History of Hindostan (1768), by Alexander Dow

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Section XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund.

JEICHUND was commander in chief of the armies of the former King, and having the power in his hands, he mounted the throne at the death of his sovereign. In this reign a dreadful famine and pestilence devoured the land. The King neglecting the public calamity in the city of Biana, spent his time in riot and festivity. Many towns and villages upon this occasion became desolate, and the whole kingdom of Hindostan put on the aspect of ruin and distress. Jeichund, at the expiration of sixty years, withdrew into the regions of eternity. He was cotemporary with Bemin and Daraab, and sent them an annual tribute. He left one son of tender years, so that the mother of the child took the reins of administration into her hands; but being too weak to guide the chariot of empire, Delu, the brother of Jeichund, seized that opportunity of usurping the government.

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Section XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu and the two Foors.

DELU was a prince uncommonly brave and generous, with a disposition benevolent towards men, and entirely devoted to his creator. He founded the city of Delhi in the fortieth year of his reign; but a Raja of his own family, whose name was Foor [Foor was the father to the famous Porus who fought against Alexander.], and who ruled the country of Cumaoon under him, rebelled, and having first secured that country, drew a great army together, and invaded the Emperor in Kinnoge. Thus a bloody war was commenced, in which the Emperor was taken prisoner and sent to be confined in the fort of Rhotas. Foor led his army towards Bang, and conquered the country as far as the ocean, and became a great and powerful prince: but his son Foor confiding in his strength, neglected to pay the customary tribute to the King of Iran, which drew the victorious army of the great Secunder [Alexander the Great.] upon his head. Foor, notwithstanding, would not submit; but with an army numerous as the locusts, met Secunder at Sirhind, about eighty crores from Delhi, where a terrible battle was fought, in which he bravely lost his life with many thousands of his subjects.

When the great Secunder came to Hindostan, there was a Raja of the Decan, whose name was Bider, and founder of the castle of that name, who upon hearing of the victory of Secunder and the death of Foor, sent his son with great wealth to the conqueror to obtain peace, which being granted, and a mutiny arising in his army, Secunder returned to Iran.

After the death of Foor, and the return of Secunder, Sinsarchund assumed the imperial dignity, and in a short time regulated the empire, which was then in great confusion, but he neglected not to send his regular tribute to Kodirs and Nirsi, who at that time held the Sultanit of Iran.

After he and his family of the same name had reigned seventy years, a Raja whose name was Jonah, invaded the empire, and gained the ascendancy. Some say that Jonah was the nephew of Foor, but this is not well attested. However, when his fortune raised him to the throne, he became an excellent prince, taking great pains in peopling and cultivating the waste parts of his dominions, and founding a lasting name of justice and benevolence. Aridshere [Aridshere is the same with Arsaces, king of Parthia, who founded the Parthian or second Persian empire, about two hundred and fifty-six years before the christian era.] at this time was Emperor of Iran, and advanced with an army to the borders of Hindostan, when Jonah, in fear of his arms, hastened to make his submission, carrying with him a great number of warlike elephants, with a vast quantity of gold and jewels, which he presented to the Emperor and bought peace. He then returned to Kinnoge, and ruled in tranquillity for many years. He and his posterity reigned ninety years without doing any thing remarkable to the accession of Callian Chund to the imperial throne.

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Section XIV. Of Callian Chund.

CALLIAN CHUND was a prince of an evil disposition, oppressive and tyrannical to his subjects, whose blood he shed without mercy. His cruelty occasioned many people of distinction to desert the country and fly to other kingdoms for protection, by which the lustre of the court and the beauty of the country were greatly diminished. At length faction began openly to raise her head, and all the dependant Rajas to appear in arms, so that being deserted by his own troops, he fled and died in obscurity.

From this period, we find nothing certain in the history of Hindostan to the time of Bickermagit, the Raja of Malava, who made a considerable figure in the world. We shall therefore make a short digression from the history of the Kings of Kinnoge, to give some account of him.

This Bickermagit was of the tribe of Tuar, and great things are recorded in the histories of the Hindoos, concerning the policy, justice and wisdom of his government. It is said that this prince in his youth, putting on the habit of a Fakeer, travelled over the world for many years in acquiring the arts, learning and policy of foreign nations. It was not however till the age of fifty that he became famous for his exploits in the field, to which they say he was impelled by divine command; which notion seemed indeed to be justified by his uncommon success, which soon paved his way to the throne. In a few months he entirely subdued the kingdoms of Narval and Malava, spreading the carpet of justice, and throwing the shadow of his protection over the heads of his subjects. The poets of those days praise his justice, by telling us that the magnet without his leave durst not exert its power upon iron, nor amber upon the chaff of the field; and such was his temperance and contempt of external grandeur, that he slept upon a mat, and reduced the furniture of his apartment to an earthen pot filled with water from the spring.

In his reign the city of Ugeïn was built, as also the fort of Daar, where he took up his residence. He is said to have set up the idol Makaal [Great time.] in Ugeïn, and to have collected Brahmins, Fakeers, and Jogies, to attend that worship for the vulgar, while he himself worshipped only the infinite and invisible God. The time of his death before the writing of this history (in the year of the Higerah one thousand and fifteen) according to the account of the Hindoo writers, is fifteen hundred and sixty three years. He is said to have been cotemporary with Shawpoor [Shawpoor signifies, the King of the city, a title of the Kings of Persia, for some time after the dissolution of the first empire. It is the same name with Sapor, so famous in the Roman history.] King of Iran.

Bickermagit [The era of Bickermagit is that which is most commonly used by the Gentoos.] was slain in his old age, in a battle with the princes of the Decan, who had lifted up their standards against him upon the banks of the river Nirbidda. The Hindoo historians have stretched the praise of this hero so far beyond the bounds of reason and probability, that the love of truth obliges us to be silent on this head. After the death of Bickermagit the kingdom fell into anarchy for some time, till Raja Boge drew the reins of government into his hands.

Raja Boge also was of the tribe of Tuar, and in policy, justice, and government, followed the example of Bickermagit. In the discipline of his troops he was extremely active and vigilant, often going the rounds in disguise to see that they were watchful on their posts. He had a peculiar passion for architecture, which he gratified in building, restoring, and ornamenting many cities in his dominions. Hindia, Bijanagur, and Gircoon, were built in his reign. He was also much addicted to women, whom he collected into his Haram from all parts. Twice every year he made a grand festival, to which thousands of musicians and singers crowded for his entertainment. This festival continued for the space of forty days, in which nothing went on but dancing, singing and debauchery. The company, on the breaking up of the assembly, were presented each with a dress and other presents according to their rank. In this luxurious manner he reigned fifty years.

To return to the history of Kinnoge. After the expulsion of Callian Chund, the kingdom of Kinnoge remained in anarchy to the days of Basdeo, who having mounted the throne, recovered Bahar and Bengal, which had revolted, and began to restore the power and authority of his kingdom. Byram Gore, King of Iran, at that time, came in disguise to Hindostan, in the character of a merchant, to inform himself of the power, government and manners of that country. When he was entering the city of Kinnoge, it is related, that a wild elephant attacked him, who in the season of lust had rushed from the woods, killing and destroying all who came in his way. Byram Gore pierced the elephant's forehead with an arrow, by which he acquired great fame and popularity. This circumstance having reached the ears of the King, he was desirous of seeing the merchant, and ordered him to be brought into his presence. When one of the nobles who had gone to the court of Iran some years before with the tribute, discovered him to Basdeo, who being perfectly assured of the truth, descended from his throne and embraced him.

Byram Gore being constrained to assume his proper character, he was treated with the utmost magnificence and respect while he remained at the court of Kinnoge, where he married the daughter of Basdeo, and returned in a short time to Iran. Basdeo and the princes his posterity, are said to have ruled the empire for eighty years. The country being torn to pieces by a civil war, which arose between the descendants of Basdeo, Ramdeo, who had been general of the forces, excluded the royal line from the throne, and by consent of the nobility and troops, took the supreme authority into his own hands.

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Section XV. Of the Reign of Ramdeo Rhator.

RAMDEO was of the tribe of Rhator, a prince bold, wise, and generous. The first thing he did on his accession, was to exterminate by degrees the chiefs and Rajas who assumed independency, and raised factions in the empire. Then he advanced with his army towards Marvar, and recovered that country from the tribe of Cutchwa, whom he dispossessed, and peopled it with that of Rhator, from which time they have possessed it [These are the Mahrattas, who at present make such a figure in India.]. The tribe of Cutchwa was sent to the precincts of Rhotas which they still inhabit. Ramdeo Rhator, after these transactions, returned and marched towards Lucknouti, which he took and gave to his nephew. Here great wealth fell into his hands, and after an expedition of three years he returned to Kinnoge, where he remained two years, and then marched his army towards Malava, which he conquered, and putting it in the hands of his Vizier, ordered many cities and towns to be built in that province. Having repaired the fort of Narvar, he appointed one of his kinsmen governor, and demanded the daughter of the Raja of Bijanagur in marriage, who, fearing the power of Ramdeo, complied. He remained in the city of Gundwara two years, where he slew many of the rebellious Zemindars, then returning to Kinnoge spent seven years in festivity and pleasure.

Ramdeo afterwards went unto the mountains of Sawalic, and reduced all the Rajas of those parts; particularly the Raja of Comaoon, whose ancestors, according to the fabulous history of the Hindoos, had reigned there ten thousand years. This Raja had drawn together a powerful army, with which he engaged Ramdeo in several great battles; so that for some time the war was doubtful. At length the fortune of Ramdeo prevailed, and the Raja of Comaoon was forced to abandon his wealth, and take refuge in the inaccessible mountains [The mountains of Comaoon lye about two hundred miles North from Delhi.]. His wives and daughters fell into the hands of Ramdeo, who having softened him to compassion, he restored to the Raja his country, and turned his face towards Nagracut, plundering the country, till he reached Scutdimmindi. There he halted out of respect to the temple of Bowani [Bowani is one of the names of the Goddess Pirkirti, concerning whom see the dissertation prefixed to this history.], which was built near the sort of Nagracut, sending a person to call the Raja before him. The Raja afraid for his life, delayed for some time till he had received proper assurances of personal safety, by the mediation of a Brahmin; and then he waited on the King, and exhibited the customs of obedience. Ramdeo went to pay his adoration to the idol, to whom he made rich offerings, then retiring, demanded the daughter of the Raja in marriage for his son, and marched to the fort of Jummu. The Raja of Jummu being strong in troops and well supplied with money and provisions, confiding in the strength of his fort and the inaccessibleness of the roads leading towards it, despised the summons of the King, and refused to bend to his commands, preparing himself for war. But in the first encounter in the field, his irregular troops, though singly brave, were discomfited before the united powers of the King, who driving him within his walls, immediately invested the place, and storming it in a few days, imprisoned what part of the garrison escaped the sword, and in the fort found great wealth.

The Raja having previously fled into the mountains, saw no hope but in peace, and therefore sollicited the mercy of the King. Ramdeo reinstated him, taking one of his daughters for his second son. Directing his march from thence to the banks of the river Nerbet, which falls from the mountains of Cashmire into the districts of Punjaab, he traversed the country of Hindostan to the salt sea of Bengal, where the great mountains of Sewalic press upon the ocean. He accomplished this march in five months, having reduced near five hundred disobedient Rajas and Zemindars. He plundered them of their wealth, and then turned his victorious standards towards his capital of Kinnoge, which he entered in pomp and triumph.

He soon after prepared a magnificent festival, and divided the spoil among his soldiers, the share of each being forty pieces of gold. Besides a third part of the spoil was thrown among the people. From this time forward he reposed upon the throne of ease and magnificence, nor ever afterwards mounted the horse of war to hunt for further conquests. After he had reigned fifty four years, he followed his ancestors to the unknown world, from whence none return. But the great actions of his life rendered his fame immortal; for among the Kings of Hindostan, we are told by historians, that few have rivalled the greatness of Ramdeo. He was cotemporary with Firose Sassa, father of Keikubad, to whom he paid tribute.

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Section XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund.

UPON the death of Ramdeo, enmity broke out among his children, so that nothing but war, slaughter and death raged in the plains of Hindostan. In a short time, the great treasures which he had amassed, were expended, and desolation began to appear in the streets. The general of Ramdeo, whose name was Partab Chund, taking advantage of these family factions, gained confidence and popularity among the troops. He accordingly marched against the capital, and reduced it in a few days. His first care was to extirpate the royal family, that his power might be firmly established; then drawing many of the Rajas, by fair, but false promises into his power, he cut off the most formidable, by which means, the rest became obedient to his commands. This prince, by an uninterrupted course of success, began at length to devour the wind of pride, and neglected, for some years, to send the annual tribute to Iran, returning the ambassadors of Noshirwaan with empty hands and dishonour from his court. This usage provoked the resentment of the King of Iran, and he sent an army against Partab Chund, which having conquered and ravaged the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, threw him into great confusion; he therefore was forced to pay up his arrears, to advance the tribute of the ensuing year, and to make promises of future obedience.

After the death of Partab Chund, several of the neighbouring Rajas gaining power, formed independent governments, and left but a small part of the country in the hands of the heirs of the empire, insomuch that they lost the title of Rajas or Kings, and had that of Rana substituted in its place. Yet they possessed the mountains of Combilmere, and the adjacent countries of Chitor and Mindusur, till they were conquered by the successors of Timur.

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Section XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the Dissolution of the Empire.

ANNINDEO was of the sect of Bise, who, upon the death of Partab Chund, seized upon the country of Malava, and with rapidity of conquest, brought Narvalla, the country of the Marhattas, and the whole territory of Berar, into the circle of his obedience. To secure these conquests, he built the forts of Mahor, Rumgiri and Mundo. He was cotemporary with Chusero [King of Persia.] Purvese, and died after a reign of sixteen years. About this time, a person whose name was Maldeo, of obscure original, from the country of Duaab, raised himself to great power, and collecting a numerous army, took the city of Delhi from the descendants of Partab Chund; then directing his march to Kinnoge, soon reduced that capital to his obedience, which at that time, we are told, was so populous, that there were in the city thirty thousand shops in which arreca [A kind of nut, which the Hindoos use as the Europeans do tobacco.] was sold, and sixty thousand sets of musicians and singers, who paid a tax to the government, from which we may judge of the amazing extent of this city. Maldeo, at the end of forty-two years, died, and as he had no issue, every petty Raja rendered himself independent from that time forward, no imperial Raja ruled Hindostan; for when Sultan Mahmood Giznavi invaded that country, who was the first of the Islamite conquerors, he found it divided into small states. Kinnoge was governed by one Raja Korrah; Merat by Hirdit; Mahvin by Calchunder; Lahor by Jeipal, the son of Hitpal; and Callinger by Begera. Malava, Ajmere, Guzarat and Gualier had each their distinct Rajas, who were perfectly independent of one another; for this reason we shall quit the history of the Rajas, and begin with that of the conquest of the Islamites [Mahommedans.] in Hindostan.

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Part II. The History of the Empire of Ghizni.

Section I. Of the first Appearance of the Star of Islamism [A metaphorical expression for the Mahommedan faith.] in Hindostan, together with a summary Account of those Mahommedans, by whom the Empire of Ghizni was formed.

TO minds enlightened like the sun, let it not remain a secret, That the first person of the faith who placed his foot within the boundaries of Hindostan, was Mohlib, the son of Abiul Sukur. The particulars of his history are these: In the twenty-eighth year of the Higerah, Abdulla, the son of Amir, governor of Bussorah, by the command of Osman, led an army towards Pharis, against the sovereign of that kingdom, who had revolted upon the death of Omar. Abdulla reduced his enemy to obedience, and returned victorious to Bussorah. In the thirtieth of the Higerah, Osman turned Olid Okbah, on account of his continuing to drink wine, from the government of Kusa, which he conferred upon Seid ben ul Ass. That commander marched the same year towards Tibiristan, accompanied by the two sons of Ali, Hassen and Hassein, and conquered the country of Jirju, whose capital is Ashtrabad, where he raised a contribution of forty thousand dinars. Abdulla ben Amir, ruler of Bussorah, on the part of Osman, in the thirty-first of the Higerah, marched to the conquest of Chorrasan, by the way of Kirman, and having reduced that country, Seistan, Keistan, Neshapoor, Sirchush, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Girghistan, Murve, Talickan and Balich, he entered into a treaty with a King of the northern regions whose name was Joos; having appointed Keis ben Hanim to the government of Chorrasan, Hanif ben Keis to the superintendency of Murve, Talickan and Neshapoor, and Chalid ben Abdulla to that of Herat, Ghore and Gerghistan, he himself being bent on a pilgrimage to Caba, marched back by the way of Hujage.

In the thirty-third year, Abdul Reiman, by order of Osman, having marched with an army against Balich, he and all his troops became martyrs to the faith, except a few, who escaped the sword and fled by the way of Gilan. Sharon, who was an Omrah of Agim, seeing that Abdulla ben Amir had gone a pilgrimage to Mecca, and that the plains of Chorrasan were clear of Persians and Mussulmen, raised in the same year an army of forty thousand men from Jibbis, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Keistan, and the adjacent countries, and fell upon the Mussulmen. But Abdulla Hazim, who was at Neshapoor with Hanif, with four thousand horse, attacked and defeated him; for which service he was afterwards rewarded with the government of Chorrasan.

In the forty-fourth year of the Higerah, Mavia ben Abessifian advanced Zeiad ben Abiera to the government of Bussorah, Chorrasan and Seistan; and in that year, Abdul Reiman ben Summera, according to the orders of Zeiad, conquered the country of Cabul, and bound them over to obedience.

About the same time, Mohlib ben abul Sukur, who was a great Omrah of Arab, by the way of Murve, invaded Cabul and Zabul; then entering Hindostan, made war upon the idolators, ravaging the country of Limgan and its dependencies, and with twelve thousand captives returned to Chorrasan. A few of the inhabitants of Hind were converted at that time to the belief of the unity of God, and the embassy of his holy prophet.

In the fifty-third of the Higerah, Zuad, governor of Bussorah, died in consequence of a wound in his finger, and Mavia gave the government of Kufa to Abdulla his son. Abdulla led his troops against the country of Maver ul neer, which he conquered, and returned to Kufa; after which he got the government of Bussorah, and appointed Aslim ben Zerait ul Gulabi to the government of Chorrasan: But in the year fifty-six, Mavia gave that appointment to Seid ben Osman Affan; and again, in the year fifty-nine, that government was changed into the hands of Abdul Reiman ben Zeiad.

In the sixty-second of the Higerah, Zeid ben Mavia appointed Zillim ben Ziad to rule over Chorrasan and Seistan. Among the chiefs who attended him, was Mohlib ben Abiull Sukur: This Zillim, when he had seated himself in the government, gave his brother Izid the government of Seistan, who hearing that the King of Cabul had imprisoned Abu Abida his brother, who had been collecting the tribute, he raised an army and marched towards him, but after an obstinate battle he was defeated, and lost the greatest part of his army.

Intelligence of this defeat coming to Zillim, he sent Tilla ben Abudulla to Cabul, who ransomed Abu-Abida for five thousand dirms. He then set aside his brother, and gave the government of Seistan to Tilla, who sent the troops of Ghore and Badyeish to Cabul, and by that means reduced that country to obedience, and conferred the government upon Chaled ben Abdulla. This Chaled ben Abdulla being ordered some time thereafter to return back and give an account of his administration, fearing the oppression of new rulers, with his family, wealth and friends, fled to the mountains of Soliman, which extend between Moultan and Peshawir, and there took up his abode. He married his daughter to one of the chiefs of the Afghans, who was a Mussulman: From this marriage sprung many children, two of whom became famous, Load and Soor; from whom the two great tribes of that name derive their origin. In the history of Muttelu ul Anwar, which is wrote by an author of good authority, it is related, that the Afghans are of the race of the Cibthi [Copts or Egyptians.], who were ruled by Pharaoon [Pharaoh.], and being expelled about the time of Moses, took up their residence in those mountains.

But to return to our history. We are told, that this small colony under Caled, began to employ themselves in the cultivation of their grounds, and in breeding of cattle. When, therefore, Mahumud Casim, by the way of Sind, came to Moultan, he remained some time among them, and was hospitably entertained.

In the one hundred and forty-third of the Higerah, when they began to multiply exceedingly, they issued from their hills, and possessed themselves of Kirman, Peshawir and Shinwaran: In the mean time, the Raja of Lahore, who was in alliance with the Raja of Ajmere, entered into a design to humble them, and sent one of his Omrahs against them; but the Omrah was worsted and lost many of his men, upon which the Raja sent his nephew with an additional force of two thousand horse and five thousand foot.

The Mussulmen of Cabul, Chillige and Chore, hearing of these hostilities against their brethren, sent four thousand horse to the assistance of the Afgans, so that in the space of five months, above seventy different battles and skirmishes were fought with various success: When winter came on, the troops of Hindostan unable to bear the inclemency of the weather, were forced to retreat, but returned again in the spring. The two armies met between Kirman and Peshawir, where a battle was fought, in which the right wing of each army was victorious. The Raja of Lahore finding at last that he could not reduce them, was obliged to conclude a peace.

A war broke out at that time, between the Raja of Lahore and the tribe of Gicker, who entered into an alliance with the Afgans or Patans, which obliged the Raja to accommodate matters, and give up several districts to the Patans. The tribe of Chillige entered in the mean time into treaty with them, in which the Patans guarantied the boundaries of Hindostan against any foreign invasion by the way of Iran. To be able to fulfil the terms of this treaty, they built the fort of Cheiber in the passes of the mountains, which obliged the troops of Samania to invade Hind, by the way of Sind and Battia.

When the government of Ghizni [Ghizni was at that time a province of the empire of bochara.] fell to Abistagi, his general, whose name was Subuctagi, made some incursions into Limgan and Moultan, carrying off plunder and slaves; and the Patans not being able to cope with him in the field, sent an embassy to Jeipal [Jeipal seems to have been the name of two or three successive Rajas of Lahore.] Raja of Lahore, for assistance. When Jeipal understood that his troops could not subsist in the winter season in those cold regions, he called Sheck Amid, who was chief of the Afgans, conferred the title of general upon him; and made over some countries of Moultan and Limgan to enable him to carry on the war.

Abistagi dying about this time, Mahmud Subuctagi succeeded him: And Shech Amid finding it unadviseable to carry on the war, sent an ambassador to him to propose terms of accommodation, giving him to understand, that as they were brethren of the same faith, he was in hopes he would henceforth consider the Afgans as his friends; upon which conditions, he might pass with his army unmolested towards Hindostan. Subuctagi gladly embraced this proposal, and marching against Jeipal, defeated him, and gave Shul Ameid the government of Moultan. But Sultan Mahmood, the son of Subuctagi, in the absence, and contrary to the policy of his father, made war upon the Afgans, and cut off many of their chiefs, bending the rest to the yoke of his commands.

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Section II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.

THOUGH the valiant Subuctagi never crossed the river of Nilaab, nor attained to the government of Punjaab, yet authors have conferred upon him the honour of being the first Mahommedan King of Lahore. Subuctagi was originally a Turkish slave, and having fallen into the hands of Abistagi, was, from a low degree, in the reign of Samania [King of Bochara.], raised to the most considerable dignities of the kingdom; being appointed to the government of Chorrassan, where he acquired great renown. When Abdul Mallick, the son of Samania, died, the Omrahs of Bochara sent an embassy to Abistagi, to consult with him about a successor. He told them that Munsur, the son of Abdul Mallick, was as yet but a child, and no ways capable of sustaining the weight of government: He therefore advised them to elect his uncle, but before the return of the ambassadors, the Omrahs had advanced Munsur to the throne; who hearing of the advice given by Abistagi, commanded that general back to Bochara; but Abistagi fearing the young King's resentment, refused to comply: He wisely considered that peaceable measures would only be to him the means of ruin, and he forthwith stood behind his disobedience, with thirty thousand men.

In the three hundred and fifty-first of the Higerah, he directed his march towards Ghizni, and having subdued that country by the edge of the sword, he exalted his standard of royalty [That is, assumed the title of King.]. In the mean time, Munsur, hearing that Abistagi had left Chorrassan almost totally destitute of troops, ordered Abul Hassen to march with an army that way, but he was interrupted in his rout by Abistagi, who gave him two signal defeats, and obliged him to fly into Bochara. Abistagi immediately obtained the peaceable sovereignty of the kingdoms of Ghizni and Chorrassan. During the fifteen years of the reign of Abistagi, he had employed Subuctagi, who had raised himself by his valour, to make depredations upon the Rajas of Hind, whom he plundered of much wealth.

When Abistagi, in the year three hundred and sixty-five, departed into the regions of eternity, his son Abu Isaac invaded Bochara; in which expedition, Subuctagi enjoyed the chief command. Munsur, King of Bochara, being worsted in some engagements, a peace was concluded; in which it was stipulated, that Abu Isaac should continue to enjoy the regency of Ghizni, under the direction of Subuctagi.

Abu Isaac being very young and addicted to pleasure, he readily entrusted Subuctagi with the whole administration of affairs. The voluptuous King travelled soon the road of mortality, and the Omrahs of Ghizni, who admired the wisdom and bravery of Subuctagi, unanimously elected him their King, in the year three hundred and sixty-seven; the reign of Abu Isaac continuing only for two years. When Subuctagi ascended the throne, he married the daughter of Abistagi, and turning his mind wholly upon the art of government, he soon established justice in his dominions, and held the hearts of his subjects in his hand. There was at this time, a governor in the fort of Bust, of the name of Tigha, who was expelled by another chief called Bab Toor. Tigha, who was an independent Zemindar, on the borders of Ghizni, upon losing his fort and country, came and laid his complaint before the King, promising him tribute and obedience, if Subuctagi should restore him to his dignity.

The King gave a favourable answer, and sent an army against Bab Toor, drove that chief from his new conquests, and put Tigha in quiet possession of his country; but Tigha no sooner found himself possessed of his inheritance, than he neglected all his promises to the King, and never once thought of sending his tribute. Subuctagi perceived this ingratitude, but he dissembled his resentment. Making soon after the circuit of his dominions, when he came near the territories of Tigha, he invited him to the chace. Finding himself alone with Tigha, the King took that opportunity to upbraid him with his ingratitude: Tigha, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand on his sword, on which the King also drew, but, in the combat, was wounded in the hand. Immediately a crowd of attendants poured in upon them, when a short but fierce conflict insued, wherein Tigha and his adherents were soon put to slight, and so closely pursued by the troops of Subuctagi, that they entered the fort at his heels; Tigha leaped over the wall and fled towards Kirman.

It was here that Subuctagi met with Abul Fatti, who, in the art of writing, and in the knowledge of the sciences, had no equal: He had been formerly secretary to Bab Toor, and on his defeat had retired to enjoy his studies. Subuctagi hearing of him, called him into his presence, and having obtained proofs of his great abilities, made him his secretary, and dignified him with honourable titles. In that station Abul Fatti remained till the accession of Sultan Mamood, when he retired in disgust to Turkistan.

Amir Subuctagi having conquered Bust, turned towards Kusdar, and taking the chief of that place prisoner, added his territory to his own dominions, giving the government of it to Actass. He soon after resolved upon a war with the idolators of Hindostan, and towards the close of the year three hundred and sixty-seven, which was the first of his reign, he undertook that expedition; and having ravaged part of the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, he founded some mosques, and returned to Ghizni with great treasures.

Jeipal, the son of Hitpal the Brahmin, ruled at this time, the country extending from Sirhind to Limghaan, and from Cashmire to Moultan; and kept his court at Lahore. Jeipal finding he could have no rest from the incursions of the Mussulmen, raised a great army with intent to invade them in their own country, which Subuctagi hearing, put his army in motion, and marched out to meet him. The Kings drew near one another at Limghaan, on the boundaries of their respective dominions: They skirmished for a few days, and Sultan Mamood, though then a boy, gave such signal proofs of his courage, that he drew tears of joy from the eyes of his father.

Historians, whose credulity exceed their wisdom, have told us, that on this occasion, a certain person informed the King, that in the camp of Jeipal there was a spring, into which, if a small quantity of a certain drug, called Casurat, should be thrown, the sky would immediately be overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became visible, for immediately the sky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind and hail began, turning the day into darkness, and spreading horror and desolation around; insomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and some thousands of both armies perished; but the troops of Ghizni being more hardy than those of Hindostan, suffered not so much upon this occasion. Jeipal in the morning found his army in such weakness and dejection, by the effects of this storm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he sent Heralds to treat of a peace: He offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a considerable present in elephants and gold.

Subuctagi was not displeased with these terms, but his son, Sultan Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the proposal. Jeipal, upon this, told him that the customs of the Rajaputs were of such a nature, that if he persisted in distressing them, it must make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon such occasions, and when reduced to extremity, said Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses, set loose their hair, and, rushing in despair among the enemy, drown themselves in the crimson torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this custom, he was afraid to reduce them to despair, and consented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and presenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to discharge the whole of this sum in camp, he desired that some persons of trust, on the part of Subuctagi, should accompany him to Lahore to receive the ballance; for whose safety, Subuctagi took hostages.

Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, imprisoned his messengers, and refused to pay the money. It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble the double council, which consisted of an equal number of the most respectable Brahmins, who sat on the right side of the throne; and of the noblest Kittries, who sat on the left. When they saw that Jeipal proceeded to such an impolitic measure, they intreated the King, saying, that the consequence of this step would bring ruin and distress upon the country; the troops said they have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may rest assured, that a conqueror will never brook such an indignity: It was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to comply strictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity; but the King was obstinate, and would not hearken to their advice.

Intelligence of what was done, soon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he hastened towards Hindostan with a numerous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour; Jeipal also collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, considering themselves interested in his success, supplied him with troops and money. The Rajas of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himself at the head of an army of a hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot; with which he marched with full assurance of victory.

When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi ascended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a shoreless sea, and in number, like the ants or the locusts; but he looked upon himself as a wolf among a flock of goats: Calling therefore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them distinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into squadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered one after another, to the attack in a circle, so that a continual round of fresh troops harrassed the Indian army.

The Hindoos being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing against them; so that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confusion became visible amongst them. Subuctagi perceiving their disorder, sounded a general charge, so that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were pursued with great slaughter to the banks of the river Nilaab; where many, who had escaped the edge of the sword, perished by their fear in the waters.

Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for besides the rich plunder of the Hindoo camp, he raised great contributions in the countries of Limghaan and Peshawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and stamped their names, as was customary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thousand horse, was appointed to the government of Peshawir; and the Afghans who resided among the mountains, having promised allegiance, he entertained some thousands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.

Amir Noo Samani, King of Bochara, being at this time hard pressed by Faeck, sent Abu Niser Pharsi to Subuctagi to beg his assistance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Bochara, and hastened with his army towards Maverulnere, while Amir Noo advanced to the country of Sirchush to meet him. Subuctagi, upon account of his age, sent a messenger to Amir Noo, to excuse his lighting from his horse; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal father, in the face of the young prince, he could not suppress the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horse and run to kiss his stirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him by dismounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and such a knot of friendship was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.

As the season was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed that Subuctagi should return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with those of Amir Noo in the spring. But when Amir Ali Sumjure, prince of Chorassan, at whose court Faek was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Amir Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the consequence of his engagement with Faeck. He asked his council where he should take protection, in case fortune, which was seldom to be depended upon, should desert his standards in war. They replied, that the situation of affairs required he should endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja. Jaffier zul Karmin was accordingly appointed ambassador to the court of Jirja, with presents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a short time a treaty of friendship and alliance was settled between the two powers.

Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich, where Amir Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebel Faeck and Abu ali Sumjure hearing of this junction, with consent of Dara the general of Fuchir ul Dowla Willami, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extensive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They soon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the center, with his son Sultan Mamood and Amir Noo.

In the first charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and pressed so hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara ben Kabus, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in person led on his troops with great bravery, as soon as he had got near threw his shield upon his back, which was a signal of friendship, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his services. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the side of Subuctagi, facing round on his deserted friends, who were astonished at this unexpected treachery. Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confusion, charged them home, and soon put their whole army to flight, pursuing them with great slaughter, and taking many prisoners.

Thus the unfortunate man who had exalted the spear of enmity against his sovereign, lost his honour and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in splendor and happiness for life.

Faeck and Abu Ali took in their flight the way of Neshapoor, with the scattered remains of their army. Amir Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refresh their troops and divide the spoil. Subuctagi after this signal victory received the title of Nasir ul Dein, or the Supporter of the Faith, and his son Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by Amir Noo, whom he still acknowledged as Emperor, though his power had been greatly diminished at this period.

Amir Noo, after these transactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his son Sultan Mamood turned their faces towards Neshapoor. Faeck and Abu Ali fled into Jirja, and took protection with Fucher ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his son Sultan Mamood remained at Neshapoor with a small force. Faeck and Abu Ali seizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any assistance from Amir Noo, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated and lost all his baggage.

Subuctagi hearing of the situation of his son, hastened towards Neshapoor, and in the districts of Toos, meeting with Abul Ali and Faeck, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great dust was seen to rise in the rear of Abul Ali, which proved to be Sultan Mamood; and Faeck and Abul Ali finding they would soon be attacked on both sides, made a resolute charge against Subuctagi, which was so well received that they were obliged to give ground. Sultan Mamood arriving at that instant attacked them like an angry lion, and they unable to support the contest, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.

Subuctagi after this victory, according to his heart's desire, reposed upon the musnud of empire, till in the year 387, which was the 56th of his age, death overtook him, in the town of Turmuz near Balich.

Subuctagi reigned twenty years. Fourteen Kings of his race held after him Lahore and the countries adjacent, within the circle of their command. The Vizier of Subuctagi was Abul Abas Fazil ben Amud Ispherai, who was a great minister in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of the Jam ul Hickaiat relates, that Subuctagi was at first a private horseman in the service of Abistagi, and being of a vigorous and active disposition used to hunt every day in the forest. It happened one time as he employed himself in this amusement, that he saw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, and tying his legs laid him across his saddle and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him and exhibiting every mark of extream affliction. The soul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn and generously restored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropt fast from her eyes.

Subuctagi is said to have seen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who said to him, That generosity and compassion which you have this day shown to a distressed animal has been approved of in the presence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward against thy name. But let not greatness destroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevolence to men.

It is said in the Masir ul Maluck, that Sultan Mamood his son, having built a pleasure house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father when it was finished to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The son, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the house and garden, which were esteemed admirable in taste and structure. The old man, to the great disappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his subjects might have raised by the means of wealth. But that it was the business of a prince to erect the more durable structure of good same which might stand for ever, to be imitated but never to be equalled by posterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this saying the following reflection. Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Sultan Mamood built, we now find not one stone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, still triumphs over time, and seems established on a lasting foundation.

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Section III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi.

SUBUCTAGI dying suddenly, and his eldest son, Sultan Mamood, being at Neshapoor, which was a considerable distance from the place of the King's decease, Amir Ismaiel prevailed with his father, in his last moments, to appoint him to succeed till the return of his brother. The reason assigned for this demand, was to prevent other usurpations, which were then feared in the government. Ismaiel therefore, immediately upon the demise of his father, was crowned with great solemnity at Balich. To gain popularity, Ismaiel opened the treasury and distributed the greatest part of his father's wealth in presents to the nobility, and in expensive shews and entertainments to the people. He also augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded small services with the hand of prodigality.

This policy being overacted had not the desired effect. The nobility perceiving that all this generality proceeded from the fear of his brother, ungenerously increased their demands, while the troops puffed up with pride by his indulgences, begun to be mutinous, disorderly and debauched.

When intelligence was brought to Mamood of the death of his father, and the accession of his younger brother, he wrote to Ismaiel by the hand of Abul Hassen. In this letter he said thus, That since the death of his royal father, he held none upon earth so dear as his beloved brother Amir Ismaiel, whom he would oblige to the full extent of his power. But that the art of government required years, experience, wisdom and knowledge, in the affairs of state, which Ismaiel could not possibly pretend to possess, though Subuctagi had appointed him to succeed to the throne in the absence of Mamood. He therefore advised Ismael seriously to consider the matter, to distinguish propriety from impropriety, and to give up his title to government without further dispute, which would restore him to the love and generosity of Mamood; for that it was his original intention to confer upon Ismaiel the governments of Balich and Chorassan.

Amir Ismaiel shut his ears against all the proposals of his brother, and prepared for his own security, turning the edge of the sword of enmity against him. Sultan Mamood saw no remedy but in war, and attaching his uncle Bujerâc, and his brother Nisir to his interest, advanced with his standards towards Ghizni, while Amir Ismaiel hastened also from Balich to oppose him. When the two armies approached towards one another, Sultan Mamood took great pains to avoid coming to extremities, and in vain tried to reconcile matters in an amicable manner. He was therefore forced to form his troops in order of battle, while Amir Ismaiel also extended the lines of war, which he supported by a chain of elephants. Both armies unsheathing their steel, commenced such a slaughter that the swords wept blood. Sultan Mamood at length charged the center of the enemy with such fury that they trembled as with an earthquake, and turned their faces to slight, taking refuge in the citadel of Ghizni. Thither the conqueror pursued them, and immediately invested the place. Such a prodigious number of the runaways had crowded into Ghizni, that for want of provisions Amir Ismaiel was reduced to the necessity of treating about a surrender. Having therefore received promises of safety, he submitted himself, and delivered up the keys of the garrison and the treasury to Sultan Mamood.

Mamood having appointed a new ministry, and regulated the government of the country, proceeded with his army towards Balich. It is said, that a few days after the submission of Amir Ismaiel, he was asked by his brother, What he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed? To which Ismaiel replied, That he intended to have imprisoned him for life in some castle, and to indulge him with every pleasure but his liberty. Upon which Sultan Mamood made no reflections at that time, but soon after confined him in the fort of Georghan, in the manner that he himself had intimated, where he remained till his death, which happened not long after his being deposed.

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Section IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Accession to the Year 403.

WE are told by historians, that Sultan Mamood was a King who conferred happiness upon the world, and reflected glory upon the faith of Mahomed: that the day of his accession illuminated the earth with the bright torch of justice, and cherished it with the beams of beneficence. Others inform us, that in his disposition, the sordid vice of avarice found place, which however could not darken the other bright qualities of his mind. A certain poet says, that his wealth was like a pearl in the shell; but as poets hunt after wit rather than truth, therefore we must judge of Mamood by his actions, from which it appears that he was indeed a prince of great oeconomy, but that he never withheld his generosity upon a just and proper occasion. We have the testimony of the Fatti Bilad, wrote by Abu Nisir Muscati, and of the famous Abul Fazil, that no King had ever more learned men at his court, kept a finer army, or displayed more magnificence than Sultan Mamood. All these things could not be done without expence; so that the stigma of avarice must have been owing to two particular circumstances of his life, which ought by no means to have stamped his general character with that sordid vice.

The two circumstances in a few words were these. Having a great propensity to poetry, in which he made some tolerable progress himself, he promised Sheck Phirdoci a golden mher [A mher is about fourteen rupees; this coin was called mher from having a fun stampt upon it. Mher signifies the sun, in the Persian. ] for every verse of an heroic poem which he was desirous to patronize. Under the protection of this promise, that divine poet wrote the unparalleled poem called the Shaw Namma, which consisted of sixty thousand couplets. When he presented it to the King, he repented of his promise, telling the poet, that he thought sixty thousand rupees might satisfy him for a work which he seemed to have performed with so much ease and expedition. Phirdoci justly offended at this indignity, could never be brought to accept of any reward, though Sultan Mamood would after reflection have gladly paid him the sum originally stipulated; the poet, however, took ample revenge in a satire of seven hundred couplets which he wrote upon that occasion.

Sultan Mamood, who it is reported was defective in external appearance, said one day, observing himself in a glass, "The sight of a King should brighten the eyes of the beholders, but nature has been so capricious to me that my aspect seems the picture of misfortune." The Vizier replied, It is not one of ten thousand who are blessed with a sight of your majesty's countenance, but your virtues are diffused over all. But to proceed with our history.

We have already observed that the father of Sultan Mamood was Subuctagi. His mother was a princess of the house of Zabulstan, for which reason she is known by the name of Zabuli. He was born in the year 357 of the Higerah, and as the astrologers say, with many happy omens expressed in the heroscope of his fate. Subuctagi being asleep at the time of his birth, dreamed that he beheld a green tree springing forth from his chimney, which threw its shadow over the face of the earth, and screened from the storms of heaven the whole animal creation. This indeed was verified by the justice of Mamood; for if we can believe the poet, in his reign the wolf and the sheep drank together at the same brook. In the first month of his reign a vein of gold, resembling a tree of three cubits in circumference, was found in Seistan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Sultan Musaood, when it was lost in consequence of an earthquake.

When Sultan Mamood had settled his dispute with his brother, he hastened to Balich, from whence he sent an ambassador to Amir Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, complaining of the indignity which he met with in the appointment of Buctusin to the regency of Chorrassan: it was returned to him for answer, that he was already in possession of the territories of Balich, Turmuz, and Herat, which held of the empire; and that there was a necessity to divide the favours of Bochara among her friends. Buctusin, it was also insinuated, had been a faithful and good servant.

But Sultan Mamood, not discouraged by this answer, sent Abul Hassen Jemmavi with rich presents to the court of Bochara, and a letter in the following terms. "That he hoped the pure spring of friendship which had flowed in the time of his father should not now be polluted with the ashes of indignity, nor he himself reduced to the necessity of divesting himself of that obedience which he had hitherto paid to the imperial family of Samania."

When Abul Hassen delivered his embassy, his capacity and elocution appeared so great to the Emperor, that desirous to gain him over to his interest by any means, he bribed him at last with the honours of the Vizarit [The office of Vizier.], but never returned an answer to Mamood. Sultan Mamood having received information of this transaction, through necessity turned his face towards Neshapoor; and Buctusin advised of his intention abandoned the city, and sent the Emperor intelligence of his situation. Amir Munsur, upon this, exalted the imperial standard, and in the rashness of inexperienced youth, hastened towards Chorrassan, and halted not till he arrived at Sirchus. Sultan Mamood, though he well knew that Amir Munsur was in no condition to oppose him, yet gratitude to the imperial family of Samania wrought so much upon his mind, that ashamed of measuring spears with his Lord, he evacuated the country of Neshapoor, and marched to Murghab. Buctusin in the mean time treacherously entered into a confederacy with Faeck, and forming a conspiracy in the camp of Amir Munsur, seized upon the person of that prince, and cruelly put out his eyes. Abdul, the younger brother of Munsur, who was but a boy, was advanced by the traitors to the throne. Being however afraid of the resentment of Sultan Mamood, the conspirators hastened to Murve, whither they were pursued by the Sultan with great expedition. Finding themselves, upon their march, hard pressed in the rear by Mamood, they halted and gave him battle. But the sin of ingratitude had darkened the face of their fortune, so that the gales of victory blew upon the standards of Sultan Mamood. Faeck carried off the young king, and fled to Bochara, and Buctusin was not heard of for some time, but at length he found his way to Faeck, and begun to collect his scattered troops. Faeck in the mean time fell sick, and soon went into the regions of death. Elich Chan seizing upon the opportunity offered him by that event, marched with an army from Kashgar to Bochara, and rooted Abdul Mallick and his adherents out of the empire and the soil of life. Thus the prosperity of the house of Samania, which had continued for the space of one hundred and twenty-seven years to illuminate the firmament of empire, set for ever in darkness.

Sultan Mamood at this juncture, employed himself in settling the government of the countries of Balich and Chorrassan, which he regulated in such a manner, as to exalt the voice of his fame so high, that it reached the ears of the Calipha of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abbassi. The Calipha sent him a rich Chelat [Chelat signifies an honorary dress.], such as he had never before bestowed on any King, and dignified Mamood with the titles of Amin ul Muluck Emin ul Dowla [The protector of the state, and the treasurer of fortune.].

In the end of the month Zicada, in the year three hundred and ninety, the Sultan hastened from Balich to Herat, and from Herat to Seistan, where he defeated Chiliph ben Amid the governor of Bochara, and returned to Ghizni. He then turned his face to Hindostan, took many forts and countries; in which having settled his own governors, he again returned to his dominions, where he spread the carpet of justice so smoothly upon the face of the earth, that the love of him, and loyalty gained place in every heart. Having at the same time set a treaty on foot with Elich Chan, he had the province of Mavir'ul Nere ceded to him, for which he made an ample return in presents of great value; and the strictest friendship, and greatest familiarity, for a long time subsisted between the Kings.

Sultan Mamood having made a vow, that if ever he should be blessed with tranquillity in his own dominions, he would turn his arms against the idolators of Hindostan, marched in the year three hundred and ninety-one from Ghizni, with ten thousand of his chosen horse, and came to Peshawir, where Jeipal [Raja of Lahore.], with twelve thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, supported by three hundred chain-elephants, opposed him on Saturday the eighth of Mohirrim, in the three hundred and ninety-second of the Higera. An obstinate battle ensued, in which, Sultan Mamood was victorious; Jeipal, with fifteen of his principal friends, was taken prisoner, and five thousand of his troops lay dead upon the field. Sultan Mamood in this action acquired great fame and wealth, for round the neck of Jeipal only, were found sixteen strings of jewels, each of which was valued at one hundred and eighty thousand rupees.

After this victory, the Sultan marched from Peshawir, and investing the fort of Bitinda, reduced it, and releasing his prisoners upon the payment of a large ransom and a stipulation of an annual tribute, returned to Ghizni. It was in those ages a custom of the Hindoos, that whatever Raja was twice worsted by the Mussulmen, should be, by that disgrace, rendered unfit for further command. Jeipal in compliance to this custom, having raised his son to the government, ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, upon which he sacrificed himself to his Gods.

In the Mohirrim of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mamood again marched into Seistan, and brought Chiliph, who had misbehaved in his government, prisoner to Ghizni. Finding that the tribute from Hindostan had not been paid in the year three hundred ninety-five, he directed his march towards the city of Battea; and leaving the boundaries of Moultan, arrived at Tahera, which was fortified with an exceeding high wall, and a deep broad ditch. Tahera was at that time governed by a Raja, called Bachera, who had, in the pride of power and wealth, greatly molested the Mahommedan governors, whom the Sultan had established in Hindostan. Bachera had also refused to pay his proportion of the tribute to Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, of whom he held his authority.

When Sultan Mamood entered the territories of this Raja, he drew out his troops to receive him, and taking possession of strong posts, continued to engage the Mahommedans for the space of three days; in which time, they suffered so much, that they were on the point of abandoning the attack: But on the fourth day, Sultan Mamood spoke at the head of his troops, and encouraged them to glory. He concluded with telling them, that this day he had devoted himself to conquest or to death. Bachera, on his part, invoked the Gods at the temple, and prepared with his former resolution to repel the enemy. The Mussulmen advanced with great impetuosity, but were repulsed with slaughter; yet returning with fresh courage, and redoubled rage, the attack was continued till the evening, when Sultan Mamood turning his face to Caba [The holy temple of Mecca.], invoked the aid of the prophet in the presence of his army.— "Advance, advance, cried then the Sultan, our prayers have sound favour with God."—Immediately a great shout arose among the host, and the Mussulmen pressing forward, as if they thirsted for death, obliged the enemy to give ground, and pursued them to the gates of the town.

Sultan Mamood having next morning invested the place, gave orders to make preparations for filling up the ditch; which in a few days was nearly compleated. Bachera finding he could not long maintain the town, determined to leave only a small garrison for its defence; and accordingly one night, marched out with the rest of his troops, and took post in a wood on the banks of the Sind. The Sultan being informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to pursue him. Bachera by this time was deserted by his fortune and by the most of his friends; he found himself surrounded by the Mussulmen, and he attempted, in vain, to force through them his way: Being just upon the point of being taken prisoner, he turned his sword against his breast, and the most of his adherents were slaughtered in attempting revenge. Sultan Mamood had in the mean time taken Tahera by assault. He found there one hundred and twenty elephants, many slaves, and rich plunder, and annexing the town and its dependencies to his own dominions, he returned victorious to Ghizni.

In the year three hundred and ninety-six, he formed the design of re-conquering Moultan, which had revolted from his obedience. Shuh Amid Lodi, the regent of Moultan, had formerly paid Mamood allegiance, and after him, his grandson Abul Fatte Daood, till the expedition against Raja Bachera, when he withdrew his loyalty.

The king marched in the beginning of the spring, with a great army from Ghizni, and was met by Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, in the hills of Peshawir, whom he defeated and obliged to fly into Cashmire. Annindpal had entered into an alliance with Abul Fatte, and as there were two passes only, by which the Mahommedans could enter Moultan, Annindpal had taken upon himself to secure that by the way of Peshawir, which Sultan Mamood chanced to take. The Sultan returning from the pursuit, entered Moultan, by the way of Betinda, which was his first intention. When Abul Fatte received intelligence of the fate of Annindpal, thinking himself too weak to keep the field, he shut himself up in his fortified places, and submissively solicited forgiveness for his faults, promised to pay a great tribute, and for the future, to obey implicitly the Sultan's commands. Mamood received him again as a subject, and prepared to return to Ghizni, when news was brought to him from Arsilla Hajib, who commanded at Herat, that Elich Chan had invaded his government with an army. The Sultan hastened to settle the affairs of Hindostan, which he put into the hands of Shockpal, an Hindoo prince, who had been with Abu Ali Sumjure in Peshawir, and had turned Mussulman by the name of Zab Sais.

The particulars of the war of Mamood with Elich Chan are these: We have already mentioned that an uncommon friendship had subsisted between this Elich Chan, King of Kashgar, and Sultan Mamood. The Sultan himself was married to the daughter of Elich Chan, but some factious men about the two courts, by misrepresentations of the princes to one another, changed their former friendship into enmity. When Sultan Mamood therefore marched to Hindostan, and had left the fields of Chorrassan almost destitute of troops, Elich Chan took that opportunity, and resolved to appropriate that province to himself. To accomplish his design, he ordered his chief general Sipistagi, with a great force, to enter Chorrassan; and Jaffier Tighi, at the same time, was appointed to command in the territory of Balich. Arsilla Hajib, the governor of Herat, being informed of these motions, hastened to Ghizni, that he might secure the capital. In the mean time, the chiefs of Chorrassan finding themselves deserted, and being in no condition to oppose the enemy, submitted themselves to Sipistagi.

But Sultan Mamood having by great marches reached Ghizni, he poured onward like a torrent, with his army towards Balich. Jaffier Tighi, who had by this time possessed himself of the place, fled towards Turmuz at his approach. The Sultan then detached Arsilla Hajib with a great part of his army, to drive Sipistagi out of Chorrassan; and he also, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizni, abandoned Herat, and marched towards Mavir ul Nere.

Elich Chan seeing the bad state of his affairs, solicited the aid of the King of Chutun Kudir Chan, who marched to join him with fifty thousand horse. Strengthened by this alliance, he crossed, with the confederate armies, the river Gion, [The Oxus.] which was five pharsangs from Balich, and opposed himself to the camp of Sultan Mamood. The Sultan immediately drew up his army in order of battle, giving the command of the center to his brother Amir Nisir, supported by Abu Nisir Faioon, regent of Gorgan, and by Abdulla Jaï, a chief, of reputation in arms. The right wing he committed to the care of Alta Sash, an old experienced officer, while the left was the charge of Arsilla Hajib, an Omrah of the Afghans. The front of his line he strengthened with five hundred chain-elephants, with intervals behind them, to facilitate their retreat.

Elich Chan posted himself in the center, Kudir Chan led the right, and Jaffier Tighi the left. The armies advanced to the charge. The shouts of warriors, the neighing of horses, and the clashing of arms rent the ears of the firmament; while dust obscured the face of day. The flame of war was at once blown up by a storm of rage; and the clay of the field was tempered with blood. The fountains of life were opened by the edge of the sword, and the sharp point of the deathful spear.

Elich Chan advancing with some chosen squadrons, threw disorder into the center of Sultan Mamood's army, and was busy in the affairs of death. Mamood perceived his progress, leaped from his horse, and kissing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He instantly mounted an elephant of war, encouraged his troops, and made a violent assault upon Elich Chan. The elephant seizing the standard-bearer of the enemy, folded round him his trunk, and tossed him aloft into the sky. He then pressed forward like a mountain removed from its place by an earthquake, and trod the enemy like locusts under his feet.

When the troops of Sultan Mamood saw their King forcing thus his way alone through the enemy's ranks, they rushed on with headlong impetuosity, and drove the enemy with great slaughter before them. Elich Chan abandoned by fortune and his army, turned his face to flight. He crossed the river with a few of his surviving friends, never afterwards appearing in the field to dispute glory with Sultan Mamood.

The Sultan after this victory proposed to pursue the enemy, which was thought unadviseable by his generals, on account of the inclemency of the season, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion: But the king was positive in his resolution, and marched two days after the runaways. On the third night, a great storm of wind and snow overtook the army of Mamood in the desart. The king's tents were with much difficulty pitched, while the army was obliged to lie in the snow. Mamood having ordered great fires to be kindled around his tents, they became so warm, that many of the courtiers began to turn off their upper garments; when a facetious chief, whose name was Dilk, came in shivering with cold. The King observing him, said, Go out Dilk, and tell the Winter that he may burst his cheeks with blustering, for here we value not his resentment. Dilk went out accordingly, and returning in a short time, kissed the ground, and thus presented his address. "I have delivered the Sultan's message to Winter, but the surly season replies, that if his hands cannot tear the skirts of the King and his attendants, yet he will so execute his power to night on his army, that in the morning his Majesty shall be obliged to saddle his own horses."

The King smiled at this reply, but it presently rendered him thoughtful, and determined him to proceed no farther. In the morning some hundreds of men and horses were found to have perished with the cold. Mamood at the same time received advice from Hindostan, that Zab Sais had thrown off his allegiance, and returning to his former religion, expelled all the officers who had been appointed by the King, from their respective departments. The Sultan immediately determined to punish this revolt, and with great expedition, advanced towards India. He detached some part of his cavalry in front, who coming unexpectedly upon Zab Sais, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to the King. The rebel was fined in four lacks of rupees, of which the Sultan made a present to his treasurer, and kept Zab Sais a prisoner for life.

The King having thus settled his affairs in Hindostan, returned in autumn to Ghizni, where he remained for the winter, in peace. But in the spring of the year three hundred and ninety-nine, Annindpal began to raise disturbances in Moultan, so that Mamood was obliged to undertake another expedition into those parts, with a great army, to correct the Hindoos. Annindpal hearing of the Sultan's intentions, sent ambassadors every where to request the assistance of the other Rajas of Hindostan; who considered the extirpation of the Mussulmen from Hindostan, as a meritorious and political action.

The Rajas of Ugeïn, Gualiar, Callinger, Kinnoge, Delhi and Ajmere, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards Punjaab with the greatest army that had been for some hundreds of years seen upon the plains of Hindostan. The two armies came in sight of one another in a great plain near Pishawir. They remained there encamped forty days without action: but the troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. They were joined by the Gickers and other tribes with numerous armies, and surrounded the Mussulmen, who fearing a general assault were obliged to entrench themselves.

The King having thus secured himself, ordered a thousand archers to his front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to advance to the entrenchments. The archers accordingly were attacked by the Gickers, who notwithstanding all the Sultan could do, pursued the runaways within the trenches, where a dreadful scene of slaughter ensued on both sides, in which five thousand Mussulmen in a few minutes drank the wine of martyrdom. The enemy at length being slain as fast as they advanced, the attack became fainter and fainter, when on a sudden the elephant upon which Annindpal rode took fright at the report of a gun [According to our accounts there were no guns at this time, but many Eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention to one Lockman.], and turned his face to flight. This circumstance struck the Hindoos with a panic, for thinking they were deserted by their sovereign they immediately followed the example. Abdulla Tai, with six thousand Arabian horse, and Arsilla Hajib, with ten thousand Turks, Afghans, and Chillages, pursued the enemy for two days and nights; so that twenty thousand Hindoos were killed in their flight, together with the great multitude which fell on the field of battle.

Thirty elephants with much rich plunder were brought to the King, who to establish the faith, marched against the Hindoos of Nagracut, breaking down their idols and subverting their temples. There was at that time in the territory of Nagracut a famous fort called Bimé, which the Sultan invested, after having destroyed the country round with fire and sword. Bimé was built by Raja Bimé on the top of a steep mountain, and here the Hindoos, on account of its strength, had reposited the wealth consecrated to their idols in all the neighbouring kingdoms; so that in this fort there was a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones and pearls, than had been ever collected into the royal treasury of any prince on earth. The Sultan invested the place with such expedition that the Hindoos had not time to throw troops into it for its defence, the greatest part of the garrison being before carried into the field. Those within consisted for the most part of priests, a race of men who having little inclination to the bloody business of war, in a few days solicited to be permitted to capitulate. Their request being granted by Mamood, they opened the gates, and fell upon their faces before him; and with a few of his officers and attendants, he immediately entered the place.

In Bimé were found seven hundred thousand golden dinars, seven hundred maunds [The least maund in India is a out forty pounds avoirdupoise.] of gold and silver plate, forty maunds of pure gold in ingots, two thousand maunds of silver bullion, and twenty maunds of various jewels set, which had been collecting from the time of Bimé. With this immense treasure the King returned to Ghizni, and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent festival, where he displayed to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, in a great plain without the city of Ghizni, and after the feast every individual received a princely present.

In the following year the Sultan led his army towards Ghor. The governor of that country, Mahummud ben Suri, with ten thousand troops, opposed him. From morning to noon the fire of war flamed, and justice was done to valour on both sides. The Sultan finding that the troops of Ghor defended themselves in their intrenchments with such obstinacy, commanded his army to make a feint of retreating, to allure the enemy out of their fortified camp, which accordingly succeeded. The Ghorans being deceived, pursued the army of Ghizni to the plain, where the Sultan facing round with his troops, attacked them with great impetuosity and slaughter. Mahummud Suri was taken prisoner and brought to the King, but in his despair he had taken poison, which he always kept under his ring, and died in a few hours. His country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizni.

Some historians affirm, that neither the sovereigns of Ghor, nor its inhabitants were Mussulmen, till after this victory, whilst others of good credit assure us, that they were converted many years before, even so early as the time of Ali.

Mamood in the same year was under the necessity of marching again into Moultan, which had revolted, but having soon reduced it, and cut off a great number of the chiefs, he brought Daood ben Nazir prisoner to Ghizni, and confined him in the fort of Gorci for life.

In the year 402, the passion of war fermenting in the mind of Mamood, he resolved upon the conquest of Tannasar [A city fourteen crores to the West of Delhi.] in the kingdom of Hindostan. It had reached the ears of the King, that Tannasar was held in the same veneration by idolaters, as Mecca was by the Mussulmen; that there they had set up a whole tribe of rich idols, the principal of whom they called Jug Soom; that this Jug Soom they pretended to say existed when as yet the world existed not. When the Sultan reached the country of Punjaab, he wanted that according to the treaty that subsisted between him and Annindpal, he should not be disturbed in his march through that country. He accordingly sent an embassy to Annindpal, advising him of his intentions, and desiring him to send guards for the protection of his towns and villages, which he would take care should not be molested by the followers of his camp.

Annindpal agreed to this proposal, and prepared an entertainment for the reception of the King, issuing out an order for all his subjects to supply the Sultan's camp with every necessary of life. He in the mean time sent his brother with two thousand horse to meet the King and deliver this embassy to those who approached the throne: "That he was the subject and slave of the King; but that he begged permission to acquaint his majesty that Tannasar was the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of that country: that if it was a virtue required by the religion of Mamood to destroy the religion of others, he had already acquitted himself of that duty to his God, in the destruction of the temple of Nagracut. But if he should be pleased to alter his resolution against Tannasar, Annindpal would undertake that the amount of the revenues of that country should be annually paid to Mamood, to reimburse the expence of his expedition: that besides he, on his own part, would present him with fifty elephants and jewels to a considerable amount."

The King replied, "That in the Mussulman religion it was an established tenet, that the more the glory of the prophet was exalted, and the more his followers exerted themselves in the subversion of idolatry, the greater would be their reward in heaven. That therefore it was his firm resolution, with the assistance of God, to root out the abominable worship of idols from the face of the country of Hindostan. Why then should he spare Tannasar?"

When this news reached the Raja of Delhi, he prepared to oppose the invaders, sending messengers all over Hindostan to acquaint the Rajas that Sultan Mamood, without any reason or provocation, was marching with an innumerable army to destroy Tannasar, which was under his immediate protection: that if a mound was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindostan would be soon overwhelmed in ruin, and the tree of prosperity rooted up: that therefore it was adviseable for them to join their forces at Tannasar, to oppose with united strength the impending danger.

But Sultan Mamood reached Tannasar before they could take any measures for its defence, plundered the city and broke down the idols, sending Jug Soom to Ghizni, where he was soon stripped of his ornaments. He then ordered his head to be struck off, and his body to be thrown on the highway. According to the account of Hadge Mahumud of Kandahar, there was a ruby found in one of the temples which weighed four hundred and fifty miskal [A miskal is thirty-six rutty, and a rutty seven eights of a carat, so that the size of this ruby is too improbable to deserve any credit.].

Mamood, after these transactions at Tannasar, proceeded to Delhi, which he also took, and wanted much to annex it to his dominions. But his councillors told him that it was impossible to keep the Rajaship of Delhi, till he had entirely subjected Moultan under the Mussulman government, and exterminated the power and family of Annindpal. The King approved of this council, and he immediately determined to proceed no farther against that country till he had accomplished the reduction of Moultan and Annindpal. But that prince behaved with so much policy and hospitality that he changed the purpose of the King, who returned to Ghizni. He brought to Ghizni forty thousand captives and much wealth, so that that city could now be hardly distinguished in riches from Hindostan itself.