The History of Hindostan (1812), by Alexander Dow

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Part 10 of 15

[Section XII. The Reign of Sultan Jellal Ul Dien Firose of Chillige.]

FEROSE II.

NIZAM AHMUD says, in his history, that the tribe of Chilligi, of whom Ferose [Jellal ul dien Ferose, Chilligi.] was descended, derived their origin from Calidge Chan. Calidge, continues that writer, having quarrelled with his wife, who was an imperious and vindictive woman, and fearing she would draw the resentment of her brother Zingis upon him, deserted his army as he was passing the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, in his return from the conquest of Persia. Three thousand of his friends followed Calidge, and took possession of those mountains, where they were afterwards joined by many of their country- men, and even by some of the family of Zingis.

Other historians, with equal improbability, affirm, that we ought to look for the origin of the Chilligies, as far back as Eaphs, the son of Noo [Japhet, the son of Noah.], who, say they, had eleven sons, one of whom was called Chilligi. But we have reason to think that neither of the accounts is authentic, the one being too modern, and the other too ancient, to merit our faith. We hear of this tribe of Chilligi in the reigns of Subuctagi, and Mamood of Ghizni, which entirely destroys the former supposition; and we have great doubts concerning the existence of Chilligi the son of Eaphs, being persuaded that this idle story took its rise from the natural vanity of nations, in tracing themselves back to remote antiquity.

This tribe, however, as we have already observed, inhabited the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, in the confines of Persia, and were a brave and hardy, though barbarous race. They made a business of war, and always served as mercenaries any power that chose to employ them. The father of that Ferose, who mounted the throne of Delhi, was Malleck. He was one of those soldiers of fortune who subsist by the sword; and raised himself to some rank, in the army of the Emperor Balin. His son Ferose, being a man of genius, was appointed to the government of Sammana. He was called from thence, as before related, and usurped the empire. He reserved, for some months, the young prince Keiomourse, as a cloak to his usurpation; and having established himself upon the throne, he ordered him to be put to death. He was seventy years of age when he mounted the Musnud. He, by way of plainness, changed the royal umbrella from red to white; laid entirely aside his cruelty, after the death of the young prince; and became remarkable for his humanity and benevolence.

He had no great confidence in the loyalty of the people of Delhi, and therefore resided always at Kilogurry, which he strengthened with works, and adorned with fine gardens, and beautiful walks by the side of the river. The Omrahs, following the Emperor's example, built palaces around, so that Kilogurry became known by the name of the new city.

Egherish, the Emperor's brother, was appointed receiver-general of all petitions to the throne; and the Emperor's eldest son was dignified with the title of first of the nobles: the second son, with the title of Arkali; and the third with that of Kuder Chan. They had all governments conferred upon them, and maintained separate households. Chaja Chatire was appointed vizier, and the old chief magistrate of the city, Malleck, was continued in his office.

The citizens of Delhi, perceiving the wisdom, lenity, and justice of the King, were gradually weaned from their attachment to the old family, and became friends and supporters of the new government. Ferose himself was at much pains to cultivate popularity, and, for that purpose, he gave great encouragement to the learned of that age, who, in return, offered the incense of flattery at the altar of his fame. In the second year of Ferose, Chidju, nephew to Balin, and Nabob of Kurrah, in alliance with Halim, Nabob of Oud, assumed the ensigns of royalty, and struck the currency of the country in his own name, which he changed to that of Moghiz ul dien. He brought over to his party all the Rajas and Jagierdars of those parts, and, raising a great army, advanced towards Delhi.

Advice of this insurrection arriving in the capital, Ferose collected his forces, and marched out to meet the rebels. He sent the Chilligian cavalry, who excelled at the bow, a few miles in his front, under the command of Arkilli his own son. Arkilli, encountering the enemy about twenty-five miles from the city, after an obstinate engagement, defeated them. He took several Omrahs prisoners in the pursuit, whom he mounted upon camels, with branches hung round their necks; and in that plight sent them to his father. When Ferose saw them in this distress, he immediately ordered them to be unbound, to have a change of linen given them, and an elegant entertainment to be provided. He called them before him, and repeated a verse to this purpose, “That evil for evil was easily returned, but he only was great who could return good for evil.” He then ordered them to retire, in full assurance of his forgiveness.

Chidju, some days after, was taken by the zemindars, and sent prisoner to the King. Instead of condemning him to death, as was expected, Ferose gave him a free pardon, and sent him to Moultan, where he had a handsome appointment for life, as prisoner at large. This lenity of the King gave great umbrage to the Omrahs of Chilligi, who addressed him upon the occasion, and advised him to pursue the policy of Balin, who never pardoned a traitor. They desired, that, at least, a needle should be passed through the eyes of Chidju, to be an example to others. If that was not done, they averred, that treason would soon raise its head in every quarter of the empire; and, should the Tartars once gain the superiority, they would not leave the name of Chilligi in Hindostan. The King answered, “That what they said was certainly according to the true policy of government; but, my friends," says he, “I am now an old man, and I wish to go down to the grave without shedding blood.”

This behaviour of the Emperor, it must be acknowledged, had soon the effect which the Chilligian chiefs foresaw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God, but the degenerate children of India did not deserve it. There was no security to be found in any place. The streets, the highways, were infested by banditti. Housebreaking, robbery, murder, and every other species of villainy, became a business all over the empire. Insurrections were heard of in every province, numerous gangs of robbers stopt all commerce and intercourse, and the Nabobs refused or neglected to send any account of their revenues or administration.

The Omrahs of Chilligi were greatly alarmed at these proceedings, and began to lengthen the tongue of reproach against their Sovereign. They even began to consult about deposing him, and to raise their kinsman Kugi, who was a man of influence, courage, and resolution, to the throne. For this purpose they met one day, at an entertainment in his house; but having intoxicated themselves with wine, they began openly to talk of assassinating the Emperor, quarrelling about which of them should have the honour of that undertaking. While they were in this situation, one of the company privately withdrew, and, running to Ferose, repeated very circumstantially every particular of what he had heard. The Emperor immediately ordered a guard to surround the house, who, having seized the. Omrahs, brought them all before him. He upbraided them with their treason, he drew his sword, and throwing it down upon the ground, challenged the boldest of them to wield it against him. But they fell upon their faces, and remained silent and confounded. One of them, however, whose name was Malleck Nuserit, was gifted with more impudence than the rest, and told the King, that "the words of drunkenness were but wind: where can we ever find so good and gracious a King, if you should be no more? or where can the King get so faithful servants, were he to condemn us for a little unguarded folly?”

The unguarded Prince was pleased with this, and, smiling, called for wine, and gave him another cup with his own hand. He then upbraided the rest for their conduct, advised them to behave better for the future, and dismissed them all with his pardon.

The execution of a Dirvesh is one of the most remarkable events in this reign. The name of the Dirvesh was Seid Molah, and the whole affair has been thus delivered down in history.

Malleck, the Cutwal, or chief magistrate of Delhi, dying about this time, alí the great men, who, by his interest, held estates, and places at court, were deprived of them, and reduced to want. Among other dependants of the venerable Cutwal, that became destitute by his death, were twelve thousand readers of the Coran [Each of these were obliged to read the Coran over once a day.], and some thousands of his Sipais and servants. All these turned their face towards Seid Molah for their maintenance.

Molah was a venerable sage, in a mendicant dress, who travelled from Girjan, in Persia, towards the east, where he visited various countries, and men famous for piety and knowledge. He then turned his face towards Hindostan, to visit Sech Ferid of Shucker-gunge, a famous poet and philosopher of that age, with whom he resided, some time, in great friendship. But, in the reign of Balin, having an inclination to see Delhi, he took leave of his friend, who advised him to cultivate no intimacy with the great men of the court, otherwise it would prove fatal to him in the end.

Molah arriving at Delhi, set up a great academy and house of entertainment for travellers, fakiers, and the poor of all denominations, turning none away from his door. Though he was very religious, and brought up in the Mahommedan faith, yet he followed some particular tenets of his own, so that he never attended public worship. He kept no women nor slaves for himself, and lived upon rice only; yet his expences in charity were so great, that, as he never accepted of any presents, men were astonished whence his finances were supplied, and actually believed that he possessed the art of transmuting other metals into gold. Upon the death of Balin he launched out more and more in bestowing great sums in charity, and expended a princely revenue in his entertainments, which were now frequented by all the great men of the city; for he made nothing of throwing three or four thousand pieces of gold into the bosom of a noble family in distress. In short, he displayed more magnificence in his feasts than any of the princes of the empire. His charity was so unbounded, that he expended daily, upon the poor, about thirty thousand pounds of flour, fifteen thousand of meat, two thousand of sugar, besides rice, oil, butter, and other necessaries in proportion. The mob, at length, crowded his gates in such numbers, that it was almost impossible to pass that way. In the mean time, the sons of the Emperor and all the princes of the court resorted to him with their retinues, and spent whole days and nights in innocent festivity and philosophical conversation.

After the death of the chief magistrate of Delhi, the Dirvesh stretched forth his hand to his numerous dependants, and supported them in plenty and ease.

In the mean time, Jellal, a man of an intriguing turbulent disposition, wrought himself into the favour and confidence of Seid Molah, and being endued with art and plausibility of tongue, began to inspire the philosopher with ambitious views. He told him, that the people looked upon him as sent from God to deliver the kingdom from the tyranny and oppression of the Chilligies, and to bless Hindostan with a wise and just government.

The philosopher, in short, suffered his imagination to be deluded by the splendid ideas of royalty, and privately began to bestow titles and offices upon his disciples, and to take other measures to execute his designs. He engaged Cutwal and Palwan, two of his particular friends, to join in the King's retinue on Friday, as he went to the public mosque, and to assassinate him; while he himself prepared about ten thousand of his adherents to support his usurpation. But one of his followers, understanding that some others of less merit than himself were appointed to be his superiors, became disgusted, went privately to the King, and disclosed to him every particular of the conspiracy.

The King ordered Seid Molah and Jellal to be immediately seized and brought before him for examination. But they persisted in their innocence, and no other witness appeared against them, which rendering the accusation doubtful, Ferose ordered a great fire to be prepared in the field of Bahapoor, that they might be put to the ordeal trial. He himself marched out of the city to see the ceremony performed, and ordered a ring to be made round the pile. The fire being kindled, Ferose commanded Seid Molah and the two assassins to be brought, that they might walk through the flames to prove their innocence. Having said their prayers, they were just going to plunge into the fire, when the Emperor stopped them short, and, turning to his ministers, said, "That the nature of fire was to consume, paying no respect to the righteous more than to the wicked. Besides," said he, “it is contrary to the Mahommedan law to practise this heathenish superstition.”

He therefore ordered Jellal to Budaoon, and Seid Molah to be thrown into chains in a vault under the palace, and the two men who were to perpetrate the assassination to be put to death. He, at the same time, banished a number of those who were suspected of the conspiracy. When they were carrying Seid Molah through the court to his prison, the King pointed him out to some Collinders who stood near him, and said, “Behold the man who was projecting such an evil against us! I therefore leave him to be judged by you, according to his deserts.”

At the word, a Collinder, whose name was Beri, started forth, and running towards the prisoner began to cut him with a razor. The unfortunate Molah told him to be more expeditious in sending him to God. He then addressed himself to the King, who was looking over the balcony, and said, “I am rejoiced that you have thought of putting a period to my life; yet to distress the pious and the innocent is an evil, and be assured that my curse will lie heavy upon you and your unfortunate posterity.” The King, hearing these words, became pensive and perplexed. His son, the prince Arkilli, who hated Seid Molah for the great intimacy between him and his elder brother, seeing the Emperor's irresolution, beckoned to an elephant-rider, who stood in the court mounted, to advance, which accordingly he did, and commanded his elephant to tread Seid Molah to death.

Birni, in his history of Ferose, informs us that he himself was at that time in Delhi, and that immediately upon the death of Seid Molah, a black whirlwind arose, which, for the space of half an hour, changed day into night, drove the people in the streets against one an- other, so that they could scarce grope their way to their own habitations. The same author relates, that no rain fell in these provinces during that year, and the consequence was a most terrible famine, by which thousands daily died in the streets and highways; while whole families drowned themselves in the river. But these were the throes of nature, and not the rage of the elements, for Seid Molah. This event happened in the year 690, and the loss of the Dirvesh was much regretted; for many believed him entirely innocent of the charge.

The prosperity of the King began visibly to decline, for every day new factions and disputes arose, which greatly disturbed his administration. Private misfortunes pressed hard upon him at the same time; among the number of which was the madness of his eldest son, heir apparent of the empire. No medicines could cure that prince, and the distemper, hourly gaining ground, soon terminated in his death.

The King, after the decease of his son, marched his army towards Rintimpore to quell an insurrection in those parts. He left his son Arkilli to manage affairs in his absence. The enemy having retired into the fort of Rintimpore, and the King having reconnoitred the place, despaired of reducing it. He marched towards a small fort called Jain, which he took; then breaking down the temples of Malava, plundered them of some wealth, and again returned to Rintimpore. He summoned the fort a second time to surrender, but finding the rebels paid no attention to his threats, he gave orders to undermine the walls. He however changed his resolution, and decamped, saying, That he found the place could not be taken without the loss of many lives, and therefore he would lay aside his designs against it. Amed Chip, who was one of the pillars of the empire, replied, That Kings, in the time of war, should make no account of those things, when compelled to it by justice and the necessity of supporting their authority, which was now plainly the case. The King, in wrath, asked him, How he came to think that these were not his sentiments; “but I have often," said he, "told you, that now being on the brink of the grave, I am unwilling to entail the curse of widows and orphans upon the reign of a few days.” He therefore continued his march to Delhi.

In the year 691, one of the kinsmen of Hallacu, grandson of the great Zingis, and King of Persia, in subordination to his cousin, the Emperor of Tartary, invaded Hindostan with ten tomans [A toman consisted of 10,000 men.] of Moguls. Ferose, having received advices of the approach of the enemy, collected his army, and moved forward to oppose them. When he reached the frontiers of Biram, he saw the Moguls in front beyond a small river. Both armies encamped for the space of five days upon either side of this stream, during which time their advanced posts skirmished frequently, and many were killed.

The armies at last, by mutual consent, pitched upon an extensive plain where they might have room to contend for the victory. Accordingly, on the sixth morning, they drew up in order of battle, and closed up the dreadful interval of war. The Moguls, after an obstinate contest, were overthrown, many of their chiefs killed, and about a thousand men taken prisoners. Among the latter were two Omrahs and several officers of rank. The Emperor, notwithstanding this victory, was afraid to pursue it, and offered them peace, upon condition of their evacuating his dominions. They accordingly gladly accepted those terms, and presents were exchanged between them. When the Moguls were retreating, Allaghu, grandson to the great Zingis, joined Ferose with three thousand men. They all became Mussulmen, and their chief was honoured with one of Ferose's daughters in marriage.

The King, about this time, appointed his son Arkilli viceroy of Lahore, Moultan, and Sind, with whom he left a strong force, and returned himself to his capital. To Allaghu, and the rest of the Moguls who had now become true believers, was allotted a certain district near the city, where they built for themselves houses, and raised a considerable town, known by the name of Mogulpurra.

In the year 692, the Emperor was under the necessity of marching his army again to quell an insurrection about Mindu, which fort he took, and put the enemy to flight. In the mean time, Alla-ul-dien, the King's nephew, and governor of Kurrah, requested to be permitted to march against the Hindoos of Belsa, who infested his province. Having obtained leave, he marched the same year to Belsa, which he took, and, having pillaged the country, returned with much spoil, part of which was sent as a present to the Emperor; among other things there was a large brazen idol, which was thrown down, by the Budaoon gate. Ferose was greatly pleased with the success and behaviour of his nephew upon this expedition, for which he rewarded him with princely presents, and annexed the subadary of Oud to his former government of Kurrah.

Alla, upon this preferment, acquainted the King, that there were some princes of great wealth towards Chinderi, whom, if the King should give him permission, he would reduce to his obedience, and send their spoils to the royal treasury. The King, through covetousness, consented to this proposal, to which Alla was moved by the violent temper of his wife Malleke Jehan, the King's daughter, who threatened his life. To avoid therefore her resentment and that of her father, he looked round for some remote country which might afford him an asylum. Accordingly, in the year 693, he took leave of the King at Delhi, and, proceeding towards Kurrah, took many chiefs of distinction into his service. He marched with eight thousand chosen horse, by the nearest road, against Ramdeo, prince of the Decan, who possessed the wealth of a long line of Kings.

Alla, arriving upon the frontiers of the Decàn, pressed forward against the capital of Ramdeo's dominions, which, not being fortified, he was in hopes of surprising. Though this attempt seemed too bold to be attended with success, yet he persisted in his resolution, and by surprising marches reached Elichpoor, where he made a short halt to refresh his small army. He marched from thence with equal expedition towards Deogire, the capital. Intelligence of Alla's progress coming to the prince, who, with his son, had been absent upon some service in a distant part of his dominions, he returned with great expedition to intercept the enemy with a numerous army. He accordingly threw himself between Alla and the city, engaged him with consummate bravery, but in the end he was defeated with great loss.

This expedition is otherwise recorded by the author of the Tibcat Nasiri. Alla, says that writer, left Kurrah on pretence of hunting, and having passed through the territories of many petty Rajas, avoided all hostilities, giving out that he had left the Emperor in disgust, and was going to offer his services to the Raja of the Tillingana, who was the most powerful King in the Decan. Accordingly, after two months' march, he arrived without any remarkable opposition at Elichpoor, from whence, at once changing his course, he decamped in the night, and in two days surprised the city of Deogire, the capital of Ramdeo. The Raja himself was in the city, but his wife and his eldest son had gone to worship at a certain temple without the walls.

Ramdeo, upon the approach of Alla, was in the greatest consternation. He however collected three or four thousand citizens and domestics, engaged Alla at one of the gates of the city, but, being defeated, retired into the citadel. This fort having no ditch, and not being stored with provisions, he had no hopes of defending it long. Alla immediately invested the place. In the mean time he gave out, that he was only the vanguard of the Emperor's army, who were in full march to the place. This struck universal terror into all the Rajas round, who, instead of joining for the general safety, began to secure themselves. Alla having pillaged the city and seized upon the merchants, brahmins, and principal inhabitants, tortured them for their wealth; while he at the same time carried on the siege of the citadel.

Ramdeo seeing he must soon be obliged to yield, and imagining that the Emperor intended to make a general conquest of the Decan, endeavoured to procure a peace before any other forces arrived. He therefore wrote after this manner to Alla:

“Your invasion of this country was certainly impolitic and rash, but fortunately for you, having found the city unguarded, you have been permitted to range at large. It is however possible that the Rajas of the Decan, who command innumerable armies, may yet surround you, and not permit one of your people to escape from our dominions alive. Supposing even that you should be able to retreat from hence undisturbed, are not the princes of Malava, Candez and Gundwarra in your way, who have each armies of forty or fifty thousand men? Do you hope they will permit you to escape unmolested, after this perfidious attack on their brethren, in religion and Gods? It is therefore advisable for you to retire in time, by accepting a small reward, and what spoil you have already got, to indemnify you for your expence and labour.”

Alla was very glad to accept of those proposals, and having received fifty maunds of gold, a large quantity of pearls and jewels, fifty elephants, and some thousand horses, which were taken in the Raja's stables, he released his prisoners, and promised to abandon the place in the morning of the fifteenth day from his first entrance.

But when Alla was preparing to retreat. Ramdeo's eldest son, who had fled with his mother, on the first appearance of the imperial troops, to collect forces, advanced with a numerous army, within a few miles of the city. Ramdeo sent a message to his son. informing him, that peace was concluded, and whatever was done, was done. He therefore ordered him not to open again the door of disturbance, for that he perceived the Tartars were a warlike race, whose peace was better than their war. The young Prince, however, understanding that his army was thrice the number of the enemy, and hourly expecting to be joined by other princes, with numerous forces, listened not to the commands of his father, but wrote to Alla. in these terms:

“If you have any love for life, and desire safety, rush out of this horrible whirlpool, into which you have plunged yourself. Whatever you have plundered and received, you must return, and take your way homeward, rejoicing in your happy escape.”

Alla, upon reading this insolent letter, kindled the fire of rage, and blackening the face of the messenger, hooted him out of the city. He left Malleck Nuserit to invest the citadel with a thousand horse, and immediately marched with the rest of his army to attack the Raja's son, and drew up in the front of his camp.

The Indian did not decline the offered battle. He drew forth his numerous squadrons, and the battle commenced with such violence, that the stout heart of Alla began to quake for the victory. His troops began to fall back on all sides. In the mean time Malleck Nuserit, having learned by his scouts the situation of affairs, left the citadel without orders, and galloping up to the field of battle, with his thousand horse, changed the fortune of the day. The dust having prevented the enemy from discovering the force of Nuserit, some person cried out, that the Tartar army, of whom they had been told, was arrived. This spread instantly a panic through the Indian ranks, and they at once turned their face to flight. Alla did not think proper to pursue them far, but immediately returned into the city, and invested the citadel.

A scene of cruelty and horror now commenced. The Tartars, enraged at the perfidy of the Hindoos, for their breach of the treaty, began to spread fire and sword through the city; from which no discipline could restrain them. Several of the Raja's kindred, who had been taken prisoners, were in chains, thrown down in sight of the enemy. Ramdeo, in the mean time, sent express upon express, to hasten the succours which he expected from the Kings of Kilbirga, Tillingana, Malava, and Candez: but was informed that there remained no provisions in the place, for that a great number of bags, in which they had reckoned upon rice, had been found, upon examination, to be salt.

Ramdeo was greatly perplexed; he commanded that this should be concealed from the troops, and began a second time to propose a treaty with Alla.

“It must be known to you," said the Prince, “O my lord, that. your well-wisher, Ramdeo, had no hand in the late quarrel. If my son, in the way of folly and the pride of youth, exalted the spear of valour and hostility, let not your resentment be kindled against me for his rashness.”

Ramdeo told the messenger privately, that there were no provisions in the place, and that if the enemy should persist a few days, they must be informed of their distress, which would inevitably bring on the ruin of the whole. For, said the Prince, supposing we should be able to hold out the place against the assaults of the enemy, yet famine cannot be withstood; and there is now scarce six days' provision left. Use then art, and take any means to persuade the army of Islam [That is, the Mahommedans.] to evacuate the country.

But Alla, from the behaviour of Ramdeo, perceived the true cause of his proposals, and therefore started every day some new difficulty to retard the treaty, till the garrison was in the utmost distress. But at length it was concluded, according to our author, upon the following almost incredible terms; that Alla should receive, upon consideration of evacuating the country, six hundred maunds of pure gold, according to the weights of the Decan [The maund of the Decan is 25 lb. avoirdupuise.], seven maunds of pearl, two maunds of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, one thousand maunds of silver, four thousand pieces of silk, and a long list of other precious commodities that surpass all belief. This ransom was not only required, but also the cession of Elichpoor, and its dependencies, where Alla might leave a small garrison, which should remain there unmolested, to collect the revenues.

Alla having settled affairs to his satisfaction, released all his prisoners, and marched in triumph out of the city with his plunder, and proceeded on his way homeward, on the twenty-fifth day after his taking the city. He conducted his retreat with such surprising address, that he opened his way through extensive and powerful kingdoms; through Malava, Conduana, Candez, and others, though he was surrounded by numerous armies, who, admiring his order and resolution, made but faint and irresolute attacks, which served only to adorn his triumph. We may here justly remark, that, in the long volumes of history, there is scarcely any thing to be compared to this exploit, whether we regard the resolution in forming the plan, the boldness of the execution of it, or the fortune which attended the attempt. We cannot help to lament, that a man formed for such great exploits, should not be actuated by better motives than rapine, violence, and the thirst of gain.

When Alla marched to Deogire, all communication with Kurrah being stopt, no news was heard of him for some months. The person, whom he left his deputy, to make the King easy, wrote, that he had accounts of his being busy in the conquest of Chinderi, and . amused him every day with false intelligence. But as the King, for the space of six months, had received no letters from under his own hand, he began to suspect treason; and in the year 695, under a pretence of hunting, ordered out his retinue, and proceeded towards Gualier, where he encamped, and built a Choultry, inscribing a verse to this purpose, over the door. -- "I who press with my foot the celestial pavement, what fame can I acquire by a heap of stones and mortar? No! I have joined these broken stones together, that perhaps, under their shade, the weary traveller, or broken-hearted, may find repose.”

In the mean time Ferose received private intelligence, that Alla had conquered Deogire, and had acquired there such wealth as had never been possessed by an Emperor of Delhi, and that he was now upon his march towards Kurrah. The King was greatly pleased with this intelligence, and reckoned upon the spoil, as if already in his own treasury. But men of more wisdom thought otherwise, and justly concluded, that it was not to fill the royal coffers that Alla, without the King's authority, had undertaken such a daring expedition. They however waited to see the event, without informing the King of their suspicions. The King having one day assembled his council, and told them, that Alla was now on his march to Kurrah with immense plunder, requested their advice, whether it was most prudent to remain where he was, and command Alla to his presence, to march towards him, or to return to Delhi.

Ahmed Chip, who was renowned for his wisdom and penetration, expressed his suspicions to the King, in a rational and plausible manner. He advised Ferose, at the same time, to advance with his army towards Chinderi, and to encamp in the way between Alla and Kurrah. “This," said he, “ will discover Alla's intentions, before he has time to augment his army." Ahmed added further, "That upon the appearance of the imperial army, it was highly probable, that the troops of Alla, being laden with spoil, and within their own country, would not care to hazard the loss of it by an action; but would rather endeavour to secure their wealth among the mountains. That, by this means, Alla would be deserted by the greatest part of his small army, which would oblige him to think of nothing but peace, and to lay all his wealth at the foot of the throne. That the King, in that case, might take all the gold,' jewels, and elephants, permitting him to retain the remainder for himself, and either leave him his government, or carry him to Delhi, according to the royal pleasure.”

Kudgi, chief magistrate of Delhi, though he was sensible of the prudence of this advice, yet turning his eyes upon the Emperor, he perceived he did not at all approve of it; and therefore began to this effect: “The news of Alla's return, the amount of his plunder, and the truth of his conquest, has not yet been confirmed but by flying reports, which we all know are often vague and extravagant. Supposing even that this account is true, is it not natural to imagine, that when he shall hear of the approach of the imperial army, that the fear of false accusation, or evil designs against him, will prevail on him to retreat among the mountains? From whence, as the rainy season is at hand, it will be impossible to dislodge him. Let us not therefore cast off our shoes, before we reach the river, but wait till Alla shall arrive at Kurrah. If then it shall appear, that he cherishes his treasonable views, one assault of the imperial army will crush his ambition.”

Ahmed, having heard this perfidious advice, was kindled into generous resentment, and replied: “The time passes. -- As soon as Alla shall have escaped us, will he not proceed by the way of Oud to Bengal, where his treasure will soon enable him to raise such an army as neither you nor I will be able to oppose? O shame! that men should know better, yet not have the honesty to give salutary advice.”

Ferose was displeased with those words, and spoke thus to the Omrahs who stood near him. “Ahmed does always ill offices to Alla. He endeavours to raise my suspicion and resentment against my nephew; but such private rancour shall have no weight with the King: I am so well assured of the loyalty of Alla, whom I have nursed in my bosom, that I should sooner believe treason in my son than in him.”

Ahmed, upon this, shut the door of argument, and, rising with some emotion, walked out, striking one hand upon the other, and repeating a verse to this purpose: “When the sun of prosperity is eclipsed, no advice can enlighten the mind." The King, bestowing great commendations on Kudgi, marched back with his army to Delhi.

Not many days after the King's arrival at the capital, the address of Alla was brought to him, setting forth, that “he was the King's slave, and that all his wealth was consecrated to him; that being wearied with tedious march, he begged for some repose at Kurrah. That he intended to kiss the footstool of the throne, but that, knowing he had some enemies at court, who might have, in his absence, defamed him, and deprived him of his majesty's favour, he, and the chiefs who had accompanied him in the expedition, in which he was sensible he had exceeded his orders, were apprehensive that some punishment might be inflicted upon them. That he therefore requested to have a letter of grace, to assure him and his followers of perfect safety, under the royal protection.” The King, having received this address, expressed great joy, and entirely laid aside all suspicions of Alla. He ordered a letter full of kindness, and the most solemn assurances of protection, to be wrote to him, and dispatched by the hands of two messengers of distinction.

In the mean time Alla was preparing to retreat to Bengal. He was now joined by all the Zemindars of the neighbouring districts, who enlisted themselves under his fortunate banners. The messengers perceived plainly his intentions, but they were detained, and watched so strictly, that they could send no advices to the King. Almass, who was also son-in-law and nephew to Ferose, in the mean time received advices from his brother Alla, “That it was now become public at Kurrah, that the King intended certainly to take his life, for proceeding to Deogire contrary to his orders: that he repented the occasion, and had taken his majesty's displeasure, which to him was worse than death, so much to heart, that he was afraid excess of sorrow would put an end to his melancholy life: he therefore requested, that his brother should inform him before the King put his design in execution, that he might either take poison, or look out for a place of security.”

Letters to the same purpose were, day after day, wrote to his brother, Almass, who, being in the plot, was constantly at court, and shewed them to the King, seemingly distracted, lest his brother should lay violent hands upon himself, or fly his country. He used a thousand delusive arts to inveigle the King to Kurrah, who no less feared the loss of the treasure than his nephew's life. The old man at last took the golden bait, and embarked, with a thousand horse and a small retinue, on the Ganges, ordering Ahmed Chip to follow with the army by land.

Alla, hearing of the departure of Ferose from Delhi, crossed the Ganges with his army, and encamped near Mannickpoor, upon the opposite bank. When, upon the seventeenth of Ramzan, the imperial umbrella appeared in sight, Alla drew out his army, on pretence of doing honour to the Emperor, and sent his brother Almass, who had come on before, to concert measures to introduce Ferose into the camp. This artful traitor represented to Ferose, that if he should take the thousand horse with him, Alla might be alarmed; for that some bad people had confirmed him so strongly in his fears, that all he could say to him was not sufficient entirely to expel his suspicions.

The weak old King, suspecting nothing of this horrid treachery from a man whom he had cherished from his infancy in his bosom, gave into this proposal. He ordered a few of his select friends into his own boat, and commanded the fleet to remain some distance behind. When they came near the camp, Almass again opened the mouth of delusion, and told the King, that his brother, seeing so many men in complete armour, might possibly be startled; that therefore, as he had taken such ridiculous notions into his head, which nobody could remove, it were better to avoid the least appearances to favour them. The King might have seen that this was overdoing the matter, but perhaps he thought it now too late to reveal his suspicions, being near the skirts of the camp, and that an open confidence might be his best security. He therefore ordered all his attendants to unbuckle their armour, and lay their weapons aside. Charram, chief secretary of the empire, opposed this step with great vehemence, for he plainly saw into the bottom of their perfidy. But the traitor had such a soft and plausible tongue, that at last he yielded, though with great reluctance.

They had now reached the landing-place, and Alla appeared upon the bank with his attendants, whom he ordered to halt. He himself advancing alone met the Emperor just after he had landed upon the beach, and fell down prostrate at his feet. The old man in a familiar manner tapped him on the cheek, and raising him up, embraced him, saying, “I who have brought you up from your infancy, and cherished you with a fatherly affection, holding you dearer in my sight, if possible, than my own offspring, and who have not yet washed the odours of your infant smiles from my garments, how could you imagine I should entertain a thought to your prejudice?” Then taking him by the hand, he was leading him back into the royal barge, when the hard-hearted villain made a signal to his assassins who stood behind. Mamood, the son of Salim, rushing immediately forward, wounded the King with his sword in the shoulder. The unfortunate Monarch ran forward to gain the barge, crying, “Ah! villain Alla, what dost thou ?" but before he had reached the boat, another of the assassins, whose name was Achtiar Hoor, coming up, seized the old man, and throwing him on the ground, barbarously cut off his head, just as the sun sunk in the west as if to avoid the horrid sight [He reigned seven years and some months.].

All his attendants were then murdered. They fixed the venerable head of their lord upon the point of a spear, and carried it through the camp and city, as a bloody spectacle to the gazing rabble. But the rabble were shocked at the sight, and were heard to cry: “Behold the reward of him who fixeth his mind upon this perfidious world: who nourisheth his relations with the blood of his liver, in the arms of kindness, and to their gratitude confideth his strength.”

Alla immediately exalted the white umbrella over his own head; but the vengeance of heaven soon after fell heavy on all who were concerned in the assassination of Ferose. They relate, that when Alla visited a reverend sage, named Shech Karrick, who is buried at Kurrah, and whose tomb is held sacred to this day, he rose from his pillow, and repeated an extempore verse, to the following purpose: “He cometh, but his head shall fall in the boat, and his body shall be thrown into the Ganges;" which, they say, was explained a few hours after, by the death of the unfortunate King, whose head was thrown into the boat upon that occasion. Mamood, the son of Salim, one of the assassins, about a year after, died of a horrid leprosy, which dissolved the flesh, piece by piece, from his bones. Achtiar Hoor, the other assassin, fared no better, for he became mad, crying out incessantly, that Ferose was cutting off his head. Thus the wretch suffered a thou- sand deaths, in imagination, before he expired. Almass, the brother of Alla, and others who planned this horrid tragedy, in hopes of great advancement, fell into such a scene of misfortunes, that, in the space of four years, there was no remembrance of them, but their villainies, upon the face of the earth.

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Part 11 of 15

[Section XIII. The Reign of Alla Ul Dien, called Secunder Sani.]

ALLA I.

INTELLIGENCE of the murder of the King having reached Ahmed Chip, who was advancing with the army, he retreated to Delhi. Malleke Jehan, the wife of Ferose, and Queen regent, imprudently, and without consulting the chiefs, raised to the diadem Ruckun, her youngest son; Arkilli, the elder son, being then at Moultan. She accompanied him from Kilogurry to Delhi, and placed him on the throne in the green palace, though as yet but a boy, and altogether unacquainted with the affairs of state. She also divided the provinces among her own party. Arkilli, who was the true heir to the empire, and possessed all the qualities of a king, was greatly afflicted at this news, but thought proper, for the present, to remain at Moultan.

Alla, upon receiving intelligence of those transactions at Delhi, laid aside his intended expedition to Bengal, and prepared to march to the capital, though it was then the rainy season. He raised a great army in his government, and conferred titles and rewards upon his friends. Almass was honoured with the title of Elich Chan, Nuserit of Jallisiri with that of Nusirit Chan, Malleck Hiziber was distinguished with the name of Ziffer Chan, and Sinjer, Alla's wife's brother, received the title of Acta. They all received estates upon their advancement to those honours. Alla, by the advice of Nuserit, distributed presents among the army, and wherever he encamped he amused himself with throwing gold from a sling among the people. This liberality, in a short time, brought a world of soldiers under his banners.

The Queen-mother was thrown into great perplexity, by the advices she daily received concerning Alla. She dispatched an express to Moultan, for her son Arkilli; but that prince returned for answer, that now the time was lost, for that, before he could arrive, the imperial troops would join the enemy; that therefore his coming would be of no real service: that the stream might have been diverted at its source, but when it became a river, no dams could oppose it.

Alla made no delay on his march. He crossed the Jumna, and encamped without the north-east gate of Delhi. Ruckun, fluttering like a solitary fowl, collected all his forces, and marching out of the city, paraded it before the enemy. But when he saw them preparing for battle, he retreated into the city. He was that night deserted by a great number of Omrahs, who went over with their forces to Alla. Ruckun saw now no safety but in flight. Taking therefore his mother, the Haram and treasure, with him, he set out for Moultan, accompanied by Rijib, Olavi, Ahmed, and Jellal.

The citizens, after the departure of the young King, crowded forth to pay their respects to Alla. He immediately ordered the current money to be struck in his own name, and making a triumphant entry into Delhi, in the latter end of the year 695, ascended the throne, and kept his court at the red palace. He exhibited shows, and made grand festivals, encouraging every species of riot and debauchery; which so pleased the unthinking rabble, that they soon lost all memory of their former King, and the horrid villainy of the reigning Emperor. He who ought to have been hooted with detestation, became the object of admiration, to those who could not see the darkness of his deeds, through the splendor of his magnificence.

Whilst he gained, by these means, popularity among the vulgar, he secured the great with titles, and bought the covetous with gold. The office of vizier was bestowed upon Chaja Chatire, a man renowned for his virtue in those degenerate times. Arif was made chief justice of the court of equity, and Omdat was raised to the office of principal secretary of the Divan, being a man of great learning and genius, and a favourite of the King. Nuserit was appointed chief magistrate of Delhi, Kudgi was raised to the dignity of chief justice in the courts of law, and Ziffer to that of chief secretary of the empire; with many others, to high offices, which are too tedious to mention.

Alla, having advanced six months' pay to his whole army, began to concert means to extirpate the descendants of Ferose. He dispatched Elich, his brother, and Ziffer, with forty thousand horse, towards Moultan, who, upon their arrival, invested that city. After a siege of two months, the citizens and troops betrayed the cause of the prince Arkilli, and gave up the place to the enemy. The two unfortunate brothers, being driven to great distress, surrendered themselves at last to Elich, upon promise of personal safety.

The object of this expedition being thus completed, Elich wrote to his brother an account of his victory, which was read in all the public pulpits after divine worship, and great rejoicings were ordered to be made upon the occasion. Elich proceeded in triumph with his army and state prisoners to Delhi. He was met on his way by Nuserit, chief magistrate of the city, who had been sent by the Emperor to put out the eyes of the prisoners. This cruel order was executed upon the two princes, upon Alaghu, the grandson of the great Zingis, upon Ahmed Chip, and others of less note, and all their effects confiscated. The two unfortunate princes were then confined in the fort of Hassi, where, soon after, they were both assassinated; and the Queen-mother, with all the ladies of the former Emperor's seraglio, and his other children, confined at Delhi.

In the second year of this reign, Chaja Chatire, not falling entirely in with Alla's policy, was dismissed from the office of vizier, which was conferred upon Nuserit, chief magistrate of Delhi. This minister redemanded all the sums which the King, upon his accession, had bestowed upon the nobility and people, which occasioned great disgust and disturbance.

During these transactions, advices came to Delhi, that Dova, king of Maver-ul-nere, had sent an army of one hundred thousand Moguls, with a design to conquer Moultan, Punjab, and the provinces near the mouth of the Indus: that they were advancing with great expedition, carrying all before them with fire and sword. Alla immediately ordered his brother Elich, with a great force, to expel them. The two armies having met in the districts of Lahore, a bloody conflict ensued, in which the Moguls were defeated, with the loss of twelve thousand men, and many of their principal officers, besides a number of prisoners of all ranks, who were put to the sword some days after, without sparing the poor women and children who had been taken in the Mogul camp.

These two victories raised the fame of the Emperor's arms to a high pitch of reputation, established his authority at home, and overawed his foreign enemies. Alla, about this time, by the advice of his brother Elich, seized upon many Omrahs, who, in the late revolution, taking advantage of the distresses of the prince Arkilli, and the Queen-mother, had extorted great sums of money for their services. He ordered the extortioners to be blinded, and their estates to be confiscated, which brought great wealth into the treasury.

In the beginning of the year 697, Elich, the King's brother, and Nuserit the vizier, were sent with a great army to reduce Guzerat. They accordingly laid waste that country with death and rapine, took the capital city Narwalla, which was deserted by its prince, who fled and took protection under Ramdeo, king of Deogire, in the Decan. By the aid of that prince he soon after returned and took possession of Buckelana, one of the districts of Guzerat, bordering upon Ramdeo's dominions. But his wives, children, elephants, baggage, and treasure, fell into the hands of the enemy when he fled.

The vizier, with a part of the army, proceeded then to Cambaat, which being a rich country, and full of merchants, yielded a prodigious treasure to those sons of cruelty and rapine. When they had sufficiently glutted their avarice, and quenched their thirst for blood, they appointed subas to the provinces, and leaving part of the army for their defence, returned with their plunder towards Delhi.

The two generals having, on the march, made a demand of the fifth of the spoil from the troops, besides what they had already extorted from them, a mutiny arose in the camp. Mahommed, general of the mercenary Moguls, with many other chiefs, at the head of their several divisions, attacked Malleck Eiz, the brother of the vizier, and having slain him and a number of his people, continued their march. Elich, the Emperor's brother, fled in the disguise of a footman, to the tent of the vizier. The mutineers rushing in, killed the King's nephew, and the son of Elich, whom he had left upon the couch asleep, supposing him to be Elich.

The vizier immediately ordered the drums of war to be beat and the trumpets to be sounded. All who had not been concerned in the mutiny imagined that the enemy was coming upon them, and quickly formed the line. The mutineers divided and dispersed themselves all over the camp, and escaping in the confusion, fled, by different routes, to a place of rendezvous. They were, however, closely pursued the next day, and forced to retreat with some loss, to the districts of the Indian prince of Rintimpore, where they took protection. Elich and the vizier continued then their march to Delhi.

Alla, upon seeing Cumlade, the captive wife of the prince of Guzerat, who, for her beauty, wit, and accomplishments, was the flower of India, took her in marriage. But this did not satisfy his abominable lusts. Chaja Cafoor, a slave who had been taken on that expedition, engaged his unnatural passion, which he publicly indulged, to the disgrace and debasement of human nature.

The vizier, by the Emperor's order; basely massacred all the families of those Moguls, or others, who had been concerned in the late mutiny. He pitied not the weeping mothers, nor the smiling infants who clung to their breasts. This was a new species of tyranny at Delhi, and occasioned some private murmuring, but those slaves possessed not the virtue or bravery to shake off the tyrant.

About this time, Jildoo, a Mogul chief, and his brother, came down with a considerable force, and took the fort of Seostan. Ziffer marched against him, and having invested the place, he took it. Jildoo, and about two thousand Moguls, were taken prisoners, and sent in chains to Delhi. But Ziffer had distinguished himself so much as a brave commander in this expedition, that his fame awaked the jealousy of Alla. He therefore designed to deprive him of his government, but was prevented from this measure, by a great invasion of Moguls, under Cuttulich, the son of Dova, king of Maver-ul-nere. The army of the invaders consisted of two hundred thousand horse, and they promised to themselves the entire conquest of Hindostan. Cuttulich, accordingly, took possession of all the countries beyond the Indus in his march, and protected them from all violence. He then crossed the river, and proceeded to Delhi, without opposition, Ziffer retreating with his army before him.

The whole country, in terror of the Moguls, crowded into the city. The crowd became so great, that the streets were rendered impassable, and all business and communication were interrupted. This however was but the beginning of their misfortunes. In the space of a few days, the consumption being great, and no supplies procured, a dreadful famine began to rage, and distraction to stare in every countenance.

Alla, upon this pressing occasion, called a council of his Omrahs, and, having regulated his plan of action, prepared for battle, notwithstanding they all endeavoured to dissuade him from it. He left the care of the city to the noble Alla, marched out at the Budaoon gate, with three hundred thousand horse, and two thousand seven hundred elephants, besides foot without number. He drew up in order of battle on the plains beyond the suburbs; where the enemy were already formed to receive him. From the time that first the spears of Islam [The Mahommedans.] were exalted in Hindostan, two such mighty armies had not joined in fight.

Alla gave the command of his right wing to Ziffer, the greatest general of that age, where all the troops of Punjaab, Moultan, and Sind, were posted. The left was entrusted to his brother Elich, and to Akit his brother-in-law. The King posted himself in the centre, with twelve thousand independent volunteers, who were mostly gentlemen of ruined families, and soldiers of fortune. With the choice of his elephants, he formed a tremendous line in his front, and he supported his rear with another chosen body of cavalry, under the vizier. Ziffer began the action with great impetuosity on the right, and breaking, with his elephants, the enemy's line, commenced a dreadful slaughter, and bore them like a torrent before him. Inclining then to the left, he pressed upon their flank, and put their whole army to flight, before the action was well begun in the centre.

Alla, seeing the victory complete, ordered his brother Elich, who commanded on the left, to advance and pursue the enemy. But the perfidious man, jealous of the glory of Ziffer, stopt at a small distance, while Ziffer continued the slaughter for upwards of thirty miles. One of the Mogul chiefs, who commanded the left, seeing Ziffer was not supported, rallied with ten thousand horse, and sending advice to his general Cuttulich, he also returned with ten thousand more, and attacked Ziffer in the rear. The brave general saw into his error, but it was now too late to retreat. He drew up his troops, which were not half the enemy's number, divided into two squadrons, and again renewed the conflict, exhibiting wonders by his own valour. At last his horse's leg being cut off by a sabre, he fell to the ground. He however rose again, seized a bow and quiver, and being a dexterous archer, sent death on the wings of his arrows.' The most part of his men were, by this time, either killed or fled; and Cuttulich, admiring his bravery, called out to him to submit, and his valour should be rewarded with such honours as he deserved. Ziffer replied sternly, “I know no greater honour than to die in discharging my duty.” Then he began to deal his arrows around. The Mogul prince, upon this, ordered a party of horse to surround him, and endeavour to take him alive; but Ziffer refused to submit, and was at last cut in pieces, with a few trusty servants who stood by him to the last.

This advantage however did not dispel the fears of the Moguls. They continued their retreat, and evacuated India with all expedition. The bravery of Ziffer became famous among the Moguls. When their horses started, or were unruly, they used wantonly to ask them, whether they saw the ghost of Ziffer? Alla, it is said, esteemed the death of this great general as a second victory, and could not help expressing his satisfaction upon the occasion; and thus displayed his own base ingratitude, for that brave life which had been thrown away in his unworthy service. Great rejoicings were made at Delhi, to celebrate the victory; and the principal officers were rewarded with titles and governments, according to their behaviour and interest at court. Some who had behaved ill were disgraced, particularly one Omrah, who was led upon an ass all round the city.

In the third year of the reign of Alla, when prosperity shone upon his arms, he began to form some extraordinary projects. One of these was the formation of a new system of religion, that, like Mahommed, he might be held in veneration by posterity. He often consulted upon this scheme his brother Élich, Nuserit his vizier, and Akit, over a bottle; from which we may suppose he had no design to prohibit the use of wine. His other design was equally romantic. He proposed to leave a viceroy in India, and, like the great Secun-der [Alexander the Great.], to undertake the conquest of the world. In consequence of this project, he assumed the title of Secun-der Sani [Alexander the Second.], which was struck upon the currency of the empire.

Notwithstanding these lofty ideas, Alla was so illiterate, that he even did not possess the common knowledge of reading and writing; yet he was so obstinate in his ridiculous opinions, that men of learning, who disdained to prostitute their judgment, avoided the court, or stood silent in his presence. There were not however wanting slaves, who, though they knew better, extolled his every word to the skies, and seemed to feed upon his crude imaginations.

Alla-ul-Muluck, the chief magistrate of the city, who was an old man, and so fat that he was not able to attend the court above once a month, being one day sent for by the King, to give his advice about the execution of his religious project, he determined, however fatal the consequences might be, to oppose every measure against the doctrine of the Mahommedan faith, and to dedicate the few years he had to live, by the course of nature, to martyrdom. With this firm resolution he waited upon the King, whom he found drinking wine with a great number of his principal Omrahs. The King beginning to confer with Alla upon the occasion, the old man told him, he had something to say to him in private, and would be glad he should order the wine and the company away. The King smiled, and desired all the company to retire except four.

The old magistrate then fell upon his face, and having kissed the ground at his feet, rose up and thus spoke: “O King! Religion is the law of God, by his spirit inspired in his prophets, nor depends it upon the opinions of mortals. We are taught by his word to believe, that the spirit of prophecy ended with Mahommed, the last and greatest messenger of God. Since this therefore is known to great and small, to all nations and degrees of people, should your intentions against their faith be once known, it is impossible to conceive what hatred should rise against you, and what blood and disturbance must ensue. It is therefore advisable, that you should erase with the chisel of reason, those conceptions, from the surface of your blessed mind, as the accomplishment of your intention exceeds all mortal power. Did not Zingis, the most powerful of monarchs, and his successors, labour for ages to subvert our faith, that they might establish their own? What rivers of blood were spilt in the contest, till at length the spirit of truth prevailed, and they became proselytes to that religion which they had laboured so long to destroy!"

The Emperor having listened with attention, replied, “What you have said is just, and founded on friendship and reason. I will for ever lay aside all thoughts of this scheme, which has so long engaged my attention. But what do you think of my project of universal conquest?”

The venerable magistrate replied, “Some Kings, in former ages, formed the same great resolution which your Majesty does at present, and your power, personal bravery, and wealth, gives you at least equal hopes of success. But the times are not so favourable, and the government of India seems not to stand upon so firm a basis, as to support itself in your absence. Perfidy and ingratitude daily appear. Brothers become traitors to one another, and children against their parents conspire. How much is this degenerate age unlike to the virtuous times of Secunder! Men were then endued with honourable principles, and the cunning and treachery of the present times were then held in utter abomination. Your Majesty has no counsellors like Aristotalice [Aristotle.], who kept, by his wisdom and policy, not only his own country in peace and security, but brought other nations, by voluntary consent, under his master's protection. If your Majesty can put equal confidence in your Omrahs, and can depend so much upon the love of your people, as Secunder, you may then carry your scheme into execution; if not, we cannot well reconcile it to reason.”

The King, after musing a while, said, “What you have told me bears the face of sincerity and truth. But what availeth all this power in armies, in wealth, and in kingdoms, if I content myself with what I already possess; nor employ it in acquiring conquest and glory?”

Alla-ul-Muluck replied, “That there were two undertakings in which his treasure might be expended to good purpose. The first was, the conquest of the southern kingdoms of Hindostan; and the second, the reduction of all the western provinces, which had been invaded by the Moguls, and lay beyond the Indus. This, said the chief magistrate, would secure the peace of Hindostan, and procure to the King immortal honour, in bestowing happiness upon his people; a thing greater in itself, than if he should consume the world in the flames of war; but even to succeed in this project, it is requisite that the King should abstain from excess of wine, and from luxurious pleasures."

The Emperor, contrary to the old man's expectations, took all this advice in good part, and, praising him for his fidelity, presented him with a royal honorary dress, ten thousand rupees, two horses caparisoned, and two villages in freehold. The other Omrahs, though they themselves wanted the virtue or resolution to speak their minds, were extremely pleased with the Cutwal, and sent him also presents to a great amount.

The King, in the year 699, according to the advice of Alla-ul-Muluck, called his brother Ælich from Semana, the vizier from Kurrah, and others from their respective subadaries, and sent them, with a great army, against the Indian prince of Rintimpore. They soon took the fort of Jain, and afterwards invested the capital. Nuserit the vizier, advancing near the wall, was crushed to death by a stone from an engine. And the Raja, at the same time, sallying with forty thousand men, drove Elich back to Jain with great loss.

Elich wrote to Delhi the particulars of this defeat. Alla flew into a violent rage, and immediately took the field. Upon his march he halted for a day at a place called Jilput, and went out a hunting. Having wandered far from his camp, in the chace, he remained with his attendants all night in the forest. In the morning, before sunrise, he placed himself upon a rising ground, where he sat down with two or three attendants, and commanded the rest to hunt in his view. Akit observing this, recollected that it was now in his power to cut off the King, in the same manner as the King himself had cut off his predecessor. He thought, that being nephew and brother-in-law to the Emperor, he might claim by that, and the influence he had by being chief secretary of the empire, the same title which Alla himself had to the throne [Alla was himself nephew and son-in-law to Ferose, whom he had murdered.].

Akit imparted his resolution to a few chosen horsemen, who accompanied him on this party. They immediately rode up to the King, saluted him with a flight of arrows, two of which entered his body, so that he lay for dead on the ground. Akit, upon this, drew his sword, and ran to cut off his head; when he was told by one of the King's attendants, that he was quite dead; that therefore to cut off his head would be an unnecessary piece of cruelty.

Akit being thus prevailed upon to desist from his intentions, set out for the camp with all expedition, mounted the throne, and proclaimed the King's death. The army was thrown into great confusion; but where loyal affection and patriotism are things unknown, mankind are satisfied to bow their necks to any new master. The great men assembled to pay their court and present their presents upon the occasion; the customary service was read from the Coran; the Chutba was proclaimed aloud, and the singers ordered to extol his praise. Akit then rose from the throne, and proceeded towards the Haram; but Dinar, the chief eunuch, with his guard, stopped him at the door, swearing, that till he showed him Alla's head, or put him to death, he should not enter.

Alla, in the mean time, recovered his senses, and, having his wounds bound up, imagined that Akit's treason and treachery was a preconcerted conspiracy of the Omrahs. He signified his intentions to fly to his brother Elich at Jain, with about sixty servants, who still attended him. Malleck Hamid, deputy porter of the presence, advised the King against this resolution. He told him, that he ought immediately to go to his own camp, and there show himself to his army; for that the usurper had not yet time to establish himself: and that, upon seeing the Emperor's umbrella, he doubted not but the whole army would immediately return to their duty. He observed, at the same time, that the least delay might render his affairs irrecoverable.

Alla saw the propriety of this resolute advice; and mounting his horse, with great difficulty, spread the white umbrella, which lay on the field, over his head, and, with his small retinue, proceeded towards the army. When he appeared in sight, being joined by some foraging parties on the way, he was now guarded by about five hundred men. He ascended an eminence, in full view of the camp, where he was at once seen by the whole army. They crowded in thousands towards him; and the court of the usurper was immediately broke up, and in a few minutes he found himself alone. In this situation he mounted his horse, and, distracted with fear, fled towards Binour.

Alla now marched down from the eminence towards the royal pavilion, and mounting the throne, gave public audience; sending, at the same time, a party of horse after the usurper. They soon came up with him, and brought back his head. The King ordered the usurper's brother Cuttulich, and the chief conspirators, to be put to death.

When Alla recovered of his wounds, he continued his march to Rintimpore, where he was joined by his brother Elich, and began to besiege the place. But the Hindoos so well defended themselves, that numbers of the imperial army daily fell. Alla however continued his attacks with redoubled obstinacy, while detachments of his army ravaged the adjacent territories of Malava and Daar. But the siege being protracted for some months without much effect, Omar and Mungu, who were both nephews to the Emperor, and held the governments of Budaoon and Oud, rebelled, and raised a great army. Alla wrote letters to the several Omrahs of those provinces whom he thought loyal, as also to the neighbouring subas and zemindars, and they levied forces, engaged, defeated, and took the rebels, and sent them both prisoners to the royal camp. The Emperor ordered their eyes to be put out, and then to torture them to death, as a barbarous example to others.

Notwithstanding this severity, one of the most extraordinary conspiracies recorded in history was under- taken by one Mola, the son of a slave of the old chief magistrate of the city, who died in the former reign. This ambitious youth, seeing Alla busied in the siege of Rintimpore, began to form the scheme of a revolution in the empire. He was perhaps moved to this scheme by the murmuring of the citizens against the chief magistrate's deputy, Tirmazi, who, in his master's absence in camp, oppressed the people, having the government entirely in his hands. The first thing, however, that Mola publicly did, was, in the heat of the day, when every body was gone to rest, to collect a mob of citizens, by a forged order from the King. With these he hastened to the house of Tirmazi, and sent in to tell him that a messenger had arrived with an order from the King. Tirmazi, out of respect to the imperial order, hastened to the door, when the young impostor, showing him the paper in one hand, cut him down with the other. He then read aloud the forged mandate for that purpose.

The mob now increasing, Mola sent parties to secure the city gates, and dispatched a person to Alla Eaz, who was chief magistrate of the new city, to come and see the King's order. This magistrate however, having heard of the disturbance, paid no regard to the message, but shut his own gates. Mola, in the mean time, with his mob, entered the red palace, and released all the state prisoners, taking out all the arms, treasure, and valuable effects, which he divided among his followers. He then, by force, placed Allavi, one of the prisoners, who was descended from the Emperor Altumsh, upon the throne, and imperiously commanded all the principal men of the city to pay him allegiance.

The Emperor, having advice of these strange transactions, was struck motionless with astonishment, but stirred not a step from the siege. He however wrote to Hamid, his foster-brother, who, raising a party in the city, seized the Budaoon gate the seventh day after the usurpation, and took the field, where he was joined by a great multitude from the new city and the country around. With these he again, by surprise, entered the city at the Ghizni gate, but he was met at the second gate, called Beder, by Mola and his associates, and a sharp conflict ensued. Hamid being dismounted, run up to Mola, who was leading on his party with great bravery, and pulling him from his horse, threw him down in the street, and slew him. He himself, in the mean time, received several wounds; but the faction of Mola, dispirited by his death, gave ground, and dispersed them- selves all over the city. Hamid then proceeded to the red palace, dragged from thence the unfortunate Allavi, and sent his head round the city upon the point of a spear, which put an end to this strange conspiracy.

Elich, the Emperor's brother, was in the mean time sent by Alla to Delhi, to punish all who were supposed to have had any hand in this rebellion. The sons of the chief magistrate, and the old Cutwal himself, were put to death merely on suspicion, as the rebel had been one of their dependants. But the most probable cause was their great wealth, which was confiscated to the King.

Rintimpore had now been closely besieged for a whole year, and Alla, after trying all other means, fell upon the following expedient to take the place. He collected together a great multitude of people, and provided each of them with a bag, which they filled with earth, and having begun at some distance from the rock, with immense labour, formed an ascent to the top of the walls, by which the troops entered the place, and put the Indian prince Amir Deo, his family, and the garrison, to the sword. This fort is esteemed the strongest in Hindostan.

Mahommed, the Mogul general, who had taken refuge in Rintimpore, after the mutiny at Jallore, having lost most of his men in the defence of the fort, was himself lying ill of his wounds when Alla entered the place. Alla, finding the unfortunate Mahommed in this condition, asked him, in an insulting manner, “What gratitude would he express for his lord, should he command his wounds to be immediately cured?"The Mogul fiercely replied, “I would put him to death for a tyrant, and endeavour to make the son of Amir Deo, to whom my gratitude is due, King.” The Emperor, enraged at this reply, threw him beneath the feet of an elephant. But considering afterwards that he was a brave man, and one of whose gallant behaviour he himself had been often witness, he ordered his body to be put in a coffin, and interred with decent solemnity. “Alla then commanded that the Raja's vizier, who had deserted over to him with a strong party during the siege, should, with all his followers, be massacred; saying, upon the occasion, that “Those who have betrayed their natural lord, can never be true to another!” Having bestowed the government of Rintimpore, with all the riches taken in it, upon his brother Elich, he returned with his army to Delhi. But Elich, about six months after, fell sick, and died on his way to the capital.

Alla being, in the course of this year, apprehensive of conspiracies and insurrections, called together the Omrahs who were most renowned for their wisdom, and commanded them to give their opinion without reserve, how he should conduct matters, so as to prevent disturbances and rebellions in the empire. He, at the same time, desired them to explain what they thought were the principal causes of the disorders. The Omrahs, after consulting among themselves, replied, that there were many causes concurring in á state from which convulsions, disagreeable in their consequences, proceeded; that, as those misfortunes could not be obviated at once, they would only mention, for that time, a few of those evils, from which danger to the empire must have arose.

"At the head of this list,” said the Omrahs, “we must place the King's inattention to advance the good, or to redress the wrongs of the people. The public use of wine is the source of many disorders; for when men form themselves into societies for the purpose of drinking, their minds are disclosed to one another, while the strength of the liquor, fermenting in their blood, precipitates them into the most desperate undertakings. The connections formed by the great men of the court, are pregnant with danger to the state. Their numerous marriages, and the places in their gift, draw the strength of the government into the hands of a few, who are always able, by associating themselves together to create revolutions in the empire. The fourth, and not the least cause of disturbance is, the unequal division of property; for the wealth of a rich empire is circulated in a few hands, and therefore the governors of provinces are rather independent princes, than subjects of the state.”

Alla approved so much of the remarks of his Omrahs, that he immediately began to carry into execution the plan which they laid before him. He first applied himself to a strict inquiry into the administration of justice; to redress grievances, and to examine narrowly into the private as well as public characters of all men of rank in the empire. He laid himself out to procure intelligence of the most secret discourses of families of note in the city, as well as of every transaction of moment in the most distant provinces. He executed justice with such rigour and severity, that robbery and theft, formerly so common, were not heard of in the land. The traveller slept secure upon the public highway, and the merchant carried his commodities in safety from the sea of Bengal to the mountains of Cabul, and from Tillingana to Cashmire.

He published an edict against the use of wine and strong liquors upon pain of death. He himself set the example to his subjects, and emptied his cellars in the street. In this he was followed by all ranks of people, so that, for some days, the common sewers flowed with wine.

He issued out orders that no marriage, among the nobility, should be ratified without a special licence from him: that no private meetings or conversation should be held among the Omrahs; which proved a severe check on the pleasures of society. This latter order was carried into such rigorous execution, that no man durst entertain his friends without a written permission from the vizier.

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Part 12 of 15

He then lengthened the hand of violence upon the rich. He seized upon the wealth, and confiscated the estates, of Mussulmen and Hindoos without distinction, and by this means he accumulated an immense treasure. Men, in short, were almost reduced to a level over all the empire.

All emoluments were cut off from the different offices, which were filled with men whose indigence and dependence rendered them implicitly obedient to the dictates of government.

He ordered a tax of half the real annual produce of the lands to be raised over all the empire, and to be regularly transmitted to the exchequer. He appointed officers to superintend the collectors, who were to take care that the zemindars should take no more from the poor farmers, than in proportion to the estimate which they had given in of their estates; and in case of disobedience or neglect, the superintendents were obliged to refund the overplus, and to pay a fine for the oppression. The farmers, at the same time, were confined to a certain proportion of land, and to an appointed number of servants and oxen to cultivate the same. No grazier was permitted to have above a certain number of cows, sheep, and goats, and a tax was paid out of them to the government.

So strictly did the Emperor look after the behaviour of the collectors and other officers of the revenue, that many of them, who formerly kept great retinues, were obliged to dismiss them, and to have all the menial offices of their families performed by their wives and children. Neither were they permitted to resign their employs, till they found others as capable as themselves to execute the duties of their office.

These regulations were good, but they were arbitrary and severe. He broke through all laws and customs, which, according to the Mahommedan law, were left to the decision of the courts of justice. Other monarchs left all but state affairs to the common course of justice. Alla descended to all the inferior departments of government. It was with him a common saying, “That religion had no connection with civil government, but was only the business, or rather amusement, of private life; and that the will of a wise prince was better than the variable opinions of bodies of men.”

As the King was known to be illiterate, it became a maxim with the learned men at court, to talk upon no subjects which they knew must be beyond the King's knowledge. He was however so sensible of the disadvantages which he laboured under by his ignorance of letters, that he applied himself privately to study, and, notwithstanding the difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of the Persian manner of writing, which generally requires ten or twelve years' study, he soon read all addresses, and made himself acquainted with the best authors in the language. After he had proceeded so far as to be able to hold part in learned discourses, he encouraged literary subjects, and showed particular favour to all the eminent men of that age, particularly to Casi Molana, Corami, and Cuzi Biana. He appointed the last of those learned men to explain the law to him; which he did according to the true spirit, in every point upon which he was consulted. He did not however do it without fear and trembling, where it differed from the King's violent maxims of government.

Alla, much about this time, sent an army, by the way of Bengal, to reduce the fort of Arinkil, which was in the possession of the Raja of Tillingana. He himself moved the royal standard towards Chitor, which had never before been reduced by the troops of the Mahommedans. After a siege of six months he took the place, in the year 703, conferred the government of it upon his eldest son Chizer, and called it the City of Chizer. He at the same time bestowed upon Chizer regal dignities and authority.

Intelligence of this expedition arriving at Maver-ul-nere, Jirghi, who distinguished himself formerly against Ziffer, thinking that Alla would be a long time absent, seized that opportunity for invading Hindostan. Alla, hearing of this dangerous inroad, abandoned all his schemes against the Decan, and made what haste he could with his army to Delhi.

Jirghi, with twelve tomans of Mogul horse, approached, in a few days, the city, and encamped upon the banks of the Jumna. The horse of the imperial army being absent on the expedition to Arinkil, the King was in no condition to face, upon equal terms, so powerful and warlike an enemy in the field. He therefore contented himself with entrenching his army in the plain beyond the suburbs, till he could draw the forces of the distant subas together. But the Moguls, having the command of the adjacent country, prevented the succours from joining the King, and proceeded so far as to plunder the suburbs, in the King's presence, without his being able to prevent them.

In this situation stood affairs for two months; and then Alla, say some authors, had recourse to supernatural aid. He applied to à saint of those days, whose name was Nizam Aulia. The saint, in one night, without any visible cause, struck the Mogul army with a panic, which occasioned their precipitate retreat to their own country. But we have no reason to ascribe the flight of the Moguls to so weak and superstitious a cause; as private orders, intelligence, or the improbability of success, brought about their sudden departure more than the power of the saint. The King, during this alarming period, was heard to confess, that his ideas of universal conquest were idle and ridiculous, for that there were many heads in the world as hard as his own.

Alla, being relieved from the perils of this invasion, built a palace upon the spot where he had entrenched himself, and ordered the citadel of Delhi to be pulled down and built anew. He then began to recruit his army, with an intention to retaliate upon the Moguls their repeated inroads. He increased his forces to such a prodigious number, that, upon calculating the expence, he found his revenues, and what treasures he had himself, could not support them above six years. He resolved therefore to reduce the pay, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, without lowering, proportionably, the price of horses, arms, and provisions. This he did by an edict, which he strictly enforced all over the empire, settling the price of every article at about half the common rate, which, in fact, was just doubling his treasures and revenues.

To establish this reduction of the price, with respect to grain, he ordered great magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convenient for water carriage, under the direction of Malleck Cabuli. This collector received half of the land-tax in grain; and the royal agents supplied the markets at a stated price. To prevent any monopoly in this article, every farmer was allowed to retain only a certain quantity, according to the number of his family, and send the overplus, as soon as it was threshed out, to market, for which he was obliged to take the standing price. The importation of grain was encouraged; but to export it, or any other article of provisions, was a capital crime. The King himself had a daily report laid before him, of the quantity sold and remaining in the several royal granaries, and spies were appointed in the different markets, to inform him of abuses, which he punished with the utmost rigour.

Alla appointed also a public office, and inspectors, who fixed the price of the various kinds of cloth, according to its quality, obliging the merchants to open their shops at certain hours every day, and sell their goods at the stipulated price. He at the same time opened a loan, by which they were enabled to procure ready money to import cloth from the neighbouring countries, where the poverty of the people rendered their manufactures cheaper. But what is somewhat unaccountable, the exportation of the finer kind of manufacture was prohibited, yet not permitted to be worn at home, except by special authority from the King, which favour was only conferred upon men of rank.

As horses had rose to an immense price, by an association of the dealers, who only bought up a certain number from the Persian and northern merchants to enhance the price; the King published an edict, by which they were obliged to register the prices paid for them, and to sell them at a certain profit within such a time, if that price was offered them, otherwise the King took them upon his own account. The price of the horse was at the same time according to his quality, and care was taken, by that means, that the merchants and dealers in those animals should not have an opportunity, by secret connivance, to raise the price. Many frauds being found in this article some time after, à great number of horse-dealers were whipt out of the city, and others put to death. Oxen, sheep, goats, camels, and asses, were also taken into consideration; and in short every useful animal, and all commodities, were sold at a stated price in the markets.

The King having thus regulated the prices of things, his next care was to new-model his army. He settled the pay of every horseman, for himself and horse, from 234 rupees a year, down to 80, according to the goodness of the horse; and, upon a muster, he found his cavalry to consist of four hundred and seventy-five thousand.

In the mean time Ali, one of the grandsons of Zingis Chan, and Chaja, with forty thousand horse, made an irruption into Hindostan, but the Emperor sending Tughlick, with a force against them, they were defeated, with the loss of seven thousand. Ali, and Chaja, with nine thousand of their troops, were taken prisoners. They were sent in chains to the King, who ordered the chiefs to be thrown under the feet of an elephant, and the soldiers to be inhumanly massacred. He appointed Tughlick, for this service, viceroy of Punjab.

Alip Chan was, about this time, appointed captain general of Guzerat, and sent thither with a great force. Moultani, an Omrah of great fame, was at the same time ordered with a numerous army to the conquest of Malava. He was opposed by Kokah, the prince of Malava, with forty thousand Rajaput horse and one hundred thousand foot. An engagement ensued, in which Moultani proved victorious, and took the cities of Ugein, Mindu Daranagurri, and Chanduri. He, after these successes, dispatched a Fatte Namma [A writing of victory. Pompous accounts of his actions, according to their custom.] to the Emperor, who, upon receiving it, ordered a rejoicing of seven days throughout the city of Delhi. The Indian prince of the fort of Jallore, terrified by the conquests of Moultani, gave up that place upon terms of capitulation.

The prince of Chitor, who had been prisoner since the Emperor took that place, found in the mean time means to make his escape, in a very extraordinary manner. Alla, having heard extravagant things in praise of the beauty and accomplishments of one of the Raja's daughters, told him, that if he would send her, he should, upon her account, be released.

The Raja, who was very ill treated in his confinement, consented, and sent for his daughter, with a manifest design to prostitute her to the King. The prince's family, hearing this dishonourable proposal, concerted means of poisoning the Raja, to save their own reputation. But the daughter, being a girl of invention, proposed a stratagem to release her father, and at the same time to preserve her own honour. She accordingly wrote to her father to give out, that she was coming with all her attendants, and would be at Delhi upon a certain day, acquainting him with the part she intended to act. Her contrivance was this: She selected a number of enterprising fellows, who, in complete armour, concealed themselves in doolies or close chairs, in which the women are always carried; she provided for them a chosen retinue of horse and foot, as customary to guard ladies of rank. She herself, by this time, had, by her father's means, received the imperial passport, and the whole cavalcade proceeded to Delhi, and were admitted without interruption. It was now night, and, by the King's permission, they were permitted to see the Raja. The chairs being then carried into the prison, and the attendants having taken their stations without; the armed men started out of the chairs, and putting all to the sword within the courts, carried the Raja out, and, having prepared horses for him, he mounted, and, with his attendants, rushed out of the city before any opposition could be made, and fled to his own country.

In the year 705, Kabeik, an Omrah of Dova, prince of Maver-ul-nere, with design to revenge the death of Ali and Chaja, invaded Hindostan with a great army, and, ravaging Moultan, proceeded to Sewalic. Tughlick, in the mean time, collecting his forces, cut off the retreat of the Moguls, before any troops arrived from Delhi, and defeated them with great slaughter. Those who escaped the sword, finding it impossible to force their way home, retired into the desert, where thirst, and the hot winds which blow at that season, put an end to their miserable lives; so that out of fifty-seven thousand horse, besides their attendants, who were still more numerous, only three thousand, who were taken prisoners, survived this horrid scene. The unhappy captives were only reserved for greater misery. They were sent to Delhi with their unfortunate chief, Kabeik, where they were all trodden to death by elephants, except some women and children, who were sold in the market for slaves.

These repeated misfortunes did not however discourage the Moguls. Aekbalmund, a chief of great repu. tation, soon after invaded Hindostan with a powerful army. But Tughlick defeated him also, with great slaughter; and sent some thousand prisoners to Delhi, who were dispatched by the customary inhumanity of Alla. Fear, from this time forward, took possession of the Moguls, and they gave over all thoughts of Hindostan for many years. They were even hard pressed to defend themselves: for Tughlick made incursions into their country every year, plundering the provinces of Cabul, Ghizni, Candahar, and Garrimsere, or laying them under heavy contributions.

In the mean time Alla was employed in settling the internal policy and government of his empire; and with such fortunate perseverance in whatever he undertook, that the superstition of the times ascribed his success to supernatural power, amazed at the good effects that flowed from the strictness of his government.

Ram Deo, King of Deogire in the Decan, having neglected to send the revenues of that district, which he assigned over to the Emperor by treaty, Cafoor, the favourite of Alla, with many Omrahs of renown, and a great army, was ordered to conquer the Decan. Cafoor was one of the Emperor's catamites, and originally a slave, taken by force from a merchant of Guzerat, as we have already mentioned. The Emperor's affection for Cafoor exceeded all the bounds of decency and prudence upon the present occasion. He gave him the title of Malleck Naib Cafoor [That is, a viceroy, with all the ensigns of royalty.], commanding the Omrahs who attended him, to pay their respects to him every day, as to a sovereign. This created among them great disgust, but they durst not murmur. Chaja was appointed his lieutenant; a man much esteemed in those days for his good principles. In the beginning of the year 706, they marched from Delhi, with an army of an hundred thousand horse, and were joined in their way by Moultani, governor of Malava, and Alip, suba of Guzerat, with their forces.

One of the Emperor's wives, the fair Comlade, formerly mentioned, hearing of this expedition, addressed herself to the King, and told him, that before she was taken prisoner, she had two beautiful daughters to her former husband. That one of them, she heard, had since died; but that the other, whose name was Dewilde, was still alive. She therefore begged that the Emperor should give orders to his generals to endeavour to get her into their possession, and send her to Delhi. The King consented, and gave orders accordingly.

Cafoor, having passed through Malava, encamped upon the borders of the Decan. He sent the imperial order to the prince Kirren, to deliver up his daughter Dewilde, which was now urged as a pretext for commencing hostilities in case of a refusal. The Raja could by no means be brought to agree to this demand. Cafoor therefore marched from his camp at Nidderbar, while Alip, with his forces from Guzerat, was taking the route of the mountains of Buckelana, to enter the Decan by another pass. He was opposed by Kirren, who defeated all his attempts for two months, in which time several undecisive actions were fought.

Singeldeo, the prince of Deogire, who had been contracted to the young Dewilde, without consent of his father, sent his brother Bimedeo with presents to Kirren, persuading him, that as Dewildè was the occasion of the war, if he should deliver her over to him, the troops of the Mahommedans, in despair of obtaining their ends, would return to their own country. Kirren, who depended much upon the young prince's aid, consented to this proposal, and gave his daughter, then in her thirteenth year, in marriage to Singeldeo.

Alip, hearing this news, was greatly terrified lest the King should impute this circumstance to his slowness, and was resolved, at all events, to seize her before her departure, as he was certain his own life depended upon his success. He acquainted all the Omrahs with his intentions, who readily seconded the attempt. He then entered the mountains with his army, and engaging the Raja, gave him a total defeat; upon which, Kirren fled to Deogire, leaving all his elephants, tents, and equipage, upon the field. Alip pursued him through the hills for some days, but, at length, entirely lost his track, and all intelligence concerning him and his daughter. But, in the end, accident threw this pearl in his way.

Halting to refresh his army two days among the mountains, some of his troops without leave, to the number of three hundred, went from the camp to see a famous mountain in the neighbourhood of Deogire, from which city he was not then far distant. In their excursion they saw a great troop of horse, whom they apprehended to belong to Singeldeo, and to be in pursuit of them. As there was no safety in flight, they were determined to stand on their defence, and accordingly drew up to receive the enemy. This troop proved to be the retinue of Bimedeo, who was carrying the young bride to his brother. The two parties, in short, engaged, and the Hindoos were put to flight, while an unfortunate arrow having pierced the horse of Dewilde, the unhappy fair one was abandoned in the field. The conquerors seeing her, gathered round her horse, and commenced a bloody scuffle about the prize. This might have proved fatal to the beautiful Dewilde, had not one of her female slaves told aloud her name and quality, conjuring them to carry her to their commander with that respect which was due to her rank and sex. Upon hearing this they knew the peril of treating her with any indignity; and, while an express was dispatched with the news to Alip, they conducted her with great care and respect to the camp.

Alip, having obtained this prize, was exceedingly rejoiced, knowing how acceptable it would be to his prince, over whom the lady's mother had great influence. He therefore prosecuted his conquests no further, but returned to Guzerat, and from thence carried Dewilde to Delhi, and presented her to her mother. In a few days her beauty inflamed the heart of the Emperor's son Chizer, to whom she was given in marriage. The history of the loves of this illustrious pair, is wrote, in an elegant poem, by the noble Chusero.

Let us now return to Cafoor, whom we left entering the Decan. He first subdued the country of the Mahrattors, which he divided among his Omrahs, then proceeded to the siege of Deogire, since known by the name of Dowlat-abad. Ramdeo being in no condition to oppose this great army, prudently left his son Singeldeo in the fort, and advanced himself, with great presents, to the conqueror, to procure peace, which was accordingly settled between them. Cafoor, upon this, wrote a writing of victory to the King, and some time after brought Ramdeo, with rich presents and seventeen elephants, to pay his allegiance to him at Delhi, where he himself was received with the most extravagant marks of favour and distinction. Ramdeo had royal dignities conferred upon him, with the title of Rai Raian [Prince of Princes.], and had not only the government of his own dominions restored to him, but others were also added; for all which he did homage, and paid tribute to the Sultan. The King moreover gave him the district of Nosari, near Guzerat, by way of Jagier, and a lack of rupees to bear his expences home. Thus he dismissed Ramdeo with princely generosity; having, in some measure, looked upon the wealth, of which he had formerly robbed him, as the foundation of all his own greatness. And he perhaps thought that some grateful return was due to the Raja upon this account.

During the absence of Cafoor in his expedition to the Decan, the King employed himself in taking a strong fort to the southward of Delhi, called Sewana, which had often been attempted in vain. When the prince of this place found he could hold out no longer, he sent his own image, which had been cast in pure gold, to Alla, with a chain round its neck, in token of obedience. This present was accompanied with a hundred elephants, and other precious effects, in hopes of procuring peace. Alla received the presents, but returned him for answer, that unless he came and made his submission in person, he could hope little from his dumb representative. The Raja, finding the Emperor inexorable, threw himself upon his mercy, and delivered up the place. He plundered and again restored it. But he alienated a great part of the Raja's country to his favourite Omrahs, and bound him over to pay homage for the rest. He then proceeded to Jallire, which he took, and returned to Delhi.

The Emperor, much about this time, was informed that the expedition, by the way of Bengal, to Arinkil, in the country of Tillingana, had not succeeded, and that his army on that side had been obliged to retreat in great distress. In the year 709, he dispatched Cafoor with a great force to invade that country, by the way of Deogire; with orders, that if Lidderdeo, Prince of Arinkil, should consent to give him a handsome present, and promise an annual tribute, to return without prosecuting the war any further. When Cafoor and Chaja had reached Deogire, Ramdeo came out to meet them with offerings, and, carrying them home, entertained them with great hospitality, ordering his market to the camp, with strict orders to sell every thing according to the Emperor's established price in his own dominions.

Cafoor having marched from Deogire, appeared at Indore, upon the frontiers of Tillingana, and issued orders to lay waste the country with fire and sword; which struck the unhappy people, who had never injured their wanton enemies, with great terror and consternation. In the mean time, the neighbouring princes hastened with all their forces to support Lidderdeo, in this alarming juncture. But as the imperial army proceeded with great expedition, he was forced, before the arrival of his allies, to shut himself up in the fort of Arinkil, which was a place of great strength. The allied Rajas, upon this, also took possession of divers strong-holds round the country.

Cafoor immediately invested the place, and began his attacks, which were carried on and repelled with great slaughter on both sides. Notwithstanding the interruptions that Cafoor received from the auxiliary princes without the place, Arinkil, after some months' siege, was taken by assault, and the garrison massacred without mercy, for the citadel, to which Lidderdeo had retired, was not sufficient to contain the whole. Lidderdeo, driven to this extremity, bought his peace with three hundred elephants, seven thousand horses, and money and jewels to a very great amount; agreeing, at the same time, to pay an annual tribute. Cafoor, after this advantageous peace, returned with his army to Delhi. He dispatched before him the news of his victories, which was read from the pulpit, and a public rejoicing ordered. Upon his approach to the city, the King himself came out and met him at the Budaoon gate, and there the conqueror laid all the spoils at his feet.

In the year 710, the King sent Cafoor and Chaja, with a great army, to reduce Dhoor, Summund, and Maber, in the Decan, where he had heard there were temples very rich in gold and jewels. When they had proceeded to Deogire, they found that Ramdeo the old King was dead, and that the young prince Singeldeo was not so well affected to them as they thought. They therefore left some Omrahs in a strong post upon the banks of the Ganges, and continued their march. When they had passed the Raja's territories, they began their inhuman cruelties, and, after three months' march from Delhi, arrived in the countries which they were commanded to subdue. They engaged Bellal Deo, sovereign of the Carnatic, and, defeating him, took him prisoner, and then ravaged his whole country. They found in the temples a prodigious spoil in idols of gold, adorned with the most precious stones; and other rich effects, consecrated to their worship. Here the conqueror built a small mosque, and ordered divine service to be read according to the Mahommedan faith, and the Chutba to be pronounced in the Emperor's name. This mosque remains entire in our days, for the Caffers [The Mahommedans give the name of Caffers or Infidels to all nations who do not profess their own faith.], esteeming it a house consecrated to God, would not destroy it [This observation of our author sets the two religions in very opposite lights, and is perfectly consistent with the principle of universal charity of the Hindoos, who think that the same God is the object of all religions, however much they may differ in ceremonies and tenets.].

Cafoor, having wearied his own inhumanity and avarice, in destroying and robbing an unfortunate people, resolved to return to Delhi with the spoil. The night before his intended march, a quarrel arose among some Brahmins, who had taken protection in his camp, from the plundering-parties that scoured the country. Somebody who understood their language, found the quarrel was about the division of some hidden treasure, which was immediately communicated to the superintendent of the market, who seized them, and carried them to Cafoor to be examined. They were at first very obstinate, but their lives being threatened, and each being questioned apart, they were afraid one would inform against the other, by which means they discovered all they knew. Seven different places were pointed out near the camp, where immense treasures were concealed. These being dug up and placed upon elephants, Cafoor turned the points of his spears to Delhi, where he arrived, without any remarkable occurrence, in the year 711. He presented the Emperor with three hundred and twelve elephants, twenty thousand horses, ninety-six thousand maunds of gold, several chests of jewels and pearls, and other precious things [This treasure may appear to exceed all belief in the eyes of Europeans: but if we consider the Hindoos as a mercantile people, and not disturbed perhaps by wars for thousands of years; and add to this, that it is the invariable custom of that race, to live with the abstinence of hermits in the midst of wealth; our wonder will cease, and the credit of our author remain entire. The gold alone amounts to about one hundred millions of our money.]. Alla upon seeing this treasure, which exceeded that of Baadawird or Purvez, those wealthy and magnificent Kings of Persia, was greatly rejoiced, and opened the doors of his bounty to all. He gave to each of the principal Omrahs ten maunds, and to the inferior five. The learned men of his court received one maund, and thus in proportion he distributed wealth to all his servants, according to their rank and quality. The remainder was melted down, coined, and lodged in the treasury. It is said, that during this expedition to the Carnatic, the soldiers threw the silver they found away, as too cumbersome, where gold was found in such plenty. No person wore bracelets, chains, or rings, of any other metal than gold, while all the plate in the houses of the great, and in the temples, was of beaten gold; neither was silver money at all current in that country, should we believe the reports of those adventurers.

Soon after this accession of wealth, the tyrannical Alla exhibited a scene in the capital too dreadful to be varnished over by his great abilities. The Mogul converts in his army having incurred his displeasure, he ordered them to be all discharged. Some of them engaged themselves in the service of the Omrahs, but the greater number remained at Delhi in great distress, in hopes that the Sultan would relent by seeing their wretched poverty. He however remained obdurate, and some daring fellows among them, forced by their misfortunes, entered into a conspiracy to murder the King. This plot being discovered, Alla, instead of punishing the conspirators, extended his inhuman rigour to the whole body. He ordered them all to be instantly put to the sword; so that fifteen thousand of those unhappy wretches lay dead in the streets of Delhi in one day. All their wives and children were enslaved. The King was so inexorable and vindictive, that no one, durst attempt to conceal, however nearly connected they might be, any of the unfortunate Moguls, so that not one of them escaped.

The King, elevated by his good fortune, gave himself over to pride. He listened to no advice, as he sometimes condescended to do in the beginning of his reign, but every thing was executed by his irrevocable word. Yet the empire never flourished so much as in this reign. Order and justice travelled to the most distant provinces, and magnificence raised her head in the land. Palaces, mosques, universities, baths, spires, forts, and all kinds of public and private buildings, seemed to rise as by the power of enchantment, neither did there in any age appear such a concourse of learned men from all parts. Forty-five skilled in the sciences were professors in the universities. In poetry, Chusero and Delavi held the first rank. In philosophy and physic, Molana of Damascus. In divinity, Shatabi. In astrology, Nizam Awlia acquired much fame. Others distinguished themselves in music, morality, languages, and in all the fine arts then known in the world.

But when the King seemed to have carried every thing to the height of perfection, and to the extent of his wishes, he all at once adopted every measure that evidently tended to subvert the great fabric which he had raised. He resigned the reins of government entirely into the hands of Cafoor, whom he blindly supported in his most impolitic and tyrannical actions. This gave great disgust to the Omrahs, and spread universal discontent over the face of the people. He neglected the education of his own children, who were let out of the seraglio very young, and intrusted with independent power. Chizer was made viceroy of Chitor when as yet a boy, without any person of wisdom to advise him, or to superintend his conduct, while Shadi, Mubarick and Shab-ul-dien, his other sons, had appointments of the same important nature.

The prince of Tillingana, about this time, sent some presents and twenty elephants to the King, with a letter informing him that the tribute which he had agreed to pay in his treaty with Cafoor, was ready to be paid. Cafoor, upon this, desired leave of the King, to make another expedition into the Decan, promising that he would not only collect the revenues which had fallen due, but bring the Raja of Deogire and others, who had withheld their allegiance and tribute, under due subjection. He was principally moved to this by his jealousy of Chizer, the declared heir to the empire, whose government lay most convenient for that expedition; and whom he feared the King intended to send.

Alla consented to Cafoor's proposal, and he accordingly proceeded the fourth time to the Decan with a great army. He seized the Raja of Deogire, and inhumanly put him to death; then ravaging the countries of Mahrat, Connir, Dabul, Giwil, Raijore, and Mudkil, took up his residence at Deogire. He raised the tribute from the princes of Tillingana and the Carnatic, and, in the year 712, dispatched the whole to the Emperor.

Alla by this time, by his intemperance in the seraglio, ruined his constitution, and was taken extremely ill. His wife Mallecke Jehan, and her son Chizer, neglected him entirely, and spent their time in riot and revelry, which added new strength to the King's disorder. He therefore ordered Cafoor from the Decan, and Alip from Guzerat. He told them in private of the unpolitic, undutiful, and cruel behaviour of his wife and son. Cafoor, who had before aspired, in his mind, to the empire, now began seriously to form schemes for the extirpation of the royal line. He, for this purpose, insinuated to the King, that Chizer, the Queen, and Alip, had conspired against his life. What gave colour to this wicked accusation was, that at this time the Sultana solicited Alla to get one of Alip's daughters for her son Shadi. The traitor did not fail to improve this circumstance to his own advantage. The King at length suffered suspicion to steal into his breast, and ordered Chizer to Amrohe, and there to continue till he himself should recover. Though Chizer was mad with the follies of youth, this command of his father made a deep impression on his mind, and at his departure he made a private vow, that if God should spare the life of his father, he would return all the way on foot. When he accordingly heard that his father's health began to return, he performed his vow, and waited upon him at Delhi.

The traitor Cafoor turned this filial piety entirely against Chizer. He insinuated that his behaviour, by such a sudden change, could be imputed to nothing but hypocrisy, and urged his disobedience, by coming without his father's leave, pretending, at the same time, that he was intriguing with the Omrahs about kindling a rebellion in the empire. Alla could not give entire credit to these insinuations. He sent for Chizer into his presence, embraced him to try his affection, and, seeing him weep, seemed convinced of his sincerity, and ordered him into the seraglio, to see his mother and sisters. But unhappily for this prince, the flights of his youth made him deviate again into his former wild amusements. He neglected for several days to visit his father; during which time his subtle enemy bribed over to his own interest the Emperor's private servants, and called upon them to witness his aspersions against Chizer. He at length, by a thousand wiles and stratagems, accomplished his purpose, and prevailed upon the King to imprison his two sons Chizer and Shadi, in the fort of Gualier, and their mother in the old citadel. He at the same time procured an order to seize Alip, who was unjustly put to death, and his brother Nizam, suba of Jallore, was assassinated by Cummal, who assumed his place.

Thus far the traitor's schemes advanced in the direct road of success. But now the fire, which had long been smothered, began to flame, kindling first at Gu. zerat into a general insurrection. The King, to sup, press this rebellion, sent Cummal thither with a great army; but the forces commanded by the friends of Alip defeated him with great slaughter, and put him to a cruel death. In the mean time the governor of Chitor threw the imperial officers over the wall, and assumed independence; while Hirpal Deo, the son-in-law of Ramdeo, stirred up the Decan to arms, and took a number of the imperial garrisons.

Alla, upon receiving this intelligence, could do nothing but bite his own flesh, in resentment. His grief and rage served to strengthen his disorder, which would yield to no power of medicine.

On the evening of the sixth of Shawal, in the year 716, he gave up that life, which, like a comet, had spread terror and desolation through an astonished world; but not without suspicion of being poisoned by the villain whom he had raised from the dust to power. He reigned twenty years and some months.

If we look upon the government and policy of Alla-ul-dien, a great King arises to our view. If we behold his hands, which are red, an inexorable tyrant appears. Had he come by better means to the throne, his abilities deserved it well, but he began in cruelty, and waded through blood to the end. Ambition was the favourite passion of his soul, and from it sprung forth, like branches, injustice, violence, and rapine. Had fortune placed him at first on high, his glory would not perhaps be tarnished with meanness and deceit; but in whatever way that flame was to pass through the world, his tract, like that of a storm, must have been marked with ruin. He had some right, as a warrior, to the title of the Second Alexander; but these two Princes resembled one another in nothing but in success and bravery. The first was polished and generous, the latter was dark and rude. They were both magnificent, and each of them might conquer the world, and could command it. The servants of his household amounted to seventeen thousand, and his pomp, wealth and power, were never equalled by any Prince who sat before him on the throne of Hindostan.

Ahmed, Argun, Ganjatû, Baidû, Kazân, and Aljaptu, all of the posterity of Zingis, reigned successively in Persia, during the reigns of Ferose and Alla in India. Cubla was on the imperial throne of Tartary and China, till the sixth year of Ferose; Timur, Haysan, and Ajuli Palipata, successively held the sceptre of the Moguls, in the reign of Alla. The family of Zagatay still held their government on the confines of Tartary, Persia, and India. All Hindostan was comprehended in the Patan empire, at the death of Alla.

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Part 13 of 15

[Section XIV. The Reign of Shab Ul Dien Omar ben Sultan Alla Ul Dien Chilligie.]

OMAR.

In the history of Sidder Jehan of Guzerat, we are informed that, the day after the death of Alla, Cafoor assembled the Omrahs, and produced a spurious testament of the deceased King, in which he had appointed Omar, Alla’s youngest son, his successor, and Cafoor himself regent, during the prince's minority, setting aside the right of primogeniture in the person of Chizer, and the other princes. Omar then, in the seventh year of his age, was placed on the throne, and Cafoor began his administration. The first step which the traitor took, was to send a person to Gualier, to put out the eyes of the princes Chizer and Shadi. His orders were inhumanly executed; and the Sultana, their mother, was put into closer confinement, and all her wealth seized. Mubarick, the third son of Alla, was also taken into custody, with an intention to have his eyes put out, like his unhappy brothers.

There is ridicule in what we are to relate. Cafoor, though an eunuch, married the mother of Omar, the late Emperor's third wife. But the mother of Mụbarick, Alla's second wife, having heard that the regent intended to put out the eyes of her son, acquainted Nizam of her intelligence, and he gave her some hopes that the threatened misfortune should be prevented.

Cafoor, in the mean time, to cloak his wicked designs, placed the young King every day upon the throne, and ordered the nobles to pay their respects, as usual, to the Emperor. He sent one night some assassins to cut off the prince Mubarick; but when they entered his apartment, he conjured them to remember his father, whose servants they were; then untying a string of rich jewels from his neck, which perhaps had more influence than his entreaties, he gave it them. They immediately abandoned their purpose; but quarreling about the division of the jewels, when they had got out, it was proposed to carry them to the chief of the footguards, and acquaint him of what the Prince had said, and of their instructions from Cafoor.

The commander of the foot-guards, who owed every thing to the favour of the deceased King, was shocked at the villainy of Cafoor, and finding his people of the same sentiments, he immediately formed a conspiracy against the tyrant, and accordingly he and his lieutenant entered the regent's apartment, a few hours after, and assassinated him, with some of the principal eunuchs, who were attached to his interest. This happened thirty-five days after the Emperor Alla's death, and thus the world was rid of a monster too horrid to exist among mankind.

When, with the return of day, the transactions of the night became public, they gave general satisfaction. The Prince Mubarick was released from his confinement, and had the reins of government placed in his hands. He however did not immediately assume the throne, but acted for the space of two months, as regent or vizier for his brother, till he had brought over the nobles to his interest. He then claimed his birthright to the diadem, deposed his brother, and acceded to the imperial dignity. But, according to the barbarous custom and policy of those days, he deprived Omar of his eyes, and confined him for life in the fort of Gualier, after he had borne the title of King for three months and some days.

[Section XV. The Reign of Cuttub Ul Dien Mubarick Shaw Chillige.]

MUBARICK I.

UPON the seventh of Mohirrim, in the year seven hundred and seventeen of the Higera, Mubarick [Cuttub-ul-dien, Mubarick Shaw Chilligi.] mounted the throne. The commander of the foot-guards, who had saved his life, and raised him to the imperial dignity, as also his lieutenant, were ungratefully and inhu- manly put to death by his orders, under no better pretence than that they presumed too much upon the services they had done him. It is probable he was instigated to this base action by his fears, as, in some measure, appears by his immediately dispersing all the old soldiers, who were under their command, into different parts of the country Mubarick began to dispense his favours among the nobles, but he disgusted them all by raising some of his slaves to that dignity.

Dinar Shenapil was dignified with the title of Ziffer. Moula, the Emperor's uncle, received the name of Shere, and Malana Zea, that of Sidder Jehan. In the mean time Kerabeg was made one of the counsellors of state; and Hassen one of his slaves, the son of a seller of rags at Guzerat, received the title of Chusero, and, through the King's unnatural affection for him, became the greatest man in the empire. He was appointed to the command of the armies of Cafoor and Chaja, those joint conquerors of the Decan, and at the same time to the honour of the office of Vizier, without any one good quality to recommend him to those high employs.

The Emperor, whether to affect popularity, or in remembrance of his late situation, ordered all the prisons to be opened, by which means seventeen thousand were blessed with the light of day, and all the exiles were by proclamation recalled. He then commanded to give to the army a present of six months' pay, and conferred upon them many other private benefits. He at the same time issued orders to give free access to all petitioners. He eased the petitioners of some of their taxes; but by too much relaxing the reins of government, disorder and tumult arose, which threw down to the ground the great fabric raised by his father Alla. He gave himself up entirely to wine, revelry, and lust. These vices became fashionable at court, from whence the whole body of the people were soon infected.

Mubarick, in the first year of his reign, sent an army, under the command of the famous Moultani, into the province of Guzerat, which had revolted. Moultani was an Omrah of great abilities. He soon defeated the insurgents, cut off their chiefs, and settled the country in peace. The King conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer, whose daughter he had taken in marriage. Ziffer soon after marched his army to Narwalla, the capital of Guzerat, where some disturbances had happened, reduced the rebels, confiscated their estates, and sent their moveable wealth to the King.

Mubarick, in the second year of his reign, raised a great army, and marched towards the Decan, to chastise Hirpaldeo, the son-in-law of Ramdeo, who, by the assistance of the other princes of the Decan, had recovered his country. Mubarick at his departure appointed Shahin, the son of a slave, to whom he gave the title of Offa Beg, governor of Delhi, during his absence. When he arrived near Deogire, Hirpaldeo and the other princes, who were then besieging the place, fled. But some Omrahs being ordered to pursue Hirpaldeo, he was brought back prisoner, flayed alive, and beheaded. His head was fixed above the gate of his own capital. The Emperor ordered his garrisons to be re-established as far as the sea, and built a mosque in Deogire, which still remains. He then appointed one of his father's slaves, to command in the Decan. He, in imitation of Alla, gave his catamite Chusero the ensigns of royalty, sending him towards Malabar, with part of his army, then returned himself to Delhi.

Assid, son to the Emperor's grand-uncle, seeing the King daily drunk, and negligent of all the duties of a king or commander, began to entertain thoughts of the empire, and formed a conspiracy against his life. This plot however was discovered by one of the conspirators, and Assid was condemned to death. Whether Mubarick had found proofs that his brothers were concerned in this conspiracy, we cannot learn, but at that time he sent an assassin to Gualier, and these two unfortunate blind princes were inhumanly murdered, and the fair Dewilde brought to the royal haram.

Mubarick, finding himself in quiet possession of all the kingdoms of India, abandoned those popular manners which he at first affected, and grew perverse, proud, vindictive, and tyrannical, despising all counsel, ill-treating all his friends, and executing every thing, however bloody or unjust, by his obstinate, blind, arbitrary will. Ziffer, the imperial governor of Guzerat, among others, fell a victim to his tyranny, and also Offa Beg, upon whom he had heaped such favours, without any plausible pretence against either. He was infamous, in short, in every vice that can taint the human mind, and descended so far from the royal character, as to dress himself often like a common prostitute, and go with the public women to dance at the houses of the nobility. At other times, he would lead a gang of those abominable prostitutes, stark naked, along the terraces of the royal palaces, and oblige them to make water upon the nobles as they entered the court. These and such other vices and indecencies, too shocking to mention, were the constant amusements of this monster in the form of man.

After the death of Ziffer, Hissam, uncle to the famous slave Chusero, who was also one of the Emperor's catamites, in the absence of the detestable slave obtained the regency of Guzerat, where he had not been established long, till, in confederacy with a few nobles, he rebelled; but the other Omrahs of Guzerat rising in arms, defeated him, and sent him prisoner to Delhi, where he was not only pardoned, but permitted to resume his place in the King's favour; Odgi being sent to Guzerat, in his stead. About this time news arrived, that Eclikki, governor of the Decan, had rebelled. The Emperor sent a great army to suppress that insurrection, who found means to seize the rebel and his principal adherents, and to send them to Delhi, where Eclikki had his ears cut off, and the others were put to the torture. The gallant Moultani was advanced to the viceroyship of the Decan.

Chusero, who had gone to Malabar, staid there about one year. He plundered the country of about one hundred and twenty elephants, a perfect diamond of 168 ruttys, with other jewels and gold to a great amount. His ambition was increased by his wealth, and he began to aspire to the throne. Not being able to join to his interest any of the great officers of his army, he formed the means of their destruction. For this purpose he called one Tilbiga from the government of the island of Koohe, Timur and Malleck Affghan, who were on different services, and gave out that he had orders to return to Delhi. These nobles, having intelligence of his intentions, disobeyed his commands, and wrote a remonstrance to the Emperor, accusing Chusero of a conspiracy against the state. Mubarick, on this, ordered them to seize him, and send him prisoner to Delhi, which accordingly they found means to execute. But when he came before the King, he pleaded his own innocence so artfully, and blamed his accusers with such plausibility of truth, that the Emperor, believing the whole proceeded from the disgust of their being commanded by his favourite, he recalled them; and notwithstanding they gave undoubted proofs of their assertions, he was determined to listen to nothing against this vile catamite. He dishonoured them, confiscated all their estates, turning them out to poverty and the world. The other Omrahs seeing that the enemies of Chusero, right or wrong, were devoted to destruction, the men of the best principles among them made excuses, and obtained leave to retire to distant parts of the empire; while the abandoned to all honour joined themselves to the catamite, who was now the object of universal dread, as well as the source of all benefits and promotion. This slave, in the mean time, cherished his own ambitious views, and began again to form measures for his own advancement.

To accomplish his purpose, he told the King, “That as his own fidelity and services had been by his Majesty so generously rewarded, and as he might still have occasion for them in the conduct of his military affairs, while the Omrahs, from the pride of family, were seditious and disobedient to his commands, he begged that he might be permitted to call some of his relations from Guzerat, in whom he could more certainly confide.” Mubarick agreed to this request; and Chusero sent a great sum of money, by some of his agents, to Guzerat, who collected about twenty thousand of the dregs of the people, and brought them to Delhi. Every place of profit and trust were conferred upon those vermin, which bound them fast to Chusero's interest; and also upon all the villains about the city, who were remarkable for their boldness and address.

The Emperor, in the mean time, going to hunt towards Jirsava, a plot was formed to assassinate him. But this, was laid aside, on account of some difference in opinion among the conspirators: and therefore they resolved to perform their tragedy in the palace. Mubarick returned to Delhi, and, according to custom, gave himself up to his debaucheries. Chusero was warm in his project, and took the opportunity of a favourable hour to beg leave of Mubarick to entertain his friends in the outer court of the palace. The Emperor not only consented, but issued orders to give them free access at all times; by which means the courts of the palace became crowded with those vermin.

In the mean time, the Casi Zea, who was famous for his skill in astrology, though upon this occasion, we imagine, he consulted his own judgment and not the stars, ran into the presence, and kissed the ground. “O King," said he, “Chusero is concerting means for your assassination. If this should prove false, his honesty will be the better established; if otherwise, caution is necessary, because life is a most inestimable jewel.” Mubarick smiled at the old man, who had been one of his preceptors, and told him, he would make enquiry into that affair: while instantly Chusero entered in a female dress, with all the affectations of a girl. The Emperor, upon seeing the infamous catamite, repeated a verse to this effect: “If my beloved were guilty of ten thousand crimes, one smile from him and I forget them all.” He then embraced Chusero, and actually did forget all that the Casi had said.

That night, as the Casi was suspicious of treason, he could not go to rest, but walked out about midnight to see whether the guards were watchful. In their rounds, he met Mundul, uncle to Chusero, who engaged him in conversation. In the mean time, one Jaherba came behind him, and, with one stroke of a sword, stretched him upon the ground, leaving him only strength to cry out, “Treason! treason! murder and treason are on foot!” while two servants, who attended him, run off, screaming aloud, that the Casi was assassinated. The guards started up in confusion, but they were instantly attacked by the conspirators, and massacred, before they could prepare for their own defence.

The Emperor, alarmed by the noise, asked Chusero, who lay in his apartment, the cause of it. The villain arose to enquire, and going out on the terrace, stood for some time, and returning told the King, that some of the horses belonging to the guard had broke loose from their picquets, and were fighting, while the people were endeavouring to lay hold of them. This satisfied Mubarick for the present; but, soon after, the conspirators having ascended the stairs, and got upon the terraces which led to the royal sleeping-apartment, they were stopped by Ibrahim and Ishaac, with all the porters of the private chambers, whom they immediately put to the sword. The Emperor, hearing the clash of arms and groans of dying men so near him, rose up in great terror and confusion, running towards the haram, by a private passage. Chusero, fearing he might escape, rushed close after him, and seizing him by the hair in the gallery, struggled with him for some time. Mubarick being the stronger man, threw Chusero on the ground; but as he had twisted his hand in his hair, he could by no means disengage himself, till some of the other conspirators came, and, with a stroke of a sabre, cut off his head, and threw it down into the court, proclaiming the deed aloud to those below.

The conspirators in the court below began to be hard pressed by the guards and the servants, who had crowded from all quarters, but upon hearing of the Emperor's fate, they all hastened out of the palace. The conspirators then shut the gates, and massacred all who had not the good fortune to escape; particularly the younger children of the Emperor Alla, Feredoon, Ali, and Omar; then, breaking into the haram, committed all manner of violence upon the poor women.

Thus the vengeance of God overtook and exterminated the race of Alla, for his ingratitude to his uncle Ferose, and the streams of innocent blood which flowed from his hands. Heaven also punished Mubarick, whose name and reign are too infamous to have a place in the records of literature; did not our duty, as an historian, oblige us to this disagreeable task. But notwithstanding, we have, in some places, been obliged to throw the veil of oblivion over circumstances too horrid to relate.

This massacre happened on the fifth of the first Ribbi, in the year 721. In the morning, Chusero, surrounded by his creatures, mounted the throne, and, ridiculously, assumed the title of the supporter of religion [Nasir-ul-dien.] He then ordered all the slaves and servants of Mubarick, who he thought had the least spark of honesty, to be put to death, and their wives and children to be sold for slaves. His brother was dignified with the title of Chan Chanan, or chief of the Omrahs, and married to one of the daughters of the Emperor Alla, while he took Dewilde, the widow of Mubarick, to himself. He disposed of all the other ladies of the seraglio among his beggarly friends.

The army now remained to be bribed, who loved nothing better than a revolution; for they had always, upon such an occasion, a donation of six months pay immediately divided from the treasury. This trifle bought those dissolute slaves, who were lost to all sense of gratitude or honour.

The son of Kimar, the chief of a gang of thieves, received the title of Shaista, and was made chief secretary of the empire, while Ain-ul-Malleck was appointed captain-general of the imperial armies. Jonah had the title of Chusero, and the appointment of master of the horse, with many other distinguishing favours, with an intention to gain over the allegiance of his father, Ghazi, governor of Lahore and Debalpoor, of whom the usurper was in great fear. Notwithstanding his promotion, Jonah was touched to the soul to see the empire ridden by a gang of villains. His father also, who was reckoned a man of great bravery and honour in those days, was discontented at the infamous proceedings at court, and roused himself to revenge. He acquainted his son of his purpose, and Jonah took the first opportunity to fly from Delhi, and join his father.

The usurper was in great perplexity upon the flight of Jonah, and began already to give his hopes to the wind. Ghazi immediately prepared for hostilities, and, by circular letters, invited all the Omrahs to join his standard. A great many of the subas of the provinces put their troops immediately in motion; but Mogulti, the governor of Moultan, jealous of precedence, refused to join; upon which occasion, Byram, a chief of some note in those parts, was prevailed upon to assassinate him.

Eclikki, governor of Samana, notwithstanding the usurper had been the occasion of his losing his ears, transmitted the circular letter of Ghazi to court, informing him of the rebellion, and, taking the field against the confederates, received a signal defeat, and, in his flight to Delhi, was fallen upon by the zemindars, and cut to pieces. The usurper sent his brother, and Sufi, with all on whom he could depend, against the confederates.

Ghazi, now joined by Byram with the army from Moultan, and other subas, advanced to meet the usurper's army, which he did upon the banks of the Sirusti. But as the troops of Ghazi were experienced in frequent wars with the Moguls, and those of Chusero enervated by indolence and debaucheries, and besides lost to all sense of military honour, they were broke on the first onset, and all the public treasure, elephants, and baggage, were taken. This booty was divided in the field among the conquerors. They then continued their march in triumph towards Delhi. The usurper. in great embarrassment, marched out of the city, and took possession of a strong post near the great pond of Alahi, with the citadel in his rear, and many gardens, with high walls in his front. He then opened the treasury, and gave three years' pay to his troops, leaving nothing but the jewels, of some of which he also disposed. The confederates advancing in sight, an action was expected next morning. But that night, Moultani drew off his forces from the usurper, and took the route of Mindu. This struck great terror into Chusero's army. They however drew up in order of battle; and Tilbiga and Shaista opposing the confederates with great bravery, as they advanced through the lanes, were at length overpowered and slain. But their situation gave such advantages to the usurper's army, that they maintained their post till the evening; when the infamous Chusero fled, with a few of his friends, towards Jilput. In the way he was deserted by all his attendants, and obliged to conceal himself in a tomb, from whence he was dragged the next day, and ordered to be put to death, together with his brother, who was taken in a neighbouring garden.

The day after this action, being the first of Shaban, all the Omrahs and magistrates of the city came to pay their respects to the victor, and made him a present of the keys of the capital. He mounted his horse, and entered Delhi in triumph. When he came in sight of the palace of a thousand pillars, he began to weep, crying with a loud voice: “O ye subjects of this great empire! I am no more than one of you, who unsheathed my sword to deliver you from oppression, and rid the world of a monster. My endeavours, by the blessing of God, have been crowned with success. If therefore any of the royal line remain, let them be brought, that justice may take place, and that we, his servants, may prostrate ourselves before his throne. But if none of the race of Kings have escaped the bloody hands of tyranny and usurpation, let the most worthy of the illustrious order be elected among you, and I shall swear to abide by your choice.”

The people cried out with one voice, that none of the princes were now alive; that as he had shielded them from the vengeance of the Moguls, and delivered them from the rage of a tyrant, none was so worthy to reign. Then seizing him, in a manner by violence, they placed him upon the throne, and hailed him King of the World. But he assumed the more modest title of Yeas-ul-dien Tuglick, or the reformer of religion. The reign of Chusero was five months. Nothing in history can exhibit such an example of the dissolute and infamous manners of any age or nation, as we are presented with in the accounts of this wicked and shameful usurpation, though it was scarcely more dishonourable to mankind than the reign of the abandoned Mubarick, who had some right to the empire. During the short usurpations of the two Cafoors, and the reign of Mubarick, there were very few alterations in the state of Asia. Ajuli Palipata sat on the Mogul throne of Tartary and China; and Abusaid, of the race of Zingis, on that of Persia.

[Section XVI. The Reign of Sultan Yeas Ul Dien Tuglick Shaw.]

TUGLICK I.

We have no true accounts of the pedigree of Tuglick [Sultan Yeas-ul-dien Tuglick Shaw.]. It is generally believed that his father, whose name was Tuglick, had been, in his youth, brought up as an imperial slave, by Balin. His mother was one of the tribe of the Jits. But indeed the pedigrees of the Kings of the Patan empire make such a wretched figure in history, that we could wish to omit them, were it not to show how far the depravity and corruption of a people can plunge them into the sink of slavery, and subject them to the vilest of men.

When Tuglick mounted the throne, he began to regulate the affairs of government, which had fallen into the utmost disorder, by the most salutary and advisable methods, which gained him general esteem. He repaired the palaces and fortifications, founded others, and encouraged industry and commerce. Men of genius and learning were called to court; institutes of laws and government were established and founded upon the Coran, and the ancient usages of the empire.

Jonah, the Emperor's eldest son, was declared heir apparent, with the title of Ali, and all the royal ensigns conferred upon him. His other four sons were entitled Byram, Ziffer, Mamood, and Nuserit. Byram Iba, who had so effectually assisted him with the army from Moultan, was adopted his brother, by the title of the noble Chusero, and appointed viceroy of the provinces upon the Indus. Assid, his nephew, was appointed lord of the presence; and Malleck Baha, his other nephew, chief secretary of the empire. Shadi, the Emperor's brother and son-in-law, was made vizier. Burhan had the government of Deogire conferred upon him; and Tartar, the government of another district in that country called Zifferabad.

The Emperor, in the mean time, stationed troops upon the frontiers towards Cabul, and built forts to defend the country from the incursions of the Moguls, which he did so effectually as not to be troubled by these invaders during his reign.

In the second year from his accession, Jonah, the Emperor's eldest son, with some of the old Omrahs, and the troops of Chinderi, Budaoon, and Malava, was dispatched towards Tillingana, to' chastise Lidderdeo, the Indian prince of Arinkil, who had, during the late disturbances, wrested his neck from the yoke, and refused to send his tribute, while the Raja of Deogire had also swerved from his allegiance. Jonah having advanced into those countries, began a barbarous war with fire and sword. Lidderdeo opposed him with some vigour, but was in the end obliged to retreat into the city of Arinkil, which Jonah immediately invested.

The siege was carried on with great loss on both sides, till the walls were battered down, and a practicable breach made. The Mahommedan army, in the mean time, on account of the hot winds and bad water, were seized with a malignant distemper, that swept hundreds to their graves every day. Many became desirous to return home, and spread false reports. through the camp, which threw universal consternation among the army. As there had been no advices for above a month from Delhi, Zuda Dimiski the poet, and some others who were companions of Jonah, raised a report, by way of jest, that the Emperor was dead, and that a great revolution had happened in Delhi. Not content with this, they went to the tents of Timur, Afghan, Cafoor Mordar, and Tiggi, who were the principal Omrahs in the camp, and told them such and such was the state of affairs at Delhi, and that Prince Jonah, knowing them, as old Omrahs, to have an equal right with himself to the empire, had resolved to dispatch them.

The Omrahs, giving implicit belief to this false information, fled that night, with all their dependants, from the camp. Jonah, thus deserted, was under the necessity of retreating, in great disorder, towards Deogire, whither he was pursued by the besieged, with great slaughter. In the mean time advices arrived from Delhi, that all was well, and Jonah halted at Deogire, to collect his scattered army. The four Omrahs who fled, having disagreed among themselves, had each taken a separate route, by which means they were fallen upon by the Indians, plundered of their elephants, camels, and baggage, and otherwise greatly harassed in their march. Timur and Tiggi were both slain, while Afghan and Cafoor were seized by their own troops, and brought prisoners to Deogire. An inquiry was made into their conduct, the authors of the disturbance seized, and all of them sent prisoners to Delhi. The Emperor ordered the propagators of the false intelligence to be buried alive, with this severe sarcasm: "That they had buried him alive in jest, but that he would bury them alive in good earnest."

Prince Jonah was obliged to retreat from Deogire, and brought only back three thousand horse, of all his great army, to Delhi. He in two months, however, made great preparations, and, with a more numerous army than the former, took the route of Arinkil. He took in his way the city of Bedir, on the frontiers of Tillingana, and other places, where he left garrisons. He then advanced to the capital, renewed the siege, and, in a short time, reduced it. Some thousands of the unfortunate Hindoos were massacred, and Lidderdeo, with his family, taken prisoners. Jonah sent the prisoners, their treasure, elephants, and effects, to Delhi, under charge of Kuddir and Chaja. Upon their arrival, great rejoicings were made in the new citadel, which the Emperor had built, by the name of Tughlickabad.

The Prince, having appointed trusty Omrahs to govern the country of Tillingana, proceeded in person towards Jagenagur [Now Cattack in Orissa.]. In that place he took forty elephants from the Raja, and sent them to his father. Returning then to Arinkil, he staid there a few days, and continued his march to Delhi.

In the beginning of the year 724, complaints arrived from Bengal of the great oppressions committed by the governors of that kingdom. Tuglick appointed his son Jonah to the government of Delhi, and, with a great army, marched towards Bengal. When he had reached Nahib, Nazir, the grandson of the Emperor Balin, who had remained in that government since the death of his father, arrived, in a respectful manner, from Bengal, with many valuable presents. He was confirmed in his government of the whole kingdom of Bengal, and honoured with royal dignities; and the Emperor prepared for his return.

When he was passing near the hills of Turhat, the Indian prince of those parts appearing in arms, he pursued him into the woods. Finding his army could no longer continue the pursuit, he alighted, and calling for a hatchet, cut down one of the trees with his own hand. The troops, upon seeing this, set to work with such spirit, that the forest seemed to vanish before them, till they arrived at a fort surrounded with seven ditches full of water, and a high wall. The King immediately invested it, began the siege, filled up the ditches, and broke down the wall in three weeks. He took the Raja, his family, and wealth, and conferred the government of Turhat upon the noble Ahmed, and returned with his army towards Delhi.

When the Emperor had reached Afghanpoor, he was met by Prince Jonah, with all the nobles of Delhi, to congratulate him upon his safe return. But his death was now approaching. His son had in that place raised à wooden house, in three days' time, for his father's reception. The entertainment being over, the King was preparing to mount, and every body hastened out to be ready to accompany him. The roof of the building fell instantly in, and killed the Emperor and five of his attendants, as he was rising to follow the Omrahs.

Some authors attribute this accident to the newness of the building, and the motion of the elephants that were preparing without. Others give it to design, with which they charge Jonah, as the raising this unnecessary building seems indeed to indicate. But others ascribe it to lightning; so that the matter still remains in doubt. The death of Tuglick happened in the month of the first Ribbi of the year 725, after a reign of four years and some months. The poet, the noble Chusero, who lived down to the end of this Emperor's reign, has favoured posterity with his history at large, by which it appears that he was a great and virtuous prince.

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Part 14 of 15

[Section XVII. The Reign of Sultan Mahummud the son of Yeas Ul Dien Tughlick Shaw.]

MAHOMMED III.

AFTER the King's funeral obsequies were performed, his eldest son, Jonah, ascended the throne by the name of Mahommed, and proceeded from Tuglickabad to Delhi. The streets of that city were strowed with flowers, the houses adorned, the drums beating, and every demonstration of joy exhibited. The new Emperor ordered some elephants, loaded with gold and silver, before and behind him, which was scattered among the populace.

Tatar, whom the Emperor Tuglick had adopted, and appointed to the government of Zifferabad, was now honoured with the title of Byram, and presented with a hundred elephants, a crore of golden rupees, two thousand horse, and the government of Bengal. To Sinjer of Buduchshan, Mahommed gave seventy lacks in silver. To Malleck, eighty lacks; and to Molana, his preceptor, forty lacks, all in one day. The learned Molana Cumi had an annual pension of one lack, and Malleck of Ghizni, the poet, another to the same amount.

His generosity, in short, was like his wealth, without bounds, which no man could well account for, there being no great sum in the treasury upon his accession. It is therefore probable, that he had concealed the riches of the prince of Arinkil, from Tuglick, and that his liberality was supplied from the wealth of the Decan, which circumstance strengthens our suspicion that he was accessary to his father's death. Some writers, notwithstanding this suspicion, make long panegyrics upon his virtues and accomplishments. He, it must be acknowledged, aimed at universal knowledge, was conversant in all the literature of the times, and a patron of learned men, giving them profusely pensions for a magnificent subsistence.

Mahommed was, at the same time, very strict with regard to public and private worship. He ordered prayers to be read in the mosques five times every day. He discouraged all intemperate pleasures, and set the example by his own rigid life. But it is to be suspected, that he acted the mean character of a hypocrite, for he was vindictive and inhuman, delighting in the blood of his subjects, and condemning them, without distinction of right or wrong, to cruel and ignominious deaths.

In the beginning of the reign of Mahommed, before the empire was properly settled, Siri, chief of the tribe of Zagatay, a Mogul general of great fame, invaded Hindostan, in the year 727, with an innumerable army, with a view to make an entire conquest of it. Having subdued Limghan, Moultan, and the northern provinces, he advanced towards Delhi with incredible expedition, and invested it. Mahommed, seeing he could not cope with the enemy in the field, and that the city must soon fall, began to sue for peace; he sent an immense present, in gold and jewels, to soften the Mogul chief, who at last consented, upon receiving almost the price of the empire, to return to his own country, taking Guzerat and Sind in his way, which he plundered of a world of wealth.

Mahommed turned his thoughts to war, and the regulation of his army. He subdued, by different generals, many distant countries, such as Door, Summudir, Maber, Compila, Arinkil, some of which provinces had revolted, and others had never been subjected by the arms of the Islamites. He soon after reduced the Carnatic to the extremities of the Decan, and from sea to sea, obliging all the Rajas to pay him tribute, by which means he again filled the treasury with money.

But, during the convulsions which soon after shook the empire, all these foreign conquests were wrested from the yoke. The causes of the disturbances were chiefly these; the heavy imposts, which were, in this reign, tripled in some provinces; the passing copper money for silver, by public decree; the raising three hundred and seventy thousand horse for the conquest of Chorassan and Maver-ul-nere; the sending one hundred thousand horse towards the mountains between India and China; the cruel massacre of many Mahommedans, as well as Hindoos, in different parts of India; and many other lesser reasons, which, for the sake of brevity, we shall forbear to mention.

The imposts upon the necessaries of life, which were levied with the utmost rigour, were too great for the power of industry, and consequently the country was involved in distraction and confusion. The farmers were forced to fly to the woods, and to maintain themselves by rapine. The lands being left uncultivated, famine began to desolate whole provinces, and the sufferings of the people obliterated from their minds every idea of government, and subjection to authority.

The copper money, for want of proper regulations, was productive of no less evils than that which we have already specified. The King, unfortunately for his people, adopted his ideas upon currency, from a Chinese custom of using paper upon the Emperor's credit with the royal seal appended, for ready money. Mahommed, instead of paper, struck a copper coin, which, being issued at an imaginary value, he made current by a decree throughout Hindostan. The mint was under very bad regulations. Bankers acquired immense fortunes by coinage, whilst the merchants made their payments in copper to the poor manufacturers, at the same time that they themselves received for their exports, silver and gold. There was much villainy also practised in the mint; for a premium to those who had the management of it, the merchants had their coin struck considerably below the legal value; and these abuses were overlooked by the government.

But the great source of the misfortunes consequent upon this debasement of the coin, was the known instability of government Public credit could not long subsist in a state so liable to revolutions as Hindostan; for how could the people in the remote provinces receive for money, the base representative of a treasury that so often changed its master?

From these evils general murmurs and confusions arose throughout the empire. The Emperor, to ease the minds of the people, was obliged to call in the copper currency. But there had been such abuses in the mint, that, after the treasury was emptied, there still remained a heavy demand. This he was forced to strike off, and thousands were ruined. The Emperor himself was so far from winning by this indigested scheme, that he lost all he had in his treasury; and the bankers accumulated immense fortunes, on the ruin of their sovereign and people.

Mahommed, by the advice of Amir Norose, a Mogul chief, who, with thousands of his tribe, had entered into the service, raised a great army. The Mogul buoyed up the Emperor's mind with the facility of reducing both Persia and Tartary; but before these mighty projects could be put in execution, he fell in arrears to his forces. They, finding they could not subsist without pay, dispersed themselves over the empire, and carried pillage, ruin, and death, to every quarter.

These misfortunes comprehended the domestic transactions of many years. The public treasury being squandered by impolitic schemes and follies of various kinds, the King entered into a project to repair his finances, equally absurd with that by which they were principally ruined.

Having heard of the great wealth of China, Mahommed formed a resolution to subdue that kingdom; but, to accomplish his design, it was first necessary to conquer the country of Himmatchil, which lies between the borders of China and India. He accordingly, in the year 738, ordered one hundred thousand horse, under the command of his sister's son Chusero, to subdue the mountainous country of Himmatchil, and fix garrisons as far as the frontiers of China. When this should be done, he proposed to advance in person, with his whole force, to invade that empire.

The Omrahs and counsellors of state went so far, as plainly to tell him, that the troops of India never yet could, and never would, advance a step within the limits of that mighty empire, and that the whole was a visionary project. The Emperor insisted upon making the experiment, and accordingly this army was put in motion, and, having entered the mountains, began to build small forts on the road, to secure a communication; proceeding in this manner to the boundaries of China, where a numerous army appeared to oppose them. As their numbers were by this time greatly diminished, and much inferior to that of the enemy, the troops of Hindostan were struck with universal dismay, upon considering their distance from home, the rugged ways they had passed, and the rainy season which was now approaching; besides the scarcity of provisions, which now began to be severely felt. In this consternation, they bent their march towards the foot of a mountain, where the savage inhabitants of the hills poured down upon them, and plundered their baggage, while the Chinese army lay in their front.

In this distressful situation they remained for seven days, suffering the extremities of famine without knowing how to proceed. At length such a heavy rain fell, that the cavalry were up to their bellies in water, which obliged the Chinese to remove their camp to a greater distance. Chusero then determined to endeavour to make his retreat, but the low country was quite covered with water, and the mountains with impervious woods. Their misfortunes now came to a crisis. Having lost the road, they found themselves in such an unfortunate situation, that they could find no way out but that by which they entered, which was now possessed by the enemy. This whole army in short, in the space of fifteen days, fell a prey to famine, and a victim to false ambition; scarce a man coming back to relate the particulars, except those who were left behind in the garrisons. A few of them escaped indeed the rage of the enemy, but could not escape the more fatal tyranny of their Emperor, who ordered them to be put to death, upon their return to Delhi.

Baha, the Emperor's nephew, an Omrah of great reputation, known more generally by his original name Kirshasib, who possessed a government in the Decan called Saghir, began to turn his thoughts upon the empire, and gained over many of the nobles of the Decan to his party. By their influence, and the great riches which he had accumulated, his power became very formidable. He then attacked some Omrahs who continued firm in their allegiance, obliging them to take refuge in the fort of Mindu.

Mahommed having intelligence of the revolt, commanded Jehan, with many other Omrahs and the whole power of Guzerat, to chastise the rebel. When the imperial army arrived before Deogire, they found Kirshasib drawn up in order of battle to receive them: but, after a gallant contest, he was defeated. He fled towards his government; but not daring to remain there, he carried off his family and wealth to Campala in the Carnatic, and took protection in the dominions of the Raja of that place, with whom he had maintained a friendly intercourse.

Mahommed, in the mean time, took the field, and arrived soon after at Deogire. He sent from thence Jehan with a great force against the prince of Campala, by whom the imperialists were twice defeated; but, fresh reinforcements arriving from Deogire, Jehan engaged the Raja a third time, and carried the victory. He took the prince prisoner, but Kirshasib fled to the court of Bellaldeo, who, fearing to draw the same misfortunes upon himself, seized upon him, and sent him bound to the general, and acknowledged his subjection to the empire. Jehan immediately dispatched the prisoner to court, where the Emperor ordered him to be flayed, and shown a horrid spectacle, all around the city; while the executioner proclaimed aloud, “Thus shall all traitors to their King perish.”

The Emperor was so much pleased with the situation and strength of Deogire, that, considering it more centrical than Delhi, he determined to make it his capital. But, upon proposing this affair in his council, the majority were of opinion, that Ugein was a more proper place for that purpose. The King, however, had previously formed his resolution. He therefore gave orders that the city of Delhi, which was then the envy of the world, should be rendered desolate, and that men, women, and children, with all their effects and cattle, should make a grand migration to Deogire. To add magnificence to the migration, he commanded trees to be tore up by the roots, and planted in regular rows along the road, to yield the emigrants a shade, and that all who had not money to defray their charges, should be maintained at the public expence. He ordered that for the future Deogire should be called Dowlatabad, or the fortunate city; raised noble buildings, and dug a deep ditch round the walls, which he repaired and beautified. Upon the top of the hill upon which the citadel stood, he formed large reservoirs for water, and made a beautiful garden. This change, however, greatly affected the empire, and distracted the minds of the people. But the Emperor's orders were strictly complied with, and the ancient capital left desolate.

Mahommed having effected this business, marched his army against the fort of Gundana, near Jinner. Nack-naig, who was chief of the Colies, opposed him with great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within his walls. As the place was built upon the summit of a steep mountain, inaccessible but by one narrow pass cut in the rock, the Emperor had no hopes of reducing it but by famine. He accordingly ordered it to be blockaded, and, at the same time, made some ineffectual attacks, in which he was repulsed with great loss. The garrison becoming straitened for provisions, and having no hopes of Mahommed's retreat, delivered up the place at the expiration of eight months; and he soon after returned to Dowlatabad.

He had not been long in his capital, when he heard that his father's firm friend Ibah, the viceroy of Moultan, had rebelled, and was then reducing the country about the Indus with a great army. The cause of the revolt was this: Mahommed having sent an order to all his Omrahs to send their families to Dowlatabad, the messenger who was dispatched to Moultan, presuming too much upon the King's authority, upon observing some delay, proceeded to impertinent threats. He one day told Ibah's son-in-law, that he believed his father was meditating treason against the King. High words upon this arose between them, which soon ended in blows; and the messenger had his head struck off, by one of Ibah's servants. Ibah, knowing the vengeful disposition of Mahommed, was sensible that this disrespect to his authority would never be forgiven, and resolved to seek refuge in arms.

The Emperor, upon these advices, put his spears in motion, and hastened towards Moultan; and Ibah, with a numerous army, prepared to dispute the field. Both armies at last met, and, eager for victory, engaged with great resolution; but after a great slaughter on both sides, misfortune darkened the standards of Ibah, and his troops, turning their backs upon glory, abandoned the field. Mahommed immediately gave orders for a general massacre of the inhabitants of Moultan; but the learned Shech Rukun interceded for them, and prevented the effects of this horrible mandate. Ibah was taken in the pursuit, and his head brought to the King, who returned towards Delhi.

At sight of their native country and city, all those who had been forced to Dowlatabad began to desert the imperial army, and to disperse themselves in the . woods. The Emperor, to prevent the consequences of this desertion, took up his residence in the city; whither he invited them, and remained there for the space of two years. But then he again revolved in his mind the scheme of making Dowlatabad his capital. He removed his family, obliging the nobles to do the same, and carried off the whole city a second time, to the Decan; leaving that noble metropolis a habitation for owls, and the wild beasts of the desert.

About this time the taxes were so heavily imposed, and exacted with such rigour and cruelty, by the officers of the revenue, that the whole extent of that fertile country, between the two rivers Ganges and Jumna, were particularly oppressed. The farmers, weary of their lives, in one day set fire to their own houses, and retired to the woods, with their families and cattle. The tyrant, having received intelligence of this circumstance, ordered a body of troops to massacre these unhappy people if they resisted, and, if they should be taken, to put out their eyes. Many populous provinces were, by this inhuman decree, laid waste, and remained so for several years. The colony of Dowlatabad was also in great distraction; the people, without houses, without employment, were reduced to the utmost distress.

The tyrannies of the cruel Mahommed exceeded, in short, any thing we have met with in history, of which the following is a horrid instance. When he remained at Delhi, he led his army out to hunt, as is customary with princes. When they arrived in the territory of Birren, he plainly told them, that he came not to hunt beasts but men; and, without any obvious reason, began a general massacre of the wretched inhabitants. He had even the barbarity to bring home some thousands of their heads, and to hang them over the city walls. He, upon another occasion, made an excursion of the same nature towards Kinnoge, and massacred all the inhabitants of that city, and the adjacent country for many miles, spreading terror and desolation wherever he turned his eyes.

But to return to the chain of history: During this time, Fuchir, after the death of Byram, rebelled in Bengal, having slain Kuddir, and possessed himself of the three provinces of Bengal [Bengal, at this time, was divided into three governments.]. The Emperor, at the same time, received advices, that Seid Hassen had rebelled in Maber. He ordered Ibrahim the son of Hassen, and all his family, to prison; then marched in the year 742, from the sacking of Kinnoge, towards Maber. When he had reached Dowlatabad, he laid a heavy tax upon that city and the neighbouring provinces, which awakened the people into rebellion; but his numerous army soon reduced all the unhappy insurgents to their former slavery. From that place he sent back a part of his army, and Chaja Jehan, to Delhi, while he himself marched with another force towards Maber, by the way of Tillingana.

When Mahommed arrived before Arinkil, there happened to be a plague in that city, by which he lost a great part of his army. He himself had a violent struggle for his own life, and was obliged to leave one of his Omrahs, Ahmed, to command the army, and return towards Dowlatabad. On the way he was seized with a violent tooth-ache, and lost one of his teeth, which he ordered to be buried with much ceremony at Beir, and a magnificent tomb to be reared over it, which still remains a monument of human vanity and folly. Having arrived at Patan, he found himself better, and halted, to take medicines for some days. In this place, he gave to Sultani the title of Nuserit Chan, and the government of Bidder on the Indus, with its dependencies, which yielded annually a revenue of one crore of rupees. He, at the same time, conferred the government of Dowlatabad and of the country of the Mahrattors upon Cuttulich his preceptor.

He proceeded from Patan in his palankie to Delhi, having heard of some disturbance among the Patan soldiers, stationed in that capital. He, at this period, gave leave to such of the inhabitants of Dowlatabad as were willing to return to Delhi, to follow him. Many thousands returned, but they had almost perished on the way by a famine, which then desolated the countries of Malava and Chinderi. When they came to Delhi, they found that the famine raged with redoubled violence in that city, insomuch that very few could procure the necessaries of life. Mahommed, for once, seemed affected with human miseries. He even for some time entirely changed his disposition, and took great pains to encourage husbandry, commerce, and all kinds of industry. He opened the treasury, and divided large sums to the inhabitants for these purposes. But as the people were really in great distress, they expended the money in the necessaries of life, and many of them were severely punished upon that account.

Shahoo, a chief of the Mountain Afgans, about this time, commenced hostilities to the northward, poured down like a torrent upon Moultan, which he laid waste, and killed Begad, the imperial viceroy, in battle, and put his army to flight. Mahommed, having prepared an army at Delhi, moved towards Moultan, but Shahoo, upon the King's approach, wrote him a submissive letter, and fled to the mountains of Afganistan. The Emperor, perceiving that it was idle to pursue him, returned to Delhi.

The famine continued still to rage in the city so dreadfully, that men eat one another. He ordered, in this distress, another distribution of money towards the sinking of wells, and the cultivation of lands, but the people, weakened by hunger, and distracted by private distresses in their families, made very little progress, while the drought continued, and rendered their labour vain. At the same time, the tribes of Mindahir, and others who inhabited the country about Samana, unable to discharge their rents, fled into the woods. The Emperor marched forthwith against them with his army, and massacred some thousands of these poor slaves.

In the year 743, the chief of the Gickers invaded Punjâb, and killed Tatar the viceroy of Lahore in action. Jehan, upon this, was sent against him. Mahommed, in the mean time, began to entertain a ridiculous notion, that all the misfortunes of his reign proceeded from his not being confirmed in the empire by the Calipha of Mecca. He therefore dispatched presents and ambassadors to Arabia, and struck the Calipha's name, in the place of his own, on all the current coin, and prohibited all public worship in the mosques, till the Calipha's confirmation should arrive. In the year 744, one of the race of the prophet, named Sirsirri, returned with the ambassador, and brought the Calipha's confirmation, and a royal dress. He was met without the city by the King in person, who advanced to receive him on foot, putting the patent of the Caliphat upon his head, and opening it with great solemnity. Returning into the city, he ordered a grand festival to be celebrated, and public service to be read in all the mosques, striking out every King's name from the Chutba, who had not been confirmed from Mecca. Among the number of those degraded monarchs, was the Emperor's own father. He even carried this whim so far as to write the Calipha's name upon his houses, robes, and furniture. These, and some other ridiculous actions of the life of Mahommed, may reasonably make us suspect the soundness of his head. The Arabian ambassador, after being royally entertained, was dismissed with a letter to his master, full of respect, and with presents of immense value, and accompanied by Kabire, chief of the life-guards.

This year Kisnanaig, the son of Lidderdeo, who lived near Arinkil, went privately to Bellaldeo, the prince of the Carnatic, and told him, “That he had heard the Mahommedans, who were now very numerous in the Decan, had formed a design of extirpating all the Hindoos; that it was therefore advisable to prevent them in time.” What truth there might be in this report we know not, but Bellaldeo acted as if he was convinced of such a scheme. He called a council of his nobles, in which it was resolved, that Bellaldeo should first secure his own country, by fixing his capital in a pass among the mountains, to exclude the followers of Mahommed from all those kingdoms. Kisnanaig in the mean time promised, when matters should be ripe, to raise all the Hindoos of Arinkil and Tillingana to his assistance.

Bellaldeo accordingly built a strong city upon the frontiers of his dominions, and called it Bigen, from the name of his son, to which the word Nagur, or city, is now added. He then began to raise an army, and sent part of it under the command of Kisnanaig, who reduced Arinkil, and drove Ahmed, the imperial viceroy, to Dowlatabad. Bellaldeo and Kisnanaig having joined their forces with the princes of Maber and Doorsummund, who were formerly tributaries to the government of the Carnatic, they seized upon those countries, and drove the Mahommedans before them on all sides. In short, within a few months, Mahommed had no possessions in the Decan, except Dowlatabad.

The tyrannical Mahommed, upon receiving intelligence of those misfortunes, grew vengeful, splenetic, and cruel, wreaking his rage upon his unhappy subjects, without crime, provocation, or distinction. This conduct occasioned rebellion, robbery, and confusion, in all parts of the empire. The famine became daily more and more dreadful, insomuch that the Emperor, not able to procure provisions even for his household, was obliged to abandon the city, and to open the gates, and permit the starved inhabitants, whom he had before confined, to provide for themselves. Thousands crowded towards Bengal, which, as we have before observed, had revolted from the empire. Mahommed encamped his army near Cumpula, on the banks of the Ganges, and drew supplies from the countries of Oud and Kurrah. He ordered his people to build houses, which at length became a city under the name of Surgdewarie.

In the year 745, Nizam Bain, a zemindar, possessed of some lands in the province of Oud, and a fellow of an infamous character, collected a mob of the discontented farmers, and assumed the royal umbrella, under the name of Alla. But before Mahommed marched against him, the suba of Oud raised his forces, and, defeating him, sent his head to court. Nuzerit, in the same year, who had taken the whole province of Bidder, at one crore of rupees, payable to the treasury, finding himself unable to make good that contract, rebelled; but Cuttulich, being ordered against him from Dowlatabad, expelled him from that government.

During this period, Ali, who was sent from Dowlatabad to collect the rents of Kilbirga, finding that country destitute of troops, assembled his friends, raised an army with the collections, and, in the year 746, erected his rebellious standards, and took possession of Kilbirga and Bidder. Mahommed, on this occasion, sent a reinforcement to Cuttulich to suppress him. Cuttulich arriving on the confines of Bidder, Ali came out and gave him battle; but being defeated, he shut himself up in the city. He was however soon obliged to capitulate, and was sent prisoner to the King, who banished him and his brother to Ghizni.

The suba of Oud, having paid great attention to the King, and entirely gained his favour, was appointed to the viceroyship of Dowlatabad and Arinkil, in the room of Cuttulich. But he himself looked upon this appointment as an impolitic step in the King, considering the services Cuttulich had done to his affairs in the Decan, and the power he then enjoyed; and therefore thought it a snare laid to draw him quietly from his own subaship, and then to deprive him of both. In the mean time, a number of the clerks of the revenues, being convicted of abuses in their office, were ordered to be put to death. Some of those who survived found means to escape to the suba, and endeavoured to confirm him in his former opinion of the King's intentions.

He accordingly disobeyed the King's order, and erected the standard of rebellion, sending a detachment of horse under the command of his brother, who, before Mahommed received any intelligence of his designs, carried off all the elephants, camels, and horses, that were grazing or foraging near the royal camp. The Emperor, in great perplexity, called the troops of the adjacent districts to his assistance; while Jehan joined him, with an army from Delhi. He moved his standards against the revolted suba, who, with his brothers, had now crossed the Ganges, and were advancing towards him, in great hopes that the imperial army, tired and disgusted with their sovereign's tyrannical behaviour, would join them.

Mahommed, enraged at their presumption, mounted his horse, and engaging them, after a short conflict, put them to flight. The suba was taken prisoner, and his brother Shoralla drowned in the Ganges, as he was swimming across, having been wounded in the action, while another brother was slain in the field. The Emperor was so prejudiced in favour of the suba, that he pardoned him, and restored him to his former dignities, saying, that he was certain that Muluck was a loyal subject, though he had been instigated to this rebellion by the malice and falsehood of others.

Mahommed marched from thence to Barage, to pay his devotions at the tomb of Musaood, one of the family of the great Mamood, Emperor of Ghizni, who had been killed there by the Hindoos in the year 557. He distributed great sums among the Fakiers, who resided at Barage, and then returned to Delhi. Another ambassador arrived at that time from the Calipha, and was received with the same distinguishing marks of respect as the former, and dismissed with rich presents. Not long after, a prince of the noble house of Abassi arrived at Delhi, and was met by Mahommed, at the village of Palum, and he presented him with two lacks of rupees, a large territory, a palace, and fine gardens. By way of respect to the Caliphat, he placed him upon his right hand, and even sometimes ridiculously condescended to sit down upon the carpet before him, and pay him obeisance.

Some of the courtiers calumniated Cuttulich, governor of Dowlatabad, accusing him of oppressions and other abuses in his government, though a man of justice and integrity. The King recalled Cuttulich to Delhi, ordering his brother Molana, to whom he gave the title of Alim, to take charge of what remained to the empire of the Decan, till he should send some person from court. When the King's order arrived, Cuttulich was digging a great pond or reservoir, which he begged his brother to complete, and prepared to return to Delhi, with all the revenues of the Decan, which he had previously secured in a fort called Daragire, upon a mountain close to the city.

Mahommed, after the arrival of Cuttulich, appointed four governors for the Decan, having divided it into four provinces, and determined to reduce it, as before, to his obedience. To accomplish his purpose, he ordered a numerous army, under the command of Ahmed, late governor of Arinkil, an Omrah of great reputation, to march to Dowlatabad, and entered into articles with him, that he and the other chiefs should pay into the treasury seven crores of rupees [Near ten millions of our money.] annually for their governments. To make up this sum, and to gratify their own avarice, they plundered and oppressed that unfortunate country. At the same time, Mahommed conferred the government of Malava upon Aziz, a mean fellow, formerly a vintner, and told him, that the Amirs of Sidda [Mogul captains, who entered into his service with Amir Norose.] were dangerous persons in that country, therefore to endeavour to extirpate them.

Mahommed then marched back to his old cantonments at Surgdewara, and began to encourage cultivation, upon a new plan which he himself had invented. He appointed an inspector, for the regulation of all that related to husbandry, by the name of Amir Kohi, who divided the country into districts of sixty miles square, under a deputy who was to be answerable for its cultivation and improvement. Above one hundred deputies received their appointments at once, and seventy lacks of rupees were issued out of the treasury, to enable them to carry on this work.

Aziz, when he arrived at Bedar, invited the Mogul chiefs to an entertainment, and assassinated eighty of them, with their attendants. He wrote to the Emperor an account of this horrible massacre, who sent him back a present of a dress and a fine horse, for his loyal services. Such were the morals of those wretched days! The tyrannical Mahommed had now taken it into his head, that he would be better served by people of low birth, than by the nobility. He accordingly promoted Litchena a singer, Pira a gardener, Munga his son, Baboo a weaver, Muckbil a slave, and other low fellows, to the degree of Omrahs, and gave them the command of provinces and high offices at court. He, in this, forgot the advice of the poet, who writes, that “ He who exalts the head of a beggar, and hopes great things from his gratitude, inverts the nature of things, and nourishes a serpent in his bosom.” This resolution of the Emperor was occasioned by a noble refusal of the Omrahs to put his cruel orders into execution.

In the mean time, the slave Muckbil, with the title of Chan Jehani, governor of Guzerat, with the treasure, and the Emperor's horses, set out for Delhi. The mercenary Moguls of those parts, hearing of his intentions, waylaid him with a body of horse, and having robbed him, retired to Narwalla, the capital of Guzerat. Mahommed, hearing of this robbery, in a great rage prepared for Guzerat, leaving Ferose, his nephew, governor at Delhi, and, in the year 748, marched to Sultanpoor, about thirty miles without the city, where he waited for some reinforcements. An address came from Aziz the vintner, begging leave to go against the Mogul chiefs, being nearer, and having a sufficient force, as he imagined, for that purpose. The Emperor consented to his request, at the same time expressing much doubt of his success, knowing him to be a dastardly and unexperienced officer. Aziz advanced towards the rebels; but, in the beginning of the action, he was struck powerless with terror, and fell headlong from his horse. He was taken, and suffered a cruel death; his army being defeated with some loss.

Mahommed, being informed of this disaster, marched from Sultanpoor. It was on this march that he is said to have asked Birni the poet, what crimes a King ought to punish with severity? The poet replied, that seven sorts of criminals deserved severe punishment; these were, apostates from their religion, shedders of innocent blood, double adulterers, rebellious persons, officers disobeying lawful orders, thieves, and perverters of the laws. When he had reached the hills of Abu, upon the confines of Guzerat, he sent one of his principal Omrahs against the rebels, who met them in the districts of Bai, and gave them a total defeat. The Emperor, having halted at Barage, sent Muckbil after them, who, coming up with them as they were crossing the Nirbuda, put the greatest part to the sword. The few who escaped, taking protection with Madeo, prince of Buckelana, were all plundered of their wealth.

The Emperor, upon this occasion, massacred many of the Mogul chiefs, and plundered Cambait and Guzerat of every thing valuable, putting all who opposed him to the sword. He then sent to Dowlatabad, to seize upon all the Siddas of those parts, to bring them to punishment. Muckbil, according to orders, summoned the Siddas from Raijor, and many other places. The Siddas, conformable to those orders, prepared for Dowlatabad, and when they were all collected, Muckbil dispatched them, under a guard of fifteen hundred horse, to the royal presence.

When the Siddas, or Mogul chiefs, were arrived upon the frontiers of Guzerat, fearing that Mahommed had a design upon their lives, they entered into a conspiracy for their own security. They, with one accord, fell upon their guard, slew Ahmed their chief, with many of his people, while the rest, under the command of one Ali, fled to Dowlatabad. The Siddas pursued them, and, before any advices could arrive to put the place in a posture of defence, they took it by assault, being favoured by the troops within, who became seditious. Muckbil, with whose behaviour they were satisfied, was spared, but all the rest of the Emperor's officers were put to death, and the treasure divided among the conspirators.

The Siddas of Guzerat, and other parts, who were skulking about in the woods and mountains, hearing of the success of their brethren, joined them. Ismaiel, one of the nobles of their faction, was proclaimed King, by the name of Nasir. Mahommed, hearing of this revolution at Dowlatabad, left Barage, and hastened to- wards that city. The usurper, having drawn out his army, waited to give battle to the King. The two armies accordingly met, and the Moguls, though greatly inferior in number, roused by their danger and wrongs, assaulted the imperial troops with such violence, that the right and left wings were beat back, and the whole army upon the point of flight. But many of the chieftains who fought in the van being killed, four thousand of the Siddas fled; and night coming on, left the victory undecided, so that both armies lay on the field of battle.

A council of war being, in the mean time, called by the Siddas, who had suffered greatly in the engagement, it was determined that Ismaiel should retire into Dowlatabad, with a good garrison, and that the remainder should shift for themselves, till Mahommed should leave the Decan; when they resolved to assemble again at Dowlatabad. This wretched conduct was accordingly pursued. The Emperor ordered Ahmed, who was then at Elichpoor, to pursue the fugitives, while he himself laid siege to the city.

In the mean time, advices arrived, that one Tiggi, heading the Siddas of Guzerat, was joined by many of the zemindars, by which means he had taken Narwalla, the capital, and put Muziffer, the deputy-governor of Guzerat, to death; imprisoned Moaz the viceroy, and was now marching to lay waste Cambait, having in his route blockaded Barage.

Mahommed, upon this, left an Omrah to carry on the siege of Dowlatabad, and, with the greater part of his army, marched with great expedition to Guzerat. He was plundered in his way of many elephants, and a great part of his baggage, by the Indians: he lost also a great many men in defending himself. Having, however, arrived at Barage, Tiggi retreated to Cambait, and was pursued by Buckera, whom the Emperor had detached after him. Tiggi, having engaged the pursuers at Cambait, turned the chace upon them, killed Buckera and many other Omrahs, while the rest retreated to the Emperor. The rebel ordered all the prisoners taken in the action, as well as those whom he had formerly in confinement, to be put to death; among the latter was Moaz, viceroy of Guzerat.

Mahommed, hearing of this cruelty, breathed revenge. He hastened to Cambait, and Tiggi, unable to oppose him, retreated; but was closely pursued thither by Mahommed. The rebel continued his flight to Narwalla, and, in the mean time, the Emperor, on account of a prodigious rain, was obliged to halt at Assawil a whole month. Advices were brought him at Assawil, that Tiggi, having recruited his army at Narwalla, was returning to give him battle. He immediately struck his tents, and met the rebel at Kurri. Tiggi having injudiciously ordered his men to intoxicate themselves with strong liquors, they attacked the imperialists with the fury of madmen; but the elephants in front soon repressed this borrowed valour, and repulsed and threw into confusion the rebels. An easy conquest was obtained: five hundred prisoners were taken and put to death; and an equal number fell in the field. The Emperor immediately dispatched the son of Buckera in pursuit of the runaways, by the way of Tatta, near the mouth of the Indus, whither Tiggi had fled; while the King went in person to Narwalla, and employed himself in settling Guzerat.

News, in the mean time, arrived from the Decan, that the Mogul officers had assembled again under Hassen Caco, had defeated Ahmed, who had fallen in the action, and had driven all the imperial troops towards Malava: that Ismaiel had resigned his regal dignity, which Hassen Caco had assumed under the title of Alla. Mahommed was excessively chagrined upon receiving this intelligence, and began to consider his own tyranny as the cause of all those disorders. He therefore resolved to govern with more mildness and humanity for the future. He called his nephew Ferose, and other nobles, with their troops, in order to dispatch them against Caco.

Before those Omrahs arrived, the King was informed that the usurper's army was prodigiously increased. He therefore determined first, to settle Guzerat and Carnal [Now Joinagur.], and then to march in person to the Decan; but this business was not so soon accomplished, as he at first imagined; for he spent a whole year in regulating Guzerat, and in recruiting his army. The next year was also spent in besieging the fort of Carnal, reducing Cutch, and the adjacent territories. Some authors affirm, that Mahommed took the fort of Carnal; but others, of better authority, say, that he desisted from that attempt, upon receiving some presents from the Raja.

The poet Birni informs us, that Mahommed, one day, about this time, told him, that the diseases of the empire were of such a malignant nature, that he had no sooner cured them in one place, than they broke out in another. He would therefore be glad to know what remedy now remained, to put a stop to this contagion.

The poet replied, that when disaffection and disgust had once taken root in the minds of the people, they were not to be exterminated, without tearing up the vitals of the state: that the Emperor ought to be, by this time, convinced, how little was to be hoped from punishment. That it was therefore his opinion, in this case, that the King ought to invest his son with the government, and retire; which would obliterate all former injuries, and dispose the people to peace and tranquillity. Mahommed, says Birni, answered in an angry tone, “That he had no son whom he could trust, and that he was determined to scourge his subjects for their insolence, whatever might be the event.”

The Emperor, soon after this conversation with Birni, fell sick at Kondal. He had previously sent Jehan and Ahmed to Delhi, on account of the death of the viceroy, and called most of the principal men of the empire to the royal camp. Having recovered a little from his disorder, he mustered his army, and sent to collect boats along the Indus, which he ordered towards Tatta. Marching then from Kondal, he arrived on the banks of the Indus, which he crossed in spite of Tiggi; and was, on the other side, joined by five thousand Mogul horse. From thence he took the route of Tatta, to chastise the Sumrahs, for giving the rebel protection. Arriving within sixty miles of that city, he halted to pass the first days of the Mohirrim; and when that fast was over, having eat fish to excess, he was seized with a fever. He would not however be prevailed upon to stop, but, getting into a barge, he proceeded to within thirty miles of Tatta, and upon the banks of the Indus, on the twenty-first of Mohirrim, in the year 752, this tyrant was conquered by death, and shut up in the dark dungeon of the grave. He reigned twenty-seven years; during which time, he seems to have laboured with no contemptible abilities, to be detested by God, and feared and abhorred by all men.

Seventeen years before the death of Mahommed, the Mogul empire of Persia fell into pieces, at the death of Abusaid. A number of petty dynasties arose out of the ruins; some of the imperial family of Zingis, and others of governors who had rendered themselves independent in their provinces. The intermediate provinces, between Tartary, Persia, and India, subject to the house of Zagatay, fell into anarchy and confusion, about the time of Mahommed's death. Shotepala, Yesun-Temur, Hosila, Tu-Temur, and Tohan-Temur, successively mounted the Mogul throne of Tartary and China, during the reigns of Tuglick and Mahommed in India. The Patan empire declined greatly under the impolitic government of Mahommed. The south and eastern provinces were lost; and the territories of the Kings of Delhi were reduced to the same limits which bounded them before the successful reign of Alla.

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Part 15 of 15

[Section XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib Firose Shaw, the son of Sallar Rigib.]

FEROSE III.

When the death of Mahommed happened, his cousin Ferose [Moazim Mohizib Ferose Shaw, ben Sallar Regib.] was in the imperial camp. He was nephew to the Emperor Tughlick; and Mahommed, having conceived great friendship for him, designed to make him his successor, and, for that purpose, recommended him upon his death-bed to the Omrahs. Upon Mahommed's demise the army fell into the utmost confusion. Ferose, having gained over the majority of the Omrahs to his party, prevailed, with presents, upon the Mogul mercenaries to move to some distance from the camp to prevent disturbances, till he should reduce the rest of the army to obedience.

Amir Norose, a Mogul chief, who commanded a great body of the imperial troops, deserted that night, and, having joined Altu, the general of the Mogul mercenaries, told him, that now was the time to plunder the late Emperor's treasure, and to retreat to their native country. Altu was easily prevailed upon to adopt this lucrative scheme. They therefore returned next morning to the camp, which was still in very great confusion, and, after a very sharp skirmish, loaded some camels with treasure. Ferose, to secure himself from further depredations, led the army to Sewan, and took every possible means to defend himself against the avarice of the mercenaries.

The Omrahs, the day after this movement, waited upon Ferose, and entreated him to mount the throne. After many pretended excuses, he favoured the Omrahs with his consent, and was accordingly proclaimed Emperor.

He, the very first day of his reign, gave orders to ransom many prisoners, who, during the late confusion, had fallen into the hands of the people of Tatta; and, upon the third day, he marched against the Mogul mercenaries, took many of their chiefs prisoners, and forced the rest to fly towards their own country.

He, soon after, directed his march to the fort of Bicker, and gladdened the face of the court with princely presents, and gave very liberally to the zemindars of Bicker and Sewistan. He from thence sent Ahmed and Ali Ghori against the rebel Tiggi, with a part of his army, and marched himself towards Outch, where he did many acts of benevolence and charity.

At Outch the Emperor received advices from Delhi, that Jehan, who was a relation of the late Emperor, now about ninety years of age, had placed upon the throne a boy whom he had adopted, by the name of Mahommed, and had massacred a number of the citizens who had refused to pay him allegiance.

Ferose sent Shanapil, to expostulate with the old man, who, he thought, was now in the dotage of years, with promises of forgiveness and favour, if he would relinquish his ridiculous scheme. The Emperor himself, in the mean time, remained with the army to regulate the territory of Outch. He was soon after joined by Muckbil, the vizier of the empire, who received an honorary dress, and a confirmation of his former dignity.

Ferose having reached Hassi, on his way to Delhi, met an ambassador from Jehan, acquainting him, that now the empire was in the hands of Mahommed's family, and therefore, that it would be no more than justice in him, to acknowledge the title of the young King, and act as regent, during the minority. Ferose immediately convened the Omrahs before the ambassador, and asked them, whether they knew any of the male issue of Mahommed. They all declared, that unless Molana Cumal, an Omrah then present, knew, they were perfectly strangers to any surviving issue of Mahommed. Molana made answer, that though one should remain of the issue of the former Emperor, it was now advisable to stand by what was already done. We have reason to believe, from this circumstance, that the youth who was set up at Delhi, was actually a son of Mahommed, though it was, at that time, prudent in the Omrahs not to acknowledge him.

The Emperor, after the council, sent Zada the ambassador back to acquaint Jehan of what had passed, and to advise him to accommodate matters. in an amicable way. When Zada arrived in the city, a number of the principal men in the place hastened to the camp of Ferose, and made their submission. Much about the same time, advices were received from Guzerat, that the rebel Tiggi was defeated by Ahmed: and, that very day, a son was born to the Emperor, whom he named Fatti. These fortunate circumstances concurred to strengthen the interest of Ferose.

Jehan, perceiving that he could not support the young King, made overtures towards an accommodation to Ferose. He sent some respectable Omrahs to intercede with the Emperor for his pardon, and to solicit leave to pay his respects in person. Ferose consented, and accordingly the old man, with his head bare, and his turban hung round his neck, came, accompanied by some of the principal men of his party, to make his submission. The King, according to his promise, gave him his life, but ordered the chief magistrate of Hassi to take him under his care, which was a kind of imprisonment. Chattab, one of Jehan's associates, was banished to Karkinda, and Gustami expelled the court.

Upon the second day of Regib, in the year 752, Ferose marched into Delhi, and mounted the imperial throne. He immediately began to administer impartial justice to his people, who flocked from all quarters, with their petitions. He, in the mean time, conferred offices and titles upon his Omrahs.

Upon the fifth of Siffer, in the following year, he, in order to hunt, removed his court towards the hills of Sirmore, and reduced several zemindars to obedience. He, in the mean time, had a son born to him at Delhi, whom he named Mahommed, and ordered great rejoicings to be made upon the occasion; distributing his favours with a liberal hand.

In the year 754, the Emperor hunted at Callanore. He ordered, upon his return, a palace to be built upon the banks of the Sursuti; and, towards the end of the year, appointed one Jehan to the viceroyship of Delhi. He himself, in the mean time, marched towards Bengal, to subdue Elias, who had assumed the imperial title, and possessed himself of all Bengal and Behar, even ta Benaris. When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gorupoor, the zemindars of that place, having brought proper presents, were admitted to his presence.

Ferose having penetrated as far as Pundua, one of the residences of the princes of Bengal, Elias retreated to a strong post, whither the Emperor pursued him. An action ensued, but Elias secured himself in his post, which obliged the Emperor to surround him, the place being almost inaccessible. Things having continued in this situation for twenty days, Ferose, intending to change his ground, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to reconnoitre. The enemy, imagining that he meditated a retreat, advanced out of their post, and drew up in order of battle. But, when they saw that the Emperor was preparing to attack them, they again retreated within their works, but with such precipitation and confusion, that forty-four elephants, and many standards, fell into the Emperor's hands. The rainy season coming on with great violence, a kind of peace was patched up between them, and the Emperor returned disappointed to Delhi.

In the year 755, Ferose built the city of Feroseabad, adjoining to that of Delhi; and in the following year marched to Debalpoor, where he made a canal one hundred miles in length, from the Suttuluz to the Jidger. In the year 757, between the hills of Mendouli and Sirmore, he cut a channel from the Jumna, which he divided into seven streams; one of which he brought to Hassi, and from thence to Beraisen, where he built a strong castle, calling it by his own name. He drew, soon after, a canal from the Cagar, passing by the walls of Sirsutti, and joined it to the rivulet of Kera, upon which he built a city, named after him, Feroseabad. This city he watered with another canal from the Jumna. These public works were of prodigious advantage to the adjacent countries, by supplying them with water for their lands, and with a commodious water-carriage from place to place.

An embassy about this time arrived, with presents and new conditions of peace from Bengal, which Ferose accepted, and soon after ratified the treaty. Bengal became, in a great measure, independent of the empire, paying only a small acknowledgment annually, by way of present. He exacted no other terms of the Decan; so that these two great members were now lopt off from the government of Delhi.

In the year 759, the king of Bengal sent a number of elephants, and other rich presents, to Delhi, which was amply repaid in Arabian and Persian horses, jewels, and other rich curiosities. But when the imperial embassy arrived at Behar, they received news of the death of Shumse, king of Bengal, and that his son Ascunder had acceded to the throne. They thought proper not to proceed further, and returned to Delhi. The Emperor being, in the same year, encamped at Semana, received advices that the Moguls had made an incursion as far as Debalpoor. He forthwith ordered a general, with a great army, against them; but the Moguls, before his. arrival, had laden themselves with spoil, and retreated towards their own country.

Notwithstanding the treaty of 757, Ferose, in the year 760, resolved upon another expedition into Bengal. Having arrived at Zifferabad, he cantoned there his army, during the rains. When he lay at this place, Bustami, who had been banished, returned ambassador from the Calipha of Egypt [After the taking of Bagdat by Halacu, king of Persia, the grandson of Zingis, one of the family of Abassi assumed the title of Calipha in Egypt.], with a chelat; for which he was graciously received, and dignified with the title of Azim. An embassy having been, in the mean time, dispatched to Ascunder, the new king of Bengal, returned with another on his part, and with rich presents. The King, not being satisfied with these concessions, marched, after the rains were over, towards that country, and, on his way, conferred the ensigns of royalty upon the prince Fatti his son. He gave him masters for his instruction, to whom the royal youth gave great attention.

Ferose having arrived at Pundwah, Ascunder, after the example of his father, retreated to Ackdalla, and shut himself up in that place. Being however closely invested, and reduced to great straits, he sent forty-eight elephants, and other presents, to the Emperor, with overtures of peace. In a few days the terms were agreed upon, and Ferose marched to Jionpoor, where he cantoned his army for another season, and then moved down behind the mountains, towards Jagenagur.

Ferose having crossed the river Mendri, arrived at the capital of the Indian prince of Jagenagur, which was also called Benaris. The Raja, upon the Emperor's approach, fled towards Tillingana. Having plundered the country, Ferose returned, and, upon his way, was met by the prince of Beerban, who presented him with thirty-seven elephants, and other valuable presents, upon consideration of not ravaging his country. The Emperor, having received the presents, changed his route, and, as he passed through the woods of Pudmawitti, which abounded with elephants, he caught thirty-three of them, and killed a few in the chace. He then continued his march, and arrived at Delhi, in the year 762.

Ferose, who had much at heart the improvement of his country, was informed, that near Hirdar, in the province of Sirhind, there was a mountain from which there issued a great stream of water, which fell into the Suttuluz; and that beyond that place there was a small rivulet called Selima, divided only by a rising ground from the large stream which we have just mentioned. The Emperor considered, that, by making a cut through this eminence, the great stream might be carried into the rivulet, and so form a river to water the countries of Sirhind and Munsurpoor, from whence it might be carried to Sunnam, and so render great tracts of land. fertile. He therefore marched immediately that way, and ordered fifty thousand labourers to be collected together to cut the passage. When the workmen were in this place employed in digging to great depth, they found some immense skeletons of elephants in one place, and in another, those of a gigantic human form, the arm-bones of which measured one yard. Some of the bones were in their natural state, and others petrified.

The Emperor, having finished this great work, built a fort at Sirhind, which he called Ferosepoor. He, from that place, marched towards the mountains of Nagracut, where he was overtaken by a storm of hail and snow. He, however, reduced the Raja of those parts, after sustaining some loss on his side, and confirmed him again in his dominions; changing the name of Nagracut to that of the city of Mahommed, in honour of the former Emperor. Ferose was told here, that the goddess, whom the Hindoos worshipped in the temple of Nagracut [Some authors relate, that the image now worshipped at Nagracut is not that of Noshaba, which, say they, Ferose sent to Mecca, where it was buried before the door of the great Mosque. It is not improbable, but Alexander, who penetrated to the Indies, might have left an image of the Grecian Goddesses upon the frontiers of his conquests. The Brahmins might have, with less absurdity, converted this foreign Goddess into one of their own growth, than those holy persons at Rome, who have changed the statue of Jupiter Tonans into one of St. Peter; disgracing, with a parcel of keys, that hand which formerly held the thunder.], was the image of Noshaba, the wife of the great Secunder, which that conqueror had left with them. The name of the idol is now changed to that of Jewallamucki. In the temple there was also, at that time, a fine library of the books of the Brahmins, consisting of one thousand and three hundred volumes.

Ferose ordered one of those books, which treated of philosophy, astrology, and divination, to be translated into the Persian language, and called it the Arguments of Ferose. The Emperor, after the conquest of Nagracut, moved down the Indus towards Tatta, where Jambani, who had been always a subject of Delhi, had rebelled and fortified himself. The imperial army invested the city, but as provisions and forage became excessively scarce, and the rains had set in with great violence, Ferose was obliged to raise the siege, and march to Guzerat. He there spent the season in hunting, and, after the rains, he conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer, and returned again to Tatta. Jambani capitulated, and delivered himself up to Ferose, who carried him, and the principals of his faction, to Delhi; but, after some time, he took him again into favour, and sent him to resume his former government.

In the year 774, Jehan, the vizier, died, and his son was honoured with his titles. Nothing remarkable happened till two years after, when the Emperor was plunged into affliction, by the death of his favourite son Fatte, a prince of great expectations.

Ferose, in the year 778, was informed, that the revenues of Guzerat were greatly deficient of the collections. This induced him to listen to the proposals of Wamaghani, who offered to give one hundred elephants, forty lacks of rupees, four hundred Abassinian slaves, and forty Arabian horses, every year, over and above the present payment, should he be appointed to that government. The Emperor replied, that if the present viceroy, the successor of Ziffer, who was dead, would consent to give as much, he should be continued. But to this the viceroy would not agree, and therefore the imperial mandates were granted to Wamaghani, and he forthwith set out for Guzerat. Not being able the next year to perform his promise, he withheld the revenue, and rebelled, which was a just punishment upon Ferose for his folly and avarice. The rebel, however, having greatly oppressed the people of his province, a conspiracy was formed against him, and, by the assistance of the Mogul mercenaries, who were settled in that country, they seized him, and sent his head to Delhi. This was the only rebellion that happened during this Emperor's reign. The government of Guzerat was conferred upon Musirra, with the title of Firhit-ul-Muluck.

There was a petty insurrection among the zemindars of Atava, in the year 779. It was however soon crushed, and the insurgents brought to punishment, while forts were built to keep them in proper subjection. In the year 781, Ferose marched towards Samana, Amballa, and Shawabad, as far as the foot of the mountains of Saitoor, and after demanding his tribute from the princes of the hills, which they paid him, he returned to his capital.

Much about this time, information was brought to the Emperor, that the zemindar of Kitter, whose name was Kirgu, had invited Mahommed, governor of Budaoon, and a number of his family, to his house, where he basely assassinated them. The Emperor, enraged at this villainy, marched immediately that way, and took severe vengeance upon the associates and kindred of the assassin, putting them without distinction to the sword, and levelling their houses with the ground. The murderer himself made his escape to the mountains of Cumaoon, and was protected by the Indian princes of those parts. Ferose ordered a detachment of his army against them. They brought back near thirty thousand of those unhappy mountaineers, who were all condemned to slavery. The Emperor's justice, in this case, degenerated into extreme severity. Neither did the misfortunes brought upon those miserable captives satisfy his thirst for revenge. He returned, every year, under pretence of hunting, to that unhappy country; but the people, and not the beasts of the forest, were his prey. He, by degrees, cut off all the inhabitants, and converted whole provinces into a wilderness.

Age and infirmity began, in the year 787, to press hard upon Ferose. Jehan the vizier, having the sole management of affairs, became very powerful in the empire. The Emperor was so much under his direction in all things, that he had the effrontery falsely to accuse Mahommed, the King's son, of a design against his father's life, in conjunction with several Omrahs. He brought the old man firmly to credit this accusation, and obtained his authority to secure the supposed conspirators. Ziffer was accordingly recalled from his government of Mahoba, and confined.

A party was sent to seize the prince, who, having previous intelligence of the design against him, began to provide for his security, placing guards, and fortifying himself in his own palace. In this situation he remained shut up for some days; and at last, having obtained leave for his wife to visit the King's Zinnana, he put on his armour, went into the close chair, and was carried into the Seraglio. When he discovered himself in that dress, the frightened women ran screaming into the Emperor's apartment, and told him, that the prince had come in armour with a treasonable design. The prince, having followed them, presented himself to his father, and falling at his feet, told him with great emotion, “That the suspicions he had entertained of him were worse than death itself. That he came therefore to receive it from his own hands. But first he begged leave to inform him, that he was perfectly innocent of the villainous charge which the vizier had purposely contrived to pave his own way to the throne.”

Ferose, sensible of his son's sincerity, clasped him in his arms, and weeping, told him, he had been deceived; and therefore desired him to proceed, as his judgment should direct him, against the traitor. Mahommed upon this went out from the presence, and ordered twelve thousand horse to be in readiness. With this body he surrounded the vizier's house that night, who, upon hearing of the prince's approach, put Ziffer to death, and, collecting his friends, came out to engage him in the street. Upon the first onset, the traitor was wounded, and drew back to his house. He fled immediately towards Mewat, and the prince seized all his wealth, and cut off his adherents.

Ferose, immediately after these transactions, resigned the reins of government into the hands of his son, and abdicated the throne. The prince, assuming the name of Mahommed [His titles were, Nazir ul Dien ul Dunia.], ascended the throne in the month of Shaban 789; and immediately ordered the Chutba to be read in his own and his father's name, He settled the offices of state, and distributed honorary dresses among the Omrahs. Eacoob, an Omrah in great repute, was promoted to the government of Guzerat, with the title of Secunder Chan.

Secunder, having arrived at Mewat, upon his way to his government, Goga, with whom Jehan, the vizier, had taken refuge, fearing the new Emperor's resentment, seized him, and sent him bound to Secunder, who cut off his head, and sent it to Delhi.

Mahommed went with his army, in the year 790, towards the mountains of Sirmore, to hunt, according to the custom of sovereigns. When he was employed in the diversion of the chace, advices were received, that Musirra, governor of Guzerat, at the head of the Mogul mercenaries settled in that country, had risen in rebellion, defeated and slain Secunder, who had been appointed to succeed him. The Emperor hastened to Delhi; but, as if all at once infatuated, he gave himself up entirely to pleasure, and seemed to be insensible of the loss which he had sustained, and of the dangers in which his conduct had involved him. When his old Omrahs attempted to rouse him from his lethargy, he turned them from his presence, and filled their offices with pimps and court flatterers.

The emperor's nephew, Baha, resolved to rush upon him in the midst of his dream of pleasure. He, for this purpose, conspired with the disgraced Omrahs, and arming one hundred thousand slaves, erected the standard of rebellion. Mahommed immediately dispatched Malleck Lahori, to treat with the rebels. When he came to their camp, which was pitched without the city, the mob pelted him with stones, and obliged him to retire, very much bruised and wounded. Mahommed, seeing no hopes of a peaceable accommodation, began at length to bestir himself, and advanced with his army against the conspirators, and, after a bloody contest, drove them into the city. They immediately possessed themselves of the palace, and again renewed the fight. The city became now a horrid scene of slaughter and confusion. During the space of two days and two nights, there was nothing but death in every street; friends and foes, victors and vanquished, were jumbled together without any possibility of distinction.

The slaves, upon the third day, brought out the old King, in his palakie, and set him down in the street between the combatants. When Mahommed's troops saw their former master, their affection returned, and, imagining that this was a voluntary deed of his, they at once deserted the prince, and crowded with shouts of joy to Ferose. Mahommed fled instantly, with a small retinue, to the mountains of Sirmore. Both parties looking up to the aged monarch, settled themselves into peace in his presence.

Ferose, unable to govern on account of the infirmities of age, placed, by advice of the Umrahs, Tuglick, the son of his eldest son, prince Fatte, upon the throne. The slaves, in the mean time, assassinated Hassen, the Emperor's son-in-law, for having endeavoured to support Mahommed: and even the first order issued by Tuglick, when he mounted the imperial throne, was, to kill all the adherents of Mahommed, wherever they should be found.

Ferose, who had arrived at the age of ninety, died in the year 790. Though no great warrior in the field, he was, by his excellent qualities, well calculated for a reign of peace. His severity to the inhabitants of Cumaoon, for the assassination of the governor of Samana, is a great blot in his reputation. But to this he perhaps was prompted by a religious zeal and enthusiasm: for the persons murdered were seids, or descendants of the prophet.

He reigned thirty-eight years and nine months, and left many memorials of his magnificence in the land. He built fifty great sluices, forty mosques, thirty schools, twenty caravanseras, a hundred palaces, five hospitals, a hundred tombs, ten baths, ten spires, one hundred and fifty wells, one hundred bridges; and the pleasure gardens he made were without number.

The Empire of Persia continued under petty princes till Timur-Bec, commonly called Tamerlane in Europe, mounted the throne of the kingdoms of Zagatay, which comprehended all Maver-ul-nere or Transoxiana, and the provinces of Cabul, Zabulistan, and others towards the Indus. After the conquest of the northern Tartary, he turned his arms against Persia, and entered Chorassan, seven years before the death of Ferose, the Patan Emperor of Hindostan. He completed the conquest of Persia in less than five years, and when Ferose died, Timur was employed in the reduction of the provinces upon the Euphrates.

[Section XIX. The Reign of Yeas Ul Dien, Tughlick Shaw, the son of Fatte Chan, and grandson of Sultan Firose Shaw.]

TUGLICK II.

TUGLICK [His titles were, Yeas-ul-Dien.] having mounted the throne in the palace of Feroseabad, ordered, according to custom, the Chutba to be read, and the currency to be struck, in his own name. He appointed Ferose Ali his vizier, by the title of Jehan, and confirmed Musirra, the rebellious governor, in his command of Guzerat.

He soon after sent an army under the vizier, to expel his uncle Mahommed from Sirmore, and that prince, upon the approach of the imperial army, fled to the mountains. He there took possession of a strong post, and, securing the wives and children of his adherents, waited to give the imperialists battle. He was however beat from post to post till he arrived at Nagracut, and shut himself up in that place. That fortress being very, strong, his enemies did not think proper to besiege it, and therefore returned to Delhi.

Tuglick giving reins to his youthful passions, and neglecting the affairs of state, vice, luxury, and oppression, began to rise up on every side. He was not blind to those misfortunes, but he mistook the cause, and admitted jealousy and mistrust within his mind. He confined, and treated cruelly, his own brother, Sallar: and his cousin Abu Bicker, having reason to dread the Emperor's resentment, fled the court, and, to secure himself, stirred up a faction against Tuglick. The conspirators consisted of Rukun, the vizier's deputy, and several other Omrahs of high repute, with all the imperial slaves, many of whom were in the highest offices at court.

Matters being ripe for execution, the conspirators rushed into the Divan, and assassinated Mubarick, the captain-general of the forces. Tuglick, being thus surprised, fled by the Jumna gate. Rukun pursued him, and having taken him and Jehan the vizier, they were immediately put to death. This event happened on the twenty-first of Siffer, in the year 791; Tuglick, after a reign of five months and a few days, having fallen by the effects of the folly of youth.

[Section XX. The Reign of Abu Bicker Shaw, the son of Ziffer Chan, and grandson of Firose Shaw.]

ABU BICKER.

Tue conspirators having assassinated the King, raised Abu Bicker, the grandson of the Emperor Ferose, by his third son, to the empire. Rukun, being appointed vizier, took the reins of government in his own hands. But his ambition was not satisfied with that high employ. He formed schemes to cut off the new King, and to usurp the throne. Abu Bicker, having timely information of his intentions, was beforehand with him, and ordered him and many of the principal slaves concerned in the conspiracy to be put to death.

In the mean time, the Mogul chiefs of Samana assassinated the viceroy, Sultan, the fast friend of the reigning Emperor, and sent his head to the prince Mahommed, at Nagracut. They earnestly solicited him to come and assert his right to the empire. Mahom. med accordingly, having collected his friends, advanced by the way of Jallendar to Samana, and proclaiming himself King at that place, advanced with a great army towards Delhi. After some repulses, Mahommed, as we shall see in the sequel, proved victorious, and sent Abu Bicker to his grave upon the twentieth of Zihige, in the year 792, when he had reigned one year and six months.

[Section XXI. The Reign of Nasir Ul Dunia Ul Dien Mahummud Shaw, the son of Firose Shaw.]

MAHOMMED IV.

MAHOMMED [Nasir ul dunia ul dien, Mahommed Shaw.], as we have already seen, mounted the throne in his father's life-time, in the year 789. How he was deposed and expelled by Baha, and the other Omrahs, in confederacy with the Mogul mercenaries of Guzerat, and the slaves of the household, and his transactions, till he shut himself up in the fort of Nagracut, has been also related. When the chiefs of the Moguls had assassinated the governor of Samana, Mahommed, according to their invitation, marched with great expedition from Nagracut, calling all his friends from Delhi. He soon found himself at the head of twenty thousand horse, with which he advanced towards the capital.

Upon the fifth of the first Ribbi, in the year 792, he entered Delhi, and lighted at the palace of Jehan. The Emperor, Abu Bicker, in the other quarter of the city, called Feroseabad, prepared himself for battle; and, on the second of the first Jemmad, the two armies engaged in the streets of Feroseabad. In the mean time Nahir, with a strong reinforcement, arrived, and joining Abu Bicker, they marched out of Feróseabad next morning, and drove Mahommed, with great slaughter, quite out of Delhi.

Mahommed retreated with two thousand horse only, over the Jumna; and immediately dispatched Humaioon his son, and several Omrahs, to Samana to recruit his army. He himself, in the mean time, remained in the town of Tillasar upon the banks of the Ganges. Having experienced from first to last, that the slaves of Ferose were his declared enemies, he gave orders to plunder all their estates in the neighbouring country, and to slay them wherever they should be found. The zemindars fell upon some thousands, who had possessions in other parts of the empire, and massacred them; while the farmers in general, disgusted with Abu Bicker's government, which had been very oppressive, withheld their rents, and listed themselves under Mahommed.

In the mean time, the viceroy of Moultan, and many Omrahs of note, having joined Mahommed with their forces, he collected, in a few days, an army of fifty thousand horse, made the usual appointments in the empire to please his friends, and advanced a second time towards Delhi. Abu Bicker had remained inactive in that city, ever since his late victory; he, however, drew out his army at a village called Hindali, to oppose Mahommed, and was so fortunate as to come off victorious once more. He drove Mahommed towards Tillasar, but contented himself with pursuing him three crores, and with taking his baggage, and then returned to his capital.

Humaioon, the son of Mahommed, not many days after the battle of Hindali, with the troops he had raised at Samana, made another attempt upon the capital, but succeeded no better than his father, being defeated at Paniput, and obliged to retreat towards Samana. But after all these successes, Abu Bicker thought it unsafe to leave the capital, being suspicious of a faction in the city in favour of Mahomined. Having at length punished some of the most disaffected, he ventured to march about forty miles towards Tillasar, where Mahommed was again collecting an army.

The latter having, by this time, concerted measures with his faction in the city, left the body of his army, with all his baggage, at Tillasar, and advanced, with four thou- sand chosen horse, towards Abu Bicker. When Abu Bicker had drawn up his army, Mahommed made a quick motion to the left, and passing the enemy's line, pushed forward to the capital. He there engaged the troops of Abu Bicker who guarded the walls, and having set fire to the Budaoon gate, forced his way into the city. He immediately entered the imperial palace, whither the citizens flocked to pay him their respects.

But Abu Bicker, having closely pursued Mahommed, arrived the same day before the city; and having forced the guards which Mahommed had placed at the gates, advanced to the palace, and drove that prince, whose troops had dispersed themselves, quite out of the city. He was obliged to retreat again to Tillasar, where he joined his army, having lost the major part of his detachment in the action.

Some time having thus passed without any decisive action, Hagib, chief of the imperial slaves, known by the title of Islam, disgusted with Abu Bicker, wrote to Mahommed, that if he would make another attempt upon the city, he would support him with the greatest part of the slaves who were under his direction. Abu Bicker hearing that Mahommed was again in motion, and having also discovered the disaffection of the slaves and others in his army, shamefully abandoned the capital, and fled with a small retinue.

Mahommed, in the month of Ramzan, entered Delhi, and ascended the imperial throne. He gave the office of vizier to Islam, to whom he principally owed his restoration. When he found himself firmly established, he ordered all the elephants which belonged to the slaves of Ferose, to be taken from them, and converted to his own use. The slaves, enraged at this injustice, fled the city that night, and hastened to join Abu Bicker. Mahommed, upon this desertion, turned out a few who remained, and ordered them, upon pain of death, never to appear in the city, where they had acquired such dangerous influence. Notwithstanding this decree, many slaves, unwilling to leave Delhi, concealed themselves: a search was ordered to be made, and such as were found were massacred. Some of those poor wretches, upon this occasion, cried out for mercy, affirming that they were originally Tartars. They were, upon this, ordered to pronounce the word Gurragurri, by which they were immediately distinguished. All who sounded it with the accent of Hindostan were put to death.

Mahommed, after having expelled the slaves, began to recruit his army, and sent Humaioon his son, with a considerable force, against the Emperor Abu Bicker. When this army arrived at Kotluh, Abu Bicker, by advice of Nahir, surprised Humaioon in his camp. The prince, however, exerted his utmost efforts in opposing the enemy, being gallantly supported by the vizier, drove Abu Bicker, after a brave resistance, quite off the field. Mahommed marched at the same time, with great expedition, towards Mewat, where Abu Bicker, seeing no hopes left, surrendered himself, and was sent prisoner to the fort of Merat, where he died some years after.

Mahommed returning to Delhi, received advices that Musirra, governor of Guzerat, rebelled. Ziffer was immediately dispatched with an army to suppress the rebellion; but for the particulars of this expedition, we must refer the reader to the history of the province of Guzerat [Our author's second volume, in the original Persian, treats of the particular history of all the provinces in Hindostan.].

In the year 794, intelligence was brought to Delhi, that the prince Nirsingh, Sirvadon chief of the Mahrattors, and Bireban of Bessu, chiefs of the Hindoos, had rose in arms against the empire. Mahommed ordered the vizier, with a considerable force, against Narsingh, the most powerful of the insurgents. Narsingh was defeated, made peace, and attended the conqueror to Delhi. The other two chiefs were subjugated at the same time.

The zemindars of Attava, upon account of some grievance, rose in arms, and ravaged Bittaram and the adjacent districts. Mahommed marched against them in person, and chastised them. The fort of Attava was levelled with the ground, and the Emperor took the route of Kinnoge and Tillasar, in the last of which cities he built à fort, which, from his own name, he called Mahommed-abad.

Advice came to the Emperor from Delhi, that the vizier was preparing to fly to Lahore and Moultan, to kindle in those provinces the flames of rebellion. Mahommed hastened to the capital, and charged him with his treasonable intentions. The vizier absolutely denied the fact, but Jaju, a Hindoo and his own nephew, swore falsely against him. Mahommed, being either convinced of his vizier's guilt, or instigated by a jealousy of his power, condemned him to die. Jehan, who was perhaps a no small promoter of the vizier's fall, was advanced to his office. Muckurrib, who made a figure in the next reign, was, at the same time, appointed governor of Mahommed-abad.

In the year 795, Sirvadon chief of the Mahrattors, and Bireban of Bessu, appeared in arms; and Muckurrib was ordered with the troops at Mahommed-abad, against them.

The Emperor, about this time, marched to Mewat, to quell some disturbances in that place. Upon his return to Mahommed-abad, he was taken ill of a dangerous fever, which rendered him delirious for some days. When he was in this condition, news was brought, that Nahir [An adherent of Abu Bicker.] had plundered the country to the gates of Delhi. The Emperor, though far from being recovered of his illness, hastened to Mewat. Nahir, who headed the rebels, drew up his army at Kottilab, and gave Mahommed battle; but he was defeated, and fled to Jidger.

Mahommed, after this victory, returned to Mahommed-abad, and, in the month of Ribbi the second of the year 796, sent his son Humaioon to crush the Prince of the Gickers, who had rebelled, and possessed himself of Lahore. But before the Prince had left Delhi, news was brought to him of his father's decease; for the Emperor, having relapsed into his former disorder, expired on the 17th of Ribbi the second, at Mahommed-abad. He reigned about six years and seven months; and his body was deposited at Delhi, with his fathers.

Mahommed being mixed with the dead, his son Humaioon ascended the throne, by the name of Secunder, He continued or confirmed all his father's officers; but being in a few days taken with a violent disorder, he went the way of his fathers, after a reign of forty-five days.

[Section XXII. The Reign of Nasir ul Diel Mamood Shaw, the son of Mahummud Shaw.]

MAMOOD III.

WHEN Humaioon yielded to the power of his fate, violent disputes arose among the nobles about the succession. They at last fixed upon Mamood [Nasir ul dien, Mamood Shaw. ], an infant son of the Emperor Mahommed, whom they placed upon the throne, by the name of Mamood Shaw; while Jehan remained in the office of vizier, and absolute government of the state. Muckirrib, governor of Mahommed-abad, was made captain-general of the forces. Sadit was appointed lord of the audience, Saring Chan governor of Debalpoor, and Dowlat nominated to the office of chief secretary of the empire.

The apparent debility of the empire, arising from the King's minority and dissensions of the Omrahs, encouraged all the Hindoos around to kindle the flames of rebellion; particularly those of the eastern provinces. Jehan, the vizier, upon this occasion, assumed the title of King of the East, and proceeded towards Behar with a great army. He soon reduced that country to obedience, and having at the same time forced the Prince of Bengal to pay him the customary tribute, he returned, and fixed his residence at Jionpoor.

While Jehan thus established himself, in opposition to his master, in the east, Saring, governor of the provinces near the Indus, began to form an independency in the west. Having, as suba of Debalpoor, collected the troops of the province of Moultan, and the north-west division of the empire, he advanced against the Gickers, who waited for him at Adjodin, about twenty-four miles from Lahore. A battle immediately ensued, and the Gickers, being defeated, were obliged to take refuge among the mountains of Jimbo. Saring, after this victory, left his brother Adil in the government of Lahore, and returned himself to Debalpoor.

Mamood this year, having left Delhi in charge of Muckirrib the captain-general, marched towards Gualier and Biana, accompanied by Sadit and many of the chief Omrahs. When the King had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gualier, Mubarick, Eckbal the brother of Saring, and Alla, conspired against the life of Sadit. But Sadit, having timely information of the plot, slew Mubarick and Alla, while Eckbal escaped to Delhi. Though the conspiracy was thus quashed, the confusions which were the consequences of it, obliged the Emperor to return to the capital, without prosecuting the scheme of reducing those territories to obedience.

The distractions in the empire began now to multiply exceedingly. Mamood arriving in the neighbourhood of Delhi, Muckirrib, the captain-general, came out to pay his respects. But having on his way understood that Sadit had sworn vengeance against him for affording protection to Eckbal, he fled back to the city, and, shutting the gates against the Prince, prepared to make a resolute defence. The city, in short, was besieged for three months, till the King being assured that the war was commenced and continued on account of Sadit, accommodated matters with Muckirrib, and, in the month of Mohirrim 797, was admitted into Delhi.

Muckirrib, encouraged by the coming over of his Prince, marched the next day out of the city, with all his force, against Sadit; but he was beat back with great loss. The rains had now come on, and it being impossible for Sadit to keep the field, he struck his tents, and marched into Feroseabad. He immediately sent for Nuserit, the son of the Prince Fatte, the eldest son of the Emperor Ferose, from Mewat, and set him up in opposition to Mamood, by the title of Nuserit Shaw. Under the name of this Prince, Sadit began to manage the affairs of that part of the empire which adhered to Nuserit.

But a new faction breaking out in his government, disconcerted his measures. The slaves of the Emperor Ferose, disgusted with his behaviour towards them, prevailed upon the keepers of the elephants to join them. They forcibly placed Nuserit upon an elephant, advanced against Sadit, and drove him quite out of the city of Feroseabad, before he had time to prepare for his own defence. To avoid one danger, the unfortunate Sadit fell into another; for having sought protection under Muckirrib, the captain- general, he was by him put to death.

The misfortunes of the state daily increased. The Omrahs of Feroseabad, and some of the provinces, espoused the cause of Nuserit. Those of Delhi, and others, supported the title of Mamood. The whole empire fell into a state of anarcy, confusion, and distraction. A civil war was kindled in every corner; and, a thing unheard-of before, two Kings, in arms against one another, resided in one capital. Things, however, remained in this unfortunate situation for three years, with a surprising equality on both sides; for if one monarch's party had at any time a superiority over the other, it was in singularity of misfortunes. It was not a state of war, but a continued battle between the two cities: thousands were killed almost every day, and the place of the slain was constantly supplied by reinforcements from different parts of the empire. Some of the subas of the provinces took no part in this civil war. They hoped to see the empire so weakened by public calamities, that they themselves might become independent; and, to lay a foundation for their future power, they withheld the customary revenues.

In the year 798, Saring, the brother of the famous Eckbal, the governor of Debalpoor, having some differences with Chizer, governor of Moultan, made war upon him. After several engagements with various success, victory declared for Saring. He immediately seized Moultan, became very powerful, and, in the year following, advanced with a great army to Samana, which he reduced to his obedience. Nuserit dispatched Tatar, suba of Panniput, and Almass, with an army against him. They engaged Saring on the first of Mohirrim, in the year 799, gave him a signal overthrow, and obliged him to fly to Moultan.

Saring received, in that city, in ligence that the Prince Mahommed Jehangire, the grandson of Timur [Tamerlane.], had built a bridge over the Indus, and that, having crossed that river, he invested Outch. Saring immediately dispatched his deputy, with other Omrahs, and the best part of his army, to reinforce Ali, the deputy of the governor of Outch. Mahommed, hearing of this army, advanced to the Bea, fell upon them by surprise just as they had crossed that river, defeated, and drove them back into the stream; so that more were drowned than fell by the sword. A few of the discomfited army made the best of their way to Moultan.

Mahommed kept close at the heels of the runaways, and obliged Saring to shut himself up in Moultan. After a siege of six months he was obliged, for want of provisions, to surrender at discretion; and being imprisoned, with all his army, Mahommed took possession of the city. Saring, in a few days, found means to escape: but the country remained in subjection to the Moguls.

But to return to the transactions at Delhi. Eckball, being disgusted with the Emperor Mamood, deserted him. He sent a message to Nuserit, to desire leave to join him with his party. This offer was very readily accepted; they met, went to the palace of Seri, and, upon the Koran, swore mutual friendship, at the tomb of Chaja Kaki. During these transactions, Mamoodi, with Muckirrib the captain-general of his forces, remained in the old city.

The perfidious Eckbal, about three days after his desertion, quarrelled with Nuserit, and not regarding his oath, began to form a conspiracy against him. Nuserit, being informed of the piot, found himself constrained to quit the palace of Seri. The traitor fell upon him in his retreat, and took all his elephants, treasure, and baggage. The unfortunate Prince, being in no condition to keep the field, fled to his vizier at Panniput.

Eckbal took immediately possession of Feroseabad. His power daily increased, and he now employed it to expel the Emperor Mamood and Muckirrib from the old city. At length, by the mediation of some nobles, peace was concluded between the parties. But Eckbal, peculiarly perfidious, broke through all the sacred ties of the treaty; and setting upon Muckirrib in his own house by surprise, slew him. He immediately seized Mamood, and left him nothing but his life and the name of Emperor.

Eckbal, in the same year, marched from Delhi with Mamood, against Nuserit and Tatar at Panniput. Tatar, leaving his elephants and baggage in the fort, passed, by forced marches, the army of Eckbal, arrived before Delhi, and invested it. Eckbal, trusting to the strength he left in Delhi, advanced and attacked Panniput, and took it the third day, by escalade. He then hastened back to Delhi, and Tatar having failed in his attempt upon that place, fled to his father in Guzerat. Eckbal entering the city, began to regulate the government, which had fallen into the utmost confusion. In the mean time, to complete the miseries of the unhappy city and empire, news arrived, that Timur had crossed the Indus, with an intention to conquer Hindostan.

From the year 790 to the present year, Timur extended his conquest over all the western Asia, reduced the northern Tartary, and spread his ravages into Russia, as far as the Arctic Circle.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.