History of Hindostan (1768), by Alexander Dow

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Section XV. Of the Reign of Ramdeo Rhator.

RAMDEO was of the tribe of Rhator, a prince bold, wise, and generous. The first thing he did on his accession, was to exterminate by degrees the chiefs and Rajas who assumed independency, and raised factions in the empire. Then he advanced with his army towards Marvar, and recovered that country from the tribe of Cutchwa, whom he dispossessed, and peopled it with that of Rhator, from which time they have possessed it [These are the Mahrattas, who at present make such a figure in India.]. The tribe of Cutchwa was sent to the precincts of Rhotas which they still inhabit. Ramdeo Rhator, after these transactions, returned and marched towards Lucknouti, which he took and gave to his nephew. Here great wealth fell into his hands, and after an expedition of three years he returned to Kinnoge, where he remained two years, and then marched his army towards Malava, which he conquered, and putting it in the hands of his Vizier, ordered many cities and towns to be built in that province. Having repaired the fort of Narvar, he appointed one of his kinsmen governor, and demanded the daughter of the Raja of Bijanagur in marriage, who, fearing the power of Ramdeo, complied. He remained in the city of Gundwara two years, where he slew many of the rebellious Zemindars, then returning to Kinnoge spent seven years in festivity and pleasure.

Ramdeo afterwards went unto the mountains of Sawalic, and reduced all the Rajas of those parts; particularly the Raja of Comaoon, whose ancestors, according to the fabulous history of the Hindoos, had reigned there ten thousand years. This Raja had drawn together a powerful army, with which he engaged Ramdeo in several great battles; so that for some time the war was doubtful. At length the fortune of Ramdeo prevailed, and the Raja of Comaoon was forced to abandon his wealth, and take refuge in the inaccessible mountains [The mountains of Comaoon lye about two hundred miles North from Delhi.]. His wives and daughters fell into the hands of Ramdeo, who having softened him to compassion, he restored to the Raja his country, and turned his face towards Nagracut, plundering the country, till he reached Scutdimmindi. There he halted out of respect to the temple of Bowani [Bowani is one of the names of the Goddess Pirkirti, concerning whom see the dissertation prefixed to this history.], which was built near the sort of Nagracut, sending a person to call the Raja before him. The Raja afraid for his life, delayed for some time till he had received proper assurances of personal safety, by the mediation of a Brahmin; and then he waited on the King, and exhibited the customs of obedience. Ramdeo went to pay his adoration to the idol, to whom he made rich offerings, then retiring, demanded the daughter of the Raja in marriage for his son, and marched to the fort of Jummu. The Raja of Jummu being strong in troops and well supplied with money and provisions, confiding in the strength of his fort and the inaccessibleness of the roads leading towards it, despised the summons of the King, and refused to bend to his commands, preparing himself for war. But in the first encounter in the field, his irregular troops, though singly brave, were discomfited before the united powers of the King, who driving him within his walls, immediately invested the place, and storming it in a few days, imprisoned what part of the garrison escaped the sword, and in the fort found great wealth.

The Raja having previously fled into the mountains, saw no hope but in peace, and therefore sollicited the mercy of the King. Ramdeo reinstated him, taking one of his daughters for his second son. Directing his march from thence to the banks of the river Nerbet, which falls from the mountains of Cashmire into the districts of Punjaab, he traversed the country of Hindostan to the salt sea of Bengal, where the great mountains of Sewalic press upon the ocean. He accomplished this march in five months, having reduced near five hundred disobedient Rajas and Zemindars. He plundered them of their wealth, and then turned his victorious standards towards his capital of Kinnoge, which he entered in pomp and triumph.

He soon after prepared a magnificent festival, and divided the spoil among his soldiers, the share of each being forty pieces of gold. Besides a third part of the spoil was thrown among the people. From this time forward he reposed upon the throne of ease and magnificence, nor ever afterwards mounted the horse of war to hunt for further conquests. After he had reigned fifty four years, he followed his ancestors to the unknown world, from whence none return. But the great actions of his life rendered his fame immortal; for among the Kings of Hindostan, we are told by historians, that few have rivalled the greatness of Ramdeo. He was cotemporary with Firose Sassa, father of Keikubad, to whom he paid tribute.

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Section XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund.

UPON the death of Ramdeo, enmity broke out among his children, so that nothing but war, slaughter and death raged in the plains of Hindostan. In a short time, the great treasures which he had amassed, were expended, and desolation began to appear in the streets. The general of Ramdeo, whose name was Partab Chund, taking advantage of these family factions, gained confidence and popularity among the troops. He accordingly marched against the capital, and reduced it in a few days. His first care was to extirpate the royal family, that his power might be firmly established; then drawing many of the Rajas, by fair, but false promises into his power, he cut off the most formidable, by which means, the rest became obedient to his commands. This prince, by an uninterrupted course of success, began at length to devour the wind of pride, and neglected, for some years, to send the annual tribute to Iran, returning the ambassadors of Noshirwaan with empty hands and dishonour from his court. This usage provoked the resentment of the King of Iran, and he sent an army against Partab Chund, which having conquered and ravaged the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, threw him into great confusion; he therefore was forced to pay up his arrears, to advance the tribute of the ensuing year, and to make promises of future obedience.

After the death of Partab Chund, several of the neighbouring Rajas gaining power, formed independent governments, and left but a small part of the country in the hands of the heirs of the empire, insomuch that they lost the title of Rajas or Kings, and had that of Rana substituted in its place. Yet they possessed the mountains of Combilmere, and the adjacent countries of Chitor and Mindusur, till they were conquered by the successors of Timur.

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Section XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the Dissolution of the Empire.

ANNINDEO was of the sect of Bise, who, upon the death of Partab Chund, seized upon the country of Malava, and with rapidity of conquest, brought Narvalla, the country of the Marhattas, and the whole territory of Berar, into the circle of his obedience. To secure these conquests, he built the forts of Mahor, Rumgiri and Mundo. He was cotemporary with Chusero [King of Persia.] Purvese, and died after a reign of sixteen years. About this time, a person whose name was Maldeo, of obscure original, from the country of Duaab, raised himself to great power, and collecting a numerous army, took the city of Delhi from the descendants of Partab Chund; then directing his march to Kinnoge, soon reduced that capital to his obedience, which at that time, we are told, was so populous, that there were in the city thirty thousand shops in which arreca [A kind of nut, which the Hindoos use as the Europeans do tobacco.] was sold, and sixty thousand sets of musicians and singers, who paid a tax to the government, from which we may judge of the amazing extent of this city. Maldeo, at the end of forty-two years, died, and as he had no issue, every petty Raja rendered himself independent from that time forward, no imperial Raja ruled Hindostan; for when Sultan Mahmood Giznavi invaded that country, who was the first of the Islamite conquerors, he found it divided into small states. Kinnoge was governed by one Raja Korrah; Merat by Hirdit; Mahvin by Calchunder; Lahor by Jeipal, the son of Hitpal; and Callinger by Begera. Malava, Ajmere, Guzarat and Gualier had each their distinct Rajas, who were perfectly independent of one another; for this reason we shall quit the history of the Rajas, and begin with that of the conquest of the Islamites [Mahommedans.] in Hindostan.

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Part II. The History of the Empire of Ghizni.

Section I. Of the first Appearance of the Star of Islamism [A metaphorical expression for the Mahommedan faith.] in Hindostan, together with a summary Account of those Mahommedans, by whom the Empire of Ghizni was formed.

TO minds enlightened like the sun, let it not remain a secret, That the first person of the faith who placed his foot within the boundaries of Hindostan, was Mohlib, the son of Abiul Sukur. The particulars of his history are these: In the twenty-eighth year of the Higerah, Abdulla, the son of Amir, governor of Bussorah, by the command of Osman, led an army towards Pharis, against the sovereign of that kingdom, who had revolted upon the death of Omar. Abdulla reduced his enemy to obedience, and returned victorious to Bussorah. In the thirtieth of the Higerah, Osman turned Olid Okbah, on account of his continuing to drink wine, from the government of Kusa, which he conferred upon Seid ben ul Ass. That commander marched the same year towards Tibiristan, accompanied by the two sons of Ali, Hassen and Hassein, and conquered the country of Jirju, whose capital is Ashtrabad, where he raised a contribution of forty thousand dinars. Abdulla ben Amir, ruler of Bussorah, on the part of Osman, in the thirty-first of the Higerah, marched to the conquest of Chorrasan, by the way of Kirman, and having reduced that country, Seistan, Keistan, Neshapoor, Sirchush, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Girghistan, Murve, Talickan and Balich, he entered into a treaty with a King of the northern regions whose name was Joos; having appointed Keis ben Hanim to the government of Chorrasan, Hanif ben Keis to the superintendency of Murve, Talickan and Neshapoor, and Chalid ben Abdulla to that of Herat, Ghore and Gerghistan, he himself being bent on a pilgrimage to Caba, marched back by the way of Hujage.

In the thirty-third year, Abdul Reiman, by order of Osman, having marched with an army against Balich, he and all his troops became martyrs to the faith, except a few, who escaped the sword and fled by the way of Gilan. Sharon, who was an Omrah of Agim, seeing that Abdulla ben Amir had gone a pilgrimage to Mecca, and that the plains of Chorrasan were clear of Persians and Mussulmen, raised in the same year an army of forty thousand men from Jibbis, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Keistan, and the adjacent countries, and fell upon the Mussulmen. But Abdulla Hazim, who was at Neshapoor with Hanif, with four thousand horse, attacked and defeated him; for which service he was afterwards rewarded with the government of Chorrasan.

In the forty-fourth year of the Higerah, Mavia ben Abessifian advanced Zeiad ben Abiera to the government of Bussorah, Chorrasan and Seistan; and in that year, Abdul Reiman ben Summera, according to the orders of Zeiad, conquered the country of Cabul, and bound them over to obedience.

About the same time, Mohlib ben abul Sukur, who was a great Omrah of Arab, by the way of Murve, invaded Cabul and Zabul; then entering Hindostan, made war upon the idolators, ravaging the country of Limgan and its dependencies, and with twelve thousand captives returned to Chorrasan. A few of the inhabitants of Hind were converted at that time to the belief of the unity of God, and the embassy of his holy prophet.

In the fifty-third of the Higerah, Zuad, governor of Bussorah, died in consequence of a wound in his finger, and Mavia gave the government of Kufa to Abdulla his son. Abdulla led his troops against the country of Maver ul neer, which he conquered, and returned to Kufa; after which he got the government of Bussorah, and appointed Aslim ben Zerait ul Gulabi to the government of Chorrasan: But in the year fifty-six, Mavia gave that appointment to Seid ben Osman Affan; and again, in the year fifty-nine, that government was changed into the hands of Abdul Reiman ben Zeiad.

In the sixty-second of the Higerah, Zeid ben Mavia appointed Zillim ben Ziad to rule over Chorrasan and Seistan. Among the chiefs who attended him, was Mohlib ben Abiull Sukur: This Zillim, when he had seated himself in the government, gave his brother Izid the government of Seistan, who hearing that the King of Cabul had imprisoned Abu Abida his brother, who had been collecting the tribute, he raised an army and marched towards him, but after an obstinate battle he was defeated, and lost the greatest part of his army.

Intelligence of this defeat coming to Zillim, he sent Tilla ben Abudulla to Cabul, who ransomed Abu-Abida for five thousand dirms. He then set aside his brother, and gave the government of Seistan to Tilla, who sent the troops of Ghore and Badyeish to Cabul, and by that means reduced that country to obedience, and conferred the government upon Chaled ben Abdulla. This Chaled ben Abdulla being ordered some time thereafter to return back and give an account of his administration, fearing the oppression of new rulers, with his family, wealth and friends, fled to the mountains of Soliman, which extend between Moultan and Peshawir, and there took up his abode. He married his daughter to one of the chiefs of the Afghans, who was a Mussulman: From this marriage sprung many children, two of whom became famous, Load and Soor; from whom the two great tribes of that name derive their origin. In the history of Muttelu ul Anwar, which is wrote by an author of good authority, it is related, that the Afghans are of the race of the Cibthi [Copts or Egyptians.], who were ruled by Pharaoon [Pharaoh.], and being expelled about the time of Moses, took up their residence in those mountains.

But to return to our history. We are told, that this small colony under Caled, began to employ themselves in the cultivation of their grounds, and in breeding of cattle. When, therefore, Mahumud Casim, by the way of Sind, came to Moultan, he remained some time among them, and was hospitably entertained.

In the one hundred and forty-third of the Higerah, when they began to multiply exceedingly, they issued from their hills, and possessed themselves of Kirman, Peshawir and Shinwaran: In the mean time, the Raja of Lahore, who was in alliance with the Raja of Ajmere, entered into a design to humble them, and sent one of his Omrahs against them; but the Omrah was worsted and lost many of his men, upon which the Raja sent his nephew with an additional force of two thousand horse and five thousand foot.

The Mussulmen of Cabul, Chillige and Chore, hearing of these hostilities against their brethren, sent four thousand horse to the assistance of the Afgans, so that in the space of five months, above seventy different battles and skirmishes were fought with various success: When winter came on, the troops of Hindostan unable to bear the inclemency of the weather, were forced to retreat, but returned again in the spring. The two armies met between Kirman and Peshawir, where a battle was fought, in which the right wing of each army was victorious. The Raja of Lahore finding at last that he could not reduce them, was obliged to conclude a peace.

A war broke out at that time, between the Raja of Lahore and the tribe of Gicker, who entered into an alliance with the Afgans or Patans, which obliged the Raja to accommodate matters, and give up several districts to the Patans. The tribe of Chillige entered in the mean time into treaty with them, in which the Patans guarantied the boundaries of Hindostan against any foreign invasion by the way of Iran. To be able to fulfil the terms of this treaty, they built the fort of Cheiber in the passes of the mountains, which obliged the troops of Samania to invade Hind, by the way of Sind and Battia.

When the government of Ghizni [Ghizni was at that time a province of the empire of bochara.] fell to Abistagi, his general, whose name was Subuctagi, made some incursions into Limgan and Moultan, carrying off plunder and slaves; and the Patans not being able to cope with him in the field, sent an embassy to Jeipal [Jeipal seems to have been the name of two or three successive Rajas of Lahore.] Raja of Lahore, for assistance. When Jeipal understood that his troops could not subsist in the winter season in those cold regions, he called Sheck Amid, who was chief of the Afgans, conferred the title of general upon him; and made over some countries of Moultan and Limgan to enable him to carry on the war.

Abistagi dying about this time, Mahmud Subuctagi succeeded him: And Shech Amid finding it unadviseable to carry on the war, sent an ambassador to him to propose terms of accommodation, giving him to understand, that as they were brethren of the same faith, he was in hopes he would henceforth consider the Afgans as his friends; upon which conditions, he might pass with his army unmolested towards Hindostan. Subuctagi gladly embraced this proposal, and marching against Jeipal, defeated him, and gave Shul Ameid the government of Moultan. But Sultan Mahmood, the son of Subuctagi, in the absence, and contrary to the policy of his father, made war upon the Afgans, and cut off many of their chiefs, bending the rest to the yoke of his commands.

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Section II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.

THOUGH the valiant Subuctagi never crossed the river of Nilaab, nor attained to the government of Punjaab, yet authors have conferred upon him the honour of being the first Mahommedan King of Lahore. Subuctagi was originally a Turkish slave, and having fallen into the hands of Abistagi, was, from a low degree, in the reign of Samania [King of Bochara.], raised to the most considerable dignities of the kingdom; being appointed to the government of Chorrassan, where he acquired great renown. When Abdul Mallick, the son of Samania, died, the Omrahs of Bochara sent an embassy to Abistagi, to consult with him about a successor. He told them that Munsur, the son of Abdul Mallick, was as yet but a child, and no ways capable of sustaining the weight of government: He therefore advised them to elect his uncle, but before the return of the ambassadors, the Omrahs had advanced Munsur to the throne; who hearing of the advice given by Abistagi, commanded that general back to Bochara; but Abistagi fearing the young King's resentment, refused to comply: He wisely considered that peaceable measures would only be to him the means of ruin, and he forthwith stood behind his disobedience, with thirty thousand men.

In the three hundred and fifty-first of the Higerah, he directed his march towards Ghizni, and having subdued that country by the edge of the sword, he exalted his standard of royalty [That is, assumed the title of King.]. In the mean time, Munsur, hearing that Abistagi had left Chorrassan almost totally destitute of troops, ordered Abul Hassen to march with an army that way, but he was interrupted in his rout by Abistagi, who gave him two signal defeats, and obliged him to fly into Bochara. Abistagi immediately obtained the peaceable sovereignty of the kingdoms of Ghizni and Chorrassan. During the fifteen years of the reign of Abistagi, he had employed Subuctagi, who had raised himself by his valour, to make depredations upon the Rajas of Hind, whom he plundered of much wealth.

When Abistagi, in the year three hundred and sixty-five, departed into the regions of eternity, his son Abu Isaac invaded Bochara; in which expedition, Subuctagi enjoyed the chief command. Munsur, King of Bochara, being worsted in some engagements, a peace was concluded; in which it was stipulated, that Abu Isaac should continue to enjoy the regency of Ghizni, under the direction of Subuctagi.

Abu Isaac being very young and addicted to pleasure, he readily entrusted Subuctagi with the whole administration of affairs. The voluptuous King travelled soon the road of mortality, and the Omrahs of Ghizni, who admired the wisdom and bravery of Subuctagi, unanimously elected him their King, in the year three hundred and sixty-seven; the reign of Abu Isaac continuing only for two years. When Subuctagi ascended the throne, he married the daughter of Abistagi, and turning his mind wholly upon the art of government, he soon established justice in his dominions, and held the hearts of his subjects in his hand. There was at this time, a governor in the fort of Bust, of the name of Tigha, who was expelled by another chief called Bab Toor. Tigha, who was an independent Zemindar, on the borders of Ghizni, upon losing his fort and country, came and laid his complaint before the King, promising him tribute and obedience, if Subuctagi should restore him to his dignity.

The King gave a favourable answer, and sent an army against Bab Toor, drove that chief from his new conquests, and put Tigha in quiet possession of his country; but Tigha no sooner found himself possessed of his inheritance, than he neglected all his promises to the King, and never once thought of sending his tribute. Subuctagi perceived this ingratitude, but he dissembled his resentment. Making soon after the circuit of his dominions, when he came near the territories of Tigha, he invited him to the chace. Finding himself alone with Tigha, the King took that opportunity to upbraid him with his ingratitude: Tigha, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand on his sword, on which the King also drew, but, in the combat, was wounded in the hand. Immediately a crowd of attendants poured in upon them, when a short but fierce conflict insued, wherein Tigha and his adherents were soon put to slight, and so closely pursued by the troops of Subuctagi, that they entered the fort at his heels; Tigha leaped over the wall and fled towards Kirman.

It was here that Subuctagi met with Abul Fatti, who, in the art of writing, and in the knowledge of the sciences, had no equal: He had been formerly secretary to Bab Toor, and on his defeat had retired to enjoy his studies. Subuctagi hearing of him, called him into his presence, and having obtained proofs of his great abilities, made him his secretary, and dignified him with honourable titles. In that station Abul Fatti remained till the accession of Sultan Mamood, when he retired in disgust to Turkistan.

Amir Subuctagi having conquered Bust, turned towards Kusdar, and taking the chief of that place prisoner, added his territory to his own dominions, giving the government of it to Actass. He soon after resolved upon a war with the idolators of Hindostan, and towards the close of the year three hundred and sixty-seven, which was the first of his reign, he undertook that expedition; and having ravaged part of the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, he founded some mosques, and returned to Ghizni with great treasures.

Jeipal, the son of Hitpal the Brahmin, ruled at this time, the country extending from Sirhind to Limghaan, and from Cashmire to Moultan; and kept his court at Lahore. Jeipal finding he could have no rest from the incursions of the Mussulmen, raised a great army with intent to invade them in their own country, which Subuctagi hearing, put his army in motion, and marched out to meet him. The Kings drew near one another at Limghaan, on the boundaries of their respective dominions: They skirmished for a few days, and Sultan Mamood, though then a boy, gave such signal proofs of his courage, that he drew tears of joy from the eyes of his father.

Historians, whose credulity exceed their wisdom, have told us, that on this occasion, a certain person informed the King, that in the camp of Jeipal there was a spring, into which, if a small quantity of a certain drug, called Casurat, should be thrown, the sky would immediately be overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became visible, for immediately the sky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind and hail began, turning the day into darkness, and spreading horror and desolation around; insomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and some thousands of both armies perished; but the troops of Ghizni being more hardy than those of Hindostan, suffered not so much upon this occasion. Jeipal in the morning found his army in such weakness and dejection, by the effects of this storm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he sent Heralds to treat of a peace: He offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a considerable present in elephants and gold.

Subuctagi was not displeased with these terms, but his son, Sultan Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the proposal. Jeipal, upon this, told him that the customs of the Rajaputs were of such a nature, that if he persisted in distressing them, it must make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon such occasions, and when reduced to extremity, said Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses, set loose their hair, and, rushing in despair among the enemy, drown themselves in the crimson torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this custom, he was afraid to reduce them to despair, and consented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and presenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to discharge the whole of this sum in camp, he desired that some persons of trust, on the part of Subuctagi, should accompany him to Lahore to receive the ballance; for whose safety, Subuctagi took hostages.

Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, imprisoned his messengers, and refused to pay the money. It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble the double council, which consisted of an equal number of the most respectable Brahmins, who sat on the right side of the throne; and of the noblest Kittries, who sat on the left. When they saw that Jeipal proceeded to such an impolitic measure, they intreated the King, saying, that the consequence of this step would bring ruin and distress upon the country; the troops said they have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may rest assured, that a conqueror will never brook such an indignity: It was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to comply strictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity; but the King was obstinate, and would not hearken to their advice.

Intelligence of what was done, soon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he hastened towards Hindostan with a numerous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour; Jeipal also collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, considering themselves interested in his success, supplied him with troops and money. The Rajas of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himself at the head of an army of a hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot; with which he marched with full assurance of victory.

When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi ascended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a shoreless sea, and in number, like the ants or the locusts; but he looked upon himself as a wolf among a flock of goats: Calling therefore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them distinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into squadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered one after another, to the attack in a circle, so that a continual round of fresh troops harrassed the Indian army.

The Hindoos being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing against them; so that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confusion became visible amongst them. Subuctagi perceiving their disorder, sounded a general charge, so that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were pursued with great slaughter to the banks of the river Nilaab; where many, who had escaped the edge of the sword, perished by their fear in the waters.

Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for besides the rich plunder of the Hindoo camp, he raised great contributions in the countries of Limghaan and Peshawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and stamped their names, as was customary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thousand horse, was appointed to the government of Peshawir; and the Afghans who resided among the mountains, having promised allegiance, he entertained some thousands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.

Amir Noo Samani, King of Bochara, being at this time hard pressed by Faeck, sent Abu Niser Pharsi to Subuctagi to beg his assistance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Bochara, and hastened with his army towards Maverulnere, while Amir Noo advanced to the country of Sirchush to meet him. Subuctagi, upon account of his age, sent a messenger to Amir Noo, to excuse his lighting from his horse; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal father, in the face of the young prince, he could not suppress the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horse and run to kiss his stirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him by dismounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and such a knot of friendship was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.

As the season was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed that Subuctagi should return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with those of Amir Noo in the spring. But when Amir Ali Sumjure, prince of Chorassan, at whose court Faek was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Amir Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the consequence of his engagement with Faeck. He asked his council where he should take protection, in case fortune, which was seldom to be depended upon, should desert his standards in war. They replied, that the situation of affairs required he should endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja. Jaffier zul Karmin was accordingly appointed ambassador to the court of Jirja, with presents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a short time a treaty of friendship and alliance was settled between the two powers.

Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich, where Amir Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebel Faeck and Abu ali Sumjure hearing of this junction, with consent of Dara the general of Fuchir ul Dowla Willami, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extensive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They soon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the center, with his son Sultan Mamood and Amir Noo.

In the first charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and pressed so hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara ben Kabus, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in person led on his troops with great bravery, as soon as he had got near threw his shield upon his back, which was a signal of friendship, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his services. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the side of Subuctagi, facing round on his deserted friends, who were astonished at this unexpected treachery. Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confusion, charged them home, and soon put their whole army to flight, pursuing them with great slaughter, and taking many prisoners.

Thus the unfortunate man who had exalted the spear of enmity against his sovereign, lost his honour and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in splendor and happiness for life.

Faeck and Abu Ali took in their flight the way of Neshapoor, with the scattered remains of their army. Amir Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refresh their troops and divide the spoil. Subuctagi after this signal victory received the title of Nasir ul Dein, or the Supporter of the Faith, and his son Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by Amir Noo, whom he still acknowledged as Emperor, though his power had been greatly diminished at this period.

Amir Noo, after these transactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his son Sultan Mamood turned their faces towards Neshapoor. Faeck and Abu Ali fled into Jirja, and took protection with Fucher ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his son Sultan Mamood remained at Neshapoor with a small force. Faeck and Abu Ali seizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any assistance from Amir Noo, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated and lost all his baggage.

Subuctagi hearing of the situation of his son, hastened towards Neshapoor, and in the districts of Toos, meeting with Abul Ali and Faeck, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great dust was seen to rise in the rear of Abul Ali, which proved to be Sultan Mamood; and Faeck and Abul Ali finding they would soon be attacked on both sides, made a resolute charge against Subuctagi, which was so well received that they were obliged to give ground. Sultan Mamood arriving at that instant attacked them like an angry lion, and they unable to support the contest, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.

Subuctagi after this victory, according to his heart's desire, reposed upon the musnud of empire, till in the year 387, which was the 56th of his age, death overtook him, in the town of Turmuz near Balich.

Subuctagi reigned twenty years. Fourteen Kings of his race held after him Lahore and the countries adjacent, within the circle of their command. The Vizier of Subuctagi was Abul Abas Fazil ben Amud Ispherai, who was a great minister in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of the Jam ul Hickaiat relates, that Subuctagi was at first a private horseman in the service of Abistagi, and being of a vigorous and active disposition used to hunt every day in the forest. It happened one time as he employed himself in this amusement, that he saw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, and tying his legs laid him across his saddle and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him and exhibiting every mark of extream affliction. The soul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn and generously restored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropt fast from her eyes.

Subuctagi is said to have seen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who said to him, That generosity and compassion which you have this day shown to a distressed animal has been approved of in the presence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward against thy name. But let not greatness destroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevolence to men.

It is said in the Masir ul Maluck, that Sultan Mamood his son, having built a pleasure house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father when it was finished to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The son, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the house and garden, which were esteemed admirable in taste and structure. The old man, to the great disappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his subjects might have raised by the means of wealth. But that it was the business of a prince to erect the more durable structure of good same which might stand for ever, to be imitated but never to be equalled by posterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this saying the following reflection. Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Sultan Mamood built, we now find not one stone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, still triumphs over time, and seems established on a lasting foundation.

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Section III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi.

SUBUCTAGI dying suddenly, and his eldest son, Sultan Mamood, being at Neshapoor, which was a considerable distance from the place of the King's decease, Amir Ismaiel prevailed with his father, in his last moments, to appoint him to succeed till the return of his brother. The reason assigned for this demand, was to prevent other usurpations, which were then feared in the government. Ismaiel therefore, immediately upon the demise of his father, was crowned with great solemnity at Balich. To gain popularity, Ismaiel opened the treasury and distributed the greatest part of his father's wealth in presents to the nobility, and in expensive shews and entertainments to the people. He also augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded small services with the hand of prodigality.

This policy being overacted had not the desired effect. The nobility perceiving that all this generality proceeded from the fear of his brother, ungenerously increased their demands, while the troops puffed up with pride by his indulgences, begun to be mutinous, disorderly and debauched.

When intelligence was brought to Mamood of the death of his father, and the accession of his younger brother, he wrote to Ismaiel by the hand of Abul Hassen. In this letter he said thus, That since the death of his royal father, he held none upon earth so dear as his beloved brother Amir Ismaiel, whom he would oblige to the full extent of his power. But that the art of government required years, experience, wisdom and knowledge, in the affairs of state, which Ismaiel could not possibly pretend to possess, though Subuctagi had appointed him to succeed to the throne in the absence of Mamood. He therefore advised Ismael seriously to consider the matter, to distinguish propriety from impropriety, and to give up his title to government without further dispute, which would restore him to the love and generosity of Mamood; for that it was his original intention to confer upon Ismaiel the governments of Balich and Chorassan.

Amir Ismaiel shut his ears against all the proposals of his brother, and prepared for his own security, turning the edge of the sword of enmity against him. Sultan Mamood saw no remedy but in war, and attaching his uncle Bujerâc, and his brother Nisir to his interest, advanced with his standards towards Ghizni, while Amir Ismaiel hastened also from Balich to oppose him. When the two armies approached towards one another, Sultan Mamood took great pains to avoid coming to extremities, and in vain tried to reconcile matters in an amicable manner. He was therefore forced to form his troops in order of battle, while Amir Ismaiel also extended the lines of war, which he supported by a chain of elephants. Both armies unsheathing their steel, commenced such a slaughter that the swords wept blood. Sultan Mamood at length charged the center of the enemy with such fury that they trembled as with an earthquake, and turned their faces to slight, taking refuge in the citadel of Ghizni. Thither the conqueror pursued them, and immediately invested the place. Such a prodigious number of the runaways had crowded into Ghizni, that for want of provisions Amir Ismaiel was reduced to the necessity of treating about a surrender. Having therefore received promises of safety, he submitted himself, and delivered up the keys of the garrison and the treasury to Sultan Mamood.

Mamood having appointed a new ministry, and regulated the government of the country, proceeded with his army towards Balich. It is said, that a few days after the submission of Amir Ismaiel, he was asked by his brother, What he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed? To which Ismaiel replied, That he intended to have imprisoned him for life in some castle, and to indulge him with every pleasure but his liberty. Upon which Sultan Mamood made no reflections at that time, but soon after confined him in the fort of Georghan, in the manner that he himself had intimated, where he remained till his death, which happened not long after his being deposed.

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Section IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Accession to the Year 403.

WE are told by historians, that Sultan Mamood was a King who conferred happiness upon the world, and reflected glory upon the faith of Mahomed: that the day of his accession illuminated the earth with the bright torch of justice, and cherished it with the beams of beneficence. Others inform us, that in his disposition, the sordid vice of avarice found place, which however could not darken the other bright qualities of his mind. A certain poet says, that his wealth was like a pearl in the shell; but as poets hunt after wit rather than truth, therefore we must judge of Mamood by his actions, from which it appears that he was indeed a prince of great oeconomy, but that he never withheld his generosity upon a just and proper occasion. We have the testimony of the Fatti Bilad, wrote by Abu Nisir Muscati, and of the famous Abul Fazil, that no King had ever more learned men at his court, kept a finer army, or displayed more magnificence than Sultan Mamood. All these things could not be done without expence; so that the stigma of avarice must have been owing to two particular circumstances of his life, which ought by no means to have stamped his general character with that sordid vice.

The two circumstances in a few words were these. Having a great propensity to poetry, in which he made some tolerable progress himself, he promised Sheck Phirdoci a golden mher [A mher is about fourteen rupees; this coin was called mher from having a fun stampt upon it. Mher signifies the sun, in the Persian. ] for every verse of an heroic poem which he was desirous to patronize. Under the protection of this promise, that divine poet wrote the unparalleled poem called the Shaw Namma, which consisted of sixty thousand couplets. When he presented it to the King, he repented of his promise, telling the poet, that he thought sixty thousand rupees might satisfy him for a work which he seemed to have performed with so much ease and expedition. Phirdoci justly offended at this indignity, could never be brought to accept of any reward, though Sultan Mamood would after reflection have gladly paid him the sum originally stipulated; the poet, however, took ample revenge in a satire of seven hundred couplets which he wrote upon that occasion.

Sultan Mamood, who it is reported was defective in external appearance, said one day, observing himself in a glass, "The sight of a King should brighten the eyes of the beholders, but nature has been so capricious to me that my aspect seems the picture of misfortune." The Vizier replied, It is not one of ten thousand who are blessed with a sight of your majesty's countenance, but your virtues are diffused over all. But to proceed with our history.

We have already observed that the father of Sultan Mamood was Subuctagi. His mother was a princess of the house of Zabulstan, for which reason she is known by the name of Zabuli. He was born in the year 357 of the Higerah, and as the astrologers say, with many happy omens expressed in the heroscope of his fate. Subuctagi being asleep at the time of his birth, dreamed that he beheld a green tree springing forth from his chimney, which threw its shadow over the face of the earth, and screened from the storms of heaven the whole animal creation. This indeed was verified by the justice of Mamood; for if we can believe the poet, in his reign the wolf and the sheep drank together at the same brook. In the first month of his reign a vein of gold, resembling a tree of three cubits in circumference, was found in Seistan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Sultan Musaood, when it was lost in consequence of an earthquake.

When Sultan Mamood had settled his dispute with his brother, he hastened to Balich, from whence he sent an ambassador to Amir Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, complaining of the indignity which he met with in the appointment of Buctusin to the regency of Chorrassan: it was returned to him for answer, that he was already in possession of the territories of Balich, Turmuz, and Herat, which held of the empire; and that there was a necessity to divide the favours of Bochara among her friends. Buctusin, it was also insinuated, had been a faithful and good servant.

But Sultan Mamood, not discouraged by this answer, sent Abul Hassen Jemmavi with rich presents to the court of Bochara, and a letter in the following terms. "That he hoped the pure spring of friendship which had flowed in the time of his father should not now be polluted with the ashes of indignity, nor he himself reduced to the necessity of divesting himself of that obedience which he had hitherto paid to the imperial family of Samania."

When Abul Hassen delivered his embassy, his capacity and elocution appeared so great to the Emperor, that desirous to gain him over to his interest by any means, he bribed him at last with the honours of the Vizarit [The office of Vizier.], but never returned an answer to Mamood. Sultan Mamood having received information of this transaction, through necessity turned his face towards Neshapoor; and Buctusin advised of his intention abandoned the city, and sent the Emperor intelligence of his situation. Amir Munsur, upon this, exalted the imperial standard, and in the rashness of inexperienced youth, hastened towards Chorrassan, and halted not till he arrived at Sirchus. Sultan Mamood, though he well knew that Amir Munsur was in no condition to oppose him, yet gratitude to the imperial family of Samania wrought so much upon his mind, that ashamed of measuring spears with his Lord, he evacuated the country of Neshapoor, and marched to Murghab. Buctusin in the mean time treacherously entered into a confederacy with Faeck, and forming a conspiracy in the camp of Amir Munsur, seized upon the person of that prince, and cruelly put out his eyes. Abdul, the younger brother of Munsur, who was but a boy, was advanced by the traitors to the throne. Being however afraid of the resentment of Sultan Mamood, the conspirators hastened to Murve, whither they were pursued by the Sultan with great expedition. Finding themselves, upon their march, hard pressed in the rear by Mamood, they halted and gave him battle. But the sin of ingratitude had darkened the face of their fortune, so that the gales of victory blew upon the standards of Sultan Mamood. Faeck carried off the young king, and fled to Bochara, and Buctusin was not heard of for some time, but at length he found his way to Faeck, and begun to collect his scattered troops. Faeck in the mean time fell sick, and soon went into the regions of death. Elich Chan seizing upon the opportunity offered him by that event, marched with an army from Kashgar to Bochara, and rooted Abdul Mallick and his adherents out of the empire and the soil of life. Thus the prosperity of the house of Samania, which had continued for the space of one hundred and twenty-seven years to illuminate the firmament of empire, set for ever in darkness.

Sultan Mamood at this juncture, employed himself in settling the government of the countries of Balich and Chorrassan, which he regulated in such a manner, as to exalt the voice of his fame so high, that it reached the ears of the Calipha of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abbassi. The Calipha sent him a rich Chelat [Chelat signifies an honorary dress.], such as he had never before bestowed on any King, and dignified Mamood with the titles of Amin ul Muluck Emin ul Dowla [The protector of the state, and the treasurer of fortune.].

In the end of the month Zicada, in the year three hundred and ninety, the Sultan hastened from Balich to Herat, and from Herat to Seistan, where he defeated Chiliph ben Amid the governor of Bochara, and returned to Ghizni. He then turned his face to Hindostan, took many forts and countries; in which having settled his own governors, he again returned to his dominions, where he spread the carpet of justice so smoothly upon the face of the earth, that the love of him, and loyalty gained place in every heart. Having at the same time set a treaty on foot with Elich Chan, he had the province of Mavir'ul Nere ceded to him, for which he made an ample return in presents of great value; and the strictest friendship, and greatest familiarity, for a long time subsisted between the Kings.

Sultan Mamood having made a vow, that if ever he should be blessed with tranquillity in his own dominions, he would turn his arms against the idolators of Hindostan, marched in the year three hundred and ninety-one from Ghizni, with ten thousand of his chosen horse, and came to Peshawir, where Jeipal [Raja of Lahore.], with twelve thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, supported by three hundred chain-elephants, opposed him on Saturday the eighth of Mohirrim, in the three hundred and ninety-second of the Higera. An obstinate battle ensued, in which, Sultan Mamood was victorious; Jeipal, with fifteen of his principal friends, was taken prisoner, and five thousand of his troops lay dead upon the field. Sultan Mamood in this action acquired great fame and wealth, for round the neck of Jeipal only, were found sixteen strings of jewels, each of which was valued at one hundred and eighty thousand rupees.

After this victory, the Sultan marched from Peshawir, and investing the fort of Bitinda, reduced it, and releasing his prisoners upon the payment of a large ransom and a stipulation of an annual tribute, returned to Ghizni. It was in those ages a custom of the Hindoos, that whatever Raja was twice worsted by the Mussulmen, should be, by that disgrace, rendered unfit for further command. Jeipal in compliance to this custom, having raised his son to the government, ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, upon which he sacrificed himself to his Gods.

In the Mohirrim of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mamood again marched into Seistan, and brought Chiliph, who had misbehaved in his government, prisoner to Ghizni. Finding that the tribute from Hindostan had not been paid in the year three hundred ninety-five, he directed his march towards the city of Battea; and leaving the boundaries of Moultan, arrived at Tahera, which was fortified with an exceeding high wall, and a deep broad ditch. Tahera was at that time governed by a Raja, called Bachera, who had, in the pride of power and wealth, greatly molested the Mahommedan governors, whom the Sultan had established in Hindostan. Bachera had also refused to pay his proportion of the tribute to Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, of whom he held his authority.

When Sultan Mamood entered the territories of this Raja, he drew out his troops to receive him, and taking possession of strong posts, continued to engage the Mahommedans for the space of three days; in which time, they suffered so much, that they were on the point of abandoning the attack: But on the fourth day, Sultan Mamood spoke at the head of his troops, and encouraged them to glory. He concluded with telling them, that this day he had devoted himself to conquest or to death. Bachera, on his part, invoked the Gods at the temple, and prepared with his former resolution to repel the enemy. The Mussulmen advanced with great impetuosity, but were repulsed with slaughter; yet returning with fresh courage, and redoubled rage, the attack was continued till the evening, when Sultan Mamood turning his face to Caba [The holy temple of Mecca.], invoked the aid of the prophet in the presence of his army.— "Advance, advance, cried then the Sultan, our prayers have sound favour with God."—Immediately a great shout arose among the host, and the Mussulmen pressing forward, as if they thirsted for death, obliged the enemy to give ground, and pursued them to the gates of the town.

Sultan Mamood having next morning invested the place, gave orders to make preparations for filling up the ditch; which in a few days was nearly compleated. Bachera finding he could not long maintain the town, determined to leave only a small garrison for its defence; and accordingly one night, marched out with the rest of his troops, and took post in a wood on the banks of the Sind. The Sultan being informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to pursue him. Bachera by this time was deserted by his fortune and by the most of his friends; he found himself surrounded by the Mussulmen, and he attempted, in vain, to force through them his way: Being just upon the point of being taken prisoner, he turned his sword against his breast, and the most of his adherents were slaughtered in attempting revenge. Sultan Mamood had in the mean time taken Tahera by assault. He found there one hundred and twenty elephants, many slaves, and rich plunder, and annexing the town and its dependencies to his own dominions, he returned victorious to Ghizni.

In the year three hundred and ninety-six, he formed the design of re-conquering Moultan, which had revolted from his obedience. Shuh Amid Lodi, the regent of Moultan, had formerly paid Mamood allegiance, and after him, his grandson Abul Fatte Daood, till the expedition against Raja Bachera, when he withdrew his loyalty.

The king marched in the beginning of the spring, with a great army from Ghizni, and was met by Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, in the hills of Peshawir, whom he defeated and obliged to fly into Cashmire. Annindpal had entered into an alliance with Abul Fatte, and as there were two passes only, by which the Mahommedans could enter Moultan, Annindpal had taken upon himself to secure that by the way of Peshawir, which Sultan Mamood chanced to take. The Sultan returning from the pursuit, entered Moultan, by the way of Betinda, which was his first intention. When Abul Fatte received intelligence of the fate of Annindpal, thinking himself too weak to keep the field, he shut himself up in his fortified places, and submissively solicited forgiveness for his faults, promised to pay a great tribute, and for the future, to obey implicitly the Sultan's commands. Mamood received him again as a subject, and prepared to return to Ghizni, when news was brought to him from Arsilla Hajib, who commanded at Herat, that Elich Chan had invaded his government with an army. The Sultan hastened to settle the affairs of Hindostan, which he put into the hands of Shockpal, an Hindoo prince, who had been with Abu Ali Sumjure in Peshawir, and had turned Mussulman by the name of Zab Sais.

The particulars of the war of Mamood with Elich Chan are these: We have already mentioned that an uncommon friendship had subsisted between this Elich Chan, King of Kashgar, and Sultan Mamood. The Sultan himself was married to the daughter of Elich Chan, but some factious men about the two courts, by misrepresentations of the princes to one another, changed their former friendship into enmity. When Sultan Mamood therefore marched to Hindostan, and had left the fields of Chorrassan almost destitute of troops, Elich Chan took that opportunity, and resolved to appropriate that province to himself. To accomplish his design, he ordered his chief general Sipistagi, with a great force, to enter Chorrassan; and Jaffier Tighi, at the same time, was appointed to command in the territory of Balich. Arsilla Hajib, the governor of Herat, being informed of these motions, hastened to Ghizni, that he might secure the capital. In the mean time, the chiefs of Chorrassan finding themselves deserted, and being in no condition to oppose the enemy, submitted themselves to Sipistagi.

But Sultan Mamood having by great marches reached Ghizni, he poured onward like a torrent, with his army towards Balich. Jaffier Tighi, who had by this time possessed himself of the place, fled towards Turmuz at his approach. The Sultan then detached Arsilla Hajib with a great part of his army, to drive Sipistagi out of Chorrassan; and he also, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizni, abandoned Herat, and marched towards Mavir ul Nere.

Elich Chan seeing the bad state of his affairs, solicited the aid of the King of Chutun Kudir Chan, who marched to join him with fifty thousand horse. Strengthened by this alliance, he crossed, with the confederate armies, the river Gion, [The Oxus.] which was five pharsangs from Balich, and opposed himself to the camp of Sultan Mamood. The Sultan immediately drew up his army in order of battle, giving the command of the center to his brother Amir Nisir, supported by Abu Nisir Faioon, regent of Gorgan, and by Abdulla Jaï, a chief, of reputation in arms. The right wing he committed to the care of Alta Sash, an old experienced officer, while the left was the charge of Arsilla Hajib, an Omrah of the Afghans. The front of his line he strengthened with five hundred chain-elephants, with intervals behind them, to facilitate their retreat.

Elich Chan posted himself in the center, Kudir Chan led the right, and Jaffier Tighi the left. The armies advanced to the charge. The shouts of warriors, the neighing of horses, and the clashing of arms rent the ears of the firmament; while dust obscured the face of day. The flame of war was at once blown up by a storm of rage; and the clay of the field was tempered with blood. The fountains of life were opened by the edge of the sword, and the sharp point of the deathful spear.

Elich Chan advancing with some chosen squadrons, threw disorder into the center of Sultan Mamood's army, and was busy in the affairs of death. Mamood perceived his progress, leaped from his horse, and kissing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He instantly mounted an elephant of war, encouraged his troops, and made a violent assault upon Elich Chan. The elephant seizing the standard-bearer of the enemy, folded round him his trunk, and tossed him aloft into the sky. He then pressed forward like a mountain removed from its place by an earthquake, and trod the enemy like locusts under his feet.

When the troops of Sultan Mamood saw their King forcing thus his way alone through the enemy's ranks, they rushed on with headlong impetuosity, and drove the enemy with great slaughter before them. Elich Chan abandoned by fortune and his army, turned his face to flight. He crossed the river with a few of his surviving friends, never afterwards appearing in the field to dispute glory with Sultan Mamood.

The Sultan after this victory proposed to pursue the enemy, which was thought unadviseable by his generals, on account of the inclemency of the season, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion: But the king was positive in his resolution, and marched two days after the runaways. On the third night, a great storm of wind and snow overtook the army of Mamood in the desart. The king's tents were with much difficulty pitched, while the army was obliged to lie in the snow. Mamood having ordered great fires to be kindled around his tents, they became so warm, that many of the courtiers began to turn off their upper garments; when a facetious chief, whose name was Dilk, came in shivering with cold. The King observing him, said, Go out Dilk, and tell the Winter that he may burst his cheeks with blustering, for here we value not his resentment. Dilk went out accordingly, and returning in a short time, kissed the ground, and thus presented his address. "I have delivered the Sultan's message to Winter, but the surly season replies, that if his hands cannot tear the skirts of the King and his attendants, yet he will so execute his power to night on his army, that in the morning his Majesty shall be obliged to saddle his own horses."

The King smiled at this reply, but it presently rendered him thoughtful, and determined him to proceed no farther. In the morning some hundreds of men and horses were found to have perished with the cold. Mamood at the same time received advice from Hindostan, that Zab Sais had thrown off his allegiance, and returning to his former religion, expelled all the officers who had been appointed by the King, from their respective departments. The Sultan immediately determined to punish this revolt, and with great expedition, advanced towards India. He detached some part of his cavalry in front, who coming unexpectedly upon Zab Sais, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to the King. The rebel was fined in four lacks of rupees, of which the Sultan made a present to his treasurer, and kept Zab Sais a prisoner for life.

The King having thus settled his affairs in Hindostan, returned in autumn to Ghizni, where he remained for the winter, in peace. But in the spring of the year three hundred and ninety-nine, Annindpal began to raise disturbances in Moultan, so that Mamood was obliged to undertake another expedition into those parts, with a great army, to correct the Hindoos. Annindpal hearing of the Sultan's intentions, sent ambassadors every where to request the assistance of the other Rajas of Hindostan; who considered the extirpation of the Mussulmen from Hindostan, as a meritorious and political action.

The Rajas of Ugeïn, Gualiar, Callinger, Kinnoge, Delhi and Ajmere, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards Punjaab with the greatest army that had been for some hundreds of years seen upon the plains of Hindostan. The two armies came in sight of one another in a great plain near Pishawir. They remained there encamped forty days without action: but the troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. They were joined by the Gickers and other tribes with numerous armies, and surrounded the Mussulmen, who fearing a general assault were obliged to entrench themselves.

The King having thus secured himself, ordered a thousand archers to his front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to advance to the entrenchments. The archers accordingly were attacked by the Gickers, who notwithstanding all the Sultan could do, pursued the runaways within the trenches, where a dreadful scene of slaughter ensued on both sides, in which five thousand Mussulmen in a few minutes drank the wine of martyrdom. The enemy at length being slain as fast as they advanced, the attack became fainter and fainter, when on a sudden the elephant upon which Annindpal rode took fright at the report of a gun [According to our accounts there were no guns at this time, but many Eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention to one Lockman.], and turned his face to flight. This circumstance struck the Hindoos with a panic, for thinking they were deserted by their sovereign they immediately followed the example. Abdulla Tai, with six thousand Arabian horse, and Arsilla Hajib, with ten thousand Turks, Afghans, and Chillages, pursued the enemy for two days and nights; so that twenty thousand Hindoos were killed in their flight, together with the great multitude which fell on the field of battle.

Thirty elephants with much rich plunder were brought to the King, who to establish the faith, marched against the Hindoos of Nagracut, breaking down their idols and subverting their temples. There was at that time in the territory of Nagracut a famous fort called Bimé, which the Sultan invested, after having destroyed the country round with fire and sword. Bimé was built by Raja Bimé on the top of a steep mountain, and here the Hindoos, on account of its strength, had reposited the wealth consecrated to their idols in all the neighbouring kingdoms; so that in this fort there was a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones and pearls, than had been ever collected into the royal treasury of any prince on earth. The Sultan invested the place with such expedition that the Hindoos had not time to throw troops into it for its defence, the greatest part of the garrison being before carried into the field. Those within consisted for the most part of priests, a race of men who having little inclination to the bloody business of war, in a few days solicited to be permitted to capitulate. Their request being granted by Mamood, they opened the gates, and fell upon their faces before him; and with a few of his officers and attendants, he immediately entered the place.

In Bimé were found seven hundred thousand golden dinars, seven hundred maunds [The least maund in India is a out forty pounds avoirdupoise.] of gold and silver plate, forty maunds of pure gold in ingots, two thousand maunds of silver bullion, and twenty maunds of various jewels set, which had been collecting from the time of Bimé. With this immense treasure the King returned to Ghizni, and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent festival, where he displayed to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, in a great plain without the city of Ghizni, and after the feast every individual received a princely present.

In the following year the Sultan led his army towards Ghor. The governor of that country, Mahummud ben Suri, with ten thousand troops, opposed him. From morning to noon the fire of war flamed, and justice was done to valour on both sides. The Sultan finding that the troops of Ghor defended themselves in their intrenchments with such obstinacy, commanded his army to make a feint of retreating, to allure the enemy out of their fortified camp, which accordingly succeeded. The Ghorans being deceived, pursued the army of Ghizni to the plain, where the Sultan facing round with his troops, attacked them with great impetuosity and slaughter. Mahummud Suri was taken prisoner and brought to the King, but in his despair he had taken poison, which he always kept under his ring, and died in a few hours. His country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizni.

Some historians affirm, that neither the sovereigns of Ghor, nor its inhabitants were Mussulmen, till after this victory, whilst others of good credit assure us, that they were converted many years before, even so early as the time of Ali.

Mamood in the same year was under the necessity of marching again into Moultan, which had revolted, but having soon reduced it, and cut off a great number of the chiefs, he brought Daood ben Nazir prisoner to Ghizni, and confined him in the fort of Gorci for life.

In the year 402, the passion of war fermenting in the mind of Mamood, he resolved upon the conquest of Tannasar [A city fourteen crores to the West of Delhi.] in the kingdom of Hindostan. It had reached the ears of the King, that Tannasar was held in the same veneration by idolaters, as Mecca was by the Mussulmen; that there they had set up a whole tribe of rich idols, the principal of whom they called Jug Soom; that this Jug Soom they pretended to say existed when as yet the world existed not. When the Sultan reached the country of Punjaab, he wanted that according to the treaty that subsisted between him and Annindpal, he should not be disturbed in his march through that country. He accordingly sent an embassy to Annindpal, advising him of his intentions, and desiring him to send guards for the protection of his towns and villages, which he would take care should not be molested by the followers of his camp.

Annindpal agreed to this proposal, and prepared an entertainment for the reception of the King, issuing out an order for all his subjects to supply the Sultan's camp with every necessary of life. He in the mean time sent his brother with two thousand horse to meet the King and deliver this embassy to those who approached the throne: "That he was the subject and slave of the King; but that he begged permission to acquaint his majesty that Tannasar was the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of that country: that if it was a virtue required by the religion of Mamood to destroy the religion of others, he had already acquitted himself of that duty to his God, in the destruction of the temple of Nagracut. But if he should be pleased to alter his resolution against Tannasar, Annindpal would undertake that the amount of the revenues of that country should be annually paid to Mamood, to reimburse the expence of his expedition: that besides he, on his own part, would present him with fifty elephants and jewels to a considerable amount."

The King replied, "That in the Mussulman religion it was an established tenet, that the more the glory of the prophet was exalted, and the more his followers exerted themselves in the subversion of idolatry, the greater would be their reward in heaven. That therefore it was his firm resolution, with the assistance of God, to root out the abominable worship of idols from the face of the country of Hindostan. Why then should he spare Tannasar?"

When this news reached the Raja of Delhi, he prepared to oppose the invaders, sending messengers all over Hindostan to acquaint the Rajas that Sultan Mamood, without any reason or provocation, was marching with an innumerable army to destroy Tannasar, which was under his immediate protection: that if a mound was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindostan would be soon overwhelmed in ruin, and the tree of prosperity rooted up: that therefore it was adviseable for them to join their forces at Tannasar, to oppose with united strength the impending danger.

But Sultan Mamood reached Tannasar before they could take any measures for its defence, plundered the city and broke down the idols, sending Jug Soom to Ghizni, where he was soon stripped of his ornaments. He then ordered his head to be struck off, and his body to be thrown on the highway. According to the account of Hadge Mahumud of Kandahar, there was a ruby found in one of the temples which weighed four hundred and fifty miskal [A miskal is thirty-six rutty, and a rutty seven eights of a carat, so that the size of this ruby is too improbable to deserve any credit.].

Mamood, after these transactions at Tannasar, proceeded to Delhi, which he also took, and wanted much to annex it to his dominions. But his councillors told him that it was impossible to keep the Rajaship of Delhi, till he had entirely subjected Moultan under the Mussulman government, and exterminated the power and family of Annindpal. The King approved of this council, and he immediately determined to proceed no farther against that country till he had accomplished the reduction of Moultan and Annindpal. But that prince behaved with so much policy and hospitality that he changed the purpose of the King, who returned to Ghizni. He brought to Ghizni forty thousand captives and much wealth, so that that city could now be hardly distinguished in riches from Hindostan itself.

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Section V. The History of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the Year 403 to his Death in the Year 419.

IN the 403d year of the Higerah, the general of Arsilla Hajib, governor of Herat, conquered the country of Girgistan, and brought Shar ul Nisier, ruler of that province, prisoner to Ghizni. Sultan Mamood at this time wrote to Calipha Abassi al Kadir Billa, that the greatest part of the kingdom of Chorassan was under his jurisdiction, and that he hoped he would order his governors to give up the remainder. The Caliph, fearing his great power which might fall upon his other dominions, consented to this demand.

The Sultan, in the year 404, drew his army against the fort of Nindoona, which is situated upon the mountains of Belnat, and was in the possession of the Raja of Lahore. Annindpal by this time was dead, and his son had acceded to his government. When Pitterugepal, for that was the new Raja's name, saw that he could not stand against the Sultan in the field, he drew off his army towards Cashmire, leaving a good garrison for the defence of the place. The Sultan immediately invested it, and with mining and other arts of attack, assiduously employed himself; so that in a few weeks the governor seeing his walls in ruins was under the necessity of begging to capitulate. The Sultan granted his request, took every thing of value out of the place, appointed a governor, and set out without delay for Cashmire, upon which Pitterugepal abandoned that province and fled to the hills. The Sultan plundered the country, in which he found great wealth, and having forced the inhabitants to acknowledge the prophet, returned with the spoil to his capital.

Mamood, in the year 406, returned with an army to Cashmire, to punish the revolted chiefs, and to besiege some forts which he had not reduced in his former expedition. The first of those forts was Lokote, very famous for its heighth and strength, which entirely defeated the Sultan's utmost efforts; for not being able to reduce it, all the summer season, he was obliged, on the approach of winter, to abandon his enterprize, and return to Ghizni. On his way home he was led astray by his guides, and fell into an extensive morass covered with water, from which he, for several days, could not extricate his army, so that many of his troops perished upon that occasion.

Abul Abas Mamoo, in the course of the same year, wrote to Sultan Mamood, to ask his sister in marriage. Mamood consented to the match, and sent her to Charizm according to his desire. In the year 407, a tribe of plunderers rising against Abul Abas Charizm Shaw, and defeating him, he fell into their hands, and was put to death. Sultan Mamood having had advice of this disaster, marched to Balich, and from thence to Charizm, and, when he arrived at Hisserbund, on the frontiers of that country, he ordered Mahummud Taï to advance before him with a detachment. When the Mussulmen were at prayers in their camp, Himar Tash, the general of the Charizmians, rushed upon this detachment from a neighbouring wood, and making a great slaughter, put them to flight. The Sultan having received intelligence of this affair, supported them with several squadrons of his best horse. The runaways deriving courage from this reinforcement, returned to the charge, routed the enemy, and took their chief prisoner, whom they carried before the King.

Mamood advancing to the fort of Hazar Asp, perceived the troops of Charizm prepared to receive him in the field before it: But they were soon defeated, their general, Abistagi Bochari, taken prisoner, and the murderer of Abul Abas met the just vengeance due to his crime. The Sultan spent some time in regulating the government, which he bestowed upon Amir Hajib, with the title of Charizm Shaw: He annexed also to his government the province of Orgunge. Returning to Balich, Mamood gave the government of Herat, to his son Amir Musaood, appointing Abu Sul his vizier, and the government of Gurgan he conferred upon his younger son Amir Mahummud, under the care of Abu Bicker. After the final settlement of the affairs of Charizm, the Ghiznian army were cantoned, for the winter, at Balich.

In the beginning of the year 409, as soon as the sun began to awake the children of the spring, Sultan Mamood, with a hundred thousand chosen horse, and thirty thousand foot, raised in the countries of Turkistan, Maverulnere, Chorrassan, and the adjacent provinces, undertook an expedition against Kinnoge, which, from the time of Gustasp to this period, had not been visited by any foreign enemy. Kinnoge was distant from Ghizni three months march, and seven great rivers rushed across the way. When Mamood reached the confines of Cashmire, the Raja sent him presents of every thing curious and valuable in his country, and waited to have the honour of expressing his loyalty. When the Sultan, with much difficulty, had conducted his army through the mountains, he entered the plains of Hindostan, drove all opposition before him, and advanced to Kinnoge [Mamood's route lay through the mountains behind Cashmire; and he must have entered Hindostan by the way of Tibet.].

He there saw a city which raised its head to the firmament, and which, in strength and structure, might justly boast to have no equal. The Raja of this rich city, whose name was Korrah, and who affected great pomp and splendor, being thus unexpectedly invaded, had not had time to put himself in a posture of defence, or to collect his troops together. Terrified by the great force, and warlike appearance of the Sultan, he, in his embarrassment, resolved to sue for peace, and accordingly went out, with his family, to the camp, where he submitted himself to the mercy of the King. Some authors relate, that he even turned Mussulman, or true believer.

The Sultan tarried in Kinnoge only three nights, and then turned his face towards Merat, the Raja of which place, by name Hirdit, retreated with his army, leaving only a garrison, which was obliged to capitulate in a few days. The terms were two hundred and fifty thousand rupees, and fifty elephants, to be paid by the Raja, besides the plunder of the city. The Sultan marched from thence to invest the fort of Mavin, upon the banks of the river Gihon, now called the Jumna. The Raja of Mavin coming forth to make his submission, at the head of his troops, a quarrel accidentally ensued between some soldiers, and immediately the action became general. Calchunder the Raja, and most of his troops, being driven into the river, he drew his sword against his own wife and children, and having dispatched them, turned it in despair upon himself. The fort immediately surrendered, where the conqueror found much treasure and rich spoil, among which were seventy elephants of war.

When Mamood had here refreshed his troops, he was given to understand, that, at some distance, there was a rich city, called Muttra, [Muttra stands upon the Jumna 36 miles above Agra, and is still a very considerable city.] consecrated to Kissen Basdeo, which in buildings and extent yielded to none in Hindostan. The Sultan directed his march towards the place, and entering it, with very little opposition from the troops of the Raja of Delhi, to whom it belonged, gave it up to plunder. He broke down or burnt all the idols, and amassed an immense quantity of gold and silver, of which those figures were mostly made. He intended to destroy the temples, but he found that the labour exceeded his capacity; while some say that he was turned from his purpose, by the admirable beauty and structure of those edifices. He, it is certain, extravagantly extolled the noble beauty of the buildings and city, in a letter to the Omrahs of Ghizni, after this conquest.

It is said that the Sultan found in Muttra five great idols of pure gold, with eyes of rubies, each of which eyes were worth fifty thousand dinars. Upon another idol, he found a sapphire, weighing four hundred miskal; and the image being melted down, produced ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskal of pure gold. Besides these, there were above a hundred idols of silver, which loaded a hundred camels with bullion. The Sultan, having tarried here twenty days, in which time the city suffered greatly from fire, besides what it suffered from the hand of ravage and desolation, he marched against the other fortified places in these districts, some of which he took himself, while others fell into the hands of his chiefs.

One of those forts called Munge, held out twenty-five days, being full of Rajaputs; but when they found the place no longer tenable, some rushed through the breaches among the enemy and met that death which they no longer endeavoured to avoid. Some threw themselves headlong from the walls, and were dashed to pieces, while others burnt themselves in their houses, with their wives and children; so that not one of the garrison survived this fatal catastrophe.

The Sultan having secured what was valuable, invested the fort of Chundpal. But Chundpal, for that also was the Raja's name, had sent off all his treasure to the mountains, and at the approach of the King, evacuated the place. There however still remained much spoil and provisions which the Sultan divided among his troops.

Mamood immediately march'd against a proud and imperious Raja, whose name was Jundroy. This Raja, after some skirmishes, finding himself unable to cope with the King, sent off his treasure, and other valuable effects, and fled also to the mountains. Jundroy had an elephant of a most uncommon size, such as had never before been seen in Hindostan; nor was he more remarkable for his enormous bulk, than for his docility and courage. The Sultan having heard much of this elephant, sent to the Raja, offering him advantageous terms of peace, and a great sum of money for this animal. But the obstinacy of Jundroy would never listen to any terms with the Mussulmen, so that Mamood, with regret, was obliged to desist. The elephant however happened one night to break loose from his keepers, and went into the Sultan's camp, where he permitted himself to be mounted and brought before the King, who received him with great joy, and named him, The gift of God.

The Sultan, loaded with spoil, and encumbered with captives, returned to Ghizni; where he enumerated the articles of his plunder. It consisted of twenty million of dirms, fifty-three thousand captives, three hundred and fifty elephants, besides jewels, pearls, and precious effects, which could not be properly estimated. Nor was the private spoil of the army less than that which came into the public treasury.

The Sultan upon his return to Ghizni, ordered a magnificent mosque to be built of marble and granate, of such beauty and structure, as struck every beholder with astonishment and pleasure. This mosque he afterwards adorned with such beautiful carpets, chandeliers, and other ornaments of silver and gold, that it became known by the name of the Celestial bride. In the neighbourhood of this mosque he founded an university, which he furnished with a vast collection of curious books, in various languages, and with natural and artificial curiosities. He appropriated a sufficient fund for the maintenance of the students, and learned men who were appointed to instruct the youth in the sciences.

When the nobility of Ghizni saw that the taste of their King began to run upon architecture, they also endeavoured to outvie each other, in the magnificence of their private palaces, as well as in public buildings, which they raised for the embellishment of the city. Thus in a short space of time the capital was ornamented, with mosques, porches, fountains, reservoirs, aqueducts and cisterns, in a degree superior to any city at that time in the east. Some authors affirm, that among the curiosities which the Sultan possessed, there was a bird, of the size of a cuckoo, which was possessed of this particular instinct or quality, that whenever poison was brought, however secretly, into the apartment in which he hung, he was affected with the smell in such a manner, as to fly distractedly about his cage, while the tears streamed involuntarily from his eyes. This bird, with other curiosities, was sent as a present to the Caliph of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abassi. We, however, believe, that this story rose from the policy of Mamood, and the credulity of mankind, rather than that it had actually any foundation in truth. Other authors mention a stone which he brought from Hindostan, as a great curiosity. This stone being dipped in water, and applied to a wound, proved a powerful and efficacious remedy.

The Sultan, in the year 410, ordered a writing of victories [This was an account of Mamood's wars in verse.] to be made out, which he sent to the Caliph, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdat, making a great festival upon the occasion, to express his joy for the propagation of the faith, which now begun to be spread over almost the whole face of the earth.

In the year 412 Mamood was presented with a petition from his subjects, setting forth, that some tribes of the wild Arabs had, for many years, shut up the roads to Mecca, so that, for fear of them, and on account of the weakness of the Caliph, who neglected to expel them, they had not been able to pay their devotions at the shrine of the prophet. The Sultan immediately appointed Abu Mahummud, his chief justice, with a considerable force, to protect the caffila. [The Caravan of Pilgrims.] But lest the enemy should be too strong for him, he sent thirty thousand dirms, to procure a safe journey to the pilgrims. Accordingly many thousands of all degrees prepared to go to Mecca.

When they had wound up their way, as far as the desart of Achtid, they beheld a great camp of Arabs, pitched in their way. The banditti drew up in order to receive them. Abu Mahummud being desirous of treating with the Arabs, sent a message to their chief, offering him five thousand dirms. The chief, instead of accepting the proposal, resented it so much, that, without delay, he advanced with intention to rob the Caffila. Abu Mahummud, in the mean time, drew out his troops to receive the robbers, when fortunately, in the very beginning of the action, a Turkish slave, in the Caffila, who was master of the art of archery, lodged an arrow in the brain of Himad ben Ali, the chief of the Arabs. The banditti immediately upon the fall of their chief, turned their face to flight; and the Caffila, without further disturbance, proceeded to Mecca; and having paid their devotions, returned by the same way, and arrived safe at Ghizni.

The Sultan received, this year, advices from Hindostan, that the neighbouring Raja's had, in his absence, fallen upon Korrah, the Raja of Kinnoge, for having entered into an alliance, and for putting himself under the protection of the Sultan. Mamood immediately marched to the aid of his vassal; but before he could arrive, Raja Nunda of Callinger, had drawn his army upon Kinnoge, and had slain Raja Kurrah with a great many of his principal warriors. The Sultan arriving at the river Jumna, encamped on the bank opposite to the enemy.

Seven officers in his army, without orders, swam across the river, and entering the enemy's camp in the morning by surprize, struck such a pannick in their troops, that they all betook themselves to flight. The King, notwithstanding their success, was greatly enraged, but passing with the remainder of his army, he immediately commenced the pursuit.

When Nunda came to the frontiers of his own dominions, he halted with his army, and prepared to receive the Sultan with thirty six thousand horse, forty five thousand foot, and six hundred and fifty Elephants. The Sultan, after having reconnoitred the strength of the enemy and their situation, from a rising ground, prostrated himself before God, and pray'd that the standard of Islamism might be exalted with glory and triumph. The day being far advanced, he determined to wait for the morning, which in the event, disappointed his hopes and ambition, for Nunda decamp'd in the night with the utmost disorder, leaving his tents, equipage and baggage behind him.

The Sultan, having next morning reconnoitred the woods and hollow grounds around, ordered his army to march into the enemy's camp, and to lengthen their hands upon the spoil, which proved to be very considerable, besides five hundred and eighty Elephants which were sound in the neighbouring wood. He then laid waste, with fire and sword, the country, and returned to Ghizni without prosecuting the war any further.

He had not remained there many days, before he heard that the inhabitants of Kiberat and Nardein, countries upon the boundaries of Hindostan, would not acknowledge the Mussulman faith, but continued the worship of Lions [The Divinity is worshipped under the figure of a Lion by some of the Hindoos: That animal being, in their opinion, a proper emblem of almighty power and strength.]. Mamood resolved to compel them, and accordingly marched towards their country, taking with him a great number of masons, carpenters, smiths, and labourers, that he might there build a fort, to overawe them after his departure.

The Lord of the country of Kiberat, finding he could not pretend to oppose the Sultan, submitted himself, acknowledging the faith of the Prophet. Hajib Ali was sent with a division of the army, to reduce the country of Nardein, which he soon accomplished, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the people captives.

There was a temple in Nardein which Hajib destroyed, and brought from thence a stone, upon which there was a curious inscription, which bore that it was forty thousand years old.

The Sultan ordered a fort to be built in that place, and left it under the care of Ali Ben Kudur. He himself, in the mean time, return'd by the way of Lahore, and in his march invested the strong hold of Locoat, in the province of Cashmire. He besieged the place for a whole month, but finding it impregnable, he decamped, and proceeding to Lahore, entered that city without much opposition, giving it up to be sack'd by his troops. Here wealth, and precious effects, beyond the power of estimation, fell into their hands.

Patturugepal, the Raja, unable to contend with so powerful an adversary, fled to Ajmere for protection; and the Sultan immediately appointed one of his Omrahs to the government of Lahore, and sent other commanders to various districts in the territories of Hindostan. Mamood himself returned in the spring to Ghizni.

The martial disposition of Mamood could not rest long in peace. He marched again by the way of Lahore, in the 414th year of the Higerah, against Nunda the Raja of Callinger, with a great army. Passing by the fort of Gualier, he ordered it to be besieged; but the Raja of that province prevailed upon him to remove from before that place in a few days, by the means of rich presents and thirty five Elephants: The Sultan immediately directed his march to Callinger, invested that city, and Nunda offered him three hundred Elephants and other presents for peace.

The Sultan consented to the terms proposed; and the Raja, to try the bravery of the Sultan's troops, intoxicated the Elephants with certain drugs, and let them loose without riders into the camp; Mamood seeing the animals advancing, perceived the trick, by the wildness of their motions, and immediately ordered a party of his best horse to seize, kill, and drive them from the camp: Some of the Turks, emulous to display their bravery in the presence of their King, and of both armies, mounted the greatest part of the Elephants, and drove the rest into an adjacent wood, where they were soon reduced to obedience.

The enemy, upon seeing the resolution of the Ghiznians, were much intimidated, and Nunda taking advantage of one of the foibles of Mamood, sent to him a panegyrick, in the Indian tongue. The King was much pleased with this elegant piece of flattery; for the poetry was much admired by the learned men of Hind, Arab, and Agim, who were at his court. To make return for this compliment, the Sultan conferred the government of fifteen forts upon Nunda, with many other curious presents; but the peace was principally ratify'd by means of many valuable presents in jewels and gold, on the part of Nunda. Mamood immediately return'd to Ghizni.

The Sultan, in the year 415, mustered all his forces. He found them, exclusive of his garrisons, and those upon duty in various parts of his dominions, to consist of fifty five thousand chosen horse, one thousand three hundred Elephants, and one hundred thousand infantry. With this force, excepting a part of the infantry, which he left at Ghizni, he marched to Balich to expel Ali Tiggi from the government of Maverulnere for oppressing the people, who complained of his tyranny to the King. When the chiefs of Maverulnere heard that the King had cross'd the Jagetay, they came with presents to meet him; Eusuph Kudir Chan, King of Turkistan, paid him, at the same time, the compliment of a visit, and was received with joy and friendship. The Sultan prepared a great feast upon the occasion; and after having concluded a treaty, the Monarchs took leave of each other, making an exchange of princely presents.

Ali Tiggi, seizing this opportunity, betook himself to flight. But the Sultan sending a party of horse after him, he was after a long search, discovered and brought to the King, who confined him for life in one of the sorts of Hindostan; while he himself returned to Ghizni.

Mamood understood in the same year, that there was a famous temple called Sumnat, in the province of Guzerat, near the Bunder [Bunder signifies a harbour: This place is now called Dieu, and is in the possession of the Portuguese.] of Deo, very rich and greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindostan. These infidels believe that souls, after death, went before Sumnat, who transferred them into other bodies or animals, according to their merits in their former state. The Sultan was also informed that the priests of this God gave out, that the sins of the people of Delhi and Kinnoge had incensed him so much, that he abandoned them to the vengeance of the Mussulmen, otherwise that in the twinkling of an eye, he could have blasted the whole army of Mamood.

The Sultan, no ways intimidated by this report, was determined to put the power of the God to a tryal, by personally treating him ill. He therefore marched from Ghizni with a numerous army, in the month Shaban.

The temple of Sumnat, which also gave name to a great city, was situated upon the shore of the Ocean, and is at this time to be seen in the districts of Deo Bunder, under the dominion of the Europeans. [Portuguese.] Some historians affirm, that Sumnat was brought from Mecca, where it stood before the time of the Prophet. But the Brahmins deny this tale, and say that it stood in Deo-Bunder since the time of Krishen, who was concealed in that place about four thousand years ago.

The Sultan, about the middle of Ramzan, reached the city of Moultan, and as there was a great desart before him, he gave orders that all his troops should provide themselves with several days water and provisions, as also with provender for their horses, he besides loaded twenty thousand Camels with necessaries for the army. When he had passed that terrible desart, he arrived at the city of Ajmere, and finding that the Raja and inhabitants had abandoned the place, and that he could not prevail with them to come and submit themselves, he ordered the city to be sack'd, and the adjacent country to be laid waste with fire and sword. But as the reduction of the citadel would take up too much time, he left it and proceeded upon his expedition, and reduced some small forts in the way by assault.

Having then arrived at Narwalla, a city of Guzerat, which was evacuated at his approach, another desart presented itself to the King beyond that place. Mamood, however, taking the same precautions as before, without any remarkable occurrence reached Sumnat, which was a lofty castle, upon a narrow Peninsula, washed on three sides by the sea.

Upon the battlements of the place there appeared an innumerable multitude of people in arms. They immediately made a signal for a Herald to approach, and told him, that their Mabood or Idol Sumnat, had drawn the Mussulmen thither, that he might blast them in a moment and avenge the destruction of the Gods of Hindostan. The Sultan only smiled at this vain threat, and commanded, that as soon as the streams of light should pour from the spring of day, his army should prepare for an assault.

In the morning the valiant troops of the sublime Mamood, advanced to the foot of the walls and began the attack. The battlements were in a short time cleared, by the experience and valour of the archers, and the dastardly Hindoos, astonished and dispirited, crouded into the temple, and prostrating themselves in tears before the Idol, prayed for assistance.

The Mussulmen seized the opportunity which the devotion of their enemies offered them, applied their scaling ladders, and mounting the wall, began to exclaim Alla Akber [God is greatest.]. The Hindoos now reduced to despair, found they must fight for themselves or die, they collected their force together, and made so violent an attack upon the assailants, that, from the time that the King of day dispelled the darkness till the moon, fair bride of night, illuminated the court of heaven with paler rays, the flames of war were not quenched with blood. The Mussulmen wearied out with fatigue, were at length obliged to abandon all their advantages, and retire to rest.

Next morning the work of death was renewed, but as fast as they mounted the wall, so fast were they pushed headlong down by the spears of the defendants, who weeping had taken leave of their God, and now seemed wishing for death. And thus the labours of this day proved more unsuccessful than the first.

An army of idolaters, upon the third day, presented themselves in order of battle in sight of the Sultan's camp. Mamood immediately advanced, with an intention to raise the siege of Sumnat, and therefore ordered a party to amuse the besieged, while he himself prepared to engage the enemy in the field. He marched in order of battle towards the idolaters, who advanced with equal resolution. The fire of adverse rage immediately illuminated the gleaming field, and Death stalked with such execution and power around, that Time, trembling for his empire, wept. Byramdeo and Dabiselima in the middle of the action joined the enemy with their troops, and inspired them with such fresh courage, that faintness became visible in the Sultan's army.

Mamood perceiving a languor spreading over his lines, leapt from his horse, and prostrating himself before God, implored his assistance. Then mounting with a noble assurance, he took Abul Hassen Chirkani, one of his generals, by the hand, and inspired him with hope and glory. He himself advanced upon the enemy, encouraging his troops with such determined resolution, that ashamed to abandon their King, with whom they had so often trod the path of renown, they with one accord, gave a shout of victory and rushed forward, as for a prize. They bore the enemy before them upon the points of their spears, laying five thousand of them dead at their feet.

When the garrison of Sumnat beheld this defeat, they were struck with confusion and fear. They withdrew their hands from the fight, and issuing out at a gate towards the sea, to the number of four thousand, embarked in boats, intending to proceed to the island of Sirindiep [Ceylon.]. But they did not escape the eyes of the Sultan. He seized upon boats which were left in a neighbouring creek, and manning them with rowers and some of his best troops, pursued the enemy, taking and sinking some of their boats, while others escaped.

The Emperor having placed guards round the walls, and at the gates, entered Sumnat with his son and a few of his Omrahs and principal attendants. When they advanced to the temple, they saw a great and antique structure built of stone, within a spacious court. They immediately entered it, beheld a great square hall, having it's lofty roof supported by fifty six pillars, curiously turned and set with precious stones. In the center of the hall stood Sumnat, an Idol of stone, five yards in heighth, two of which were sunk in the ground.

The Sultan was enraged when he saw this Idol, and raising his mace, struck off the nose from his face. He then ordered that two pieces of this image should be broke off, to be sent to Ghizni, there to be thrown at the threshold of the public Mosque, and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reserved to be sent to Mecca and Medina.

When the Sultan was thus employed in breaking up Sumnat, a croud of Brahmins petitioned his attendants, and offered some crores [Ten millions.] in gold, if the King should be pleased to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to persuade Mamood to accept of the money; for they said that breaking up the idol would not remove idolatry from the walls of Sumnat, that therefore it could serve no purpose to destroy the image, but that such a sum of money, given in charity among believers, would be a very meritorious action. The Sultan acknowleged, that what they said was, in some measure, true; but should he consent to that bargain, he might justly be called a seller of idols; and that he looked upon a breaker of them as a more honourable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed.

The next blow having broke up the belly of Sumnat, which had been made hollow, they discovered that it was full of diamonds, rubies, and pearls, of a much greater value than the amount of what the Brahmins had offered.

It is said, by some writers, that the name of this idol is a compound word of Sum and Nat; Sum being the name of the Raja who erected it, and Nat the true name of the God; which in the language of the Brahmins, signifies Creator. In the time of eclipses we are told that there used to be forty or fifty thousand worshippers at this temple; and that the different Rajas of Hindostan had bestowed, in all, two thousand villages, with their territories, for the maintenance of its priests; besides the innumerable presents received from all parts of the empire. It was a custom among those idolaters, to wash Sumnat every morning and evening, with fresh water from the Ganges, though that river is above five hundred crores distant.

Among the spoils of this temple, was a chain of gold weighing forty maunds, which hung from the top of the building by a ring. It supported a great bell which warned the people to the worship of the God. Besides two thousand Brahmins, who officiated as priests, there belonged to the temple five hundred dancing girls, three hundred musicians, and three hundred barbers to shave the devotees before they were admitted to the presence of Sumnat. The dancing girls were either remarkable for their beauty, or their quality, the Rajas thinking it an honour to have their daughters admitted.

Sultan Mamood found in this temple, a greater quantity of jewels and gold, than, it is thought, any royal treasury ever contained before. In the history of Eben Assur, it is related, that there was no light in the temple, but one pendant lamp, which being reflected from the jewels, spread a strong and refulgent light over the whole place. Besides the great idol above-mentioned, there were in the temple some thousands of small images, in gold and silver, of various shapes and dimensions.

The emperor having secured the wealth of Sumnat, prepared to chastise Raja Byram Deo, from whom the harbour of Deo takes its name, for having endeavoured to distress him during the siege, and having given above three thousand of the Mussulmen to drink of the wine of martyrdom. Byram Deo, after the taking of Sumnat, had fled from Narwalla the capital of Guzerat, and shut himself up in the fort of Gundia, which was forty pharsangs from Sumnat. The king, without opposition, arrived before the sort, and saw that it was surrounded on all sides by the sea, which, in every place, appeared impassable. He sent however to sound the depth of the water, and received intelligence, that at one place it was fordable at low water; but if he should be caught by the tide, in his passage, the troops must inevitably perish.

The Sultan having ordered public prayers, and cast his fortune in the Koran, turned his horse into the sea, at the head of his troops, and reaching in safety the opposite shore, immediately made an assault upon the place. Byram Deo, looking upon life preferable to every other consideration, left his family and wealth, and, in the habit of a slave, stealing out of the fort, run and concealed himself in a corner. The troops who defended the place, seeing themselves thus shamefully deserted, were also struck with fear, and quitted their posts upon the walls. The Mussulmen mounted their scaling ladders, and commenced a dreadful havock among the unfortunate slaves, reserving the women and children for captivity. The wealth of the Raja was lodged in the treasury of the King.

Mamood being thus victorious, marched to Narwalla. He found the soil of that place so fertile, the air so salubrious and pure, and the country so well cultivated and pleasant, that he proposed to take up his residence there for some years, and to make it his capital, conferring the government of Ghizni upon his son the Sultan Musaood. Some historians relate, that, in that age, there were goldmines in Guzerat; which occasioned Sultan Mamood to incline to fix his residence in that country. But to this we cannot well give any credit, as there are now no traces of those mines; but it is acknowledged, that the country was, at all times, one of the richest in Hindostan. In support of their assertion, they however give many instances of the disappearance of gold mines, such as that in Seistan, which was swallowed up by an earthquake. There are other writers who pretend to say, that the King, having heard of gold and ruby mines, upon the island of Sirendiep, and in the country of Pegu, intended to fit out a fleet for the conquest of those parts, but that he was diverted by his council from this scheme, and also prevailed upon not to abandon his native kingdom and capital.

Mamood yielding to this latter advice, consented to return, and at the same time begged of his Omrahs, to recommend a fit person to him, for the government of the kingdom of Guzerat. After consulting among themselves, they told the King, that on account of the great distance of this country from his other dominions, and the number of troops it would require for its defence, they thought it adviseable, that some one of the natives should receive that honour. The King then enquired among the chiefs of the natives, and was informed that the family of Dabissalima was the noblest in those parts, and that then a man of parts and distinction of that tribe, was in his camp, in the habit of a Brahmin. That they knew no person fitter to be exalted to royalty than him: though he had been obliged to chuse that way of life, to conceal himself from the cruelty of a younger brother, who had usurped his inheritance.

But some authors, suspecting the probability of this story, have informed us, that Dabissalima was Raja of a neighbouring country, famous as well for his policy and wisdom, as for his great knowledge in the sciences. To him the King sent a friendly message, inviting him to his presence, to receive his allegiance for the government of Guzerat, which he intended to bestow upon him. But as we have many authentic proofs of the truth of our first relation, it must be acknowledged that the King, upon having settled an annual tribute, bestowed the kingdom of Guzerat upon Dabissalima the poor Brahmin, and not upon the Raja of the same name, who lived at that period.

We find, that when the King had bestowed the regency upon the Brahmin, that he petitioned him to leave some forces for his protection, for that Raja Dabissalima, as soon as Mamood should evacuate the country, would undoubtedly invade him before his power was thoroughly established, the consequences of which might be easily foreseen. But that if the King would grant him his protection, he would annually give double the revenues of Cabulistan and Zabulistan.

These considerations prevailed with the Sultan to form a design to reduce this Raja before he left the country. He accordingly sent a part of his army into the dominions of the Raja, which, in a short time, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to Mamood. He immediately delivered over the unfortunate Raja into the hands of his kinsman Dabissalima the viceroy to take away his life.

Dabissalima addressed himself to the King after this manner; that in his religion, the murder of a King was unlawful; but that it was customary, when one King got possession of the person of another who was his enemy, to make a dark pit under his throne, where he should remain imprisoned for life, or till the death of his conqueror. That for his own part, he esteemed such usage a cruelty of which he could not be guilty; but that on the other hand, if the Raja should be confined by him in another prison, his adherents would, upon the King's departure, attempt to release him. He therefore earnestly begged that the King might carry him to Ghizni.

The Sultan complied with this last request, and after two years and six months absence, turned homewards his victorious standards. But having received intelligence, that Byram Deo, and the Raja of Ajmere, with others, had collected a great army to oppose him in the desart, he turned by the way of Sind and Moultan. He there also met with desarts in his march, wherein his army greatly suffered by want of water, and his cavalry by want of grass; but in the year 417 he with much difficulty and toil, reached Ghizni. During his march through Sind, he was led astray three days and nights, by one of his Hindoo guides, in a desart of dry sand, so that madness and thirst began intolerably to rage through his perishing troops.

The Sultan suspecting his guide, commanded him to be put to the torture, when he confessed that he was one of the priests of Sumnat, who to revenge the injuries done to his God, had thus endeavoured to bring about the ruin of the Ghiznian army. The King then commanded him to be put to death; and it being towards evening, he fell prostrate before God, imploring a speedy deliverance. A meteor was immediately seen in the east, to which he directed his march, and before morning, found himself upon the banks of a lake.

Dabissalima the devout, having established himself upon the throne of Guzerat, continued to send his revenues punctually to the King, and some years after desired the imprisoned Raja might be returned to him. But the Raja had, by this time, gained upon the mind of the King, which made him unwilling to part with him. He however was over-persuaded, by his counsellors, who were envious of the favour which the unfortunate Raja had acquired; and he was accordingly put into the hands of the person who brought the revenue to Ghizni.

When they reached the dominions of Guzerat, Dabissalima the devout gave orders to dig a hole under his own throne, in which he intended to confine the unhappy Raja, according to the barbarous custom of the Hindoos. To stretch his triumph still further, he advanced to some distance from his capitol, to meet the Raja, that the unfortunate man might run before his horse, with a bason on his head, and an ewer in his hand.

The King, it is said, having over-heated himself upon this occasion, lay down, much disordered, in a shade, drew a red handkerchief over his face, and ordered his attendants to withdraw. A Vulture, which was hovering over that place, mistaking the red handkerchief for prey, soused down upon the King, and fixing her talons about his eyes, rendered him totally blind; and therefore incapable to reign according to the laws of the country.

When the accident which befel the King became public, the whole camp and city were filled with confusion and uproar. The imprisoned Raja, arriving at that very instant, was received with universal acclamations, and immediately elected King. He put the bason upon the head of Dabissalima, and placed the ewer in his hand, and drove him before him into the dungeon, which he himself had prepared, where he spent the remainder of his life.

This barbarous action, however, shewed that his successor was unworthy of what providence had, so miraculously, bestowed upon him. This story is a striking instance of the just punishment of pride, and that he who digs a pit for another, will fall into it himself.

The author of the Jam ul Hikaiat has related, that, when Sultan Mamood was in Guzerat, he saw a small black idol, under a circular arch, which, to all appearance, was suspended in the air, without support. The King, amazed at this phaenomenon, consulted the philosophers of his court concerning it. They told him, that they believed the image to be iron, and the stones of the arch magnets. The King observed, that be thought the equilibrium of weight and attraction could not be so exactly found. He however, by way of experiment, ordered a stone to be struck out of the arch; which was no sooner done, than the idol sell to the ground, and the stone was accordingly found to be a magnet; but philosophers of latter days are of the King's opinion, and that this story may be rank'd among the fabulous.

The Caliph of Bagdat being informed of the expedition of Sultan Mamood, wrote him a congratulatory letter, in which he stiled him, The guardian of fortune and Islamism. To his son Sultan Musaood, he gave the title of, The light of posterity, and the beauty of nations; and to his second son Mur Eusoph, the appellation of, The strength of the arm of fortune, and establisher of the state. He, at the same time, assured Mamood, that, whoever he should appoint to the succession, he himself would confirm and support.

Mamood marched this year an army against the Jits, who had insulted him in his way from Sumnat. This people inhabited the country, on the borders of Moultan, near the banks of the river that runs by the mountains of Jude. When he arrived at Moultan, finding that the country of the Jits was defended by great rivers, he ordered fifteen hundred boats to be built, each of which he armed with six iron spikes projecting from their prows and sides, to prevent their being boarded by the enemy, who were very expert in that kind of war. When he had launched this fleet, he ordered twenty archers into each boat, and five others, with fire-balls, to burn the craft of the Jits, and naphta to set the whole river on fire. This force he commanded to extirpate the Jits, and remained with the remainder of his army at Moultan.

The Jits having intelligence of this armament, sent their wives and children, and most valuable effects, into an island, and launching, according to some, four thousand, or, according to others, eight thousand boats, manned and armed, prepared to receive the Ghiznians. They met, and a terrible conflict ensued; but the projected pikes from the Sultan's boats, did such execution, when they ran against the craft of the Jits, that many of them were overset. The archers, at the same time, plied their bows to such good purpose, that many of the enemy plunged over board to avoid their galling arrows. Some of the Jitsiad boats being, in the mean time, set on fire, communicated their flames to others; some were sunk, some boarded by the Turks, and others endeavoured to make their escape. In this scene of confusion and terror, very few of the Jits could shun their hard fate. All those therefore, who escaped death, met with the more severe misfortune of captivity.

The Sultan, after this victory, returned in triumph to Ghizni, and in the 418th year of the Higerah, ordered Amir Toos, one of his generals, to the government of Badwird, that he might chastise the Turkuman of Siljoki, who had crossed the river Amavia, and invaded that province. But Amir Toos being defeated in a very bloody action, wrote to the Sultan, that without his presence and fortune nothing could be done against the enemy.

The Sultan immediately put his army in motion, and having come up with them gave them a total defeat, which entirely dispersed them and cleared the country. Hearing, at this time, that one of his generals had conquered Iraak [Western Provinces of Persia.], he marched that way, and seized all the treasure that had been amassed by the race of Boia, who had possessed that country, and lived in the city of Rai. Having there inforced some laws respecting the religion of the inhabitants, who had adopted false tenets, he settled the government of Rai and Ispahan upon his son, Sultan Musaood, and returned himself to Ghizni.

The Sultan was soon after afflicted with the stone, which disorder daily increased. He went in this condition to Balich to settle some state affairs, and in the beginning of the spring he turned his face again to Ghizni; where, upon friday the 23d of Ribbi ul Sani, in the 419th of the Higera, and the sixty third year of his age, this great conqueror, amidst the tears of his people, gave up his body to death, and his soul to immortality.

Sultan Mamood reigned thirty-five years, and he was buried by torch light, with great pomp and solemnity, in the palace of triumph at Ghizni. He was a man of a middle stature, not very handsome in his person, but without any deformity or blemish.

Two days before his death, he commanded, that all the sacks of gold and caskets of precious stones, which were in the treasury, should be placed before him; when he beheld them as with regret, he wept, ordering them to be carried back to the treasury, without exhibiting his generosity at that time to any body, for which he has been accused of avarice. He ordered, the following day, a review of his Army, his Elephants, Camels, Horses and Chariots, with which, having feasted his eyes for some time, from his traveling throne, he again burst into tears, and retired in grief to his palace.

It's said, that Sultan Mamood, upon hearing that a citizen of Neshapoor was possessed of immense wealth, commanded him to be called into his presence. The King began to reproach him for being an idolater and an apostate from the faith. The citizen replied, "O King, I am no idolater nor apostate, but it is true that I am possessed of much wealth; take it therefore, but do me not a double injustice, by robbing me of my money and my good name." The King, for this insolence, as he termed it; ordered him to be punished and confiscated his whole estate.

But Mamood was, in other instances, famous for justice. A person one day, thrusting himself into the presence, called loudly for justice. The King ordered him to explain his complaint, which he thus did: That, unfortunately having a handsome wife, the King's nephew had conceived a passion for her, and came to his house every night with armed attendants, beating him and turning him into the street till he had gratified his adulterous passion. That he had frequently complained to those who ought to have done him justice, but that the rank of the adulterer had shut their ears against him.

The King, upon hearing this, was so much enraged that tears of resentment and compassion started from his eyes; he reprimanded the poor man for not making sooner his complaint to him. The man replied, that he often attempted it, but could not gain admittance. He was then commanded by the King, to return to his house, and to give him notice the first time that his nephew was guilty of the like violence; charging those who were present, upon pain of death, to let nothing of this complaint transpire, ordering him to be admitted at any hour. Accordingly the man returned to his house, and upon the third night following, the King's nephew, as usual, came, and having whipped the husband severely, turned him into the street. The poor man hastened to the King; but the captain of the guards would not give him admittance, saying, that his Majesty was in the Haram. The man immediately began to make a violent outery, so that the porter fearing that the court might be disturbed, and that the noise might reach the King, he was under the necessity to conduct him to the Eunuchs of the bedchamber, who immediately acquainted the Sultan with the affair.

The King immediately rose, and drawing on a garment followed the man to his house. He found his nephew and the man's wife sleeping together in one bed, with a candle standing on the carpet near them. The Sultan, extinguishing the candle, drew his dagger and severed his nephew's head from his body: Then commanding the man to light the candle, he called out for some water, and having taken a deep draught, he told him he might now go and sleep with safety, if he could trust his own wife.

The poor man fell down at the Sultan's feet, in gratitude to his justice and condescension, but begged he might tell him why he put out the candle, and afterwards called out so vehemently for water. The King replied, that he put out the candle that pity might not arrest his hand in the execution of justice, on a youth whom he tenderly loved; and that he had made a vow to God, when he first heard his complaint, that he would neither eat nor drink till he had brought the criminal to justice, in so much, that he was upon the point of dying of thirst.

The learned men who lived at the court of Sultan Mamood were principally these; Ozaeri Rasi, a native of Rai, whose poetical performances as a panegyrist, are esteemed very good, for one of which he received a present of 4000 Dirms from the Sultan.—Assidi Toosi, a native of Chorrassan, a poet of great same, whom the Sultan often entreated to undertake the Shaw Namma, but he excused himself on account of his age. He was the master of Phirdoci, who afterwards undertook that work; but Phirdoci falling sick by too much application, before it was finished, he applied himself to his old master Assidi; telling him that he was now at the point of death, and that his only regret for leaving this vain world was, that his poem was unfinished. The old man weeping replied, that, tho' he had often excused himself to the King, from having any hand in that performance, yet for the affection he bore to Phirdoci, he would undertake to finish his poem. The dying poet replied, that he was well assured no other man of the age had the genius to attempt it; but at the same time he was afraid, years and infirmities had damped the native fire of Assidi.

The old man warmed with friendship and emulation, collecting the force of his mind, made the attempt, and brought into the chains of rhime in a few days, that part of the poem, between the Arabian conquest of Agim to the end, which consists of four thousand couplets. He immediately brought it to Phirdoci, who was so rejoiced that he recovered from his disorder. The Shaw Namma is esteemed among the first of poetical productions, and Phirdoci the author, consequently among the first of poets.

Minuchere was an Omrah of Balich, and famous for his poetry and wit. But Hakim Ali Unsuri is esteemed to hold the first rank, as to genius, in that age; for besides being one of the best poets, he was a great philosopher, versed in all the known sciences, and all the learned languages of those times. Four hundred poets and learned men, besides all the students of the university of Ghizni, acknowledged him for their master. He was therefore appointed by the King, to superintend literature, and it was ordered, that no performance should be brought before the Sultan, without being previously honoured with the approbation of Ali Unsuri.

Among the works of Unsuri there is an heroic poem, upon the actions of Sultan Mamood. The King having one night, in his cups, cut off the long tresses of his beloved [His favourite mistress.], he was much afflicted in the morning for what he had done. He sat, he rose, he walked by turns, and there was a terror round him, which kept the people at distance. Ali Unsuri accosted him with some extempore lines [The beauty of the lines consisted chiefly in a happy chime of words, which cannot possibly be imitated in a translation. The sense runs thus: On this happy day, when the tresses of your beloved are cut off, what place is there for grief? Let it be rather crowned with mirth and wine, for the beauty of the cypress is increased by the pruning of its branches.], which so pleased the King that he ordered his mouth to be filled three times with jewels. Calling then for wine, he sat down with the poet and washed down his grief, seasoning society with wit.

Asjuddi was one of the scholars of Unsuri: He was a native of Hirvi, a poet blessed with the light of true genius, but his works are very scarce and the greatest part of them lost. Firochi was also a pupil of Unsuri. He was of the antient royal race of the Kings of Seistan, but reduced by fortune so low, that he was obliged to hire himself to a farmer for the yearly wages of a hundred Dirms. When he married, he found this small sum would not answer his expences, so he became desirous of having his wages increased. The farmer told him he certainly deserved a great deal more, but that his capacity could not extend the allowance further. Firochi, in this state of dependence, waited on the Sultan's nephew Abul Muziffir with a poem, for which he was honoured with a handsome reward, with a horse and a dress. He was introduced to the King by Muziffir, who settled a pension upon him which enabled him to ride with a retinue of twenty well mounted slaves.

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Section V. The History of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck SULTAN MAHUMMUD, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

WHEN the hand of Sultan Mamood was shortened from worldly labour, his son Mahummud was in the province of Gourgan, and Amir Musaood in Ispahan. Amir Ali ben Arsilla, the father in law of Sultan Mamood, called Amir Mahummud to Ghizni, and according to the will of his father placed the crown upon his head. Sultan Mahummud, upon his accession, bestowed the dignity of captain general upon his uncle Eusoph the son of Subuctagi, and the honour of Vizier upon Abu Seil Ahummud; then opening the treasury he gladdened his friends and the public with liberal donations; but the hearts of the soldiery and people run chiefly in favour of his brother Musaood.

About fifty days after the Sultan's death, Abul Nigim Amir Eaz having, in confederacy with Ali Dia, gained over the slaves [By the Slaves mentioned in this place, and in the sequel of this history, are meant the captives and young children, bought by Kings, and educated for the offices of state. They were often adopted by the emperors, and very frequently succeeded to the empire. A whole Dynasty of them possessed afterwards the throne in Hindostan. We must not therefore consider the words slave, which often occurs in this history, in the ___ sense which it carries in our language.], they broke into the royal stables, and mounting the King's best horses, rode off towards Bust. Amir Muhummud informed of this, immediately dispatched Subundraï, an Hindoo Omrah of trust, with a numerous body of Hindoo cavalry in pursuit of them. He came up with the slaves in a few days; a skirmish ensued in which Subundraï with the greatest part of his troops were killed, and not a few of the slaves.The surviving part of the rebels with their two chiefs, pursued their journey to Musaood, whom they met at Neshapoor. Musaood having heard of his father's decease at Hammedan, settled Viceroys and governors of trust in Ayrack and Agim, and hastened towards Chorrassan. From thence he wrote to his brother, that he had no inclination to take those countries from him, which his father, notwithstanding of his preferable right, had been pleased to bequeath to Mahummud. He moreover added, that the regions of the Hills, Tiberistan and Ayrack, which he had mostly acquired by his own sword, were ample enough dominions for him. He only insisted so far on his birth-right, as to have his name first read in the Chutba [The genealogy and titles of their Kings read from the pulpit on all public occasions of worship, after the praise of the prophet.], over all his dominions.

Amir Musaood is allowed to have been very moderate in this case, for though he and Mahummud were twins, he was the elder by some hours, and consequently had the undoubted right of succession.

But enmity had subsisted between the brothers from their youth, and Sultan Mahummud returned his brother upon this occasion, a very unfriendly answer, and began to prepare for war, in spite of all that his council could do to oppose so rash a measure. The Sultan accordingly put his army in motion, and leaving Ghizni, proceeded to meet Musaood: It is said, that at the feast, upon the conclusion of the Ramzan which Mahummud held at Tunganabad, his crown fell accidentally from his head when he sat in state. This was reckoned a very unfortunate omen, of which some disaffected Omrahs taking advantage, estranged the minds of the soldiery from their prince. Accordingly upon the third night after, there was a confederacy formed by Amir Ali, Eusoph ben Subuctagi, and Amir Hassnic Mical, who sounding the trumpets to arms, put themselves at the head of the troops, surrounded the King's tents, and seizing upon his person, sent him prisoner to the fort of Chillige. They immediately marched with the army to Herat, to meet Amir Musaood, to whom they swore allegiance.

Sultan Musaood directed his march to Balich, where he ordered Amir Hassnic to be executed, for having deserted him before, and fled to the King of Myser [Egypt.]. There was also, it is said, a private pique, which hastened the death of Hassnic, for he was in publick heard to say, that if ever Musaood should be King, he would suffer himself to be hanged. Amir Ali Cheshawind had his head struck off for his ingratitude to his prince; and Eusoph ben Subuctagi, the other conspirator, and the Sultan's uncle, was imprisoned for life. The eyes of the unfortunate Mahummud were put out, and he himself confined: So that the Sultanit of Mahummud scarcely lasted five months. But, as we shall hereafter see, he was, after nine years imprisonment, blessed with one more bright ray of fortune.

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Section VI. The Reign of Shahab ul dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan MUSAOOD ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

SULTAN Masood was a man of a lofty spirit, and was honoured with the appellation of Rustum the second. His arrow could pierce the strongest mail, and sink into the body of an elephant, and his iron mace was so ponderous, that no man of his time could raise it with one hand. He was withal, of an obstinate and fierce disposition, contemptuous of all authority, and disdaining all obedience. This circumstance, in his youth, engaged him in many quarrels, and greatly disobliged his father; who, for that reason, fixed his affections upon his brother Amir Mahummud, who was of a more mild and tractable disposition.

Chaja Abu Niser Muscati relates, that, when the name of Amir Mahummud was inserted before that of Musaood, in the Chutba, and read in public for the first time, that he himself followed Amir Musaood to the door of the mosque, and told him, that what he had heard, gave him the utmost concern, for that his own, as well as the hearts of most of the Omrahs, burnt with affection for him. Amir Musaood replied with a smile, Give yourselves no concern about it; the world is for the longest sword.

One of the King's spies, hearing this conversation, immediately gave information of it to the Sultan. Mamood immediately calling Abu Niser, asked him what had passed between him and Amir Musaood. Abu Niser thinking that truth would be his best defence, related the particulars. Upon which the King said, that he had always a high opinion of the superior abilities of Musaood, who, he foresaw, would one day be King; but that Amir Mahummud had gained his heart, by filial duty, and implicit obedience.

Sultan Musaood, upon his accession, released Ahummud ben Hassen Mumundi, who, by the orders of the Sultan Mamood, had been imprisoned in the fort of Callinger, and again made him Vizier. He called Amir Ahummud ben Mealtagi, the treasurer, to a strict account, and after having obliged him to refund a great sum, for malpractices in his office, appointed him general of all his forces in Hindostan, and ordered him to proceed to Lahore. He, at the same time, released Mujeid ul Dowla Willamï, who had also been imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindostan, and called him to his court.

Sultan Musaood, in the year 422, having left Balich, came to Ghizni, and sent an army to Kutch and Mackeran, and the coin of both provinces was struck in his name. The prince of those countries died about that time, and left two sons, Abul Asakir, and Isah. —Isah, the younger brother, taking possession of the government, Abul Asakir had recourse for aid, to regain his inheritance, to Sultan Musaood, to whom the fugitive prince promised an annual tribute, and to hold his dominions, when recovered, of him. Musaood agreeing to this proposal, sent a great army with Abul Asakir, with orders to his general, if possible, to reconcile the difference between the brothers, and to divide the country equally between them; but if this could not be done, to put the whole into the possession of Abul Asakir.

When Abul Asakir arrived upon the frontiers, with this powerful army, so obstinate was his brother, and so much devoted to his own ruin, that he would not be brought to listen to any accommodation; and though he was deserted by many of his friends, who joined his brother, he determined to decide the affair with his sword. He accordingly fought with great bravery, till he obtained that death he seemed so eagerly to pursue. The provinces fell into the hands of Abul Asakir, who paid tribute and allegiance to the empire.

The Sultan, in the same year, bestowed the viceroyship of Raï, of Hammedan, and of all the regions of the hills, upon Mash, a man who, though he had raised himself from the lowest office in the camp, displayed uncommon abilities, in reducing those provinces to obedience. After the departure of Sultan Musaood, the countries which we have just mentioned, revolted in part, but Mash not only reduced them to their former dependence, but chastised Ali ul Dowla, governor of Chorassan, who had been tampering with the rebels.

Sultan Musaood, after having settled affairs at Ghizni, intended to march to Ispahan and Raï. But when he arrived at Herat, the people of Sirchus and Badawird complained to him of the ravages of the Siljoki Turkumans. The King, moved by the injuries done to his subjects, was incensed very much against the enemy, and therefore immediately ordered Abduse ben Abdul Azize, with a great force, to chastise them. This general, however, was received by the Turkumans, with so much bravery, that he could gain no advantages over them; and the King, for what reason is not known, returned to Ghizni.

In the year 423, Musaood dispatched Altasash Hajib from Charizm, with a great army, to oppose Ali Tiggi, who had invaded and conquered Samarcand and Bochara. Altasash marched to Maverulnere, where fifteen thousand horse were ordered to join him from Ghizni. After this junction was effected, he crossed the river Amavia, in the face of the enemy, and continued his rout to Bochara, which he reduced, and then proceeded to Sumarcand. Ali Tiggi marched out of the city, and took possession of a strong post, having the river on one side, and a high mountain on the other. When the fire of contention arose [That is, when the battle begun.], a party of Ali Tiggi's horse, having turned the mountain, attacked the army of Altasash in the rear. A great slaughter commenced, and the Ghiznian commander was wounded, in a part of the body in which he had formerly received a wound, in taking one of the forts of Hindostan. He however concealed his blood from his army, and charged the enemy with such vigour, in his front and rear, that, after an obstinate and bloody conflict, they were at length put to flight.

When the battle was over, Altasash called a council of his principal officers, and shewing his wound, told them his end was approaching, and that they must now manage affairs in the best manner they could, intimating at the same time, that he thought they could do nothing better, than conclude a peace with the enemy. This motion being approved, a messenger was dispatched to them, that very night, with proposals, which were eagerly accepted. The conditions were, that Ali Tiggi should keep possession of Samarcand, and that Bochara should remain to Musaood. The two armies, immediately after this pacification, departed, the one for Samarcand, and the other for Chorrassan. The brave Altasash died the second day after, but his death was concealed from the army, and the chiefs conducted the troops to Charizm: And when these accounts came to Sultan Musaood, he conferred the government upon Haro the son of Altasash.

Ahmed ben Hassen Mumundi dying this year, Musaood appointed Abu Niser Ahmid to succeed him as vizier. In the 424th of the Higera, Sultan Musaood resolved upon an expedition into Hindostan. Taking the rout of Cashmire, he invested the fort of Sursutti, which commanded the passes. The garrison being intimidated, sent messengers to the King, promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute if he should desist from his enterprize. The Sultan begun to listen to the proposals, when his ears were stunned with a grievous complaint from some Mussulmen captives, who were then detained in the place. He immediately broke up the conference, and began to besiege the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with Sugar-canes, from the adjacent plantations. This being done, he ordered scaling ladders to be applied to the walls, which, after a bloody contest, were mounted, and the garrison, without distinction of age or sex, barbarously put to the sword, excepting a few women and children, who were protected by the soldiers for slaves. The King commanded, that what part of the spoil was saved from pillage, should be given to the Mussulmen, who had been slaves in Sursutti, and who had formerly lost their effects.

This year was remarkable for a great drought and famine, in many parts of the world. The famine was succeeded by a calamitous pestilence, which swept many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month, forty thousand died in Ispahan, alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindostan, where whole countries were entirely depopulated.

Sultan Musaood in the mean time was obliged to march back to quell some disturbances in Tibiristan. The inhabitants of Amalisar opposed him in his progress, but they were dispersed by the imperial troops, with little opposition, and Abu Callingar, Prince of Tibiristan, sent an ambassador, and subjected himself and his country to the King. He, at the same time, gave his son Bhamin, and his nephew Shirvi, as hostages, for his future good behaviour.

Sultan Musaood turned from thence his face towards Ghizni; and when he arrived at Neshapoor, the people of that place again complained of the incursions of the Turkumans of Siljoki, and Musaood immediately dispatched Buctadi, and Hussein ben Ali, with a great force to chastise them. When the Ghiznian army reached the village of Seindenfauk, a messenger came from the Turkumans with a letter, to the following purpose. "That they were the King's servants, and not at all desirous to disturb any body but his enemies, if they should be enabled, by an annual subsidy, to live at home without plunder, or led out to war, that they might exert their skill in what they reckoned their only profession."

The answer of Buctadi was very haughty. "There is no peace, says he, between us, but the sword, unless you will give over your depredations, and submit yourselves implicitly to the laws and authority of the King." After the Turkumans had heard this message from their ambassador, they advanced and made a violent assault upon the camp of Buctadi; but as they were conducted more by rage than conduct, they were repulsed and obliged to turn their backs upon the honours of the field. Buctadi pursuing them with great expedition, took all their baggage, and their wives and children.

But when Buctadi was returning from the pursuit, while yet many of his troops were dispersed, and intent upon the plunder, the Turkumans issued out from between two hills, and, rendered desperate by their former loss, made a dreadful slaughter among the troops of Buctadi, who could not be regularly brought up to the charge. The Ghiznians continued to fight and retreat, for two days and nights, but Hussein ben Ali could not be persuaded to quit the field, so that after the most of his men were killed, he himself fell a prisoner into the hands of the enemy. Buctadi fled, and carried advice of his own defeat, to Sultan Musaood, at Neshapoor.

The Sultan was obliged for that time to restrain his resentment, upon account of some disturbances in Hindostan. He marched back to Ghizni, in the year 426; and thence sent an army under Ban, an Indian chief, against Ahmud Neal Tiggi, who had rebelled in his government. But, when the two armies met, Ban was defeated with great slaughter. Musaood being informed of this disaster, sent Touluck, another Hindoo chief, who coming to battle with Ahmud Neal Tiggi, gave him a total overthrow. He fled in great haste towards Munsura, Tatta, and Sind. Touluck pursued him so close, that many thousands of the runaways fell into his hands; whom he treated in the most inhuman manner, cutting off their noses and ears. When Tiggi reached the banks of the Sind, he found himself, if possible, in greater distress than before; for collecting all the boats, which the pressure of the enemy would permit, he endeavoured to cross the river. But the soldiers, afraid of being abandoned, hurried into the boats with such violence, and in such numbers, that most of them were either overset or sunk. A sudden storm, and an inundation of the river, added to the confusion of the vanquished; so that very few of them escaped. The body of their chief was soon after found by the enemy, and his head sent to Ghizni.

A new palace being finished in the year 427, at Ghizni, a golden throne, studded with jewels, was erected in a magnificent hall, and a crown of gold, weighing seventy maunds [The least maund in India is that of Surat, which weighs thirty-seven pound five ounces and seven drachms averdupoize; by which we may conjecture, that the value of this crown was immense.], darting lustre from its precious stones, suspended by a golden chain over it, by way of canopy, under which the King sat in state, and gave public audience. He in the same year conferred the ensigns and drums of royalty, upon his son Amir Modood, and sent him to the government of Balich, whilst he himself marched with an army to Hindostan, to reduce the strong city of Hassi.

This city was the capital of Sewalic, and was, by the Hindoos, reckoned impregnable, for they were taught to believe, by some of their prophets, that it should never fall into the hands of the Mussulmen. But the Hindoo prophets, like those of other nations, deceived their followers; for the King, in the space of six days, though with a very considerable loss on his side, scaled the place and took it. Musaood found immense treasures in Hassi; and having put it into the hands of a trusty servant, he marched towards the fort of Sunput. Deipal, the governor of Sunput, evacuated the place, and fled into the woods; but he had no time to carry off his treasure, which fell into the conqueror's hands. Musaood ordered all the temples to be laid in ruins, and all the idols to be broke down.

The Sultan then went in pursuit of Deipal, who began to shew himself in the field; but he was surprised by the King, and all his army taken prisoners; while he himself escaped in the habit of a slave. Musaood marched from thence towards Raam, another Raja of those parts, who upon receiving intelligence of the King's intentions, sent immense presents of gold and elephants, excusing himself on account of his age, from personally attending upon Musaood. The Sultan received his presents and excuse, and with-held his hand from giving him any farther molestation; then leaving a trusty Omrah in Sinput [Forty miles from Delhi, on the road to Lahore.], he took possession of all the countries in his rear, intending to return to Ghizni. When he reached Lahore, he left there his son Mugdood, on whom he conferred the government and the drums and ensigns of state, with Eur his favourite, to be his counsellor in matters of importance.

In the year 428 Musaood again marched to Balich, to quell the tumults raised by the Turkumans, who, upon hearing of the King's approach, evacuated that country. The inhabitants of that province addressed the Sultan and acquainted him, that Eur Tiggi, after his departure, had made divers incursions into their territories, and crossing the river, had lengthened his hands upon the lives and effects of his subjects. The King determined therefore to chastise him that winter, and in the beginning of the spring, to bring the other Turkomans of Siljoki to a better understanding. The Omrahs of his court, with one accord, advised him to march first against the Siljokis, because they had, for two years, gained an ascendancy over the inhabitants of Chorrassan, and were daily gaining strength. The Sultan, at that time, received also a letter from one of the nobles of that province, acquainting him that his enemies, who were once but Ants, were now become little Snakes, and if they were not soon destroyed, they might grow in a short time to Serpents.

But the star of the King's fortune had now reached the house of adversity, and he would not by any means hearken to their advice. In hopes to conquer the country before him, he laid a bridge over the Gion, and crossing his army without opposition, took possession of the whole province of Maver ul nere. But during that winter, such a quantity of snow fell, that it was with the greatest difficulty he marched back his army towards Ghizni. In the mean time, Chukker Beg Daood Siljoki marched with an army against Balich, from whence Chaja Amud wrote to the King the particulars, begging, as he had not a sufficient force to oppose the enemy, that he would take some measures to reinforce him. Musaood upon this turned his army towards Balich.

Eur Tiggi taking this advantage, marched quickly to Ghizni, where he plundered the King's stables, and after having greatly dishonoured the capital, he was repulsed. When the Sultan reached the confines of Balich, Daood retreated towards Murve, upon which the King, in conjunction with his son Modood, set out in pursuit of him to Gurgan. When the Turkumans heard of the motion of the Ghiznians towards Murve, they sent an ambassador, professing obedience and loyalty, if the King would bestow a track of country upon them, in which they might settle. Sultan Musaood consenting to this proposal, sent a messenger to their chief, whose name was Pugu, to come and settle the treaty, which accordingly he did, and the King, upon promise of their future good behaviour, alienated a large territory for their maintainance.

Musaood, after this treaty, turned with his army towards Herat; but such was the infidelity of those ravagers, that they attacked the rear of the King's army, carrying off part of his baggage, and slaying a number of his attendants. The Sultan, incensed at this behaviour, sent a detachment in pursuit of them, who took a small party of them prisoners and brought them to his feet. He immediately ordered their heads to be cut off and sent to Pugu, who excused himself, saying, that for his part he was glad they had met with their deserts, for he had no knowledge of their proceedings.

The Sultan continued his march to Herat, from Herat to Neshapoor, and from thence to Toos. At Toos he was attacked by another tribe of Turkumans, whom he defeated with great slaughter. In the mean time he received intelligence that the inhabitants of Badwird had given up their forts to the Turkumans. He marched immediately against them, retook the forts and cleared that country of the enemy. He then returned to Neshapoor, where he spent the winter, and in the spring of the year 430, he again returned to Badwird, which had been infested in his absence by Toghril Siljoki, who fled upon the Sultan's approach towards Tizin. Musaood, after this exploit, returned by the way of Sirchus, whose inhabitants had refused to pay their taxes: But upon some of their chiefs being put to death, they became more tractable; and upon their submission the King continued his march to Dindaka.

The Turkumans collecting their forces at Dindaka, surrounded the King's army, securing the passes upon every side: The Sultan, to bring them to an engagement, drew out his army in order of battle, which the enemy by no means declined, advancing upon all quarters with barbarous shouts and great impetuosity. This uncommon method of charging discouraged the Sultan's troops; and whether thro' fear or perfidy, several of his generals in the beginning of the action, rode off with their whole squadrons and joined the enemy. The King, enraged at this treachery, and seeing his affairs in a desperate situation, addressed himself in a few words to his friends about him. He told them that their own safety, their long acquired honour, the glory of their King, and the security of their native country, now depended upon one noble effort to revenge themselves upon their enemies, and those still greater enemies, who had so basely deserted their cause.

Musaood then turning his horse to where he beheld the torrent of gleaming arms rolling on, plunged singly to oppose the stream, bearing down all before him, and exhibiting such acts of gigantic force and valour, as never King had before displayed. A few of his friends, rouzed by his words and actions, and that innate honour which inspires the brave, seconded their Lord so well, that whithersoever he turned his fatal sword, the enemy were mowed down or retreated before him. But now, when victory seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round he beheld his whole army devouring the paths of flight.

The King, seeing himself thus shamefully deserted, and that no hope from his single arm remained, turned his steed and trampling down the enemy, opened to himself a clear passage with his own sword. When he reached the river near Murve, he met with a few of the fugitives, who now began to collect themselves from all quarters. He took from thence the way of Ghor, and proceeded to Ghizni. There he seized upon the generals who had so ingloriously deserted him. He ordered Ali Daia, Buctadi and Sab Sinai, to be conveyed to Hindostan, and confined in a certain fort for life.

The Sultan finding himself, at this period, unable to withstand the enemy, resolved to withdraw to Hindostan, till he could collect his forces and make another effort to retrieve his affairs. He left his son Modood and his Vizier Chaja Mahummud, with four thousand horse, to defend Balich, and ordered his other son Amir Mugdood, who had come from Lahore with two thousand horse to secure Moultan. In the mean time Erid Ear, another of his sons, was sent with a detachment to awe the mountain Afghans, near Ghizni, who were in arms. He then collected all his wealth from the different strong holds to Ghizni, and laying it upon camels bent his way to Lahore, sending for his brother Mahummud the blind from his confinement.

When Musaood arrived upon the banks of the Gelum, the water of which, on account of its purity, is called the water of Paradise, the slaves, who were very numerous in his camp, entered into a confederacy with the camel keepers, and began to divide the treasure among them. The troops observing this, they were determined to partake of the spoil, so that in a moment nothing was to be seen but drawn swords, ravage, and confusion. Every one plundered his neighbour; some gained much wealth, while others more weak or unfortunate, were robbed of all upon which they had laid their hands, and stripped of their own besides. The army, for this tumult, fearing the resentment of the King, and not chusing to refund the plunder, hastened in a mob to Mahummud the blind, who had been before King, and, exalting him upon their shoulders, proclaimed him Emperor.

Musaood was, during this time, collecting what friends he could to suppress the mutiny; but no sooner was it known that his brother was proclaimed King, than the Sultan found himself intirely deserted. The mob pressing round him, he was obliged to give himself up into their hands, and he was carried before the new Sultan. Mahummud told him he had no design to take his life, and desired he might pitch upon some sort, whither he might retire with his family into confinement. Sultan Musaood, in this extremity, chose the fort of Kurri, but was even in distress for money to pay his few menial attendants. This obliged him to send a person to his brother to request him for some. Sultan Mahummud accordingly ordered the pitiful sum of five hundred dirms to be sent him; upon which Musaood, when it was brought him, exclaimed after the following manner. "O wonderful cast of Providence! O cruel reverse of fate! Yesterday was I not a mighty prince; three thousand camels bending under my treasure? To-day I am forced to beg, and to receive but the mere mockery of my wants." With that he borrowed a thousand dirms from his servants, and bestowed it in a present upon his brother's messenger, who had brought the five hundred dirms, which he desired he might again carry back to his master.

Sultan Mahummud, upon his accession, advanced his son Ahmid to the government, reserving for himself only the name, though Ahmid was, by many, supposed to have a tincture of madness in his disposition. The first thing he did was, without consulting his father, in conjunction with Soliman ben Eusoph, and the son of Ali Cheshawind, to go to the castle of Kurri and assassinate Sultan Musaood, in the year 433. But some affirm, that he buried him alive in a well.

The reign of Musaood was nine years and nine months. He was a prince of uncommon strength and bravery; affable, of easy access, and generous to prodigality; particularly to learned men, of whose company he was excessively fond, which drew many from all parts to his court.

Among the first of the learned in the court of Musaood, we must reckon Abu Keihan Charismi, a great philosopher and astrologer, who wrote one of the best treatises upon astronomy, called Canoon Musaoodi, for which he was presented with an elephant made of silver, the size of which we are not told. Casi Abu Mahummud Nasahi was also a man of much reputation in this age. He wrote a book called Musaoodi, in support of the doctrine of Abu Hanifa, which he presented to the King. The author of the Rosit ul Sulja tells us, that so extensive was the King's charity, that some days in the month of Ramzan, he bestowed often a lack of dirms upon the poor. In the beginning of his reign he built many noble mosques, and endowed many colleges and schools, which he erected in different cities of his dominions.