by Sir James George Frazer
1890/1911-15
The Golden Bough, a study of comparative religion by Sir James Frazer. It was originally published in two volumes in 1890 with the subtitle A Study in Comparative Religion and was enlarged and republished with the subtitle A Study in Magic and Religion (12 volumes, 1911–15). Aftermath, a Supplement appeared in 1936. This massive work surveys the spiritual beliefs, practices, and institutions of cultures worldwide and posits a natural progression from magic to religion to science. The author provides detailed descriptions of esoteric rites and ceremonies, analysis of recurrent motifs in myth, and interpretation of the “primitive” worldview. Although Frazer’s theory of the evolutionary sequence of magical, religious, and scientific thought is no longer accepted, his work enabled him to synthesize and compare a wider range of information about religious and magical practices than has been achieved subsequently by any other single anthropologist. This material also had a profound impact on Modernist literature and art.
-- The Golden Bough, by The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Contents
• Preface
• Subject Index
• Chapter 1. The King of the Wood
o Diana and Virbius
o Artemis and Hippolytus
o Recapitulation
• Chapter 2. Priestly Kings
• Chapter 3. Sympathetic Magic
o The Principles of Magic
o Homoeopathic or Imitative Magic
o Contagious Magic
o The Magician's Progress
• Chapter 4. Magic and Religion
• Chapter 5. The Magical Control of the Weather
o The Public Magician
o The Magical Control of Rain
o The Magical Control of the Sun
o The Magical Control of the Wind
• Chapter 6. Magicians as Kings
• Chapter 7. Incarnate Human Gods
• Chapter 8. Departmental Kings of Nature
• Chapter 9. The Worship of Trees
o Tree-spirits
o Beneficent Powers of Tree-Spirits
• Chapter 10. Relics of Tree Worship in Modern Europe
• Chapter 11. The Influence of the Sexes on Vegetation
• Chapter 12. The Sacred Marriage
o Diana as a Goddess of Fertility
o The Marriage of the Gods
• Chapter 13. The Kings of Rome and Alba
o Numa and Egeria
o The King as Jupiter
• Chapter 14. Succession to the Kingdom in Ancient Latium
• Chapter 15. The Worship of the Oak
• Chapter 16. Dianus and Diana
• Chapter 17. The Burden of Royalty
o Royal and Priestly Taboos
o Divorce of the Spiritual from the Temporal Power
• Chapter 18. The Perils of the Soul
o The Soul as a Mannikin
o Absence and Recall of the Soul
o The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection
• Chapter 19. Tabooed Acts
o Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers
o Taboos on Eating and Drinking
o Taboos on Showing the Face
o Taboos on Quitting the House
o Taboos on Leaving Food over
• Chapter 20. Tabooed Persons
o Chiefs and Kings tabooed
o Mourners tabooed
o Women tabooed at Menstruation and Childbirth
o Warriors tabooed
o Manslayers tabooed
o Hunters and Fishers tabooed
• Chapter 21. Tabooed Things
o The Meaning of Taboo
o Iron tabooed
o Sharp Weapons tabooed
o Blood tabooed
o The Head tabooed
o Hair tabooed
o Ceremonies at Hair-cutting
o Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails
o Spittle tabooed
o Foods tabooed
o Knots and Rings tabooed
• Chapter 22. Tabooed Words
o Personal Names tabooed
o Names of Relations tabooed
o Names of the Dead tabooed
o Names of Kings and other Sacred Persons tabooed
o Names of Gods tabooed
• Chapter 23. Our Debt to the Savage
• Chapter 24. The Killing of the Divine King
o The Mortality of the Gods
o Kings killed when their Strength fails
o Kings killed at the End of a Fixed Term
• Chapter 25. Temporary Kings
• Chapter 26. Sacrifice of the King's Son
• Chapter 27. Succession to the Soul
• Chapter 28. The Killing of the Tree-Spirit
o The Whitsuntide Mummers
o Burying the Carnival
o Carrying out Death
o Bringing in Summer
o Battle of Summer and Winter
o Death and Resurrection of Kostrubonko
o Death and Revival of Vegetation
o Analogous Rites in India
o The Magic Spring
• Chapter 29. The Myth of Adonis
• Chapter 30. Adonis in Syria
• Chapter 31. Adonis in Cyprus
• Chapter 32. The Ritual of Adonis
• Chapter 33. The Gardens of Adonis
• Chapter 34. The Myth and Ritual of Attis
• Chapter 35. Attis as a God of Vegetation
• Chapter 36. Human Representatives of Attis
• Chapter 37. Oriental Religions in the West
• Chapter 38. The Myth of Osiris
• Chapter 39. The Ritual of Osiris
o The Popular Rites
o The Official Rites
• Chapter 40. The Nature of Osiris
o Osiris a Corn-god
o Osiris a Tree-spirit
o Osiris a God of Fertility
o Osiris a God of the Dead
• Chapter 41. Isis
• Chapter 42. Osiris and the Sun
• Chapter 43. Dionysus
• Chapter 44. Demeter and Persephone
• Chapter 45. Corn-Mother and Corn-Maiden in N. Europe
• Chapter 46. Corn-Mother in Many Lands
o The Corn-mother in America
o The Rice-mother in the East Indies
o The Spirit of the Corn embodied in Human Beings
o The Double Personification of the Corn as Mother and Daughter
• Chapter 47. Lityerses
o Songs of the Corn Reapers
o Killing the Corn-spirit
o Human Sacrifices for the Crops
o The Corn-spirit slain in his Human Representatives
• Chapter 48. The Corn-Spirit as an Animal
o Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit
o The Corn-spirit as a Wolf or a Dog
o The Corn-spirit as a Cock
o The Corn-spirit as a Hare
o The Corn-spirit as a Cat
o The Corn-spirit as a Goat
o The Corn-spirit as a Bull, Cow, or Ox
o The Corn-spirit as a Horse or Mare
o The Corn-spirit as a Pig (Boar or Sow)
o On the Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit
• Chapter 49. Ancient Deities of Vegetation as Animals
o Dionysus, the Goat and the Bull
o Demeter, the Pig and the Horse
o Attis, Adonis, and the Pig
o Osiris, the Pig and the Bull
o Virbius and the Horse
• Chapter 50. Eating the God
o The Sacrament of First-Fruits
o Eating the God among the Aztecs
o Many Manii at Aricia
• Chapter 51. Homeopathic Magic of a Flesh Diet
• Chapter 52. Killing the Divine Animal
o Killing the Sacred Buzzard
o Killing the Sacred Ram
o Killing the Sacred Serpent
o Killing the Sacred Turtles
o Killing the Sacred Bear
• Chapter 53. The Propitiation of Wild Animals By Hunters
• Chapter 54. Types of Animal Sacrament
o The Egyptian and the Aino Types of Sacrament
o Processions with Sacred Animals
• Chapter 55. The Transference of Evil
o The Transference to Inanimate Objects
o The Transference to Animals
o The Transference to Men
o The Transference of Evil in Europe
• Chapter 56. The Public Expulsion of Evils
o The Omnipresence of Demons
o The Occasional Expulsion of Evils
o The Periodic Expulsion of Evils
• Chapter 57. Public Scapegoats
o The Expulsion of Embodied Evils
o The Occasional Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle
o The Periodic Expulsion of Evils in a Material Vehicle
o On Scapegoats in General
• Chapter 58. Human Scapegoats in Classical Antiquity
o The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome
o The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Greece
o The Roman Saturnalia
• Chapter 59. Killing the God in Mexico
• Chapter 60. Between Heaven and Earth
o Not to touch the Earth
o Not to see the Sun
o The Seclusion of Girls at Puberty
o Reasons for the Seclusion of Girls at Puberty
• Chapter 61. The Myth of Balder
• Chapter 62. The Fire-Festivals of Europe
o The Fire-festivals in general
o The Lenten Fires
o The Easter Fires
o The Beltane Fires
o The Midsummer Fires
o The Hallowe'en Fires
o The Midwinter Fires
o The Need-fire
• Chapter 63. The Interpretation of the Fire-Festivals
o On the Fire-festivals in general
o The Solar Theory of the Fire-festivals
o The Purificatory Theory of the Fire-festivals
• Chapter 64. The Burning of Human Beings in the Fires
o The Burning of Effigies in the Fires
o The Burning of Men and Animals in the Fires
• Chapter 65. Balder and the Mistletoe
• Chapter 66. The External Soul in Folk-Tales
• Chapter 67. The External Soul in Folk-Custom
o The External Soul in Inanimate Things
o The External Soul in Plants
o The External Soul in Animals
o The Ritual of Death and Resurrection
• Chapter 68. The Golden Bough
• Chapter 69. Farewell to Nemi
Recapitulation
The custom of physically marrying men and women to trees is still practised in India and other parts of the East….
Homoeopathic or Imitative Magic
In ancient Greece any man who had been supposed erroneously to be dead, and for whom in his absence funeral rites had been performed, was treated as dead to society till he had gone through the form of being born again. He was passed through a woman’s lap, then washed, dressed in swaddling-clothes, and put out to nurse. Not until this ceremony had been punctually performed might he mix freely with living folk. In ancient India, under similar circumstances, the supposed dead man had to pass the first night after his return in a tub filled with a mixture of fat and water; there he sat with doubled-up fists and without uttering a syllable, like a child in the womb, while over him were performed all the sacraments that were wont to be celebrated over a pregnant woman. Next morning he got out of the tub and went through once more all the other sacraments he had formerly partaken of from his youth up; in particular, he married a wife or espoused his old one over again with due solemnity….
In the East Indian islands of Saparoea, Haroekoe, and Noessa Laut, when a fisherman is about to set a trap for fish in the sea, he looks out for a tree, of which the fruit has been much pecked at by birds. From such a tree he cuts a stout branch and makes of it the principal post in his fish-trap; for he believes that, just as the tree lured many birds to its fruit, so the branch cut from that tree will lure many fish to the trap….
So, too, among the Ainos of Saghalien a pregnant woman may not spin nor twist ropes for two months before her delivery, because they think that if she did so the child’s guts might be entangled like the thread. For a like reason in Bilaspore, a district of India, when the chief men of a village meet in council, no one present should twirl a spindle; for they think that if such a thing were to happen, the discussion, like the spindle, would move in a circle and never be wound up. In some of the East Indian islands any one who comes to the house of a hunter must walk straight in; he may not loiter at the door, for were he to do so, the game would in like manner stop in front of the hunter’s snares and then turn back, instead of being caught in the trap….
One of the ancient books of India prescribes that when a sacrifice is offered for victory, the earth out of which the altar is to be made should be taken from a place where a boar has been wallowing, since the strength of the boar will be in that earth. …
Contagious Magic
Among the Bataks of Sumatra, as among many other peoples of the Indian Archipelago, the placenta passes for the child’s younger brother or sister, the sex being determined by the sex of the child, and it is buried under the house…
The Magical Control of Rain
Some of the foregoing facts strongly support an interpretation which Professor Oldenberg has given of the rules to be observed by a Brahman who would learn a particular hymn of the ancient Indian collection known as the Samaveda. The hymn, which bears the name of the Sakvari song, was believed to embody the might of Indra’s weapon, the thunderbolt; and hence, on account of the dreadful and dangerous potency with which it was thus charged, the bold student who essayed to master it had to be isolated from his fellow-men, and to retire from the village into the forest. Here for a space of time, which might vary, according to different doctors of the law, from one to twelve years, he had to observe certain rules of life, among which were the following. Thrice a day he had to touch water; he must wear black garments and eat black food; when it rained, he might not seek the shelter of a roof, but had to sit in the rain and say, “Water is the Sakvari song”; when the lightning flashed, he said, “That is like the Sakvari song”; when the thunder pealed, he said, “The Great One is making a great noise.” He might never cross a running stream without touching water; he might never set foot on a ship unless his life were in danger, and even then he must be sure to touch water when he went on board; “for in water,” so ran the saying, “lies the virtue of the Sakvari song.” When at last he was allowed to learn the song itself, he had to dip his hands in a vessel of water in which plants of all sorts had been placed. If a man walked in the way of all these precepts, the rain-god Parjanya, it was said, would send rain at the wish of that man. It is clear, as Professor Oldenberg well points out, that “all these rules are intended to bring the Brahman into union with water, to make him, as it were, an ally of the water powers, and to guard him against their hostility. The black garments and the black food have the same significance; no one will doubt that they refer to the rain-clouds when he remembers that a black victim is sacrificed to procure rain; ‘it is black, for such is the nature of rain.’ In respect of another rain-charm it is said plainly, ‘He puts on a black garment edged with black, for such is the nature of rain.’ We may therefore assume that here in the circle of ideas and ordinances of the Vedic schools there have been preserved magical practices of the most remote antiquity, which were intended to prepare the rain-maker for his office and dedicate him to it.”…
At Poona in India, when rain is needed, the boys dress up one of their number in nothing but leaves and call him King of Rain. Then they go round to every house in the village, where the house-holder or his wife sprinkles the Rain King with water, and gives the party food of various kinds. When they have thus visited all the houses, they strip the Rain King of his leafy robes and feast upon what they have gathered….
A similar rain-charm is resorted to in some parts of India; naked women drag a plough across a field by night, while the men keep carefully out of the way, for their presence would break the spell….
In order to procure rain people of low caste in the Central Provinces of India will tie a frog to a rod covered with green leaves and branches of the nîm tree (Azadirachta Indica) and carry it from door to door singing:“Send soon, O frog, the jewel of water!
And ripen the wheat and millet in the field.”...
Magicians as Kings
The belief that kings possess magical or supernatural powers by virtue of which they can fertilise the earth and confer other benefits on their subjects would seem to have been shared by the ancestors of all the Aryan races from India to Ireland, and it has left clear traces of itself in our own country down to modern times. Thus the ancient Hindoo law-book called The Laws of Manu describes as follows the effects of a good king’s reign: “In that country where the king avoids taking the property of mortal sinners, men are born in due time and are long-lived. And the crops of the husbandmen spring up, each as it was sown, and the children die not, and no misshaped offspring is born.”…
Incarnate Human Gods
In India, for example, one human god started in life as a cotton-bleacher and another as the son of a carpenter. I shall therefore not draw my examples exclusively from royal personages, as I wish to illustrate the general principle of the deification of living men, in other words, the incarnation of a deity in human form. Such incarnate gods are common in rude society. The incarnation may be temporary or permanent. In the former case, the incarnation—commonly known as inspiration or possession—reveals itself in supernatural knowledge rather than in supernatural power. In other words, its usual manifestations are divination and prophecy rather than miracles. On the other hand, when the incarnation is not merely temporary, when the divine spirit has permanently taken up its abode in a human body, the god-man is usually expected to vindicate his character by working miracles. Only we have to remember that by men at this stage of thought miracles are not considered as breaches of natural law. Not conceiving the existence of natural law, primitive man cannot conceive a breach of it. A miracle is to him merely an unusually striking manifestation of a common power….
[A]mong the Kuruvikkarans, a class of bird-catchers and beggars in Southern India, the goddess Kali is believed to descend upon the priest, and he gives oracular replies after sucking the blood which streams from the cut throat of a goat….
But perhaps no country in the world has been so prolific of human gods as India; nowhere has the divine grace been poured out in a more liberal measure on all classes of society from kings down to milkmen. Thus amongst the Todas, a pastoral people of the Neilgherry Hills of Southern India, the dairy is a sanctuary, and the milkman who attends to it has been described as a god. On being asked whether the Todas salute the sun, one of these divine milkmen replied, “Those poor fellows do so, but I,” tapping his chest, “I, a god! why should I salute the sun?” Every one, even his own father, prostrates himself before the milkman, and no one would dare to refuse him anything. No human being, except another milkman, may touch him; and he gives oracles to all who consult him, speaking with the voice of a god.
Further, in India “every king is regarded as little short of a present god.” The Hindoo law-book of Manu goes farther and says that “even an infant king must not be despised from an idea that he is a mere mortal; for he is a great deity in human form.” There is said to have been a sect in Orissa some years ago who worshipped the late Queen Victoria in her lifetime as their chief divinity. And to this day in India all living persons remarkable for great strength or valour or for supposed miraculous powers run the risk of being worshipped as gods. Thus, a sect in the Punjaub worshipped a deity whom they called Nikkal Sen. This Nikkal Sen was no other than the redoubted General Nicholson, and nothing that the general could do or say damped the ardour of his adorers. The more he punished them, the greater grew the religious awe with which they worshipped him. At Benares not many years ago a celebrated deity was incarnate in the person of a Hindoo gentleman who rejoiced in the euphonious name of Swami Bhaskaranandaji Saraswati, and looked uncommonly like the late Cardinal Manning, only more ingenuous. His eyes beamed with kindly human interest, and he took what is described as an innocent pleasure in the divine honours paid him by his confiding worshippers.
At Chinchvad, a small town about ten miles from Poona in Western India, there lives a family of whom one in each generation is believed by a large proportion of the Mahrattas to be an incarnation of the elephant-headed god Gunputty. That celebrated deity was first made flesh about the year 1640 in the person of a Brahman of Poona, by name Mooraba Gosseyn, who sought to work out his salvation by abstinence, mortification, and prayer. His piety had its reward. The god himself appeared to him in a vision of the night and promised that a portion of his, that is, of Gunputty’s holy spirit should abide with him and with his seed after him even to the seventh generation. The divine promise was fulfilled. Seven successive incarnations, transmitted from father to son, manifested the light of Gunputty to a dark world. The last of the direct line, a heavy-looking god with very weak eyes, died in the year 1810. But the cause of truth was too sacred, and the value of the church property too considerable, to allow the Brahmans to contemplate with equanimity the unspeakable loss that would be sustained by a world which knew not Gunputty. Accordingly they sought and found a holy vessel in whom the divine spirit of the master had revealed itself anew, and the revelation has been happily continued in an unbroken succession of vessels from that time to this. But a mysterious law of spiritual economy, whose operation in the history of religion we may deplore though we cannot alter, has decreed that the miracles wrought by the god-man in these degenerate days cannot compare with those which were wrought by his predecessors in days gone by; and it is even reported that the only sign vouchsafed by him to the present generation of vipers is the miracle of feeding the multitude whom he annually entertains to dinner at Chinchvad.
A Hindoo sect, which has many representatives in Bombay and Central India, holds that its spiritual chiefs or Maharajas, as they are called, are representatives or even actual incarnations on earth of the god Krishna. And as Krishna looks down from heaven with most favour on such as minister to the wants of his successors and vicars on earth, a peculiar rite called Self-devotion has been instituted, whereby his faithful worshippers make over their bodies, their souls, and, what is perhaps still more important, their worldly substance to his adorable incarnations; and women are taught to believe that the highest bliss for themselves and their families is to be attained by yielding themselves to the embraces of those beings in whom the divine nature mysteriously coexists with the form and even the appetites of true humanity….
Sometimes, at the death of the human incarnation, the divine spirit transmigrates into another man. The Buddhist Tartars believe in a great number of living Buddhas, who officiate as Grand Lamas at the head of the most important monasteries. When one of these Grand Lamas dies his disciples do not sorrow, for they know that he will soon reappear, being born in the form of an infant. Their only anxiety is to discover the place of his birth. If at this time they see a rainbow they take it as a sign sent them by the departed Lama to guide them to his cradle. Sometimes the divine infant himself reveals his identity. “I am the Grand Lama,” he says, “the living Buddha of such and such a temple. Take me to my old monastery. I am its immortal head.” In whatever way the birthplace of the Buddha is revealed, whether by the Buddha’s own avowal or by the sign in the sky, tents are struck, and the joyful pilgrims, often headed by the king or one of the most illustrious of the royal family, set forth to find and bring home the infant god. Generally he is born in Tibet, the holy land, and to reach him the caravan has often to traverse the most frightful deserts. When at last they find the child they fall down and worship him. Before, however, he is acknowledged as the Grand Lama whom they seek he must satisfy them of his identity. He is asked the name of the monastery of which he claims to be the head, how far off it is, and how many monks live in it; he must also describe the habits of the deceased Grand Lama and the manner of his death. Then various articles, as prayer-books, tea-pots, and cups, are placed before him, and he has to point out those used by himself in his previous life. If he does so without a mistake his claims are admitted, and he is conducted in triumph to the monastery. At the head of all the Lamas is the Dalai Lama of Lhasa, the Rome of Tibet. He is regarded as a living god, and at death his divine and immortal spirit is born again in a child. According to some accounts the mode of discovering the Dalai Lama is similar to the method, already described, of discovering an ordinary Grand Lama. Other accounts speak of an election by drawing lots from a golden jar. Wherever he is born, the trees and plants put forth green leaves; at his bidding flowers bloom and springs of water rise; and his presence diffuses heavenly blessings.
But he is by no means the only man who poses as a god in these regions. A register of all the incarnate gods in the Chinese empire is kept in the Li fan yuan or Colonial Office at Peking. The number of gods who have thus taken out a license is one hundred and sixty. Tibet is blessed with thirty of them, Northern Mongolia rejoices in nineteen, and Southern Mongolia basks in the sunshine of no less than fifty-seven. The Chinese government, with a paternal solicitude for the welfare of its subjects, forbids the gods on the register to be reborn anywhere but in Tibet. They fear lest the birth of a god in Mongolia should have serious political consequences by stirring the dormant patriotism and warlike spirit of the Mongols, who might rally round an ambitious native deity of royal lineage and seek to win for him, at the point of the sword, a temporal as well as a spiritual kingdom. But besides these public or licensed gods there are a great many little private gods, or unlicensed practitioners of divinity, who work miracles and bless their people in holes and corners; and of late years the Chinese government has winked at the rebirth of these pettifogging deities outside of Tibet. However, once they are born, the government keeps its eye on them as well as on the regular practitioners, and if any of them misbehaves he is promptly degraded, banished to a distant monastery, and strictly forbidden ever to be born again in the flesh….
Tree-spirits
The inhabitants of Siaoo, an East Indian island, believe in certain sylvan spirits who dwell in forests or in great solitary trees. At full moon the spirit comes forth from his lurking-place and roams about. He has a big head, very long arms and legs, and a ponderous body. In order to propitiate the wood-spirits people bring offerings of food, fowls, goats, and so forth to the places which they are supposed to haunt….
Beneficent Powers of Tree-Spirits
In Northern India the Emblica officinalis is a sacred tree. On the eleventh of the month Phalgun (February) libations are poured at the foot of the tree, a red or yellow string is bound about the trunk, and prayers are offered to it for the fruitfulness of women, animals, and crops. Again, in Northern India the coco-nut is esteemed one of the most sacred fruits, and is called Sriphala, or the fruit of Sri, the goddess of prosperity. It is the symbol of fertility, and all through Upper India is kept in shrines and presented by the priests to women who desire to become mothers. In the town of Qua, near Old Calabar, there used to grow a palm-tree which ensured conception to any barren woman who ate a nut from its branches….
The Marriage of the Gods
It is said that once, when the inhabitants of Cayeli in Buru—an East Indian island—were threatened with destruction by a swarm of crocodiles, they ascribed the misfortune to a passion which the prince of the crocodiles had conceived for a certain girl. Accordingly, they compelled the damsel’s father to dress her in bridal array and deliver her over to the clutches of her crocodile lover….
Dianus and Diana
It is more probable that the door (janua) got its name from Janus than that he got his name from it. This view is strengthened by a consideration of the word janua itself. The regular word for door is the same in all the languages of the Aryan family from India to Ireland. It is dur in Sanscrit, thura in Greek, tür in German, door in English, dorus in old Irish, and foris in Latin. Yet besides this ordinary name for door, which the Latins shared with all their Aryan brethren, they had also the name janua, to which there is no corresponding term in any Indo-European speech. The word has the appearance of being an adjectival form derived from the noun Janus. I conjecture that it may have been customary to set up an image or symbol of Janus at the principal door of the house in order to place the entrance under the protection of the great god. A door thus guarded might be known as a janua foris, that is, a Januan door, and the phrase might in time be abridged into janua, the noun foris being understood but not expressed. From this to the use of janua to designate a door in general, whether guarded by an image of Janus or not, would be an easy and natural transition.
If there is any truth in this conjecture, it may explain very simply the origin of the double head of Janus, which has so long exercised the ingenuity of mythologists. When it had become customary to guard the entrance of houses and towns by an image of Janus, it might well be deemed necessary to make the sentinel god look both ways, before and behind, at the same time, in order that nothing should escape his vigilant eye. For if the divine watchman always faced in one direction, it is easy to imagine what mischief might have been wrought with impunity behind his back. This explanation of the double-headed Janus at Rome is confirmed by the double-headed idol which the Bush negroes in the interior of Surinam regularly set up as a guardian at the entrance of a village. The idol consists of a block of wood with a human face rudely carved on each side; it stands under a gateway composed of two uprights and a cross-bar. Beside the idol generally lies a white rag intended to keep off the devil; and sometimes there is also a stick which seems to represent a bludgeon or weapon of some sort. Further, from the cross-bar hangs a small log which serves the useful purpose of knocking on the head any evil spirit who might attempt to pass through the gateway. Clearly this double-headed fetish at the gateway of the negro villages in Surinam bears a close resemblance to the double-headed images of Janus which, grasping a stick in one hand and a key in the other, stood sentinel at Roman gates and doorways; and we can hardly doubt that in both cases the heads facing two ways are to be similarly explained as expressive of the vigilance of the guardian god, who kept his eye on spiritual foes behind and before, and stood ready to bludgeon them on the spot. We may, therefore, dispense with the tedious and unsatisfactory explanations which, if we may trust Ovid, the wily Janus himself fobbed off an anxious Roman enquirer….
Royal and Priestly Taboos
Among the Todas of Southern India the holy milkman, who acts as priest of the sacred dairy, is subject to a variety of irksome and burdensome restrictions during the whole time of his incumbency, which may last many years. Thus he must live at the sacred dairy and may never visit his home or any ordinary village. He must be celibate; if he is married he must leave his wife. On no account may any ordinary person touch the holy milkman or the holy dairy; such a touch would so defile his holiness that he would forfeit his office. It is only on two days a week, namely Mondays and Thursdays, that a mere layman may even approach the milkman; on other days if he has any business with him, he must stand at a distance (some say a quarter of a mile) and shout his message across the intervening space. Further, the holy milkman never cuts his hair or pares his nails so long as he holds office; he never crosses a river by a bridge, but wades through a ford and only certain fords; if a death occurs in his clan, he may not attend any of the funeral ceremonies, unless he first resigns his office and descends from the exalted rank of milkman to that of a mere common mortal. Indeed it appears that in old days he had to resign the seals, or rather the pails, of office whenever any member of his clan departed this life. However, these heavy restraints are laid in their entirety only on milkmen of the very highest class….
In some parts of the East Indian island of Timor we meet with a partition of power like that which is represented by the civil king and the fetish king of Western Africa. Some of the Timorese tribes recognise two rajahs, the ordinary or civil rajah, who governs the people, and the fetish or taboo rajah, who is charged with the control of everything that concerns the earth and its products. This latter ruler has the right of declaring anything taboo; his permission must be obtained before new land may be brought under cultivation, and he must perform certain necessary ceremonies when the work is being carried out. If drought or blight threatens the crops, his help is invoked to save them. Though he ranks below the civil rajah, he exercises a momentous influence on the course of events, for his secular colleague is bound to consult him in all important matters. In some of the neighbouring islands, such as Rotti and eastern Flores, a spiritual ruler of the same sort is recognised under various native names, which all mean “lord of the ground.”…
Absence and Recall of the Soul
In an Indian story a king conveys his soul into the dead body of a Brahman, and a hunchback conveys his soul into the deserted body of the king. The hunchback is now king and the king is a Brahman. However, the hunchback is induced to show his skill by transferring his soul to the dead body of a parrot, and the king seizes the opportunity to regain possession of his own body….
The Soul as a Shadow and a Reflection
BUT the spiritual dangers I have enumerated are not the only ones which beset the savage. Often he regards his shadow or reflection as his soul, or at all events as a vital part of himself, and as such it is necessarily a source of danger to him. For if it is trampled upon, struck, or stabbed, he will feel the injury as if it were done to his person; and if it is detached from him entirely (as he believes that it may be) he will die. In the island of Wetar there are magicians who can make a man ill by stabbing his shadow with a pike or hacking it with a sword. After Sankara had destroyed the Buddhists in India, it is said that he journeyed to Nepaul, where he had some difference of opinion with the Grand Lama. To prove his supernatural powers, he soared into the air. But as he mounted up the Grand Lama, perceiving his shadow swaying and wavering on the ground, struck his knife into it and down fell Sankara and broke his neck….
As some peoples believe a man’s soul to be in his shadow, so other (or the same) peoples believe it to be in his reflection in water or a mirror. Thus “the Andamanese do not regard their shadows but their reflections (in any mirror) as their souls.”…
We can now understand why it was a maxim both in ancient India and ancient Greece not to look at one’s reflection in water, and why the Greeks regarded it as an omen of death if a man dreamed of seeing himself so reflected. They feared that the water-spirits would drag the person’s reflection or soul under water, leaving him soulless to perish. This was probably the origin of the classical story of the beautiful Narcissus, who languished and died through seeing his reflection in the water….
Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers
Two Hindoo ambassadors, who had been sent to England by a native prince and had returned to India, were considered to have so polluted themselves by contact with strangers that nothing but being born again could restore them to purity. “For the purpose of regeneration it is directed to make an image of pure gold of the female power of nature, in the shape either of a woman or of a cow. In this statue the person to be regenerated is enclosed, and dragged through the usual channel. As a statue of pure gold and of proper dimensions would be too expensive, it is sufficient to make an image of the sacred Yoni, through which the person to be regenerated is to pass.” Such an image of pure gold was made at the prince’s command, and his ambassadors were born again by being dragged through it….
Personal Names tabooed
However we may explain it, the fact is certain that many a savage evinces the strongest reluctance to pronounce his own name, while at the same time he makes no objection at all to other people pronouncing it, and will even invite them to do so for him in order to satisfy the curiosity of an inquisitive stranger. … In the whole of the East Indian Archipelago the etiquette is the same. As a general rule no one will utter his own name. To enquire, “What is your name?” is a very indelicate question in native society. When in the course of administrative or judicial business a native is asked his name, instead of replying he will look at his comrade to indicate that he is to answer for him, or he will say straight out, “Ask him.” The superstition is current all over the East Indies without exception…
Names of Relations tabooed
In Southern India wives believe that to tell their husband’s name or to pronounce it even in a dream would bring him to an untimely end….
Names of the Dead tabooed
A similar reluctance to mention the names of the dead is reported of peoples so widely separated from each other as the Samoyeds of Siberia and the Todas of Southern India…
HIGHLIGHTS FROM BOOK CONT'D HERE: