Memoir on Kotla Firoz Shah/Sirat-i Firoz Shahi, by J.A. Page

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THE SULTAN RETIRES IN FAVOUR OF HIS SON MUHAMMAD KHAN.

“The Sultan of necessity, gave over to the Prince the reins of government, with all the horses and elephants, wealth and state ..... He conferred upon him the title of Nasiru-d-din Muhammad Shah, and then retired to his house to serve his God. In the cities, throughout the dominions, the khutba was repeated in the names of the two sovereigns, and Muhammad Khan took his seat upon the throne in the Palace of Jahanuma (on the “Ridge”). The deposed wazir was soon afterwards seized and beheaded.

The Prince “who was young and inexperienced, gave himself up to pleasure ..... and at length great irregularities arose in the administration. The slaves of the late government of Firoz Shah, of whom there were about a lakh in Delhi and Firozabad, abandoned the Prince and joined themselves with the late sovereign”. Hence arose contention and strife,1 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 17.] during which the Prince attacked and routed this following, who “fled to the palace and took refuge with the Sultan. Fighting went on for two days, when the insurgents brought out the old Sultan from the Palace”, which caused the adherents of the Prince to abandon him and rejoin their old master. Finding he could no longer maintain the struggle, the Prince fled to the mountains of Sirmor.

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FLIGHT OF MUHAMMAD KHAN AND HIS SUPERSESSION BY SULTAN FIROZ’S GRANDSON, TUGHLAQ SHAH.

The Sultan then appointed Prince Tughlaq Shah his grandson, son of Fath Khan, to be his heir, and delivered all the affairs of government over to him.”2 [Ibidem.]

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DEATH OF FIROZSHAH.

“On the3 [Ibidem.] 18th Ramzan 790 H (26th September 1388 A.D.) Sultan Firoz died, worn out with weakness”, whereupon Prince Tughlaq Shah “took his seat upon the throne in the palace of Firozabad”; and a force was then sent against Prince Muhammad Khan in his retreat in the mountains of Sirmor.

The new Sultan was, however, also “young and inexperienced, and gave himself up to wine and pleasure”. Government was neglected and several of the Amirs and slaves raised a revolt. “Malik Mubarak Kabri (an adherent of the Sultan) was despatched with the sword in the palace of Firozabad as he was retreating through the door. A great outcry thereupon arose in the palace, and the Sultan hearing it escaped through the door opening on to the Jamna” but was overtaken and killed at the ford near the Ridge. The reign4 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21.] of Sultan Tughlaq Shah had lasted 6 months and 18 days.

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DEATH OF HIS SUCCESSOR TUGHLAQ SHAH AND ENTHRONEMENT OF MUHAMMAD KHAN AT SAMANA.

On the news reaching Prince Muhammad Khan at Nagarkot he mounted the throne at Samana "for the second time”, and with an assemblage of 20,000 horse and an innumerable host of foot marched to Delhi, where, however, the slaves of the late Sultan opposed him under Abu Bakr Shah (grandson of Sultan Firoz). (Vide. Ferishta, Briggs, Vol. I. p. 468).

“On1 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarkih-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21.] the 25th Rabiu-l-Akhir 791 (23rd April 1389) Sultan Muhammad took up his position at the palace of Jahannuma (on the Ridge) and Abu Bakr with his adherents and forces, was at Firozabad. On the 2nd Jumada-l awwal, the adherents of Abu Bakr, having taken the streets and walls of Firozabad, gave battle to the forces of the new Sultan. On that very day Bahadur Nahir came into the city with a party of his followers; and Abu Bakr Shah, being emboldened by his arrival, marched on the following day into Firozabad with his horse and foot. The battle began, and by the decree of God, Sultan Muhammad was defeated. He fled towards his own territories”. Malik2 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 22.] Sarwar (a slave of Firoz Shah, and afterwards the founder of the Provincial dynasty of Sharqi kings at Jaunpur) was then made wazir.

In the same year Sultan Muhammad again marched against Delhi, but was met and defeated by Abu Bakr again; and we read that "in consequence of the contention among the Mussulmans for the throne, the Hindu infidels gathered strength and gave up paying the Jizya poll tax and tribute".

In 1390 A.D. Sultan Muhammad yet again raided the city of Delhi, entering through the Badaun Gate, and took up his quarters at the Humayun Palace. “All the people of the city, high and low, and the bazar people, joined him;" but the Sultan found it advisable to flee through a back door in the palace on news of his antagonist Abu Bakr’s approach. The old Firoz Shahi slaves, however, turned against Abu Bakr, who fled, and on their invitation Sultan Muhammad “entered the city and took his seat on the throne in the Palace of Firozabad."

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DEATH OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD.

The somewhat tactless action of the Sultan in taking away the state elephants from the charge of the Firozshahi slaves excited discontent among them; “so they fled in the night” and joined Abu3 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarkih-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 25.] Bakr Shah, who was, however, defeated in a battle by a force sent against him by the Sultan, captured, and sent a prisoner to Mirat, where he died. Some 3 years afterwards the Sultan Muhammad Shah died (Jan. 1394 A.D.) having reigned 6 years4 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 27.] and 7 months.

The late Sultan’s second son, Humayun Khan, then ascended the throne under the title Sultan Alau-d-Din Sikandar Shah — but died 1 month 16 days afterwards.

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SUCCESSION OF PRINCE MAHMUD AT JAHANPANAH.

On the death of Sultan Alau-d-Din “Prince Mahmud was placed upon the throne in the Humayun palace (in Jahanpanah) and the title Nasiru-d-Din Mahmud Shah was given5 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 28.] to him”.

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REBELLION AND RIVAL SOVEREIGNTY OF HIS COUSIN NASRAT SHAH AT FIROZABAD.

Early in his reign, however, certain disaffected amirs, headed by one Sadat Khan, rebelled and raised Nasrat Khan, another grandson of Firoz Shah, to the throne, "in the palace of Firozabad under the title of Nasiru-d-Din Nasrat Shah. But he was a mere puppet, and all the direction of affairs was in the hands of Sadat Khan", who was, however, soon afterwards expelled by the old Firozashahi slaves, and killed. Thus "in Delhi and Firozabad there were two kings”,1 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, p. 31 (footnote 1, Tabkat-i-Akbari).] and “fights came to be daily occurrences between the two cities."

"The districts in the Doab and fiefs of Sambhal, Panipat, Jhajhar and Rohtak were in the possession of Sultan Nasiru-d-Din, while Sultan Mahmud held no place except the forts of old Delhi and Siri”.

“In the month of Shawal 800 H (1397 A.D.) the wazir Ikbal Khan joined himself to Sultan Nasiru-d-Din. He placed the Sultan upon an elephant, and conducted him into Jahanpanah ..... Sultan Mahmud was shut up in Old Delhi."

“On the third day Ikbal Khan treacherously attacked the Sultan Nasiru-d- Din who, being unable to resist, fled with a small party of men and elephants to Firozabad”, whence he escaped across the Jamna with his family and dependants.

“Firozabad then came into the possession of Ikbal2 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV. p. 33. Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi.] Khan, who kept the Sultan Mahmud in his power as a puppet and himself directed all matters of Government.3” [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV. p. 34. Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi.]

Such were the conditions of affairs at Delhi immediately prior to Timur’s raid.

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TIMUR’S INVASION.

"In the4 [Ibidem, pp. 34, 35 and 36.] month of Safar 801 H. (Oct. 1398 A.D.) intelligence came that Amir Timur, King of Khurasan, had attacked Talina, and was staving at Multan, and that he had put to the sword all the soldiers of Sarang Khan, who had been taken prisoner by Pir Muhammad (Timur’s son). This intelligence filled Ikbal Khan (the wazir) with dread and anxiety. Amir Timur continuing his march, besieged Bhatnir, took the Rai Khul Chain prisoner, and put the garrison to the sword. From thence he marched to Samana, and many inhabitants of Dibalpur, Ajodhan, and Sarsuti fled in terror to Delhi. Many prisoners were taken and most of them received the glory of martyrdom. Then he crossed over the Jumna into the Doab, and ravaged the greater part of the country. He made a halt at the town of Loni, and there he put to the sword all the prisoners whom he had taken between the rivers Sind and Ganges, in all 50,000 men, more or less: God knows the truth. Such was the terror inspired by him, that Musulmans and Hindus fled before him, some to the mountains, some to the deserts, some to the waves of the rivers, and some to Delhi. In Jumada-Rawwal, having crossed the Jumna, he halted at Firozabad, and next day he took up his position at the top of the Hauz-i Khas. Ikbal Khan (the wazir) came out with his elephants, and gave battle to Amir Timur in the maidan. At the first charge, he was defeated by the warriors of Timur, and escaped through a thousand difficulties with his elephants into the city. But as they retreated into the city, many men were crushed under their foot and died, and heaps of dead were left. When night came on, Ikbal Khan and Sultan Mahmud, leaving their wives and children behind, came out of the city. The Sultan fled to Gujrat, and Ikbal Khan crossed the river Jamna and went to Baran. Mext day Amir Timur granted quarter to the city, and took the ransom money1 [It was out of the collection of this ransom that the massacre of the inhabitants of Delhi arose.] from the inhabitants. On the fourth day he gave orders that all the people in the city should be made prisoners, and this was done”.

Timur in his memoirs (Malfuzat-i-Timuri) speaks of ‘‘a plundering excursion against the palace of Jahannuma, a fine building erected by Sultan Firoz Shah on the top of a hill by the banks of the Jamna which is situated 3 miles from Delhi. It was from this hill that Timur reconnoitred the ground on which to join battle with the Delhi forces: and he mentions that he encamped before the battle in a position opposite to Jahannuma. It was at this camp that the 100,000 “infidels” captured on his way to Delhi were massacred in cold blood. Such was the orgy of slaughter, that Timur gloatingly tells of a "Maulana2 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III. Malfuzat-i-Timuri, p. 436.] Nasiru-d-din Umar, a counsellor and a man of learning, who, in all his life had never killed a sparrow, now in execution of my order slew with his sword fifteen idolatrous Hindus who were his captives".

"After3 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, Malfuzat-i-Timuri, p. 441.] the defeat of Sultan Mahmud at the Maidan in the neighbourhood of Hauz Khas, Timur marched towards the fort (Jahanpanah) and carefully reconnoitred its towers and walls, and returned to the side of Hauz Khas. This is a reservoir which was constructed by Sultan Firoz Shah and is faced all-round with stone and cement (gatch). Each side of that reservoir is more than a bow shot long, and there are buildings placed around it. This tank is filled by the rains in the rainy season, and it supplies the people of the city with water throughout the year. The tomb of Sultan Firozshah stands on its bank. When I had pitched my camp here, the princes and amirs and nuyans, and all the generals and officers, came to wait upon me to pay their respects and offer their congratulations on this great victory". The Delhi Sultan and his wazir had escaped “through the Hauz Rani and Baraka gates of Jahanpanah, both of which are to the south of the Jahanpanah4". [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, Zafarnama, p. 501.] Timur's camp at Hauz Khas was to the east.

Timur goes on to recount that he "mounted his horse and rode towards the gate of the maidan (This gate5 [Elliot and Dowson. Vol. III. Zafarnama, p. 502.] is one of the gates of Jahanpanah and opens towards Hauz (Khas). I alighted at the Idgah, a lofty and extensive building, and I gave orders for my quarters to be moved there, and for my throne to be set up in the Idgah.1 [This idgah is not to be confused with the Idgah of Kharera which was built after Timur’s departure in 1404-5 A. D. by Iqbal Khan; although it was probably in the vicinity of this latter. List of Monuments Mahrauli Zail, Vol, III, p. 164.] I took my seat on the Throne and held a court." Timur speaks of 120 enormous elephants and rhinoceroses which were brought out of the fort (Jahanpanah) and paraded before him. “As the elephants passed me I was greatly amused to see the tricks which their drivers2 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, Malfuzat-i-Timuri, p. 444.] had taught them. Every elephant at the sign of the driver bowed his head to the ground, made his obeisance, and uttered a cry. At the direction of their drivers they picked up any object from the ground with their trunks and placed it in their drivers hands, or put it into their mouths and kept it. When I saw these mighty animals so well trained and so obedient to weak men, I was greatly astonished, and I ordered that they should be sent to Turan and Iran, to Fars, and Azur, and Rum, so that the princes and nobles throughout my dominions might see these animals”.

In alluding to the several causes which led to the sack of Delhi and the wholesale massacre of its inhabitants, Timur mentions a “palace of Hazar Situn (thousand columns) which Malik Juna (Muhammad Tughlaq) built in the fort called Jahanpanah: and in lamenting this event, Timur writes: “By the will of God, and by no wish or direction of mine, all the three cities of Delhi by name Siri, Jahanpanah, and Old Delhi had been plundered”. It is noteworthy that Firozabad is not specifically included in this catalogue, and, it is to be assumed, escaped the general pillage.

“When my mind was no longer occupied with the destruction of the people of Delhi, I took a ride round the cities. Siri is a round city. Its buildings are lofty. They are surrounded by fortifications built of stone and brick and are very strong. Old Delhi has also a similar strong fort, but it is larger than Siri”.

“From the fort of Siri to that of Old Delhi, which is a considerable distance, there runs a strong wall built of stone and cement. The part called Jahanpanah is situated in the midst of the inhabited city (Shahr-i-abadan). The fortifications of the three cities have thirty gates. Jahanpanah has thirteen gates, seven on the south side bearing towards the east, and six on the north side bearing towards the west. Siri has seven gates, four towards the outside and three on the inside towards Jahanpanah. The fortifications of old Delhi have ten gates, some opening to the exterior and some towards the interior of the city. When I was tired of examining the city I went into the Masjid-i-Jami3." [Elliot and Dowson, Vol III. Malfuzat-i-Timuri, pp. 447-48.]

I had4 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, Malfuzat-i-Timuri, p. 448.] been in Delhi fifteen days, which time I passed in pleasure and enjoyment, holding royal Courts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that I had come to Hindustan to war against infidels..... Having made these reflections I again drew my sword to wage a religious war. I started from Delhi and marched three kos to the fort of Firozabad, which stands on the banks of the Jamna, and is one of the edifices erected by Sultan Firozashah. I halted there and went in to examine the palace. I proceeded to the Masjid-i-Jami, where I said my prayers and offered up my praises and thanksgivings for the mercies of the Almighty. Afterwards I again mounted and proceeded to pitch my camp near the palace of Jahannuma (on the Ridge). Here Bahadur Nahir sent to me as a tribute two white parrots which could talk well and pleasantly. The envoys presented them to me, and told me that these two parrots had belonged to Sultan Tughlaq Shah, and that they had lived at the courts of the Sultans ever since. The sight of these parrots and the sound of their voices gave me great satisfaction, so I gave directions that they should be brought before me in their cages every day that I might listen to their talk1." [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, Malfuzat-i-Timuri, p. 449.]

Timur says "I had determined to build a Masjid-i-Jami in Samarqand, the seat of my empire, which should be without rival in any country; so I ordered that all builders and stone masons (among the artisans and mechanics enslaved during the sack of Delhi) should be set apart for my own special service."

"From Delhi, Timur returned by the skirt of the hills." "Then he marched through Kabul to his own territories, and arrived at his capital, Samarqand, after ravaging the Hindu shrines at Meerut and Hardwar and plundering Lahore en route.

"After2 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 36.] the departure of Timur, the neighbourhood of Delhi, and all those territories over which his armies had passed, were visited with pestilence (waba) and famine. Many died of the sickness, and many perished with hunger, and for two months Delhi was desolate."

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SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.

"In the month of Rajab, 801 (March, 1399 A.D.), Sultan Nasiru-d-Din Nasrat Shah who had fled from the malevolence of Ikbal Khan into the Doab advanced with a small force to Mirat. The people of the Doab who had obtained deliverance from the hands of the Mughals began to rally and he (Nasrat Shah) entered Firozabad with about 2.000 horse. Delhi, although ruined, came into his power."

The wazir, however, had the good fortune to capture a force of elephants sent against him by the Sultan "and his power increased daily while Sultan Nasiru-d-Din grew weaker and weaker."

"Delhi fell into the power of Iqbal Khan, and he took up his abode in the fort of Siri", which in a short time became repopulated. The district of the Doab and the fiefs in the neighbourhood of the capital came into the possession of Iqbal Khan; but the territories in general remained in the possession of the Amirs and Maliks who held them". "In the3 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarahshahi, p. 38.] year 804 H. (1401) Sultan Mahmud (Cousin of Nasrat Shah) left the Khitta of Dhar and proceeded to Delhi. Iqbal Khan came forth to give him a formal reception, and the Sultan went to the Humayun palace at Jahanpanah. But the reins of Government were in the hands of Iqbal Khan and so hatred sprang up between him and the Sultan." Iqbal Khan after an ineffectual siege of the Sultan Mahmud, who had taken up his quarters, in Kanauj, returned to Delhi, and was shortly afterwards defeated and slain in battle near Ajodhan in November 1405 by Khizr Khan, Viceroy at Multan, who sided with Timur on his invasion and subsequently became the first ruler of the Sayyid dynasty. A deputation was then sent to Sultan Mahmud urging him to take the Government and " n the month of Jamada-i-Akhir the Sultan left Kanauj with a small force and proceeded to the capital, where he assumed the sovereignty". Ikhtiyar Khan who had been prominent in the restoration of the Sultan "received the gift of the palace of Firozabad1." [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakvhahi, p. 41.]

“Khizr Khan, who had defeated the late Wazir Iqbal Khan in the battle above referred to, subsequently directed his forces against the Sultan, and proceeded to Delhi and besieged it; Sultan Mahmud being in the fort of Siri and Ikhtiyar Khan in the Palace of Firozabad."

Later Khizr Khan, continuing his plundering excursions, again “proceeded to Delhi and invested the fort of Siri. Sultan Mahmud was in the Fort, and, Ikhtiyar Khan held the palace of Firozabad for him. The contest went on till Ikhtiyar Khan joined Khizr Khan, who then moved from before Siri and took possession of the fort of Firozabad. Thus he became master of the fief of the Doab and the neighbourhood of the Capital." Owing to a shortage of grain and forage, however, Khizr Khan returned to Firozpur, and in the same year the Sultan Mahmud died after a reign of 20 years 2 months."

Khizr Khan2, [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 46.] "by descent a Sayyid", then definitely took over the Government as Viceroy of the Amir Timur, and "on the 30th May 1414 A.D. entered the fort of Siri and posted his army in the palace of Sultan Mahmud". His successor Mubarak Shah appears to have resided, when at the capital, either in the “palace3 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, pp. 61, 66.] of Delhi" or in that at Siri, before he eventually determined to build a city on the banks of the Jamna, where on the 17th Rabiu-l-awwal 837 H. (31st October 1433) he laid the foundation of a city which he called Mubarakabad.4 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 78.] "He devoted much time and care in the direction of this building." The Sultan was however assassinated during a visit to inspect the progress of the works.

The two succeeding rulers of the Sayyid dynasty, Muhammad Shah and his son Alau-d-Din. appear to have resided at Badaun and Delhi5 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 87.] at which latter city (in 1448 A.D.) the Afghan Malik Bahlol Lodi “ascended the throne with the title of Sultan Bahlol6," [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 88.] and we obtain no further reference to Kotla Firozshah either as a residence of the Sultan or of any of his Amirs. The palace at Delhi, in its turn, gave place in the succeeding reign of Sikandar Lodi to "Agra, where the king himself generally dwelt7," [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Daudi, pp. 446-450.] and Delhi took second place till Sher Shah (Sur) left Agra for Delhi in the year 947 H. (1540) and, actuated by unworthy feelings, he destroyed the fort of Alau-d-Din which stood at Siri conspicuous for its strength and loftiness, and built on the bank of the Jun8 [The correct reading is Jawan, an easy corruption from Jaman the Persianised form of Jamuna [M.H.K.]] (Jamna) between Firozabad and Kilukhari in the vicinity of Indrapat, a new city about 2 or 3 kos distant from the old one. The name of this fort he called Shergarh, and the walls of it were of great breadth, length and height, but on account of the shortness of his reign he did not live to complete1 [Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV, Tarikh-i-Dawli , p. 477.] it.

Though the Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdulla makes no specific mention of Firozabad in this connection it is only to be expected that it, too, served as a quarry for Sher Shah’s new city: and its ruins were doubtless again exploited by the Mughal Emperor Shahjahan when he built his new city Shahjahanabad in 1648 A.D.  

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APPENDIX.

The Topra pillar now set up on the roof of the three storied citadel of Kotla Firoz Shah at Delhi contains seven edicts of Asoka, besides several minor inscriptions of pilgrims and travellers.

The first six edicts and part of the seventh edict are inscribed on the four sides of the pillar; while the remaining lines of the seventh edict run all around the pillar. A translation of the edicts is reproduced below from Dr. Hultzsch's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. I: —

First Pillar edict.

North face of pillar.

Translation.

“King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

This rescript on morality was caused to be written by me (when I had been) anointed twenty-six years. (Happiness) in this (world) and in the other (world) is difficult to secure without great love of morality, careful examination, great obedience, great fear (of sin), (and) great energy. But indeed by my instruction this regard for morality and love of morality have been promoted day by day and will progress still (more). And my agents, also, both the high ones and the low ones, and those of middle rank, are conforming to and practising (morality), (and are thus) able to stir up fickle (persons). In the same way the Mahamatras of the borderers also (are acting). For (their) instruction (is) this, viz., to protect according to morality, to dispose according to morality, to cause pleasure according to morality (and) to guard (their speech) according to morality.

Second Pillar edict.  

North face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

(To practise) morality is meritorious: but what does morality include?

(It includes) few sins, many virtuous deeds, compassion, liberality, truthfulness, (and) purity. The gift of spiritual insight also has been bestowed by me in many ways. On bipeds and quadrupeds, on birds and aquatic animals various benefits have been conferred by me (even) to the boon of life. And many other virtuous deeds also have been performed by me. For the following purpose was this rescript on morality caused to be written by me, (viz.), in order that (men) might conform to it, and that it might be of long duration. And he who will act thus will perform good deeds.

Third Pillar edict.

North face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

(Men) regard only (their) virtuous deeds, (thinking); ‘This virtuous deed has been performed by me.' They do not at all regard (their) evil deeds, (thinking): ‘This evil deed has been performed by me: this very (act) is called a sin.' Now this is indeed difficult to recognize. But indeed this ought to be regarded thus: ‘These (passions), viz., fierceness, cruelty, anger, pride envy, are called sinful. Let me not ruin (myself) by (these) very (passions). The following ought to be specially regarded; 'This (action conduces) to my (happiness) in this (world), that other (action) to my (happiness) in the other (world).

Fourth Pillar edict.

West face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

This rescript on morality was caused to be written by me (when I had been) anointed twenty-six years. My Lajukas are occupied with the people, with many hundred thousands of men.

I have ordered that either rewards or punishments are left to their discretion in order that the Lajukas should perform (their) duties confidently (and) fearlessly, that they should bestow welfare and happiness on the people of the country, and that they should confer benefits (on them). They will know how to cause pleasure and to cause pain (to them), and will exhort the people of the country through those who are devoted to morality in order that they may attain (happiness) both in this (world) and in the other (world). The Lajukas also must obey me. They will also obey the agents who know (my) wishes. And these (agents) will also exhort those (people), in order that the Lajukas may be able to please me. For, as one feels confident after having entrusted (his) child to an intelligent nurse, (thinking): 'The intelligent nurse will be able to keep my child well,' so the Lajukas were appointed by me for the welfare and happiness of the country people. In order that they should perform (their) duties, being fearless, confident, (and) unperturbed, for this (purpose) I have ordered that either rewards or punishments are left to the discretion of the Lajukas. For the following is to be desired, (viz.), that there should be both impartiality in judicial proceedings and impartiality in punishment. And my order (reaches) even so far (that) a respite of three days is granted by me to persons lying in prison on whom punishment has been passed, (and) who have been condemned to death. (In this way) either (their) relatives will persuade those (Lajukas) to (grant) their life, or, if there is none who persuades (them) they will bestow gifts or will undergo fasts in order to (attain happiness) in the other (world). For my desire is this, that even when the time (of respite) has expired, they should attain (happiness) in the other (world). And various moral practices, self control, (and) the distribution of gifts are (thus) promoted among the people.

Fifth Pillar edict.

South face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

(When I had been) anointed twenty-six years the following animals were declared, by me inviolable, viz., parrots, mainas, the aruna, the ruddy geese, wild geese, the nandimukha, the gelata, bats, green-ants terrapins, bonely fish, the Vedaveyaka, the Ganga-puputaka, skate- fish, tortoises and porcupines, squirrels, the srimara, bulls set at liberty, iguanas, the rhinoceros, white doves, domestic doves (and) all the quadrupeds which are neither useful nor edible. Those (she-goats), ewes, and sows (which are) either with young or in milk, are inviolable, and also those (of their) young ones (which are) less than six months old. Cocks must not be caponed. Husks containing living animals must not be burnt. Forests must not be burnt either uselessly or in order to destroy (living beings). Living animals must not be fed with (other) living animals. Fish are inviolable, and must not be sold, on the three Chaturmasis, (and) on the Tishya full-moon during three days (viz.), the fourteenth, the fifteenth, (and) the first (tithi) and invariably on every fast day. And during these same days also no other classes of animals which are in the elephant park (and) in the preserves of the fishermen, must be killed. On the eighth (tithi) of (every) fortnight, on the fourteenth, on the fifteenth, on Tishya, on Punarvasu, on the three Chaturmasis (and) on festivals, bulls must not be castrated, (and) he-goats, rams, boars, and whatever other (animals) are castrated (otherwise) must not be castrated (then). On Tishya, on Punarvasu, on the Chaturmasis, (and) during the fortnight of (every) Chaturmasi, horses (and) bullocks must not be branded. Until (I had been) anointed twenty-six years, in this period the release of prisoners was ordered by me twenty-five (times).

Sixth Pillar edict.

East face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

(When I had been) anointed twelve years, rescripts on morality were caused to be written by me for the welfare and happiness of the people, (in order that), not transgressing those (rescripts), they might attain a promotion of morality in various respects. (Thinking): 'thus the welfare and happiness of the people (will be secured),' I am directing my attention not only to (my) relatives, but to those who are near and far, in order that I may lead them to happiness, and I am instructing (them) accordingly. In the same manner I am directing my attention to all classes. And all the sects have been honoured by me with honours of various kinds. But this is considered by me (my) principal (duty), viz., visiting (the people) personally. (When I had been) anointed twenty-six years, this rescript on morality was caused to be written by me.

Seventh Pillar edict.

East face of pillar.

Translation.

King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus.

The kings who were in times past, had this desire, that men might (be made to) progress by the promotion of morality: but men were not made to progress by an adequate promotion of morality. Concerning this, King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus. The following occurred to me. On one hand, in times past, kings had this desire that men might (be made to) progress by an adequate promotion of morality: (but) on the other hand, men were not made to progress by an adequate promotion of morality. How then might men (be made to) conform to (morality)? How might men (be made to) progress by an adequate promotion of morality? How could I elevate them by the promotion of morality? Concerning this. King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speak, thus. The following occurred to me. I shall issue proclamations on morality, (and) shall order instruction in morality (to be given).

Round the pillar.

Translation.

Hearing this men will conform to (it), will be elevated, and will (be made to) progress considerably by the promotion of morality. For this purpose proclamations on morality were issued by me (and) manifold instruction in morality was ordered (to be given), (in order that those agents) (of mine) too, who are occupied with many people, will exhort (them) and will explain (morality to them) in detail. The Lajukas also, who are occupied with many hundred thousands of men— these two were ordered by me: ‘In such and such a manner exhort ye the people who are devoted to morality.' Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus. Having in view this very (matter). I have set up pillars of morality, appointed Mahamatras of morality, (and) issued (proclamations) on morality. King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus. On the roads banyan trees were caused to be planted by me (in order that) they might afford shade to cattle and men, (and) mango- groves were caused to be planted. And (at intervals) of eight Kos wells were caused to be dug by me, and flights of steps (for descending into the water) were caused to be built. Numerous drinking places were caused to be established by me, here and there for the enjoyment of cattle and men. (But) this so called enjoyment (is) (of little consequence). For with various comforts have the people been blessed both by former kings and by myself. But by me this has been done for the following purpose: that they might conform to that practice of morality. Devanampriva Priyadarsin speaks thus. Those my Malta matron of morality too are occupied with affairs of many kinds which are beneficial to ascetics as well as to householders, and they are occupied also with all sects. Some (Mahamatras) were ordered by me to busy themselves with the affairs of the Samgha: likewise others were ordered by me to busy themselves also with the Brahman as (and) Ajivikas: others were ordered by me to busy themselves also with various (other) sects; (thus) different Mahamatras (are busying themselves) specially with different (congregations). But my Mahamatras of morality are occupied with these (congregations) as well as with all other sects. King Devanampriva Priyadarsin speaks thus. Both these and many other chief (officers) are occupied with the delivery of the gifts of myself as well as of the queens, and among my whole harem (they are reporting) in diverse ways different worthy recipients of charity both here and in the provinces. And others were ordered by me to busy themselves also with the delivery of the gifts of (my) sons and of other queens' sons, in order (to promote) noble deeds of morality (and) the practice of morality. For noble deeds of morality and the practice of morality (consist in) this, that (morality), viz., compassion, liberality, truthfulness, purity, gentleness, and goodness, will thus be promoted among men. King Devanampriya Priyadarsin speaks thus. Whatsoever good deeds have been performed by me, those the people have imitated, and to those they are conforming. Thereby they have been made to progress and will (be made to) progress in obedience to mother and father, in obedience to elders, in courtesy to the aged, in courtesy to Brahmanas and Sramanas, to the poor and distressed, (and) even to slaves and servants. King Devanampriva Priyadarsin speaks thus. Now this progress of morality among men has been promoted (by me) only in two ways, (viz.), by moral restrictions and by conversion. But among these (two), those moral restrictions are of little consequence; by conversion, however, (morality is promoted) more considerably. Now moral restrictions indeed are these, that I have ordered this, (that) certain animals are inviolable. But there are also many other moral restrictions which have been imposed by me. By conversion, however, the progress of morality among men has been promoted more considerably (because it leads) to abstention from hurting living beings (and) to abstention from killing animals. Now for the following purpose has this been ordered, that it may last as long as (my) sons and great-grandsons (shall reign and) as long as the moon and the sun (shall) shine, and in order that (men) may conform to it. For if one conforms to this, (happiness) in this (world) and in the other (world) will be attained. This rescript on morality was caused to be written by me (when I had been) anointed twenty-seven years. Concerning this Dovanampriya says. This rescript on morality must be engraved there, where either stone pillars or stone slabs are (available), in order that this may be of long duration."

Besides the edicts, there are three short inscriptions recording the victories of Chahamana Visaladeva. Vigraharaja, king of Sakambari or Sambhar son of Annalladeva dated Samvat 1220 (A.D. 1164).1 [Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, 1890, p. 215.] Among the smaller inscriptions on the pillar mention may be made of the name of Sri Bhadra Mitra or Subhadramitra written in Gupta script2, [Cunningham’s. A.S.R., Vol. I, p. 167.] and also other names of Sabarnakaras (goldsmiths) viz., Surya Vishnu, Varma, Har Mugha (or Singha) and his son Kumara. The name of a wandering mendicant Siddha Bhayankara Natha Jogi occurs on the pillar. According to Cunningham all these inscriptions were engraved when the pillar stood on its original site at Topra3. [Cunningham’s A.S.R., Vol. V, p. 143.] Later on after its removal two more records were added on to it both in Nagari and dated Samvat 1581 (A.D. 1524): the engravers being Amra and Vyas son of Sayana. The last mentions the name of Sulitana Ibrahima or Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, (A.D. 1517-25).