firoz Shah a cup of milk; and Firoz Shah himself when he had reached the summit of his power and glory, used to tell the author's father that he had sucked at the breast of his grandmother.

When Firoz Shah was seven years old his father, Sipah-salar Rajab, died, and Tughlik Shah made great mourning for him.

The widowed mother was in great distress as to the education and training of her son, but Tughlik Shah consoled her, and told her that he would look upon the child as his own, and treat him with every kindness so long as he lived. The mother of Firoz Shah had no other child, either son or daughter. Those who say that Malik Kutbu-d din was brother of Firoz Shah speak the truth, but he was born of another mother. The same was the case with Malik Naib Bar-bak; he also was his brother, but by a different mother.

Firoz Shah received instruction in the duties of royalty and the functions of sovereignty from two kings, Sultan Tughlik Shah [reigned four years and a few months] and Sultan Muhammad Shah [reigned twenty years], and he became thoroughly conversant with all affairs of State. Tatar Khan Buzurg used to say upon this subject that Firoz Shah ought to be acquainted with regal and political duties, and that no one should feel any apprehension about him.

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Second Mukaddama. — Firoz Shah's Education in the Duties of Royalty.

Firoz Shah was fourteen years old when Sultan Tughlik Shah ascended the throne. The Sultan was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Firoz Shah attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultan. On the death of Sultan Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehli by Muhammad Shah. At the accession of this monarch Firoz Shah was eighteen years of age. He was appointed deputy of the lord chamberlain (naib-i amir-hajib), with the title of Naib Bar-bak, and received the command of 12,000 horse. The Sultan was exceedingly kind and generous to him, and keeping him constantly near his person he used to explain to him, with much intelligence, all affairs of State that came up for consideration. Even at this period Firoz Shah showed himself very kind and generous to the poor, and when any case of distress came before him he was prompt to relieve it. When Muhammad Shah divided the territories of Dehli into four parts, as the author has fully explained in his Manakib-i Sultan Muhammad, he placed one part under the charge of Firoz Shah, so that he might acquire experience in the art of government.

Besides this history of Firoz Shah, the author often refers to his Manakib-i Sultan Tughlik, and he mentions his intention of writing similar memoirs of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firoz Shah. Nothing more appears to be known of these works.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

The wise have said that the man who can perform the duties of one charge may guide the affairs of a State and accomplish the government of a kingdom. So the clear-sighted Sultan Muhammad placed Firoz Shah over a fourth part of his kingdom, in order that, with the Divine favour, be might become an adept in all political matters.

It is commonly said that Sultan Muhammad Shah used to keep Firoz Shah continually at work in various matters, and the statement is true. But this labour was not imposed upon him out of any ill-feeling, for, had the king disliked him, he would have sent him far from his court. Muhammad Shah was an illustrious king, and a most intelligent and able man, so much so that he was remarkable for his talents among the great men of Dehli. His object was to train Firoz Shah, so that he might become thoroughly versed in the duties of royalty. Thus Firoz Shah completed his forty-fifth year under the tuition of Sultan Muhammad Shah.

Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik Shah, the heir apparent, succeeded his father, and ascended the throne at Tughlikabad in the year 725 H. (1325 A.D.)....

The dogmas of philosophers, which are productive of indifference and hardness of heart, had a powerful influence over him. But the declarations of the holy books, and the utterances, of the Prophets, which inculcate benevolence and humility, and hold out the prospect of future punishment, were not deemed worthy of attention. The punishment of Musulmans, and the execution of true believers, with him became a practice and a passion. Numbers of doctors, and elders, and saiyids, and sufis, and kalandars, and clerks, and soldiers, received punishment by his order. Not a day or week passed without the spilling of much Musulman blood, and the running of streams of gore before the entrance of his palace....

If I were to write a full account of all the affairs of his reign, and of all that passed, with his faults and shortcomings, I should fill many volumes. In this history I have recorded all the great and important matters of his reign, and the beginning and the end of every conquest; but the rise and termination of every mutiny, and of events (of minor importance), I have passed over. ***

Sultan Muhammad planned in his own breast three or four projects by which the whole of the habitable world was to be brought under the rule of his servants, but he never talked over these projects with any of his councillors and friends. Whatever he conceived he considered to be good, but in promulgating and enforcing his schemes he lost his hold upon the territories he possessed, disgusted his people, and emptied his treasury. Embarrassment followed embarrassment, and confusion became worse confounded. The ill feeling of the people gave rise to outbreaks and revolts. The rules for enforcing the royal schemes became daily more oppressive to the people. More and more the people became disaffected, more and more the mind of the king was set against them, and the numbers of those brought to punishment increased. The tribute of most of the distant countries and districts was lost, and many of the soldiers and servants were scattered and left in distant lands. Deficiencies appeared in the treasury. The mind of the Sultan lost its equilibrium. In the extreme weakness and harshness of his temper he gave himself up to severity. Gujarat and Deogir were the only (distant) possessions that remained. In the old territories, dependent on Dehli, the capital, disaffection and rebellion sprung up. By the will of fate many different projects occurred to the mind of the Sultan, which appeared to him moderate and suitable, and were enforced for several years, but the people could not endure them. These schemes effected the ruin of the Sultan's empire, and the decay of the people. Every one of them that was enforced wrought some wrong and mischief, and the minds of all men, high and low, were disgusted with their ruler. Territories and districts which had been securely settled were lost. When the Sultan found that his orders did not work so well as he desired, he became still more embittered against his people. He cut them down like weeds and punished them. So many wretches were ready to slaughter true and orthodox Musalmans as had never before been created from the days of Adam. * * * If the twenty prophets had been given into the hands of these minions, I verily believe that they would not have allowed them to live one night....

The first project which the Sultan formed, and which operated to the ruin of the country and the decay of the people, was that he thought he ought to get ten or five per cent, more tribute from the lands in the Doab. To accomplish this he invented some oppressive abwabs (cesses), and made stoppages from the land-revenues until the backs of the raiyats were broken. The cesses were collected so rigorously that the raiyats were impoverished and reduced to beggary. Those who were rich and had property became rebels; the lands were ruined, and cultivation was entirely arrested. When the raiyat in distant countries heard of the distress and ruin of the raiyats in the Doab, through fear of the same evil befalling them, they threw off their allegiance and betook themselves to the jungles. The decline of cultivation, and the distress of the raiyats in the Doab, and the failure of convoys of corn from Hindustan, produced a fatal famine in Dehli and its environs, and throughout the Doab, Grain became dear. There was a deficiency of rain, so the famine became general. It continued for some years, and thousands upon thousands of people perished of want. Communities were reduced to distress, and families were broken up. The glory of the State, and the power of the government of Sultan Muhammad, from this time withered and decayed.

The second project of Sultan Muhammad, which was ruinous to the capital of the empire, and distressing to the chief men of the country, was that of making Deogir his capital, under the title of Daulatabad. This place held a central situation: Dehli, Gujarat, Lakhnauti, Sat-ganw, Sunar-gauw, Tilang, Ma'bar, Dhur-samundar, and Kampila were about equi-distant from thence, there being but a slight difference in the distances. Without any consultation, and without carefully looking into the advantages and disadvantages on every side, he brought ruin upon Dehli, that city which, for 170 or 180 years, had grown in prosperity, and rivaled Baghdad and Cairo. The city, with its sarais and its suburbs and villages, spread over four or five kos. All was destroyed. So complete was the ruin, that not a cat or a dog was left among the buildings of the city, in its palaces or in its suburbs. Troops of the natives, with their families and dependents, wives and children, men-servants and maid-servants, were forced to remove. The people, who for many years and for generations had been natives and inhabitants of the land, were broken-hearted. Many, from the toils of the long journey, perished on the road, and those who arrived at Deogir could not endure the pain of exile. In despondency they pined to death. All around Deogir, which is an infidel land, there sprung up graveyards of Musulmans. The Sultan was bounteous in his liberality and favours to the emigrants, both on their journey and on their arrival; but they were tender, and they could not endure the exile and suffering. They laid down their heads in that heathen land, and of all the multitudes of emigrants, few only survived to return to their home. Thus this city, the envy of the cities of the inhabited world, was reduced to ruin. The Sultan brought learned men and gentlemen, tradesmen and landholders, into the city (Dehli) from certain towns in his territory, and made them reside there. But this importation of strangers did not populate the city; many of them died there, and more returned to their native homes. These changes and alterations were the cause of great injury to the country.

The third project also did great harm to the country. It increased the daring and arrogance of the disaffected in Hindustan, and augmented the pride and prosperity of all the Hindus. This was the issue of copper money. The Sultan, in his lofty ambition, had conceived it to be his work to subdue the whole habitable world and bring it under his rule. To accomplish this impossible design, an army of countless numbers was necessary, and this could not be obtained without plenty of money. The Sultan's bounty and munificence had caused a great deficiency in the treasury, so he introduced his copper money, and gave orders that it should be used in buying and selling, and should pass current, just as the gold and silver coins had passed. The promulgation of this edict turned the house of every Hindu into a mint, and the Hindus of the various provinces coined krors and lacs of copper coins. With these they paid their tribute, and with these they purchased horses, arms, and fine things of all kinds. The rais, the village headmen and landowners, grew rich and strong upon these copper coins, but the State was impoverished. No long time passed before distant countries would take the copper tanka only as copper. In those places where fear of the Sultan's edict prevailed, the gold tanka rose to be worth a hundred of (the copper) tankas. Every goldsmith struck copper coins in his workshop, and the treasury was filled with these copper coins. So low did they fall that they were not valued more than pebbles or potsherds. The old coin, from its great scarcity, rose four-fold and five-fold in value. When trade was interrupted on every side, and when the copper tankas had become more worthless than clods, and of no use, the Sultan repealed his edict, and in great wrath he proclaimed that whoever possessed copper coins should bring them to the treasury, and receive the old gold coins in exchange. Thousands of men from various quarters, who possessed thousands of these copper coins, and caring nothing for them, had flung them into corners along with their copper pots, now brought them to the treasury, and received in exchange gold tankas and silver tankas, shash-ganis and du-ganis, which they carried to their homes. So many of these copper tankas were brought to the treasury, that heaps of them rose up in Tughlikabad like mountains. Great sums went out of the treasury in exchange for the copper, and a great deficiency was caused. When the Sultan found that his project had failed, and that great loss had been entailed upon the treasury through his copper coins, he more than ever turned against his subjects.

The fourth project which diminished his treasury, and so brought distress upon the country, was his design of conquering Khurasan and 'Irak. In pursuance of this object, vast sums were lavished upon the officials and leading men of those countries. These great men came to him with insinuating proposals and deceitful representations, and as far as they knew how, or were able, they robbed the throne of its wealth. The coveted countries were not acquired, but those which he possessed were lost; and his treasure, which is the true source of political power, was expended.

The fifth project * * * was the rising of an immense army for the campaign against Khurasan. * * * In that year three hundred and seventy thousand horse were enrolled in the muster-master's office. For a whole year these were supported and paid; but as they were not employed in war and conquest and enabled to maintain themselves on plunder, when the next year came round, there was not sufficient in the treasury or in the feudal estates (ikta) to support them. The army broke up; each man took his own course and engaged in his own occupations. But lacs and krors had been expended by the treasury.

The sixth project, which inflicted a heavy loss upon the army, was the design which he formed of capturing the mountain of Kara-jal. His conception was that, as he had undertaken the conquest of Khurasan, he would (first) bring under the dominion of Islam this mountain, which lies between the territories of Hind and those of China, so that the passage for horses and soldiers and the march of the army might be rendered easy. To effect this object a large force, under distinguished amirs and generals, was sent to the mountain of Kara-jal, with orders to subdue the whole mountain. In obedience to orders, it marched into the mountains and encamped in various places, but the Hindus closed the passes and cut off its retreat. The whole force was thus destroyed at one stroke, and out of all this chosen body of men only ten horsemen returned to Delhi to spread the news of its discomfiture....

The first revolt was that of Bahram Abiya at Multan....At this time the country of the Doab was brought to ruin by the heavy taxation and the numerous cesses. The Hindus burnt their corn stacks and turned their cattle out to roam at large. Under the orders of the Sultan, the collectors and magistrates laid waste the country, and they killed some landholders and village chiefs and blinded others. Such of these unhappy inhabitants as escaped formed themselves into bands and took refuge in the jungles. So the country was ruined. The Sultan then proceeded on a hunting excursion to Baran, where, under his directions, the whole of that country was plundered and laid waste, and the heads of the Hindus were brought in and hung upon the ramparts of the fort of Baran.

About this time the rebellion of Fakhra broke out in Bengal, after the death of Bahram Khan (Governor of Sunar-ganw).... At the same period the Sultan led forth his army to ravage Hindustan. He laid the country waste from Kanauj to Dalamu, and every person that fell into his hands he slew. Many of the inhabitants fled and took refuge in the jungles, but the Sultan had the jungles surrounded, and every individual that was captured was killed.

While he was engaged in the neighbourhood of Kanauj a third revolt broke out....When the Sultan arrived at Deogir he made heavy demands upon the Musulman chiefs and collectors of the Mahratta country, and his oppressive exactions drove many persons to kill themselves....

The Sultan proceeded to Dhar, and being still indisposed, he rested a few days, and then pursued his journey through Malwa. Famine prevailed there, the posts were all gone off the road, and distress and anarchy reigned in all the country and towns along the route. When the Sultan reached Dehli, not a thousandth part of the population remained. He found the country desolate, a deadly famine raging, and all cultivation abandoned. He employed himself some time in restoring cultivation and agriculture, but the rains fell short that year, and no success followed. At length no horses or cattle were left; grain rose to 16 or 17 jitals a sir, and the people starved. The Sultan advanced loans from the treasury to promote cultivation, but men had been brought to a state of helplessness and weakness. Want of rain prevented cultivation, and the people perished....

From thence he went to Agroha, where he rested awhile, and afterwards to Dehli, where the famine was very severe, and man was devouring man....

The Sultan again marched to Sannam and Samana, to put down the rebels, who had formed mandals (strongholds?), withheld the tribute, created disturbances, and plundered on the roads....

While this was going on a revolt broke out among the Hindus at Arangal. Kanya Naik had gathered strength in the country. Malik Makbul, the naib-wazir, fled to Dehli, and the Hindus took possession of Arangal, which was thus entirely lost.... The land of Kambala also was thus lost, and fell into the hands of the Hindus....

About this time, during the Sultan's stay at Dehli and his temporary residence at Sarg-dwari, four revolts were quickly repressed. First. That of Nizam Ma-in at Karra. *** 'Ainu-l Mulk and his brothers marched against this rebel, and having put down the revolt and made him prisoner, they flayed him and sent his skin to Dehli....Many of the fugitives, in their panic, cast themselves into the river and were drowned. The pursuers obtained great booty. Those who escaped from the river fell into the hands of the Hindus in the Mawas and lost their horses and arms....

When the Sultan returned to Dehli, it occurred to his mind that no king or prince could exercise regal power without confirmation by the Khalifa of the race of 'Abbas, and that every king who had, or should hereafter reign, without such confirmation, had been or would be overpowered....The Sultan directed that a letter acknowledging his subordination to the Khalifa should be sent by the hands of Haji Rajab Barka'i, * * * and after two years of correspondence the Haji returned from Egypt, bringing a diploma in the name of the Sultan, as deputy of the Khalifa....

The Sultan supported and patronized the Mughals. Every year at the approach of winter, the amirs of tumans (of men) and of thousands etc., etc., received krors and lacs, and robes, and horses, and pearls. During the whole period of two or three years, the Sultan was intent upon patronizing and favouring the Mughals....He applied himself excessively to the business of punishment, and this was the cause of many of the acquired territories slipping from his grasp, and of troubles and disturbances in those which remained in his power. *** The more severe the punishments that were inflicted in the city, the more disgusted were the people in the neighbourhood, insurrections spread, and the loss and injury to the State increased. Every one that was punished spoke evil of him...

The Sultan having thus appointed the base-born 'Aziz Himar to Dhar and Malwa, gave him several lacs of tankas on his departure, in order that he might proceed thither with befitting state and dignity. * * * He said to him, "Thou seest how that revolts and disturbances are breaking out on every side, and I am told that whoever creates a disturbance does so with the aid of the foreign amirs. *** Revolts are possible, because these amirs are ready to join any one for the sake of disturbance and plunder. If you find at Dhar any of these amirs, who are disaffected and ready to rebel, you must get rid of them in the best way you can." 'Aziz arrived at Dhar, and in all his native ignorance applied himself to business. The vile whoreson one day got together about eighty of the foreign amirs and chiefs of the soldiery, and, upbraiding them with having been the cause of every misfortune and disturbance, he had them all beheaded in front of the palace. * * * This slaughter of the foreign amirs of Dhar, on the mere ground of their being foreigners, caused those of Deogir, and Gujarat, and every other place to unite and to break out into insurrection. *** When the Sultan was informed of this punishment, he sent 'Aziz a robe of honour and a complimentary letter....

About the time when this horrid tragedy was perpetrated by 'Aziz Himar, the naib-wazir of Gujarat, Mukbil by name, having with him the treasure and horses which had been procured in Gujarat for the royal stables, was proceeding by way of Dihui and Baroda to the presence of the Sultan.... The amirs having acquired so many horses and so much property grew in power and importance. Stirring up the flames of insurrection, they gathered together a force and proceeded to Kanhayat (Cambay). The news of their revolt spread throughout Gujarat, and the whole country was falling into utter confusion. At the end of the month of Ramazan, 745 H. (Feb. 1345), the intelligence of this revolt and of the defeat and plunder of Mukbil was brought to the Sultan. It caused him much anxiety, and he determined to proceed to Gujarat in person to repress the revolt....

He appointed Firoz, afterwards Sultan, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz to be vicegerents in the capital during his absence....

Insurrection followed upon insurrection. During the four or five days of Ramazan that the Sultan halted at Sultanpur, late one evening he sent for the author of this work, Zia Barni...."You have read many histories; hast thou found that kings inflict punishments under certain circumstances?" I replied, "I have read in royal histories that a king cannot carry on his government without punishments, for if he were not an avenger God knows what evils would arise from the insurrections of the disaffected, and how many thousand crimes would be committed by his subjects. Jamshid was asked under what circumstances punishment is approved. He replied, 'under seven circumstances, and whatever goes beyond or in excess of these causes, produces disturbances, trouble, and insurrection, and inflicts injury on the country... The servants of God are disobedient to him when they are disobedient to the king, who is his vicegerent; and the State would go to ruin, if the king were to refrain from inflicting punishment in such cases of disobedience as are injurious to the realm.'" ... The Sultan replied, ''Those punishments which Jamshid prescribed were suited to the early ages of the world, but in these days many wicked and turbulent men are to be found. I visit them with chastisement upon the suspicion or presumption of their rebellious and treacherous designs, and I punish the most trifling act of contumacy with death. This I will do until I die, or until the people act honestly, and give up rebellion and contumacy. I have no such wazir as will make rules to obviate my shedding blood. I punish the people because they have all at once become my enemies and opponents. I have dispensed great wealth among them, but they have not become friendly and loyal. Their temper is well known to me, and I see that they are disaffected and inimical to me."

The Sultan marched from Sultanpur towards Gujarat, and when he arrived at Nahrwala he sent Shaikh Ma'izzu-d din, with some officials, into the city, whilst he, leaving it on the left, proceeded into the mountains of Abhu to which Dihui and Baroda were near. The Sultan then sent an officer with a force against the rebels, and these being unable to cope with the royal army, were defeated....The Sultan then proceeded from the mountains of Abhu to Broach from whence he sent Malik Makbul ...

The Sultan remained for some time at Broach, busily engaged in collecting the dues of Broach, Kanhayat (Cambay), and Gujarat, which were several years in arrear. He appointed sharp collectors, and rigorously exacted large sums. At this period his anger was still more inflamed against the people, and revenge filled his bosom. Those persons at Broach and Cambay, who had disputed with Malik Makbul, or had in any way encouraged insurrection, were seized and consigned to punishment. Many persons of all descriptions thus met their ends.

While the Sultan was at Broach he appointed Zin-banda and the middle son of Rukn Thanesari, two men who were leaders in iniquity and the most depraved men in the world, to inquire into the matters of the disaffected at Deogir. Pisar Thanesari, the vilest of men, went to Deogir; and Zin-banda, a wicked iniquitous character, who was called Majdu-l Mulk, was on the road thither. A murmuring arose among the Musulmans at Deogir that two vile odious men had been deputed to investigate the disaffection, and to bring its movers to destruction....They marched toward Broach, but at the end of the first stage the foreign amirs, who were attended by their own horsemen, considered that they had been summoned to Broach in order to be executed, and if they proceeded thither not one would return. So they consulted together and broke out into open resistance, and the two nobles who had been sent for them were killed in that first march. They then turned back with loud clamour and entered the royal palace, where they seized Maulana Nizamu-d din, the governor, and put him in confinement. The officials, who had been sent by the Sultan to Deogir, were taken and beheaded. They cut Pisar Thanesari to pieces, and brought down the treasure from (the fort of) Dharagir. Then they made Makh Afghan, brother of Malik Yak Afghan, one of the foreign amirs, their leader, and placed him on the throne. The money and treasure were distributed among the soldiers. The Mahratta country was apportioned among these foreign amirs, and several disaffected persons joined the Afghans. The foreign amirs of Dihui and Baroda left Man Deo and proceeded to Deogir, where the revolt had increased and had become established. The people of the country joined them.

The Sultan, on hearing of this revolt, made ready a large force and arrived at Deogir, where the rebels and traitors confronted him. He attacked them and defeated them. Most of the horsemen were slain in the action....The inhabitants of Deogir, Hindus and Musulmans, traders and soldiers, were plundered....

[N]ews arrived of the revolt, excited by the traitor Taghi, in Gujarat. This man was a cobbler, and had been a slave of the general, Malik Sultani. He had won over the foreign amirs of Gujarat, and had broken out into rebellion. Many of the mukaddims of Gujarat joined him.... I, Zia Barni, the author of this history, just at this time joined the Sultan, after he had made one or two marches from Ghati-sakun towards Broach. I had been sent from the capital by the present Sultan (Firoz), Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, with letters of congratulation on the conquest of Deogir. The Sultan received me with great favour. One day, as I was riding in his suite, the Sultan conversed with me, and the conversation turned upon rebellion. He then said, "Thou seest what troubles these traitorous foreign amirs have excited on every side. When I collect my forces and put them down in one direction, they excite disturbances in some other quarter. If I had at the first given orders for the destruction of all the foreign amirs of Deogir, Gujarat, and Broach, I should not have been so troubled by them. This rebel, Taghi, is my slave; if I had executed him or had sent him as a memorial to the King of Eden, this revolt would never have broken out." I could not help feeling a desire to tell the Sultan that the troubles and revolts which were breaking out on every side, and this general disaffection, all arose from the excessive severity of his Majesty, and that if punishments were suspended for a while, a better feeling might spring up, and mistrust be removed from the hearts of the people. But I dreaded the temper of the king, and could not say what I desired, so I said to myself, What is the good of pointing out to the Sultan the causes of the troubles and disturbances in his country, for it will have no effect upon him?...

Taghi, with his remaining horsemen, reached Nahrwala; there he collected all his family and dependents, and proceeded to Kant-barahi...

While the Sultan was engaged in settling the affairs of the country, and was about to enter Nahrwala, news came from Deogir that Hasan Kangu and other rebels, who had fled before the royal army in the day of battle, had since attacked 'Imadu-l Mulk, and had slain him and scattered his army. Kiwamu-d din and other nobles left Deogir and went towards Dhar. Hasan Kangu then proceeded to Deogir and assumed royal dignity. Those rebels who had fled before the Sultan's army to the summit of Dharagir, now came down, and a revolution was effected in Deogir. When intelligence of this reached the Sultan's ears, he was very disheartened, for he saw very well that the people were alienated. No place remained secure, all order and regularity were lost, and the throne was tottering to its fall....

The success of the rebels, and the loss of Deogir, greatly troubled the king. One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said: "My kingdom is diseased, and no treatment cures it. The physician cures the headache, and fever follows; he strives to allay the fever, and something else supervenes. So in my kingdom disorders have broken out; if I suppress them in one place they appear in another; if I allay them in one district another becomes disturbed. What have former kings said about these disorders?" I replied,... The Sultan replied, "If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehli to three persons, Firoz Shah, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple. At present I am angry with my subjects, and they are aggrieved with me. The people are acquainted with my feelings, and I am aware of their misery and wretchedness. No treatment that I employ is of any benefit. My remedy for rebels, insurgents, opponents, and disaffected people is the sword. I employ punishment and use the sword, so that a cure may be effected by suffering. The more the people resist, the more I inflict chastisement."...

[H]e resolved to make Taghi prisoner and deliver him up...After the rains were over, the Sultan took Karnal, and brought all the coast into subjection.... Before the Sultan went to Kondal he received from Dehli the intelligence of the death of Malik Kabir, which deeply grieved him. Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyaz and Malik Makbul from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital. He summoned Khudawand-zada, Makhdum-zada, and many elders, learned men and others, with their wives and families, to Kondal. Every one that was summoned hastened with horse and foot to join the Sultan at Kondal, so that a large force was gathered there and was formed into an army. Boats were brought from Deobalpur, Multan, Uch, and Siwistan to the river. The Sultan recovered from his disorder, and marched with his army to the Indus. He crossed that river in ease and safety with his army and elephants. He was there joined by Altun Bahadur, with four or five thousand Mughal horse, sent by the Amir of Farghan. The Sultan showed great attention to this leader and his followers, and bestowed many gifts upon them. He then advanced along the banks of the Indus towards Thatta, with an army as numerous as a swarm of ants or locusts, with the intention of humbling the Sumras and the rebel Taghi, whom they had sheltered.

As he was thus marching with his countless army, and was thirty kos from Thatta, the 'ashura or fast of the 10th of Muharram happened. He kept the fast, and when it was over he ate some fish. The fish did not agree with him, his illness returned and fever increased. He was placed in a boat and continued his journey on the second and third days, until he came to within fourteen kos of Thatta. He then rested, and his army was fully prepared, only awaiting the royal command to take Thatta, and to crush the Sumras of Thatta and the rebel Taghi in a single day, and to utterly annihilate them. But fate ruled it otherwise. During the last two or three days that he was encamped near Thatta, the Sultan's malady had grown worse, and his army was in great trouble, for they were a thousand kos distant from Dehli and their wives and children, they were near the enemy and in a wilderness and desert, so they were sorely distressed, and looking upon the Sultan's expected death as preliminary to their own, they quite despaired of returning home. On the 21st Muharram, 752 H. (1350 A.D.), Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik departed this life on the banks of the Indus, at fourteen kos from Thatta....

1. — Accession of Firoz Shah.

* * * On the third day after the death of Mahammad Tughlik, the army marched from (its position) fourteen kos from Thatta towards Siwistan, on its return homewards. Every division of the army marched without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one heeded or listened to what any one said, but continued the march like careless caravans. So when they had proceeded a kos or two, the Mughals, eager for booty, assailed them in front, and the rebels of Thatta attacked them in the rear. Cries of dismay arose upon every side. The Mughals fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses, camels, troopers, baggage, and whatever else had been sent on in advance. They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the camels which carried it. The villagers (who had been pressed into the service) of the army, and expected the attack, took to flight. They pillaged various lots of baggage on the right and left of the army, and then joined the rebels of Thatta in attacking the baggage train. The people of the army, horse and foot, women and men, stood their ground; for when they marched, if any advanced in front, they were assailed by the Mughals; if they lagged behind, they were plundered by the rebels of Thatta. Those who resisted and put their trust in God reached the next stage, but those who had gone forward with the women, maids, and baggage, were cut to pieces. The army continued its march along the river without any order or regularity, and every man was in despair for his life and goods, his wife and children. Anxiety and distress would allow no one to sleep that night, and, in their dismay, men remained with their eyes fixed upon heaven. On the second day, by stratagem and foresight, they reached their halting ground, assailed, as on the first day, by the Mughals in front and the men of Thatta in the rear. They rested on the banks of the river in the greatest possible distress, and in fear for their lives and goods. The women and children had perished. Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people." Firoz Shah made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown. "If he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultan ascended the throne.

On the day of his accession the Sultan got some horse in order and sent them out to protect the army, for whenever the Mughal horse came down they killed and wounded many, and carried off prisoners. On the same day he named some amirs to guard the rear of the army, and these attacked the men of Thatta when they fell upon the baggage. Several of the assailants were put to the sword, and they, terrified with this lesson, gave up the pursuit and returned home. On the third day he ordered certain amirs to attack the Mughals, and they accordingly made several of the Mughal commanders of thousands and of hundreds prisoners, and brought them before the Sultan. The Mughals from that very day ceased their annoyance; they moved thirty or forty kos away, and then departed for their own country.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

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Third Mukaddama. — Accession of Firoz Shah.

When Sultan Muhammad Shah died, a body of Mughals plundered the baggage train and went off towards their own country. At this conjuncture all the Khans and princes, the learned men, shaikhs, and officials who were with Sultan Muhammad at Thatta, met in council and decided that nothing could be done without a leader, saying, "Dehli is distant,1 [A proverbial expression.] and these things have happened. Sultan Muhammad is gone to Paradise, and the Mughals have taken the field and have come up against us."2 [Du-ba-du-i ma dar-dmadah.] In fine, a Mughal band plundered the baggage, and their insatiate desires being unsatisfied with the plunder thus wickedly obtained, they approached closer in search of further booty. The nobles of Sultan Muhammad Shah then assembled in council, and, after a long and anxious deliberation, the nobles and the administrative officers both agreed that the proper course was to place the reins of government in the hands of Firoz Shah.

Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people." Firoz Shah made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown."If he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultan ascended the throne.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

Firoz Shah, through fear of God, was averse to being made sovereign, and stated that he had formed the design of making the pilgrimage to Mecca. But the divine approval of the succession of Firoz Shah was from the first made known by means of the shaikhs, because in attaining royalty the mode of its acquisition is an important point. Sometimes when an elder is about to quit the world, he authoritatively places one of his disciples in his place, and hands over to him his prayer-carpet, although the disciple may be reluctant to undertake the serious charge. This mode of appointment is called authorization by investiture with the religious garment, and is highly honoured among shaikhs. So all the princes, and judges, and doctors, and shaiks, and officials who had gone to Thatta with Muhammad Shah, agreed unanimously upon choosing Firoz Shah, but he was reluctant to assent, feeling the weight of the responsibility to God. This however, is a feeling which can only be allowed to saints, because the burden of royalty is an arduous one. Every one approved the choice, and all men set their hearts upon its acceptance.

When this election was made known, Khudawand-zada, daughter of Tughlik Shah and mother of Dawar Malik, sent a message to the nobles, urging that it was not right to prefer the Amir-hajib to her son by Malik Khusru, seeing that she was daughter of Sultan Tughlik, and sister of Sultan Muhammad. Whilst her son lived, how could any stranger sit upon the throne? Some historians add that Khudawand-zada used indecorous language upon the matter. On her message being delivered to the nobles, they all winced as if snake-bitten. It pleased nobody, but all the assembly agreed to send Malik Saifu-d din Khoju to her. The Malik was a celebrated man, and whatever he said, he said well, with dignity and firmness. He accordingly proceeded to Khudawand-zada, and addressed her in polite, though decided, language, saying, "woman, if thy son had been chosen instead of Firoz Shah, thou wouldst have no home to look upon, nor should we have wives or children to gladden our eyes, because thy son is an incompetent person, incapable of governing. We have come into this foreign country, and a large Mughal army confronts us; if thou wishest to save thyself from that army, do thou acquiesce in what we all have determined, and the office and title of Naib Bar-bak shall be conferred upon thy son." Khudawand-zada was silent, and Malik Saifu-d din returned.  

All the nobles then agreed upon choosing Firoz Shah, but still he would not consent. Writers of credit report that Tatar Khan, who was president of the meeting, then stood up, and taking the arm of Firoz Shah, forced him to sit upon the throne. Upon this Sultan Firoz said to Tatar Khan, ''Since you have placed this heavy trouble and grievous labour upon my shoulders, you must be patient for a while till I have performed my devotions." He then went through his ablutions, and repeated the regular form of prayer in singleness of heart. Afterwards, bowing his head to the ground, he, with tearful eyes, poured forth his supplications to the Almighty, saying, "O Lord! the stability of states, the peace, regulation, and occupations of governments do not depend upon man. Permanence of dominion depends upon thy behests. Oh God, thou art my refuge and my strength." After this they placed the crown of empire upon his head, and invested him with the robes of sovereignty. Many persons who were present in this assembly have told the author that Sultan Firoz Shah put on the robes of royalty over his garments of mourning, and although the nobles of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah wished to remove the dress of mourning, he would not allow them, and said: "Although in compliance with your counsels I have assumed the robes of sovereignty, still I cannot throw off my garments of mourning, for Sultan Muhammad was my lord, my teacher, and my guide in all things. It was my earnest desire to make the pilgrimage to the holy temple, but I have yielded to your strenuous opposition; it will be well, therefore, that the robes of royalty should cover the garments of mourning."

The dogmas of philosophers, which are productive of indifference and hardness of heart, had a powerful influence over him. But the declarations of the holy books, and the utterances, of the Prophets, which inculcate benevolence and humility, and hold out the prospect of future punishment, were not deemed worthy of attention. The punishment of Musulmans, and the execution of true believers, with him became a practice and a passion. Numbers of doctors, and elders, and saiyids, and sufis, and kalandars, and clerks, and soldiers, received punishment by his order. Not a day or week passed without the spilling of much Musulman blood, and the running of streams of gore before the entrance of his palace.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

He was so attired, when an elephant was brought, which he mounted, and went forth in state. The heralds and attendants shouted in loud acclaim, the drums were beaten in exultation, and universal joy prevailed.

The first public act of Sultan Firoz Shah was to invest Shirabru Chashm with the duties of 'Imadu-l Mulk.1 ["Pillar of the state"—i.e. minister.] The date of his accession to the throne was the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (March 23rd, 1351 A.D.). Firoz Shah, the sovereign elect, proceeded on his elephant to the female apartments, and threw himself at the feet of Khudawand-zada. She embraced him, and with her own hands placed upon his head a crown, valued at a lac of tankas, which had belonged to Sultan Tughlik Shah and Sultan Muhammad Shah. The Sultan Firoz Shah then returned, and general satisfaction prevailed.

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Fourth Mukaddama. — Firoz Shah wars with a Mughal force.

The accession of Firoz Shih made the people glad, because they were in great alarm about the Mughal hordes. After plundering the baggage train, the Mughals had come within sight of the camp at Dehli. The khans and nobles assembled, and the opportunity was deemed favourable for an attack upon the invaders. The Sultan accordingly assembled his forces of horse, foot, and elephants, and attacked the enemy. A fierce battle ensued, and the slaughter was great, but victory inclined to the Sultan, and the Mughals fled, abandoning their camp and baggage. The victory was complete, and all the people of the great bazar (bazar-i buzurg) who had been taken prisoners by the Mughals were set free. This was the first victory of the reign of Sultan Firoz, and he proceeded to Dehli amid general rejoicings and acclamations.

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Fifth Mukaddama. — On the mistake made by Khwaja-i Jahan Ahmad Ayyaz in setting up the son of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah.

When Sultan Muhammad Shah, in the latter days of his reign, proceeded to Daulatabad (Deogir), he left three persons in (charge of) Dehli; — Malik Kabir, Katlagh Khan, and Firoz Shah, who was then Naib-i amir hajib (deputy of the lord chamberlain). The two former died before their master, and the latter was summoned to attend his person in Thatta. Dehli being thus left vacant, Khwaja-i Jahan was sent thither from Thatta as representative of the absent sovereign.

When Muhammad left Delhi for the last time, he delegated authority in the capital to Khwaja Jahan, his cousin, Firuz and Malik Qabul 'Khalifat!' (also known as 'Malik Kabir').

-- The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, by Peter Jackson

He appointed Firoz, afterwards Sultan, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz to be vicegerents in the capital during his absence....

I, Zia Barni, the author of this history, just at this time joined the Sultan, after he had made one or two marches from Ghati-sakun towards Broach. I had been sent from the capital by the present Sultan (Firoz), Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, with letters of congratulation on the conquest of Deogir. The Sultan received me with great favour....

One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said: ... "If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehli to three persons, Firoz Shah, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple...

Before the Sultan went to Kondal he received from Dehli the intelligence of the death of Malik Kabir, which deeply grieved him. Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyaz and Malik Makbul from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

With him were several other nobles, Malik Kiwamu-l Mulk the Khan-i Jahan, Malik Hasan, Malik Hisamu-d din Uzbek, and others. It is commonly reported that when the Khwaja-i Jahan heard that Sultan Muhammad Shah was dead, and that Sultan Firoz Shah had been chosen by the nobles and chief men to succeed him, he set up the son of Muhammad Shah in opposition at Dehli, and gained the people over to his side. But this commonly received story is not true. The author here gives the true account of this transaction just as he heard it from Kishwar Khan, son of Kishlu Khan Bahram, one of the servants of the Court.

When Sultan Muhammad Shah died at Thatta, the chiefs of the Hazara of Khurasan, who had come to assist him, as soon as they heard of his death, plundered the chief bazar, as the author has related in his Manakib-i Sultan Muhammad Shah.

Besides this history of Firoz Shah, the author often refers to his Manakib-i Sultan Tughlik, and he mentions his intention of writing similar memoirs of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firoz Shah. Nothing more appears to be known of these works.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

In those days the baggage belonging to the forces, which were at detached stations, was plundered, and the men of these detachments all fled to the city. Firoz Shah had not yet been placed on the throne. A slave named Malih Tuntun1 [Var. "Tunun." Barni calls him "Altun," which is more likely.] had been sent from Dehli by Khwaja-i Jahan to Sultan Muhammad, and just at this juncture, when the alarming news was coming in from the army, he started on his return to Dehli. On his arrival he unfolded to Khwaja-i Jahan the intelligence of the death of the Sultan, the attacks of the Mughals upon the army, the plundering of the bazar, and the disaffection and bloodshed among the royal forces. He then proceeded to add that Tatar Khan and the Amir-hajib Firoz Shah were missing, and it was not known whether they had been taken prisoners or killed by the Mughals; that many other nobles had been slain; and that such untoward events had happened in the royal army.

When the Khwaja-i Jahan heard this news, he mourned for the death of Sultan Muhammad, and also for Firoz Shah. There was great affection between the Khwaja and Firoz Shah, so that they had no reserve with each other, and it reached to such an extent that the Khwaja called Firoz his son. After the duties of mourning were completed, the Khwaja, believing the report brought by Malih to be correct, placed a son of Sultan Mohammad Shah upon the throne, and thus, through adverse fate, committed a blunder.

Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

When he heard that the Lord Chamberlain was alive and well, he perceived his error. But he proceeded to collect an army, and thought his best policy was to be prepared, because in affairs of State no one believes acts like his to be mistakes and errors; and until peace is made between the two parties, neither ought to be free from apprehension of grievous consequences. So the Khwaja assembled a strong force in Dehli, and took men into his service, until his army amounted to about 20,000 horse. He distributed large sums among the people, although the treasury was then at a very low ebb, in consequence of the lavish liberality of Sultan Mohammad Shah during his reign of twenty-seven years. When the money was exhausted, he gave away the gold and silver utensils, and when these had come to an end, the jewels. This profusion attracted crowds from all directions, but it was a curious fact that while they accepted the Khwaja's bounty, their hopes and prayers were in favour of Firoz Shah.

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Sixth Makaddama. — Khwaja-i Jahan hears of the accession of Sultan Firoz Shah.

When Khwaja-i Jahan heard of the succession of Sultan Firoz Shah, he lamented the mistake he had made. Conflicting rumours were afloat in the two armies. It was said to be the Khwaja's determination that, as soon as the Sultan's army reached Dehli, he would place all the dependents of the nobles who were in that army on the manjaniks, and shoot them away. Another rumour said that the Khwaja had a powerful army and would offer a stout resistance.

When these proceedings and rumours were reported to Sultan Firoz, he called a council of all the princes and nobles in his army. It was unanimously agreed that Sultan Muhammad Shah had no son, but only a daughter, who was born in the reign of Sultan Tughlik. Where, it was asked, had the Khwaja-i Jahan found the pretended son? All wise men spoke in the same strain, expressing their astonishment at the Khwaja's error, and agreeing that his actions were quite unworthy a man of his age. Sultan Firoz finished the discussion by expressing his own surprise, and resolved upon marching to Dehli.

A second claimant to the throne was advanced by Khwaja Jahan Ahmad Ayas, the vizier left in charge of Delhi during Muhammad bin Tughluq’s absence in Sind. Rumors of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s death, the attack on the imperial troops by the Chaghatai bands at Thatta, and the uncertain fate of Firuz Shah led Khwaja to react to the exigencies of the moment and he advanced a son of that sultan, Mahmud. Although Mahmud’s accession is recognized by Bosworth, he never actually exerted authority or gained recognition of the ‘ulama’. See Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties, p. 186.

-- The Architecture of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate, School of The Ohio State University, by William Jeffrey McKibben, B.A., M.A., 1988

The chiefs and men of the army warmly supported him, and on the other side the people of Dehli anxiously watched for his arrival. He accordingly marched on and arrived at Multan. Up to this time he had never talked to any one, small or great, about the Khwaja-i Jahan, but had acted in the most politic manner and in strict accordance with the examples of the wisest kings. It was now fully confirmed that the Khwaja was resolved upon opposition. Sultan Firoz knew that the army of Thatta had suffered many hardships and troubles, and through the prodigality of Sultan Muhammad Shah the treasury was empty.

[T]he habitable world was to be brought under the rule of his servants... he thought he ought to get ten or five per cent, more tribute from the lands in the Doab....the backs of the raiyats were broken....the raiyats were impoverished and reduced to beggary....The Sultan, in his lofty ambition, had conceived it to be his work to subdue the whole habitable world and bring it under his rule. To accomplish this impossible design, an army of countless numbers was necessary, and this could not be obtained without plenty of money. The Sultan's bounty and munificence had caused a great deficiency in the treasury, so he introduced his copper money, and gave orders that it should be used in buying and selling, and should pass current, just as the gold and silver coins had passed. The promulgation of this edict turned the house of every Hindu into a mint...So low did they fall that they were not valued more than pebbles or potsherds....trade was interrupted on every side...heaps of them rose up in Tughlikabad like mountains. Great sums went out of the treasury in exchange for the copper, and a great deficiency was caused....his design of conquering Khurasan and 'Irak. In pursuance of this object, vast sums were lavished upon the officials and leading men of those countries....the country of the Doab was brought to ruin by the heavy taxation and the numerous cesses. The Hindus burnt their corn stacks and turned their cattle out to roam at large....the collectors and magistrates laid waste the country, and they killed some landholders and village chiefs and blinded others....the country was ruined...When the Sultan arrived at Deogir he made heavy demands upon the Musulman chiefs and collectors of the Mahratta country, and his oppressive exactions drove many persons to kill themselves....The Sultan supported and patronized the Mughals....He appointed sharp collectors, and rigorously exacted large sums.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

The army had also been reduced to great straits by the assaults of the Mughals, and had been compelled to retire towards Dehli; and, besides this, the wives and children of the men were there; hence Firoz Shah was apprehensive that if the Khwaja-i Jahan's antagonism became the talk of the army, the men would be dispirited, and would think the Sultan was afraid of the Khwaja. For these reasons Sultan Firoz never talked on the subject until he reached Multan.

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Seventh Mukaddama. — March of Firoz Shah from Thatta to Dehli.

He appointed Firoz, afterwards Sultan, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz to be vicegerents in the capital during his absence....

I, Zia Barni, the author of this history, just at this time joined the Sultan, after he had made one or two marches from Ghati-sakun towards Broach. I had been sent from the capital by the present Sultan (Firoz), Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, with letters of congratulation on the conquest of Deogir. The Sultan received me with great favour....

One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said: ... "If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehli to three persons, Firoz Shah, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple...

Before the Sultan went to Kondal he received from Dehli the intelligence of the death of Malik Kabir, which deeply grieved him. Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyaz and Malik Makbul from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

When the Sultan was about to march upon Dehli, a consultation was held as to the most suitable route. The council was in favour of proceeding by way of Gujarat, so that the riches of that country might be secured. But the Sultan took another view, and said, "When Sultan Tughlik Shah marched to repress the insurrection of Khusru Khan, he went by way of Dipalpur, and by God's favour obtained the victory. I am therefore resolved upon pursuing the same route by Dipalpur and Multan, hoping that I, in like manner, shall be brought in safety to Dehli." So he began his march by that road. When the news of his approach by way of Multan, with the elephants and baggage, reached Dehli, the people rejoiced, and many of the nobles and principal men of the place went forth to meet him. The Khwaja, on seeing this defection, was sorely troubled, but he said nothing, and did nothing to prevent it. His counsellors pointed out to him that the fugitives were carrying off the wealth of Dehli to Firoz Shah, and urged him to put a stop to it by detaining their wives and children. To all this Khwaja-i Jahan gave no answer, and things went on until every one who had the power joined Sultan Firoz, and those who had not the power looked in anxious expectation of his arrival. * * *

When the Sultan arrived near Multan, while he was on the march, Malih Tuntun, the slave of Khwaja-i Jahan was perceived approaching at a distance. He came as a messenger and carried in his sword-belt a letter from the son of Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Firoz recognized him when a long way off, and reining up his horse, he doubted in his mind whether Khwaja-i Jahan might not be dead. He then ordered the messenger to be stopped, and inquiry to be made of him as to whether the Khwija was well. The attendants went forward and inquired as to the state of the Khwaja and of the people of Dehli. Malih replied in very haughty terms, and his answer was conveyed to the Sultan, who observed, "We must trust in God's mercy—what can Khwaja-i Jahan or others do?"

The Sultan at length entered Multan, and behaved very liberally to the shaikhs of the city.

On the third day after the death of Muhammad Tughlik, the army marched from (its position) fourteen kos from Thatta towards Siwistan, on its return homewards. Every division of the army marched without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one heeded or listened to what any one said, but continued the march like careless caravans. So when they had proceeded a kos or two, the Mughals, eager for booty, assailed them in front, and the rebels of Thatta attacked them in the rear. Cries of dismay arose upon every side. The Mughals fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses, camels, troopers, baggage, and whatever else had been sent on in advance. They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the camels which carried it. The villagers (who had been pressed into the service) of the army, and expected the attack, took to flight. They pillaged various lots of baggage on the right and left of the army, and then joined the rebels of Thatta in attacking the baggage train. The people of the army, horse and foot, women and men, stood their ground; for when they marched, if any advanced in front, they were assailed by the Mughals; if they lagged behind, they were plundered by the rebels of Thatta. Those who resisted and put their trust in God reached the next stage, but those who had gone forward with the women, maids, and baggage, were cut to pieces. The army continued its march along the river without any order or regularity, and every man was in despair for his life and goods, his wife and children. Anxiety and distress would allow no one to sleep that night, and, in their dismay, men remained with their eyes fixed upon heaven. On the second day, by stratagem and foresight, they reached their halting ground, assailed, as on the first day, by the Mughals in front and the men of Thatta in the rear. They rested on the banks of the river in the greatest possible distress, and in fear for their lives and goods. The women and children had perished. Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people."Firoz Shah made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown. "If he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultan ascended the throne.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

From thence he proceeded to Ajodhan, and made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikhu-l Islam Faridu-l hakk. He next marched to Sarsuti, which is ninety kos from Dehli. The bankers and merchants of the place assembled and brought several lacs of tankas to the Sultan who accepted the money as a loan, and promised to repay it after his arrival at Dehli, making Malik 'Imadu-l Mulk responsible for its discharge. All the money thus received was paid to the army. * * *

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Eighth Mukaddama. — Kiwamu-l Mulk the Khan-i Jahan Makbul joins Sultan Firoz.

As Sultan Firoz advanced, the people of Multan, Dipalpur, Sarsuti, and other places, joined his army, just as they had flocked to the support of Sultan Muhammad Shah. Men of all classes came in, nobles and plebeians, soldiers and officials. Thirty-six rajas of the neighbourhood joined him, and his forces greatly increased. The Sultan addressed them all in friendly, conciliatory terms, and held out promises of favours to come. The people in Dehli were anxious about the progress of the Sultan, and at length Kiwamu-l Mulk, the Khan-i Jahan Makbul, took the lead, and addressed a letter to him relating how matters stood, and announcing his intention of joining him. In every letter he expressed his ardent good-will, and the Sultan, according to his request, wrote to him in reply. It began to be whispered about in the city that Khan-i Jahan was in correspondence with Firoz Shah, and would soon be off to join him. Khwaja-i Jahan was satisfied of this being his intention by many palpable proofs, and resolved to seize the Khan and to frustrate his design. ***

Early one morning Kiwamu-l Mulk got into a chaudol (kind of sedan), and with his armed retinue, his wives, children, friends, and dependents proceeded to the gate of the maidan. When he reached it, the sentinels attempted to bar it, but the horsemen rode up with drawn swords and frustrated their design. So Kiwamu-l Mulk, the Khan-i Jahan, then went leisurely out of the city to meet Sultan Firoz Shah. The Sultan had left Sarsuti, and, having made several marches, had reached Ikdar, where he was joined by, and received homage from, Khan-i Jahan. Another pleasure which the Sultan received on the same day at this place was the birth1 [The text says "in the house of Prince Firoz Khan," but these words have been omitted to prevent confusion.] of a son, who was named Fath Khan. The Sultan founded a town there, to which he gave the name of Fath-abad (Futtehabad).

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Ninth Mukaddama. — Khwaja-i Jahan meets the Sultan.

Khwaja-i Jahan heard that Kiwamu-l Mulk Khan-i Jahan had joined the Sultan. * * * His mind became greatly troubled, and he reflected that as his proceedings had originated in error, no good could come of them. He resolved, therefore, to go to the Sultan and explain his error, trusting in God's protection. Accordingly he started from Dehli on a Thursday, and on the same day arrived at Isama'il,1 [This is a large village on the road from Dehli to Hansi. It is now open, but, apparently, was once strongly fortified.] which is twenty-four kos distant. On the next day, being Friday, after prayers, he proceeded to Hauz-i Khass-i 'Ala. Here the nobles, who were faithful to him, Malik Hasan, Malik Khattab, Malik Hisamu-d din Uzbek, and others, being uneasy in their minds, went to him and said that they perceived he was resolved upon going to Sultan Firoz, and inquired what he advised them to do. He told them that in preferring the son of Sultan Muhammad Shah, he had no object or design of his own in view. *** When he heard that Sultan Muhammad was dead, that the Mughals were pressing on, and that Firoz Shah and Tatar Khan were missing, he acted as he thought best for the public welfare and the safety of the country. He had been guilty of many faults and errors, but the cries and pressure of the people on all sides had urged him on; otherwise he would have taken no part in the matter. He then went on to say that during the late reign he had called Firoz Shah his son, and had been addressed by him as father, and his wives had been in the custom of going to the house of Firoz. He knew not what God had decreed for him, but Sultan Firoz was a kind man, and would listen to what he had to say. He would also extend his pardon to the Khwaja's supporters.

Khwaja-i Jahan was more than eighty years old. His frame was wasted and feeble, and his hair was white. * * * He was a kind-hearted man, and when his followers heard of the resolution he had taken, they wept for him, and told him that in affairs of royalty no consideration is paid to the relation of father and son, and no excuses of error can be admitted. Sultan Firoz, although a good man, could not act differently from kings in general. The Khwaja replied, "I may turn back and fortify myself in Dehli, but although I have an army and elephants, Sultan Firoz will take the place, and Muhammadan ladies will fall into the hands of the ruffians of his army. In my old age I should do that for which I should be called upon to account in the judgment. I have not much longer to live; come what may, God's will be done!" His adherents seeing him thus resolved, some accompanied him to Sultan Firoz, and some fled.

Khwaja-i Jahan accordingly proceeded to Fathabad. The author has been informed that, on his arrival, the Sultan was seated on his throne holding a court, and the Khwaja went into his presence with a chain around his neck, his turban off, a talika (?) on his head, and a naked sword fastened to his throat, and took his standing low down among the attendants. * * * The Sultan directed his turban to be replaced upon his head, and sent his own chaudol to convoy him to the grass plot, where he promised to meet and converse with him. * * *

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Tenth Mukaddama. — Conversation of the Sultan with his nobles about Khwaja'i Jahan.

Sultan Firoz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwaja-i Jahan, and wished to reinstate him as wazir, *** but the Khans, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. *** They accordingly went to the Sultan and said that as Dehli had now come into his hands, and the Khwaja-i Jahan had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultan perceived their meaning, and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said: "It was a high duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers." [!!!] *** They replied, "That the offences of royal servants were of two classes — one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be forgiven. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by repentance. The Khwaja, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people."

Insurrection followed upon insurrection. During the four or five days of Ramazan that the Sultan halted at Sultanpur, late one evening he sent for the author of this work, Zia Barni. When he arrived the Sultan said, "Thou seeest how many revolts spring up. I have no pleasure in them, although men will say that they have all been caused by my excessive severity. But I am not to be turned aside from punishment by observations and by revolts. You have read many histories; hast thou found that kings inflict punishments under certain circumstances?" I replied, "I have read in royal histories that a king cannot carry on his government without punishments, for if he were not an avenger God knows what evils would arise from the insurrections of the disaffected, and how many thousand crimes would be committed by his subjects. Jamshid was asked under what circumstances punishment is approved. He replied, 'under seven circumstances, and whatever goes beyond or in excess of these causes, produces disturbances, trouble, and insurrection, and inflicts injury on the country: 1. Apostasy from the true religion, and persistence therein; 2. Wilful murder; 3. Adultery of a married man with another's wife; 4. Conspiracy against the king; 5. Heading a revolt, or assisting rebels; 6. Joining the enemies or rivals of the king, conveying news to them, or aiding and abetting them in any way; 7. Disobedience, productive of injury to the State. But for no other disobedience, as detriment to the realm is an essential. The servants of God are disobedient to him when they are disobedient to the king, who is his vicegerent; and the State would go to ruin, if the king were to refrain from inflicting punishment in such cases of disobedience as are injurious to the realm.'" The Sultan then asked me if the Prophet had said anything about these seven offences in respect of their punishment by kings. I replied "that the Prophet had declared his opinion upon three offences out of these seven — viz., apostasy, murder of a Musulman, and adultery with a married woman. The punishment of the other four offences is a matter rather of policy and good government. Referring to the benefits derivable from the punishments prescribed by Jamshid, it has been remarked that kings appoint wazirs, advance them to high dignity, and place the management of their kingdoms in their hands in order that these wazirs may frame regulations and keep the country in such good order that the king may be saved from having to stain himself with the blood of any mortal." The Sultan replied, ''Those punishments which Jamshid prescribed were suited to the early ages of the world, but in these days many wicked and turbulent men are to be found. I visit them with chastisement upon the suspicion or presumption of their rebellious and treacherous designs, and I punish the most trifling act of contumacy with death. This I will do until I die, or until the people act honestly, and give up rebellion and contumacy. I have no such wazir as will make rules to obviate my shedding blood. I punish the people because they have all at once become my enemies and opponents. I have dispensed great wealth among them, but they have not become friendly and loyal. Their temper is well known to me, and I see that they are disaffected and inimical to me."

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

*** Sultan Firoz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwaja. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days — his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imadu-l Mulk to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sultan placed the case of Khwaja-i Jahan in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultan had given up the case. * * * They accordingly agreed that as the Khwaja was aged, the estate of Samana should be assigned to him in in'am, and so he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. *** The Khwaja set out for Samana, and had made some stages when Sher Khan overtook him, but did not go to see him. *** So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khan had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. ** Next day he asked Sher Khan for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. * * * He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Khwaja's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had completed his devotions, the Khwaja bowed his head to his prayer- carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head from his body.