First Mukaddama. — Return of the Sultan from his tour.
While the Sultan was at Dehli, attending to the affairs of his kingdom, ambassadors arrived from Ma'bar to state a grievance to him. Kurbat Hasan Kangu was king in Ma'bar. When Sultan Muhammad Shah died, and Sultan Firoz succeeded, his edicts were sent into Ma'bar, but the people of that country rebelled, and, going to Daulatabad, they made Kurbat Kangu king of Ma'bar. When this Kurbat held his court, he appeared decked out hand and foot with female ornaments, and made himself notorious for his puerile actions. The men of Ma'bar saw this, and, being greatly incensed against him, they rebelled. A neighbouring chief, named Bakan, at the head of a body of men and elephants, marched into Ma'bar and made Kurbat Hasan Kangu prisoner. He made himself master of all Ma'bar, which had belonged to Muhammadans; their women suffered violence and captivity in the hands of Hindus, and Bakan established himself as ruler of Ma'bar. [The Sultan reproached them for their repudiation of his authority, and for now resorting to him in their distress, and] told them that his army was weary and exhausted with the late campaign and long marches, but that after it had rested and recruited its strength he would proceed towards Ma'bar. *** The ambassadors were sent back with assurances of his forgiveness, and he devoted himself to business.
One day his officers came to him in private and represented that they were very desirous of making a march to Daulatabad, for the sufferings of the people there had excited their pity. Kings were generally ambitious to conquer kingdoms and extend their dominion, etc. *** The army had rested and was fresh and ready. There was no necessity for the Sultan to go, for he might appoint one of his most trusted officers to the command, who would root out the wretched band, and set an example to others. There were plenty of Musulman countries round Dehli to furnish forces for the acquisition of territory; but drawing the sword against people of Islam, had ten evils for every advantage. *** When Khan-i Jahan had finished this homily, the effect was plainly visible in the Sultan, he looked distressed and his eyes were suffused with tears, and approving their arguments, he said that * * he was resolved never more to make war upon men of the Muhammadan faith.
Second Mukaddama. — The Sultan's care to provide slaves (bandagan).
The Sultan was very diligent in providing slaves, and he carried his care so far as to command his great fief-holders and officers to capture slaves whenever they were at war, and to pick out and send the best for the service of the court. When the feudatories went to court, each one according to his ability took with him beautiful slaves, dressed and ornamented in the most splendid style. They also, when they paid their annual visit, brought other presents suited to their means and station — high-priced horses of the best breeds, fine elephants, valuable garments of every kind, vessels of gold and silver, arms, camels and mules,— each man according to the extent of his fief, some as many as a hundred, some fifty, some twenty, and some eleven. They also brought slaves. Under an edict of the Sultan, all the presents which the feudatories brought were valued, and the amount was deducted from the dues payable by them to the Government. This was a regulation established by Sultan Firoz. Before his time, in the reigns of his predecessors, the feudatories brought whatever they could, but no remission in their payments was made in consideration of their presents. Sultan Firoz saw that the expenses of his feudatories were very large, and decreed that they should not be required to make presents.
From this arrangement two advantages were expected — the chieftains' pride would be spared (the fear of being outdone), and the gifts themselves would be more worthy of the Sultan's notice. This regulation remained in force for forty years throughout the reign. Those chiefs who brought many slaves received the highest favour, and those who brought few received proportionately little consideration. When the chiefs perceived the Sultan's eagerness for slaves, and that their efforts to get them were highly appreciated, they exerted themselves in providing them, and the numbers brought every year exceed description. Great numbers of slaves were thus collected, and when they were found to be in excess, the Sultan sent them to Multan, Dipalpur, Hisar-Firozah, Samana, Gujarat, and all the other feudal dependencies. In all cases provision was made for their support in a liberal manner. In some places they were provided for in the army, and villages were granted to them; those who were placed in cities had ample allowances, varying from 100 down to 10 tankas, which was the lowest amount. These allowances were paid in full, without any deduction, at the treasury, every six, four, or three months.
Some of the slaves spent their time in reading and committing to memory the holy book, others in religious studies, others in copying books. Some, with the Sultan's leave, went to the temple at Mecca. Some were placed under tradesmen and were taught mechanical arts, so that about 12,000 slaves became artisans (kasib) of various kinds. Forty thousand were every day in readiness to attend as guards in the Sultan's equipage or at the palace. Altogether, in the city and in the various fiefs there were 180,000 slaves, for whose maintenance and comfort the Sultan took especial care. The institution took root in the very centre of the land, and the Sultan looked upon its due regulation as one of his incumbent duties. To such an extent were matters carried that there was a distinct muster-master (majmu'-dar) of the slaves, a separate treasury for the payment of their allowances, a separate jao-shughuri, and deputy jao-shughuri,1 [The signification of this is obscure, and the copyists seem to have so deemed it. The word by the majority is written [x]; but one varies, and gives it as [x].] and a distinct diwan, that is to say, the officers for administering the affairs of the slaves (ashab-i diwan-i bandagan), were entirely distinct from those under the Prime Minister (ashab-i diwan-i 'ala-e wizarat).
When the Sultan went out in state the slaves accompanied him in distinct corps — first the archers, fully armed, next the swordsmen, thousands in number (hazar hazar), the fighting men (bandagan-i award), the bandagan-i mahili1 [[x].] riding on male buffaloes, and slaves from the Hazara, mounted on Arab and Turki horses, bearing standards and axes. These all, thousands upon thousands, accompanied the royal retinue. The slaves increased to such a degree that they were employed in all sorts of domestic duties, as water coolers, butlers [etc., etc.]. In fact there was no occupation in which the slaves of Firoz Shah were not employed. None of the Sultan's predecessors had ever collected so many slaves. The late Sultan 'Alau-d din had drawn together about 50,000 slaves, but after him no Sultan had directed his attention to raising a body of them until Sultan Firoz adopted the practice. *** When the slaves under the great feudal chieftains became too numerous, some of them, by order of the Sultan, were given into the charge of amirs and maliks, that they might learn the duties of their respective employments. These amirs and maliks treated them like children, providing them with food and raiment, lodging them and training them, and taking every care for their wants. Each year they took their slaves to court, and reported upon their merits and abilities. These reports were received by the Sultan with great interest. Such was the care and attention which Sultan Firoz devoted to his slaves; but after his death, the heads of these his favoured servants were cut off without mercy, and were made into heaps in front of the darbar, as I will describe in my chapter on the reign of Sultan Muhammad bin Firoz.
Third Mukaddama. — Arrival of robes from the Khalifa.
The author has described how a robe was sent by the Khalifa to Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik Shah, in the account (zikr) which he wrote of that Sultan. A similar robe was now sent to Firoz Tughlik with great courtesy and marks of respect. Three robes in all were sent, one for the Sultan, one for the Prince Fath Khan, and one for Khan-i Jahan. ***
Fourth Mukaddnma, — How Sultan Firoz used to sit in State.
There were three palaces in which Sultan Firoz used to sit publicly in state. One was the Mahal-i sahan-i gilin1 [This name is rendered only by conjecture, it may be kalin, gulin, etc., etc.] (the palace of the clayey quadrangle). It was also called the Mahal-i dikh, i.e., the Mahal-i angur, or Palace of Grapes. The second was called Mahal'i chhaja-i2 [Three of the MSS. write the word "jhaja," but this is not conclusive. The fourth has chhaja, a Hindi word, meaning ''gallery," and this is probably right. The title of the palace would so be "Palace of the wooden gallery."] chobin. The third was the Mahal-i bar-i 'amm, or Palace of the Public Court, and it was also called Sahn-i miyanagi, the central quadrangle. The first palace was appropriated to the reception of the khans, maliks, amirs, officials and distinguished literary men. The Mahal-i chhaja chobin was for the reception of the principal personal attendants. The palace of the Sahn-i miyanagi was used for general receptions. ***
Sultan Firoz had given up residing in Dehli, and stayed at Firozabad. When it was necessary to hold a court, he left his devotions [which are described] and proceeded to the capital to hold his Court. [Precedence, ceremonial, and dress.] Khan-i Jahan, the wazir of the State, used to sit on the right near the throne. The Amir-i Mu'azzam Amir Ahmad Ikbal sat higher up and a little (yak zanu) behind Khan-i Jahan, which position was considered to be neither higher nor lower than that of the Khan. Malik Nizamu-l Mulk, Amir Husain, Amir Miran, who were deputies of the wazir, sat near the throne below Khan-i Jahan. [Positions of the various officials.] In those days the humble author of this work, Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, used to go into the reception chamber, under the royal regulations, in attendance upon the officers of the wazir's department. [Precedence and ceremonial of the Court. Reception of the Shaikhu-l Islam.]
Fifth Mukaddama. — Prosperity and happiness of the nobles.
During the reign of Firoz Shah *** all men, high and low, bond and free, lived happily and free from care. *** When the Sultan went to the palace, at the "grand city" of Firozabad, the Khan-i Jahan used to make preparations some days beforehand for his reception, by having the palace whitewashed and ornamented with pictures. Every possible care was taken by the Khan for the proper reception of the Sultan. [Splendour and ceremonial of the Court. Easy condition of the people.] Things were so plentiful and cheap; and the people were no well to do, and enjoyed much ease, that the poorest married their daughters at a very early age. Nothing in the least degree unpleasant or disagreeable happened during his reign; how wonderful is it that, since his decease, the city of Dehli has been turned upside down. Those who survive will ever call to mind the reign of Firoz Shah, and exclaim, "The reign of Firoz will always dwell upon the memory, and can never be forgotten."
Sixth Mukaddama. -- The plenty and cheapness in the reign of Firoz Shah.
By the blessing of God favourable seasons and abundance of the necessaries of life prevailed in the reign of Firoz Shah, not only in the capital, but throughout his dominions. During the whole forty years of his reign there was no appearance of scarcity, and the times were so happy that the people of Dehli forgot the reign of 'Alau-d din, although no more prosperous times than his had ever fallen to the lot of any Muhammadan sovereign. 'Alau-d din took such pains to keep down the price of the necessaries of life, that his exertions have found a record in famous histories. To the merchants he gave wealth, and placed before them goods in abundance, and gold without measure. He showed them every kingly favour, and fixed on them regular salaries.1 [Mawajib, salaries, allowances, or pensions.]
In the reign of 'Alau-d din the necessaries of life were abundant through excellent management,1 [["Ba hikmat'i kibriyai." These words may be translated "by Divine wisdom," but they are evidently used antithetically to the ''baghair koshish," or "absence of effort" on the part of Firoz].] but through the favour of God grain continued cheap throughout the reign of Firoz Shah, without any effort on his part. Grain was so cheap that, in the city of Dehli, wheat was eight jitals a man, and gram and barley four jitals a man. A camp follower could give his horse a feed of ten sirs of corn (dalida) for one jital. Fabrics of all kinds were cheap, and silk goods, both white and coloured, were of moderate price. Orders were given for the reduction of the price of sweetmeats, in unison with the general fall of prices.
During the forty years of this sovereign's reign, cheapness prevailed. If occasionally prices rose from bad seasons, or from scarcity of rain, and reached one tanka per man, it was only for a short time. The good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, so that no dearth occurred. Such was the prosperity that, throughout the Doab, from the hill of Sakrudih and Kharla to Kol, not one village remained waste, even in name, nor one span of land uncultivated. In the Doab there were fifty-two parganas flourishing, and a similar (state of prosperity) prevailed elsewhere. The like prosperity prevailed in every fief (ikta'a) and district (shikk). Thus, in the district of Samana, there were four prosperous villages within one kos, and the inhabitants were happy and free from care. Such perfect happiness did the kingdom enjoy in those days.
Sultan Firoz had a great liking for the laying out of gardens, which he took great pains to embellish. He formed 1,200 gardens in the vicinity of Dehli. Such of them as were private property, or were religious endowments, after2 [Three of the MSS. have ''[x], without;" while the fourth (East India Library, No. 1002) says "[x], after" verification of titles. The latter is certainly most probable.] due investigation of the titles, he settled for with their owners. All gardens received abundant proofs of his care,1 [The text is a little confused here. I have ventured upon one emendation in reading [x], instead of [x], etc., etc. All the MSS. concur in the latter reading, although it seems to make nonsense.] and he restored thirty gardens which had been commenced by 'Alau-d din. In the neighbourhood of Salaura he made eighty gardens, and in Chitur forty-four gardens. In every garden there were white and black grapes, of seven [named] varieties. They were sold at the rate of one jital per sir. Of the various articles grown in the gardens, the government share of the produce amounted to 80,000 tankas, without taking into account the dues of the owners and gardeners.
The revenues of the Doab in this reign amounted to eighty lacs of tankas; and under the fostering care of this religious sovereign, the revenues of the territories of Dehli were six krors and eighty-five lacs of tankas (60,850,000). The Sultan, throughout his reign, in his great sagacity and prudence, endeavoured to circumscribe the extent of his dominions, but still the revenues amounted to the sum stated. All this large revenue was duly apportioned out; each Khan received a sum suitable to his exalted position, the amirs and maliks also obtained allowances according to their dignity, and the officials were paid enough to provide a comfortable living. The soldiers of the army received grants of land, enough to support them in comfort, and the irregulars (ghair wajh) received payment from the government treasury. Those soldiers who did not receive their pay in this manner were, according to necessity, supplied with assignments (itlak) upon the revenues. When these assignments of the soldiers (wajh-dars) arrived in the fiefs (ikta'at), the holders used to get about half of the total amount from the holders of the fiefs. It was the practice of certain persons in those days to buy up these assignments, which was an accommodation to both parties. They used to give one-third of the value for them in the city, and receive one half in the districts. The purchasers of these assignments carried on a traffic in them, and gaining a good profit, many of them got rich and made their fortunes.
Sultan Firoz, under Divine inspiration, spread all the revenues of his territories among his people. The various districts of the fiefs were also divided. Khan-i Jahan, the wazir, exclusive of the allowances for his retainers, friends, and sons, received a sum of thirteen lacs of tankas, or instead of it sundry fies and districts. Other chiefs were similarly provided for, according to their merit; some receiving eight lacs of tankas, others six lacs, and others four lacs. All the khans and maliks grew rich in his reign, and had vast stores of wealth, and jewels and diamonds of great value. When Malik Shahin Shahna, who was naib-amir of the majlis-i khass, died, and his effects were examined, a sum of fifty lacs of tankas, in cash, was taken out of his house, besides horses, valuables, and jewels in abundance. The enormous wealth left by 'Imadu-l Mulk, Bashir-i Sultani, was well known, and is well remembered. An account of it will be given in the fifth book of this work. The Sultan being thus beneficent, all men, high and low, were devoted to him.
Seventh Mukaddama. — Affairs of the Army.
1 [Several passages of this chapter are very obscure, and seem to have been so considered by the copyists, for the MSS. show many discrepancies and omissions.] In the reign of Firoz Shah there was an army of 80,000 and sometimes 90,000 horse, exclusive of slaves. These men remained on service all the year. Horses of little value were often brought to the registry office (diwan) and were passed as serviceable. Stories about this often reached the ears of the Sultan, but he treated them as if he had never heard them. When the year drew to a close, and there remained yet many men who had not presented their horses, the clerks made a statement to his Majesty of the number of men that had not yet registered their horses. An order was then issued granting two months' grace for the production of the animals. When this term was passed a statement was again made of the men who had not produced them. In those days Malik Razi, a very venerable and righteous man, was deputy 'ariz, and administered the business of the army in a very proper manner. He used to point out to the Sultan that those men who had not brought in their horses were generally members of a troop, that their assignments (itlak) had been sent into the districts to realize the amount of their pay, and when that was effected they would come into the city. But before this could be accomplished the year passed by, and the poor men remained in a state of distress. Many of those who had failed were employed in other business (masalihi and). On hearing these kind representations the Sultan said, that if any man had been sent on business (masalih) by his commanding officer, and the year should end while he was absent, without his making any statement of the fact or presenting his horse, then if he were discharged, it would go ill with him, and mourning would fall upon his house. The Sultan also directed that substitutes should be found by the officers for all men who went away on business. The soldier himself who was absent might put in his appearance at the office of the chieftain in whose district he was; he might also produce his new horse there, so that all inconvenience might be spared the poor soldier. Thus the kindness of the Sultan for his people was such as no father or brother could show. [Story of the Sultan overhearing a soldier complain that he was unable to produce his horse at the muster.] The Sultan told him to go and arrange matters with the clerks of the office, and he replied that his difficulty was that he had not got the necessary money. The Sultan inquired how much was wanted, and the soldier said that if he had a gold tanka he could get a certificate for his horse. He then ordered a tanka to be given to him. On receiving the coin the soldier went to the office, and placing it in the hands of the clerks, he got the certificate; he then returned to the Sultan and expressed his thanks.
No demand in excess of the regular government dues was to be made, and the officer who made any such exaction was to make full reparation. Brocades, silks, and goods required for the royal establishments were to be purchased at the market price, and the money paid. *** Such rules were made that the raiyats grow rich, and were satisfied. *** Their homes were replete with grain, property, horses, and furniture; every one had plenty of gold and silver; no woman was without her ornaments, and no house was wanting in excellent beds and coaches. Wealth abounded and comforts were general. The whole realm of Dehli was blessed with the bounties of the Almighty....
During the reign of Firoz Shah *** all men, high and low, bond and free, lived happily and free from care... Things were so plentiful and cheap; and the people were so well to do, and enjoyed much ease, that the poorest married their daughters at a very early age. Nothing in the least degree unpleasant or disagreeable happened during his reign....
By the blessing of God favourable seasons and abundance of the necessaries of life prevailed in the reign of Firoz Shah, not only in the capital, but throughout his dominions. During the whole forty years of his reign there was no appearance of scarcity, and the times were so happy that the people of Dehli forgot the reign of 'Alau-d din, although no more prosperous times than his had ever fallen to the lot of any Muhammadan sovereign....
During the forty years of this sovereign's reign, cheapness prevailed. If occasionally prices rose from bad seasons, or from scarcity of rain, and reached one tanka per man, it was only for a short time. The good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, so that no dearth occurred. Such was the prosperity that, throughout the Doab, from the hill of Sakrudih and Kharla to Kol, not one village remained waste, even in name, nor one span of land uncultivated. In the Doab there were fifty-two parganas flourishing, and a similar (state of prosperity) prevailed elsewhere. The like prosperity prevailed in every fief (ikta'a) and district (shikk). Thus, in the district of Samana, there were four prosperous villages within one kos, and the inhabitants were happy and free from care. Such perfect happiness did the kingdom enjoy in those days.
-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871
Eighth Mukaddama. — Report made to the Sultan by the son of 'Imadu-l Mulk, and the Sultan's appropriate reply.
Malik Is'hak, (son of) 'Imadu-l Mulk, made a report to the Sultan that many of the soldiers were old and feeble, and unfit for duty. It was therefore expedient to replace them with young and efficient men. At this period 'Imadu-l Mulk was an old man, and Malik Is'hak discharged for him the duties of the diwan-i 'arz. When he made this report the Sultan observed it was a very proper one: when men grew old they should be set aside, and their places should be filled by their sons or strangers; no consideration whatever should be shown to these old men. "Now," said he, "Your father is an old man, first turn him out of his office, and then I will remove all the old men from the service of the State." Malik Is'hak was silenced.
The Sultan, in the kindness of his heart, then said: "If I remove the old and inefficient men, and appoint their sons or strangers in their stead, the poor old men will be greatly troubled, and will be reduced to distress in their old age. I do not approve of dismissing them, and putting their sons in their places. This is not a time for encouraging disobedient children. With age the heart becomes desolate, and if the old men are turned off and their sons succeed them, these sons may prove undutiful, and the hearts of their poor old fathers may break in their distress. Let an order therefore be promulgated that, when a soldier grows old and incapable, his son shall succeed him, as his deputy; if he has no son, his son-in-law, and failing any son-in-law, his slave shall represent him. The veteran may thus remain at home at ease, and the young ride forth in their strength."
Addressing Is'hak, he said, "Do not make such reports. The Almighty does not take away his servants' sustenance because they are old, how then can I, his creature, dismiss my aged servants." All the actions and words of Sultan Firoz *** were like unto this, and are worthy of a place in history. This humble author desires to write the Sultan's memoirs, but his gracious words and generous actions are so numerous that the author makes but slow progress towards his conclusion.
Ninth Mukaddama. — Transport of stone Obelisks.
After Sultan Firoz returned from his expedition against Thatta, he often made excursions in the neighbourhood of Dehli. In this part of the country there were two stone columns. One was in the village of Tobra, in the district (shikk) of Salaura and Khizrabad, in the hills (koh-payah); the other in the vicinity of the town of Mirat. These columns had stood in those places from the days of the Pandavas, but had never attracted the attention of any of the kings who sat upon the throne of Dehli, till Sultan Firoz noticed them, and, with great exertion, brought them away. One was erected in the palace (kushk) at Firozabad, near the Masjid-i jama', and was called the Minara-i zarin, or Golden Column, and the other was erected in the Kushk-i Shikar, or Hunting Palace, with great labour and skill. The author has read in the works of good historians that these columns of stone had been the walking sticks of the accursed1 [One MS., to the credit of the writer, omits this execration.] Bhim, a man of great stature and size. The annals of the infidels record that this Bhim used to devour a thousand mans of food daily, and no one could compete with him. * * * In his days all this part of Hind was peopled with infidels, who were continually fighting and slaying each other. Bhim was one of five brothers, but he was the most powerful of them all. He was generally engaged in tending the herds of cattle belong to his wicked brothers, and he was accustomed to use these two stone pillars as sticks to gather the cattle together. The size of the cattle in those days was in proportion to that of other creatures. These five brothers lived near Dehli, and when Bhim died these two columns were left standing as memorials of him. *** When Firoz Shah first beheld these columns, he was filled with admiration, and resolved to remove them with great care as trophies to Dehli. ***
Removal of the Minara-i zarin.
Khizrabad is ninety kos [162 miles] from Dehli, in the vicinity of the hills. When the Sultan visited that district, and saw the column in the village of Tobra, he resolved to remove it to Dehli, and there erect it as a memorial to future generations. After thinking over the best means of lowering the column, orders were issued commanding the attendance of all the people dwelling in the neighbourhood, within and without the Doab, and all soldiers, both horse and foot. They were ordered to bring all implements and materials suitable for the work. Directions were issued for bringing parcels of the cotton of the Sembal (silk cotton tree). Quantities of this silk cotton were placed round the column, and when the earth at its base was removed, it fell gently over on the bed prepared for it. The cotton was then removed by degrees, and after some days the pillar lay safe upon the ground. When the foundations of the pillar were examined, a large square stone was found as a base, which also was taken out. The pillar was then encased from top to bottom in reeds and raw skins, so that no damage might accrue to it. A carriage, with forty-two wheels, was constructed, and ropes were attached to each wheel. Thousands of men hauled at every rope, and after great labour and difficulty the pillar was raised on to the carriage. A strong rope was fastened to each wheel, and 200 men pulled at each of these ropes. By the simultaneous exertions of so many thousand men the carriage was moved, and was brought to the banks of the Jumna. Here the Sultan came to meet it. A number of large boats had been collected, some of which could carry 6,000 and 7,000 mans of grain, and the least of them 2,000 mans. The column was very ingeniously transferred to these boats, and was then conducted to Firozabad, where it was landed and conveyed into the Kushk with infinite labour and skill.
Account of the Raising of the Obelisk.
At this time the author of this book was twelve years of age, and a pupil of the respected Mur Khan. When the pillar was brought to the palace, a building was commenced for its reception, near the Jami' Masjid, and the most skilful architects and workmen were employed. It was constructed of stone1 [Two MSS. call the stone [x] and the other two [x].] and chunam, and consisted of several stages or steps (poshish). When a step was finished the column was raised on to it, another step was then built and the pillar was again raised, and so on in succession until it reached the intended height. On arriving at this stage, other contrivances had to be devised to place it in an erect position. Ropes of great thickness were obtained, and windlasses were placed on each of the six stages of the base. The ends of the ropes were fastened to the top of the pillar, and the other ends passed over the windlasses, which were firmly secured with many fastenings. The wheels were then turned, and the column was raised about half a gaz. Logs of wood and bags of cotton were then placed under it to prevent its sinking again. In this way, by degrees, and in the course of several days, the column was raised to the perpendicular. Large beams were then placed round it as shores, until quite a cage of scaffolding was formed. It was thus secured in an upright position, straight as an arrow, without the smallest deviation from the perpendicular. The square stone, before spoken of, was placed under the pillar. After it was raised, some ornamental friezes of black and white stone were placed round its two capitals (do sar-i an), and over these there was raised a gilded copper cupola, called in Hindi kalas.2 [A spire, pinnacle, or cupola.] The height of the obelisk was thirty-two gaz; eight gaz was sunk in its pedestal, and twenty-four gaz was visible. On the base of the obelisk there were engraved several lines of writing in Hindi characters. Many Brahmans and Hindu devotees3 [[[x], Qy. Hind. [x]].] were invited to read them, but no one was able. It is said that certain infidel Hindus interpreted them as stating that no one should be able to remove the obelisk from its place till there should arise in the latter days a Muhammadan king, named Sultan Firoz, etc., etc.
Erection of the other Obelisk in the Kushk-i Shikar.
This obelisk stood in the vicinity of the town of Mirat, in the Doab, and was somewhat smaller than the Minara-i zarin. This also was removed by Sultan Firoz, with similar skill and labour, and was re-erected on a hill in the Kushk-i Shikar [amid great feasting and rejoicing]. After the erection of the pillar a large town sprang up, and the khans and maliks of the Court built houses there. *** Every great king took care during his reign to set up some lasting memorial of his power. So Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh raised the large pillar in the Masjid-i jama' at old Dehli, the history of which is well known. ***
In these days, in the year 801 H. (1398 A.D.), Amir Timur, of Khurasan, has marched into India, and by the will of fate has subdued the empire of Hindustan. During his stay of some days in Dehli, he inspected all the monuments of former kings, *** and among them these two obelisks, when he declared that in all the countries he had traversed he had never seen any monuments comparable to these. * * *
Tenth Mukaddama. — Hunting Excursions.
After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultan was passionately fond of hunting; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without necessity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man — all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain from hunting. ***
-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871
*** The author proposes to describe, in succession, how the various kinds of hunting were carried on.1 [He tells us that he sometimes accompanied these expeditions, and he describes the mode of proceeding in great detail and with evident gusto.] The chase of the gor-khar or wild ass was pursued in the deserts between Dipalpur and Sarsuti *** during the hot season, when these animals congregate. *** The chase of the deer, nil-gaos, etc., was carried on principally in the neighbourhood of Badaun and Anwala,2 [Var. Anwala, Atwala.] where these animals were found in great numbers. This district was waste, but well furnished with water and grass. No other such waste was to be found near Dehli. *** Orders were given for its being retained waste for hunting purposes, otherwise it would quickly have become peopled and cultivated under the prosperous and fostering government of Firoz. * * * If a lion, tiger, or wolf was surrounded, the Sultan used to kill it first, and then pursue the other animals.
Eleventh Mukaddama. — Buildings erected by Firoz Shah.
Sultan Firoz excelled all his predecessors on the throne of Dehli in the erection of buildings, indeed no monarch of any country surpassed him. He built cities, forts, palaces, bands, mosques, and tombs, in great numbers. Of cities, there were Hisar Firozah and Fath-abad, of which the author has given an account in a previous chapter. Firoz-abad, Firoz-abad Harni Khira, Tughlikpur-i Kasna, Tughlikpur-i Muluk-i Kamut, and Jaunpur, besides sundry other places and forts which he repaired and strengthened. His palaces (kushk) were those of Firoz, Nuzul, Mahandwari, Hisar Firozah, Fath-abad, Jaunpur, Shikar, Band-i Fath Khan and Salaura. Bands: Fath Khan, Malja (into which he threw a body of fresh water, ab-i zamzam), Mahpalpur, Shukr Khan, Salaura, Wazirabad, and other similar strong and substantial bands. He also built monasteries, and inns for the accommodation of travellers. One hundred and twenty khankahs (monasteries) were built in Dehli and Firozabad for the accommodation of the people of God, in which travellers from all directions were receivable as guests for three days. These one hundred and twenty buildings were full of guests on all the three hundred and sixty days of the year. Superintendents and officers of the Sunni persuasion were appointed to these khankahs, and the funds for their expenses were furnished from the public treasury. Malik Ghazi Shahna was the chief architect, and was very efficient; he held the gold staff (of office). 'Abdu-l Hakk, otherwise Jahir Sundhar (was deputy, and) held the golden axe. A clever and qualified superintendent was appointed over every class of artisans. *** The Sultan also repaired the tombs of former kings. * * * It is a custom among kings while they are on the throne to appropriate villages and lands to religious men in order to provide means for the maintenance and repair of their tombs. But these endowments had all been destroyed, and the grantees being divested of them, were reduced to distress. *** The Sultan carefully repaired all the tombs and restored the lands and villages after bringing into cultivation such as had been laid waste. He also sought out and restored the superintendents and officers of these endowments who had been driven out of them. * * * The financial officer (diwan-i wizarat) examined the plan of every proposed building, and made provision so that the work should not be stopped for want of funds. The necessary money was issued from the royal treasury to the managers of the building, and then the work was begun. Thus it was that so many buildings of different kinds were erected in the reign of Firoz Shah.
Twelfth Mukaddama. — Consideration of the Sultan for the unemployed.
*** The Sultan gave directions that when there were any workmen out of employ in the city they were to be sent to him. The kotwal used to call his district officers before him, and make enquiries of them. The most respectable people, out of shame, would not make their necessities known, and such gentlemen as these were brought to the kotwal by his officers.*** When they were brought before the Sultan they were all placed in employ. Men of the pen were sent into the Government establishments (kar-khana), intelligent men of business were placed under the Khan-i Jahan, if any one expressed a desire to be made the slave (banda) of any particular nobleman, the Sultan himself used to send a letter of recommendation to that noble; and if one desired to be made the slave (banda) of an amir who held a fief (ikta'), a farman was sent to that amir, and the applicant proceeded thither. So, few persons remained without employment, and wherever one of the unemployed was sent, there he found a comfortable settlement. * * *
Thirteenth Mukaddama. — The royal establishments (kar-khana) of Firoz Shah.
Sultan Firoz had thirty-six royal establishments, for which enormous supplies of articles were collected, *** and the annual outlay on which was very large. Some of them were in receipt of a regular payment (rayati); others had no fixed income (ghair-rayati). Thus among the rayati establishments there were the elephant, horse, and camel stables, the kitchen, the butlery, the candle department, the dog-kennels, the water-cooling department and other similar establishments. These received a regular monthly allowance of one lac and sixty thousand tankas for their expenses, in addition to which there was the cost of their furniture,1 [Rakht, furniture, fittings, plant.] and the monthly salaries of the accountants2 [The copyists seem to have been puzzled with this chapter. They all, in the early part of it, write [x], "border of a garment," although it makes no sense; while the correct word appears to be [x], "an accountant," which is used in similar passages subsequently. The reading of this passage in three of the MSS. is [x], but the writer of the MS. 1002, of the East India Library, seeing the inconsistency of hashiya and ashab, changes the latter word into asbab, In another part, one MS. instead of 'alam-khana has kham-khana, "wine cellar;" and they all write "sar-mahi," which has been translated as being either an equivalent, or a mistake, for dar-mahi, "monthly pay."] and other officers, which also amounted to one lac and sixty thousand silver tankas. In the establishments which received no regular allowance, such as the wardrobe, the 'alam-khana or insignia, the carpet stores, and the like, new goods were procured every year according to orders given. In the winter season six lacs of tankas were expended on the wardrobe, besides the outlay for the spring and summer. 80,000 tankas were expended on the 'alam-khana in the purchase of articles, besides the salaries of the accountants and the wages of the work-people. About two lacs of tankas were expended in the carpet department. Each of these establishments was under the charge of a khan or malik of high rank; thus the wardrobe was under the superintendence of Malik 'Ali and Malik Isma'il. ***
Khwaja Abu-l Hasan Khan was charged with the general superintendence of all the kar-khanas, and through him all orders were issued to the respective establishments. There was a separate financial department (diwan-khana) for the kar-khanas, in which the general accounts were kept, but the accounts were rendered to and recorded in the exchequer (diwan-i wizarat). So that the exchequer not only kept an account of the land revenues (ikta'), but also of the expenditure of the kar-khanas. There were many accountants in the various kar-khanas who received monthly pay. * * The royal stables were in five different places, * * * and, beside these, some thousands of horses grazed in the neighbourhood of Dehli, and were called sih-panj. The camel establishment was distinct, *** and was in the district of Dublahan, where whole villages were appropriated to them and their keepers. *** Their numbers increased every year, because the great feudatories, when they came to Court, brought camels of all sorts among their presents to the throne. ***
In this reign there were audits of the accounts of the fiefs. When the feudatory came up from his fief to Court, he was brought before the exchequer, where an audit of his accounts was held, and the results were reported to the throne. The balance was struck, and the chieftain was questioned, after which he was sent back at once to his fief. The managers (muharrir) of the kar-khanas also had to attend in the exchequer at the end of every year, and present abstracts of their accounts, showing the balance of cash and the stores of goods. * * *
Fourteenth Mukaddama. — On the striking of the Coin called Shashgani.
Sultan Firoz issued several varieties of coins. There was the gold tanka and the silver tanka. There were also distinct coins of the respective value of forty-eight, twenty-five, twenty-four, twelve, ten, eight, six, and one jital, known as the chihal o hashtgani,1 [Gan is an aggregate particle added to numerals. The meaning of gani is exactly expressed in the vulgar phrases "a fiver," "a tenner." Mr. Thomas, however, finds quite a different origin for the term. See Jour. R.A.S., Vol. II., new series, p. 166.] bist o panjgani, bist o chahargani, dwazdahgani, dahgani, hashtgani, shashgani and yak jital. When the Sultan had issued these many varieties of coins, it occurred to his benignant mind that a very poor person might buy an article in the market, and a half or a quarter jital might be due to him in change, but if the shopkeeper had no dangs (quarters) no change could be be given, and the purchaser would incur a loss. If the purchaser demanded his due, how could he get it if there was no coin in which to pay it. Contentions might thus arise between buyer and seller. The Sultan accordingly gave directions for the issuing of a half jital, called adha,1 [Hindi, "half."] and a quarter jital, called bikh, so that the requirements of the indigent might be supplied.
When the Sultan ordered the coinage of the shashgani (or six- jital-piece), Kajar Shah was Director of the Mint, and he exerted himself to execute the orders of the Sultan. The new coin was accordingly struck during the reign of the Sultan, under the management of Kajar Shah. When it came into circulation two sharp individuals made a representation to the Sultan that there was a deficiency of one grain of silver in the shashgani, and prayed for an investigation to test the truth of their statement. If it proved true the officials must take the consequences. The Sultan directed his ministers to make private enquiry into the truth of the statement. Khan-i Jahan Makbul was then alive; it was the year 772 H. (1370 A.D.), and he turned his attention and political experience to the matter. He observed that the coinage of kings was like an unmarried daughter, whom no one would seek after, however beautiful and charming she might be, if any aspersion had, either rightly or wrongly, been cast upon her character. So also with royal coins, if any one honestly or falsely, from interested motives, alleged a deterioration of the coinage, the insinuation would spread, the coinage would obtain a bad name, and no one would take it. On hearing this his Majesty said, what course can we take to ascertain the rights of this matter. The minister replied that it would be very impolitic to publish the secret rules (of the manufacture of the coin); but to pass the matter over would be an error, and to hold an (open) investigation would be a great mistake. The Sultan insisted that the truth must be ascertained so that his doubts might be dispelled. The minister then recommended that the two informers should be placed in confinement, and that a careful examination should be made (in private). Accordingly the informers were confined in the prison of the Exchequer (diwan-i wizarat), and the next day was appointed for the business of testing.
Khan-i Jahan retired, and his Majesty went into his private apartments. The minister then sent secretly for Kajar Shah, and when he arrived1 [The words from the beginning of the paragraph to this point are found in only one of the four MSS. (No. 1002 East India Library), although they are necessary to the sense.] Khan-i Jahan addressed him saying that his officials had been very covetous, and had greatly diminished the value of the coins. It was well known in the world that government clerks and servants (kar-kun) were given to peculation.2 [The translation here follows the general sense of the context rather than the actual word used, which is a very doubtful one. One MS. has [x], another [x], the third seems to agree with this as it writes [x]. The fourth has [x].] There was no intention of charging him (Kajar Shah) with participation in this delinquency, but he had better go and make enquiry among his subordinates. If the charge of deterioration proved to be true, he (Khan-i Jahan) would devise some adroit move3 [The game of chess is here used to express the speaker's meaning.] by which the shashgani coin should appear to the world as of full intrinsic value. Kajar Shah returned to his office and made the necessary investigation, when it was acknowledged that the shashgani was one grain of silver deficient. He accordingly made a full and true report to the Sultan. The minister thereupon recommended that some goldsmiths should be called in privately to test the truth of the matter, and Kajar Shah was directed to provide them. When Kajar Shah received this instruction he proceeded to the goldsmiths and communicated to them what he had heard from the minister; telling them that they must contrive to show that matters were all right and proper. The goldsmiths replied that when they should be called to make the assay in the presence of the Sultan they would have to go naked, excepting only the barest clothing required by decency; but that if a few grains of silver could be smuggled into the palace they would throw it into the crucible. Kajar Shah then proceeded to the charcoal dealers, and after making known his wishes they agreed to scoop out a piece of charcoal, to introduce a few grains of silver, and to seal up the aperture with wax. Next day the Sultan took his seat in a private apartment with his minister. Kajar Shah and his accusers were then called in. The goldsmiths also were brought in wearing the most scant clothing, and the charcoal dealers brought the charcoal and placed it before the goldsmiths. Several shashgani pieces were placed in a crucible, which the goldsmiths put upon the fire. The Sultan entered into conversation with his minister, and while he was so engaged, the workmen adroitly threw into the melting pot the piece of charcoal which contained the silver. After a while the crucible was taken off the fire and allowed to cool. It was then taken before the Sultan and (the contents were) weighed, when the weight corresponded to the estimate, and the shashgani proving to be of full standard value, the informers were declared to be false accusers. The Sultan presented Kajar Shah with a robe, and bestowed on him other marks of favour. Khan-i Jahan then said that as the coin had come triumphant out of the test, Kajar Shah should be mounted on an elephant and paraded round the city, so that all men might understand that the shashgani was of full value, and not to be charged with impurity. Kajar Shah was accordingly carried through the city in triumph, and the two informers, being shown to be false, were banished. After awhile the minister caused Kajar Shah to be dismissed upon some other charge. If there were no such wise ministers the affairs of States would fall into confusion, and the animadversions of the high and low would be cast upon the most excellent institutions. [!!!]
Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Establishment of a House of Charity and a Hospital.
Sultan Firoz founded an establishment (diwan-i khairat) for the promotion of marriages. Many needy Musulmans were distressed at having marriageable daughters, for whom they could provide no marriage portion. *** Notice was given that any man having a marriageable daughter might apply at the diwan-i khairat and state his case and his poverty to the officers of that establishment, *** who, after due enquiry, might fix an allowance of fifty tankas for the first class of recipients, thirty for the second, and twenty-five for the third. *** People, small and great, flocked to the city from all parts of the country, and received grants for purchasing housekeeping requisites for their daughters. ***
The Shifa-khana, or Hospital, also called, Sihhat-khana. *** The Sultan, in his great kindness and humanity, established a hospital for the relief of the sick and afflicted, whether natives (ashna) or strangers. Able physicians and doctors were appointed to superintend it, and provision was made for the supply of medicines. The poor afflicted went to the hospital and stated their cases. The doctors duly considered and applied their skill to the restoration of health. Medicines, food, and drinks were supplied at the expense of the treasury. ***
When the Sultan founded these institutions for the public benefit he settled some rich and well cultivated villages upon them, to provide for their expenses. Allowances were also granted to learned men and Kuran readers. The author has understood from the best authority that the sum of thirty-six lacs of tankas out of the revenues of the kingdom were appropriated to the payment of wages (idrar), and that 4,200 afflicted persons received these monthly allowances. ***
Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Festivals.
Sultan Firoz used to keep the 'ids, the Shab-i barat, and the Nau-roz (New Years Day) as public festivals. * * *
Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Engagement of musicians at the Palace on Fridays, after prayers.
Every Friday, after public service, parties of musicians from the four cities1 [The four towns or divisions of Dehli.] athletes, and story-tellers, amounting in all to about three thousand persons, used to attend at the palace.
Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Inventions or new contrivances.
The Tas-i Ghariyal has already been described in the eighteenth Mukaddama of the Third Book, etc., etc.
Ibn Mansur Al Hallaj, the "Qu'ranic Christ," making the dangerous and fatal "ejaculation," 'ANA' L HAQ (I AM the Truth) IF HALLAJ HAD SAID "ALLAH AL HAZ -- GOD (IN HIS TRANSCENDENTAL ASPECT) IS THE TRUTH, OR "HUWA AL HAQ" (HE IS THE TRUTH) IT WOULD HAVE BEEN A COMMON STATEMENT. HOWEVER AL HALLAJ DECLARED THAT GOD ALONE EXISTS: THEREFORE HE IS THE ONE SUBJECT AND THUS HE ALONE CAN WITNESS HIS EXISTENCE. 
