History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

Postby admin » Thu Oct 07, 2021 7:54 am

History of Classical Sanskrit Literature
by Kavyavinoda, Sahityaratnakara M. Krishnamachariar, M.A., M.I., Ph.D., Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of London (Of the Madras Judicial Service), Assisted by His Son M. Srinivasachariar, B.A., B.L., Advocate, Madras
1937

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Contents: [PDF HERE]

• Preface
• Table of Transliteration
• Introduction
• Abbreviations
• Bibliography
• Book I
o Chapter 1
 Section 1: Vedic Forms of Epics.
o Section 2: Ramayana
o Section 3: Mahabharata
o Section 4: Epics Compared
o Section 5: Puranas
o Section 6: Tantras
• BOOK II
o Chapter II: Kavya
o Chapters III-X: Mahakavya
o Chapter XI
 Section 1: Laghukavya
 Section 2: Niti
 Section 3: Stotra
o Chapter XII: Laghukavya (contd.)
o Chapter XIII: Sandesa
o Chapter XIV: Citrakavya
o Chapter XV: Subhasita
o Chapter XVI
 Section 1: Poetesses
 Section 2: Royal Poets
 Section 3: Unnamed Poets
o Chapter XVII: Desavrtta
• Book III
o Chapter XVIII
 Section 1: Kathanaka
 Section 2: Brhatkatha
 Section 3: Pancatantra
 Section 4: Other Tales
• Book IV
o Chapter XIX-XX: Gadyakavya
o Chapter XXI: Campu
• Book V
o Chapter XXII: Drsyakavya
• Book VI
o Chapter XXIII: Sahityasastra
o Chapter XXIV: Alankara
o Chapter XXV: Bharata
o Chapter XXVI: Santia
o Chapter XXVII: Kamasastra
o Chapter XXVIII: Chandoviciti
• Appendix: Extracts from Avantisundarikatha etc.
• Index
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

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PREFACE

Look at this dedication to Lord Sri Venkatesvara! That will remind you of the Glory and Purpose of His Manifestation in this world of sin and exalt you to the region of the blessed and the immortal. With a salutation to the great Sages Valmiki and Vyasa, the work begins and gives an elaborate account of Ramayana, Mahabharata and Puranas, with all their recensions, editions and commentaries. The vast expanse of Classical Sanskrit Literature has been arranged on the model of standard works on foreign literature. The main classes are three, Sravyakavya, Drsyakavya and Sahitya. First come the poems proper, of two classes, major and minor, (Sravyakavya) —, which is all verse, or all prose or mixed prose and verse with all their minor varieties, topical and ingenious. Secondly comes the drama (Drsyakavya) in all its technical ramifications and with all motifs temporal, spiritual and allegorical. Next is science of poetry (Sahitya) in its widest sense embracing rhetoric, dancing, music and erotics. To this is appended a chapter on Prosody or metrics (Chandas). All topics are introduced by an exposition of the rhetorical definitions and theorisations and treated from their traceable beginnings, which to some extent are traditional and theological, but I would not call them 'mythical' implying a stigma of falsity and fiction. As far as it was in my reach, all that has been said about any author or work anywhere in books, journals or papers has been entered in the references and this will help special studies. Dynasties of Kings that ruled in India in different parts and at different times have been fully honored by a collation of relevant notes, epigraphical and archaelogical, not merely because the kings were the fountains of literature, but many of them were themselves poets of celebrity. Works known and unknown, lost and extant, printed and imprinted, catalogued and uncatalogued, have all been mentioned and in many cases the stray places where they are still available in manuscript. Above all there is the quotation of gems of poetry of varying interest from amour and nature to devotion and renunciation, and these in themselves are an anthology of meritorious specimens of poetic thought and expression.

The Introduction deals with several topics of general interest allied to the study of Classical Sanskrit Literature, such for instance is the spiritual origin and aspect of language as envisaged in the Vedas and as elaborated by schools of Grammarians, the progress of structural and linguistic changes in the expression of the Sanskrit language, from Chandas to Bhasa, and the like, this will assist the study of Comparative Philology, of which "The Discovery of Sanskrit" is acknowledged to be the origin. Of foremost importance, there is the subject of Indian Chronology. India has its well written history and the Puranas exhibit that history and chronology. To the devout Hindu and to a Hindu who will strive to be honest in the literary and historical way, Puranas are not 'pious frauds.' In the hands of many Orientalists, India has lost (or has been cheated out of) a period of 10-12 centuries in its political and literary life, by the assumption of a faulty Synchronism of Candragupta Maurya and Sandrocottus of the Greek works and all that can be said against that "Anchor-Sheet of Indian Chronology" has been said in this Introduction. In the case of those early European Orientalists, very eminent and respectable in themselves, this thought of resemblance and historical synchronism was at least sincere, for it was very scanty material that they could work upon. But for their successors in that hierarchy who are mostly our "Professors of Indian History," that have given a longevity and a garb of truth to it by repetition, there is to my mind no excuse or expiation, if at all it be a confession of neglect and a recognition of India's glorious past in its entire truth.

The Index of Authors and Works (in Sanskrit) is followed by a small supplement (in English) on miscellaneous matters. The Index is not merely a means of reference and indication, but embodies corrections and additions, so as to act as what is usually expressed as "Errata et Corrigenda et Addenda." Many authors and works that could not be mentioned in the body of the work, because they came to be known too late, are entered there. The reader will therefore take the Index as part of the main work and not merely as an easy appendix to it. In all, the number of works and authors would be some thousands, arranged alphabetically on the plan of Stein's Index to Kashmir Catalogue and Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum. Recent and living authors have been, so far as I could get at, noticed, and this work, it is submitted with all humility, deals with the history of Classical Sanskrit Literature from the earliest times to the present day.

In the year 1906, I published a small book, History of Classical Sanskrit Literature. Being the first and only work of its comprehension, it was well received everywhere in our Universities and was quoted profusely in the publications of the Universities of the United States of America. I was often asked to reprint the book, but conscious of its inadequacy I did not do it, but in its stead I thought of a comprehensive work that would present at a glance the full vista of Sanskrit literary domain and that in the light of past historical researches. Even the ardent Pandit knows not the vast literature that has been lost or lies hidden in the libraries of India.

But what are your chances of using these libraries? Manuscripts and catalogues now out of print are all 'stored' in these receptacles. They may be there for years, unthought and untouched, save for changes of physical location. The pages may turn red, brown, blue and brittle, but they still lie uncut by the hand of any reader. The Guardian (Curator, Secretary, Librarian, call them as you please) will well watch these receptacles on their pedestals. The guardian will applaud your attempt at research and will promise to help it by a loan of books on your application, but he is "helpless" and must soon express his regret in reply as "rules are against loan." If you apply to a higher authority for relief, the paper runs through the regular channels to the same guardian, and on his report, after a lingering expectation, you get an order (a copy of the prior one) with a difference only in the preamble and the subscription. Libraries "are meant for visitors," but most of them do not look in, but look on, all the more so, if a museum or a house of curios is adjacent to the library. And these rare books are only rarely wanted and that by a incrusted antiquarian of my ilk. One that comes there does not need the book, one that is far away cannot get it. If you do go there, stealing a holiday, the key of a particular almirah where your wanted work is kept may be with the guardian who is away elsewhere. What then is a library for? It is not a Palace of Toys! Much of this tale was true of the Oriental Manuscripts Library of Madras. Some years ago, when I commenced the preparation of this work. I am not sure if at present the position is better. But I am aware that not many years ago, there was an indictment of the methods of this Library by His Holiness Sri Yatirajaswami in his preface to his edition of Srngaraprakasa. The expression of his chagrin, in language poetic, is well worth reading as a piece of excellent prose literature.

I wrote for information to libraries, I rarely had a reply, for some of these guardians have "no staff, no provision for paper or postage." If I asked for an extract from any manuscript — say the first and last few lines — some institutions demanded copying charges. I applied for a copy, the charges were exorbitant. For instance, for an indifferent copy in two quarter sheets of thirty-two anustubh verses (of 32 letters each) I was asked to pay about a rupee and postage. I paid and consoled myself by the thought that this fee went for the maintenance of a poor Pandit, and that it was in no way more rapacious than the fee charged recently by a Banker for giving an extract of a single line from a ledger, viz, Rs 5 for search, Rs 5 for copying the line, and Rs. 5 for adding a certificate that it was a 'true copy', and these charges are only made "according to rules." We have to get on 'under the rules', no one cares to look into these iniquities. Equally so was it with many Professors of Colleges. They would have no time to reply and the few that deigned to oblige after reminders had very little to say. To trace an author and his affairs, I had in many cases to correspond with several persons, and only perseverance did win it. If the post office could exempt my letters from postage, it would give a different aspect, but alas, not. It is under these auspices I began and progressed. But I cannot refrain from expressing that the acquisition of the material gathered in this book has been too costly for an equanimous retrospect and I shall not be far wrong to say that each author, save those few that are too well known, cost me on an average four annas. I have often felt that it is not an enterprise that a prudent householder should have embarked upon, but it was too late to think of the folly.

Amidst official work in judicial service, in places distant from metropolis, there was little leisure for a continuous study. A few days snatched at intervals during the recesses of summer and other holidays were rarely sufficient for visits of references to libraries scattered all over India. After all the work was ready — ready in bulk — about 8 years ago, it went to print. After a year, it was carried away in the current of an estate that vested in the Official Assignee. A request and a claim got it out of the muddle. The Press was sold. Delay there was, but the printing was resumed. I fell ill and I raved about this work and its contents, astonishing the doctor what it was all about, though I thought I was lecturing sensibly on Sanskrit Literature. There was again a change in the management and there was another lull. After sometime, the printing was taken up and slowly moved on. Once the manuscript of a whole chapter which was in the custody of a manager was lost — "said to be not sent at all" — but after all traced as 'mislaid', after I re-wrote much of it from scanty material gathered again from memory. If with all these mishaps and vicissitudes the work took 20 years and more, need I say that the suspense is enough to dole dismay to a chronic optimist which I presumed that I was.

In the preparation of the work, I have had the fullest sympathy from all Universities (except probably the University of Madras) and all Local Governments and the Governments of Indian States and the Government of Ceylon. They have been magnanimous and let me have their Sanskrit and other publications free as presents and that has well nigh contributed to the fullness of the notes, literary, epigraphical and archaelogical. To them I am ever thankful. To Sjt P. R. Rama Aiyar, the Proprietor of Messrs P. R. Rama Aiyar & Co., Booksellers, Madras, who with his selfless generosity first received this work in his Press for love of literary research, I express my first regard Due to tortuous ways divine, his Press changed hands, but blest was it, that it became the Press of Sri Venkatesvara Devasthanam, Tirupati. At the hands of His Holiness Sri Mahant Prayaga Dossjee Varu of Sri Hatheeramjee Mutt, Tirupati, then its Vicharanakartha, I received a kindly appreciation, he directed that the printing part of the work be done free in the Press, a work that has been meant to be dedicated to Sri Venkatesvara of Tirupati, at whose feet my family does humble hereditary service. When the management of the Devasthanam was assumed by the Committee appointed by the Local Legislature with its Commissioner, MR K. Sitarama Reddi, B.A., B.L., I was allowed to have the same concession with certain alterations. It is with this assistance and the particular interest which the present Commissioner, Mr. A Ranganatha Mudaliar, B.A., B.L., evinced in speeding up the printing, the work is now seeing its publication. To the Committee and the Commissioner, gratitude will ever be transcendent in my memory — all the more so because they are the custodians of the Wealth and Glory of Lord Venkatesvara.

Owing to pressure of Official duties and the anxiety to see the end of the publication, which has been by various causes often impeded during the last eight years, errors of print have crept in, but I slyly feel that the learned eye of my loving reader will easily skip through the [ENDS ABRUPTLY. SOMETHING MISSING HERE.]
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

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Part 1 of 5

INTRODUCTION

[x]

1. The sacred literature of India, inferior to none in variety or extent, is superior to many in nobility of thought, in sanctity of spirit and in generality of comprehension. In beauty or prolixity, it can vie with any other literature ancient and modern. Despite the various impediments to the steady development of the language, despite the successive disturbances, internal and external, which India had to encounter ever since the dawn of history, she has successfully held up to the world her archaic literary map, which meagre outline itself favourably compares with the literature of any other nation of the globe. The beginnings of her civilization are yet in obscurity. Relatively to any other language of the ancient world, the antiquity of Sanskrit has an unquestioned priority. "Yet such is the marvellous continuity" says Max Muller "between the past and the present of India, that in spite of repeated social convulsions, religious reforms and foreign invasions, Sanskrit may be said to be still the only language that is spoken over the whole extent of the vast country.1 [India, 78-9.] So says M. Winternitz,

"Sanskrit is not a 'dead' language even to day. There are still at the present day a number of Sanskrit periodicals in India, and topics of the day are discussed in Sanskrit pamphlets. Also, the Mahabharata is still today read aloud publicly. To this very day poetry is still composed and works written in Sanskrit, and it is the language in which Indian scholars converse upon scientific questions. Sanskrit at the least plays the same part in India still, as Latin in the Middle Ages in Europe, or as Hebrew with the Jews."2 [History of Indian Literature, I. 45.]


"No country except India and no language except the Sanskrit can boast of a possession so ancient or venerable. No nation except the Hindus can stand before the world with such a sacred heirloom in its possession, unapproachable in grandeur and infinitely above all in glory. The Vedas stand alone in their solitary splendour, serving as beacon of divine light for the onward march of humanity."1 [Hindu superiority, 180.]


The sciences of Comparative Pathology and Mythology owe their origin to what has been termed the "Discovery of Sanskrit." "The Sanskrit, the antiquity and extent of its literary documents, the transparency of its grammatical structure, the comparatively primitive state of ancient system and thorough grammatical treatment it has early received at the hands of native scholars, must ever secure the foremost place in the comparative study of Indo Aryan researches."

2. A Weber in his Indian Literature thus summed up his reason for asserting the antiquity of the Vedic Literature:

In the more ancient parts of the Rigveda-Samhita, we find the Indian race settled on the north-western borders of India, in the Punjab, and even beyond the Panjab, on the Kubha, or Kwpna, the Kabul. The gradual spread of the race from these seats towards the east, beyond the Sarasvati and over Hindustan as far as the Ganges, can be traced in the later portions of the Vedic writings almost step by step. The writings of the following period, that of the epic, consist of accounts of the internal conflicts among the conquerors of Hindustan themselves, as, for instance, the Mahabharata, or of the further spread of Brahmanism towards the south, as, for instance, the Ramayana. If we connect with this the first fairly accurate information about India which we have from a Greek source, viz., from Megasthenes, it becomes clear that at the time of this writer the Brahmanising of Hindustan was already completed, while at the time of the Periplus (see Lassen, I AK, 11 150, n, I St 11 192) the very southernmost point of the Dekhan had already become a seat of the worship of the wife of Siva. What a series of years, of centuries, must necessarily have elapsed before this boundless tract of country, inhabited by wild and vigorous tribes, could have been brought over to Brahmanism? And while the claims of the written records of Indian literature to a high antiquity— its beginnings may perhaps be traced back even to the time when the Indo-Aryans still dwelt together with the Persa-Aryans —are thus indisputably proved by external, geographical testimony, the internal evidence in the same direction, which may be gathered from their contents, is no less conclusive. In the songs of Rik, the robust spirit of the people gives expression to the feeling of its relation to nature, with a spontaneous freshness and simplicity, the powers of nature are worshipped as superior beings, and their kindly aid besought within their several spheres. Beginning with this nature-worship, which everywhere recognises only the individual phenomena of nature, and these in the first instance superhuman, we trace in Indian literature the progress of the Hindu people through almost all the phases of religious development through which the human mind generally has passed. The individual phenomena of nature, which at first impress the imagination as being superhuman, are gradually classified within their different spheres, and a certain unity is discovered among them. Thus we arrive at a number of divine beings, each exercising supreme sway within its particular province, whose influence is in course of time further extended to the corresponding events of human life, while at the same time they are endowed with human attributes and organs. The number — already considerable — of these natural deities, these regents of the powers of nature, is further increased by the addition of abstractions, taken from ethical relations, and to these as to the other deities' divine powers, personal existence and activity are ascribed. Into this multitude of divine figures, the spirit of inquiry seeks at a later stage to introduce order, by classifying and co-ordinating them according to their principal bearings. The principle followed in this distribution is, like the conception of the deities themselves, entirely borrowed from the contemplation of nature. We have the gods who act in the heavens, in the air, upon the earth, and of these the sun, the wind, and fire are recognized as the main representatives and rulers respectively. These three gradually obtain precedence over all the other gods, who are only looked upon as their creatures and servants. Strengthened by these classifications, speculation presses on and seeks to establish the relative position of these three deities, and to arrive at unity for the supreme Being. This is accomplished either speculatively, by actually assuming such a supreme and purely absolute Being, viz, "Brahman" (neut), to whom these three in their turn stand in the relation of creatures, of creatures, of servants only, or arbitrarily, according as one or other of the three is worshipped as the supreme god. The sun-god seems in the first instance to have been promoted to this honour? the Persa- Aryans at all events retained this standpoint, of course extending it still further, and in the older parts of the Brahmanas also — to which rather than to the Samhitas the Avesta is related in respect of age and contents— we find the sun-god here and there exalted far above the other deities (prasavita devanam). We also find ample traces of this in the forms of worship, which so often preserve relics of antiquity. Nay, as "Brahman" (masc), he has in theory retained this position, down even to the latest times, although in a very colourless manner. His colleagues, the air and fire gods, in consequence of their much more direct and sensible influence, by degrees obtained complete possession of the supreme power, though constantly in conflict with each other. Their worship has passed through a long series of different phases, and it is evidently the same which Megasthenes found in Hindustan, and which at the time of the Periplus had penetrated, though in a form already very corrupt, as far as the southernmost point of the Dekhan."


3. The Gods created Devavani:

[x]. Rg VIII 100-11.

[x]. Rg VIII 59-6.

Patanjali says in his Mahabhasya:

[x]
 
Vidyaranya adopts Patanjali's views in his Introduction to his commentary on Rg Veda and there in speaking of the importance of the study of Grammar, he says:

[x]

Dvijendranath Guha collects some other references:

[x]

4. Samskrta, or as now written, Sanskrit, is the language of the Gods, Girvanavani. In this language stand the ancient scriptures of Vedic and Puranic religion. The Vedic literature is the most ancient record of any people of the world and forms the source of the earliest history of the Indo-Aryan race, nay, mankind as a whole.

"The Veda has two-fold interest. It belongs to the history of the world and to the history of India. In the history of the world the Veda fills a gap which no literary work in any other languages could fill. It carries us back to times of which we have no records anywhere, and gives us the very words of a generation of men, of whom otherwise we could form but the vaguest estimate by means of conjectures and inferences. As long as man continues to take an interest in the history of his race, and as long as we collect in libraries and museums the relics of former ages, the first place in that long row of books which contains the records of the Aryan branch of mankind, will belong for ever to the Rig-veda. The world of the Veda is a world by itself, and its relation to all the rest of Sanskrit literature is such, that the Veda ought not to receive, but to throw light over the whole historical development of the Indian mind."

The literature of the Vedas is termed Sruti, meaning what has been heard, that is, what is not the work of man.

5. Vedas are eternal (nitya), beginningless (anadi) and not made by man (apauruseya), (2) they were destroyed in the deluge at the end of the last Kalpa, and (3) that at the beginning of the present Kalpa commencing with the Krta-yuga of this present Mahayuga, the Rishis,1 [Brhaddevata enumerates woman seers of the hymns: [x].] through tapas, re-produced in substance if not in form the ante-diluvian Vedas which they earned in their memory by the favour of God. This is another expression of the historical view of modern scholars, like Mr. Tilak. They state that the Vedic or Aryan religion can be proved to be interglacial, but its ultimate origin is still lost in geological antiquity, that the Aryan religion and culture were destroyed during the first glacial period that invaded the Arctic Aryan home, and that the Vedic hymns were sung in post-glacial times by poets, who had inherited the knowledge or contents therein of an unbroken tradition from their ante-diluvian fore-fathers.

On the commencement of Vedic era, opinions are at the opposite poles. Tradition takes it to a remote age of millions of years on the computation of yugas.

In his Arctic Home in the Vedas, B. G. Tilak divides the whole period from the commencement of the Postglacial era, corresponding to the beginning of our Krita Yuga of the present Mahayuga to the birth of Buddha in five parts —

"I: 10,000-8,000 B C —The destruction of the original Arctic home by the last Ice Age and the commencement of the post-glacial period.

II: 8,000-5,000 B C — The age of the migration from the original home. The survivors of the Aryan race roamed over the northern parts of Europe and Asia in search of lands suitable for new settlements. The Vernal Equinox was then in the constellation of Punarvasu, and as the Aditti is the presiding deity of Punarvasu, according to the terminology adopted by me in Orion, this may therefore, be called the Aditi or the Pre-Orion Period.

III: 5,000-3,000 B C— The Orion Period, when the Vernal Equinox was in Orion. Many Vedic Hymns can be traced to the early part of this period and the bards of the race seem to have not yet forgotten the real import or significance of the traditions of the Arctic Home inherited by them. It was at this time that the first attempts to reform the calendar and the sacrificial system appear to have been systematically made.

IV: 3,060-1,400 BC— The Ktittika Period, when the Vernal Equinox was in the Pleiddes. The Aitareya Samhita and the Brahmanas, which begin the series of Nakshatras with the Krittikas are evidently the productions of this period. The compilation of the hymns into Samhitas also appears to be a work of the early part of this period. The traditions about the Original Arctic home had grown dim by this time and very often misunderstood, making the Vedic hymns more unintelligible. The sacrificial system and the numerous details thereof found in the Brahmanas seem to have been developed during this time. It was at the end of this period that the Vedanga Jyotisha was originally composed or at any rate the position of the equinoxes mentioned therein observed and ascertained.

V: 1,400-500 BC— The Pre-Buddhistic Period, when the Sutras and the Philosophical system made their appearance."

6. "The atmosphere of England and Germany seems decidedly unpropitious to the recognition of this great Indian antiquity so stubbornly opposed to the Mosaic revelation and its Chronology dearly and piously cherished by these Western Orientalists. Strongly permeated with the Chronology of the Bible which places the creation of the Earth itself about 4,004 BC, European scholars cannot place the great separation of the Original Aryan races themselves earlier than 2,000 BC, and the first historical entry of the Hindu Aryas into the continent of India before 1,500 BC." Arthur A. Macdonell may be said to summarise the opinions of these Western Orientalists, when he says: ---

"History is the one weak spot in Indian literature. It is, in fact, non-existent. The total lack of the historical sense is so characteristic, that the whole course of Sanskrit literature is darkened by the shadow of this defect, suffering as it does from the entire absence of exact chronology ....Two causes seem to have combined to bring about this remarkable result. In the first place, early India wrote no history, because it never made any. The ancient Indians never went through a struggle for life, like Greeks in the Persian and the Romans in the Punic wars, such as would have welded their tribes into a nation, and developed political greatness. Secondly, the Brahmans, whose task it would naturally have been to record great deeds, had early embraced the doctrine that all action and existence are a positive evil, and could therefore have felt but little inclination to chronicle historical events. Such being the case, definite dates do not begin to appear in Indian literary history till about 500 AD. The chronology of the Vedic period is altogether conjectural, being based entirely on internal evidence. Three main literary strata can be clearly distinguished in it by differences in language and style, as well as in religious and social views. For the development of each of these strata a reasonable length of time must be allowed, but all we can here hope to do is to approximate to the truth by centuries. The lower limit of the second Vedic stratum cannot however be fixed later than 500 BC, because its latest doctrines are presupposed by Buddhism, and the date of the death of Buddha has been with a high degree of probability calculated, from the recorded dates of the various Buddhist councils, to be 480 BC. With regard to the commencement of the Vedic Age, there seems to have been a decided tendency amongst Sanskrit scholars to place it too high. 2,000 B C. is commonly represented as its starting point. Supposing this to be correct, the truly vast period of 1,500 years is required to account for a development of language and thought hardly greater than that between Homeric and the Attic age of Greece. Professor Max Muller's earlier estimate of 1,200 BC, forty years ago, appears to be much nearer the mark. A lapse of three centuries, say from 1,300-1,000 BC, would amply account for the difference between what is oldest and newest in Vedic hymn poetry. Considering that the affinity of the oldest from of the Avestan language with the dialect of the Vedas is already so great that, by mere application of phonetic laws, whole Avestan stanzas may be translated word for word into Vedic, so as to produce verses correct not only in form but in poetic spirit, considering further, that if we know the Avestan language, at as early a stage as we know the Vedic, the former would necessarily be almost identical with the latter, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that the Indian branch must have separated from the Iranian only a very short time before the beginnings of Vedic literature, and can therefore have hardly entered the North-West of India even as early as early as 1,500 BC. All previous estimates of the antiquity of the Vedic period have been outdone by the recent theory of Professor Jacobi of Bonn, who supposes that period goes back to at least 4,000 BC. This theory is based on astronomical calculations connected with a change in the beginning of the seasons, which Professor Jacobi thinks has taken place since the time of the Rigveda. The whole estimate is, however, invalidated by the assumption of a doubtful, and even improbable, meaning in a Vedic word, which forms the very starting point of the theory."


7. "The history of the Sanskrit literature divides itself into two great ages, Vaidika and Laukika — Sacred and Profane, — Scriptural and Classical. The Mahabharata War is the dividing line between the two. The Vedic Age may again be divided into several distinct periods, each of which for length of years may well compare with that of the entire history of many an ancient nation, (1) Chandas Period, (2) Samhita Period, (3) Brahmana Period, (4) Aranyaka Period and (5) Upanisad Period. Each of these periods has a distinct literature of its own, vast in its extent, and varied in its civilisation, each giving rise to the subsequent period under the operation of great social, political and religious causes, and the philosophical historian of human civilisation need not be a Hindu to think that the Ancient Aryas of India, have preserved the fullest, the clearest and the truest materials for his work."

8. "There are four Vedas, Rik ([x]), Yajur ([x]), Sama (a[x]) and Atharvana ([x]) and each Veda has Samhita (mantra) Brahmana, Sutra and Upanisad. The first three Vedas are called together as Trayi and they are called in Brahmanas also by the name ricas, Samani and Yajumsi, or Bhahvrcas, Chandogas and Adhvaryus. The Sutras apply the term chandas to the Samhitas. Panini uses the terms chandas and Bhasa to distinguish Vedic and non-Vedic literature. Yajurveda has two Samhitas called Sukla and Krsna, or Vajasaneya and Taittiriya."

"The Samhita of the Rk is purely a lyrical collection, forming the immediate source of the other three. The next two are made up of verses and ritual formulae, meant to be recited at sacrifices. The Atharva Samhita resembles the Rik in that it forms a store of songs, devoted to sacrifices mostly in connection with incantations and magical charms."

9. The Brahmanic period comprehends "the first establishment of the three-fold ceremonial, the composition of the individual Brahmanas and the formation of the Charanas. They connect the sacrificial songs and formulas with the sacrificial rite by pointing out on the one hand their direct relation, and on the other their symbolical connection with each other. Their general nature is marked by masterly grandiloquence, and antiquarian sincerity. Though in the words of Prof. Eggeling, these works deserve to be studied as a physician studies the twaddle of idiots or the raving of mad men, they lack not striking thoughts, bold expression and logical reasoning. The Brahmanas of the Rik generally refer to the duties of the Hotr, of the Saman to those of Udgatr, of the Yajus, to the actual performance of the sacrifice. They are valuable to us as the earliest records of Sanskrit prose."

10. "The Sutra literature forms a connecting link between the Vedic and the classical Sanskrit. 'Sutra' means a 'string' and compatibly with this sense, all works of this style are nothing but one uninterrupted chain of short sentences linked together in a most concise form.

Sutras represented a scientific expression of the tradition and discussion recounted in Brahmanas. They systematised the source of the rituals and so far as Kalpasutras or Srautasutras go, they relate strictly to sruti or the Vedas .To these sutras have been added Grhyasutras or those that regulate domestic rites. They are partly based on srutis and partly on smrtis (unrevealed literature). Sutras have been the consequence of a national need for concise guide-books for ceremonial, and represented a 'codification of case-law' in the sphere of sacrifices and ceremonials.1 [It might be seen that the usefulness of this species of composition was so much appreciated that in every branch of learning sutras came to be composed and indeed are said to be the most ancient form of the sciences.]

11. Upanisads2 [The authority of compositions like Upanishads has come to be respected to such an extent that in later times, several of that name were brought into being very often sectarian in their tenor. We have '108 Upanishads' and if not more on various topics, for instance, Garbhopanisad on embryology and Manmathopanisad on erotics.] are expressions of philosophical concepts. They embody the beginnings and progress of esoteric ideas, which had to a large extent been mentioned in Aranyakas, writings supplementary to Brahmanas.

12. A. Weber sums up the direct data attesting the posteriority of the Classical Period thus: —

(i) Its opening phases everywhere presuppose the Vedic period as entirely closed, its oldest portions are regularly based on the Vedic literature, the relations of life have now all arrived at a stage of development of which in the first period we can only trace the germs and the beginning.

The distinction between the periods is also by changes in language and subject-matter.

First, as regards language: —

1. The special characteristics in the second period are so significant, that it appropriately furnishes the name for the period, whereas the Vedic period receives its designation from the works composing it.

2. Among the various dialects of the different Indo-Aryan tribes, a greater unity had been established after their emigration into India, as the natural result of their intermingling in their new home. The grammatical study of the Vedas fixed the frame of the language so that the generally recognised Bhasha had arisen. The estrangement of the civic language from that of the mass accelerated by the assimilation of the aboriginal races resulted in the formation of the popular dialects, the prakrits — proceeding from the original Bhasha by the assimilation of consonants and by the curtailment or loss of termination.

3. The phonetic condition of Sanskrit remains almost exactly the same as that of the earliest Vedic. In the matter of grammatical forms, the language shows itself almost stationary. Hardly any new formations  or inflexions make their appearance yet. The most notable of these grammatical changes were the disappearance of the subjunctive mood and the reduction of a dozen infinitives to a single one. In declension the change consisted chiefly in the dropping of a number of synonymous forms.

4. The vocabulary of the language has undergone the greatest modifications. It has been extended by derivation and composition according to recognised types. Numerous words though old seem to be new, because they happen by accident not to occur in the Vedic literature. Many new words have come in through continental borrowings from a lower stratum of language, while already existing words have undergone great changes of meaning.

Secondly, as regards the subject-matter: —

1. The Vedic literature handles its various subjects only in their details and almost solely in their relation to sacrifice, whereas the classical discusses them in their general relations.

2. In the former a simple and compact prose had gradually been developed, but in the latter this form is abandoned and a rhythmic one adopted in its stead, which was employed exclusively even for strictly scientific exposition.

"That difference of metre should form a broad line of demarcation between the periods of literature is not at all without analogy in the literary history of other nations, particularly in other times. If once a new form of metre begins to grow popular by the influence of a poet who succeeds in collecting a school of other poets around him, this new mode of utterance is very apt to supersede the other more ancient forms altogether. People become accustomed to the new rhythm sometimes to such a degree, that they lost entirely the taste for their old poetry on account of its obsolete measure. No poet, therefore, who writes for the people, would think of employing those old fashioned metres, and we find that early popular poems have had to be transfused into modern verse in order to make them generally readable once more.

Now it seems that the regular and continuous Anushtubh sloka is a metre unknown during the Vedic age, and every work written in it may at once be put down as post-Vedic. It is no valid objection that this epic sloka occurs also in Vedic hymns, that Anushtubh verses are frequently quoted in the Brahmanas, and that in some of the Sutras the Anushtubh-sloka occurs intermixed with Tnshtubhs, and is used for the purpose of recapitulating what had been explained before in prose. For it is only the uniform employment of that metre which constitutes the characteristic mark of a new period of literature.1 [Muir's Critical History, III., c. 1.]

13. "The languages of the world have been divided into three families, the Aryan or Indo-European, the Semitic and the Turanian. The first comprises the Indian branch, consisting of Sanskrit, Pali and the Prakrits, and the modern vernaculars of Northern India and Ceylon, the Iranic branch consisting of Zend, the sacred language of the Parsis, the Pehlevi and the other cognate dialects, the Hellenic or the Greek branch, comprising the languages of Ancient Greece and its modern representatives, the Italic branch, consisting of the Latin and cognate ancient languages of Italy and the dialects derived from Latin, the Italian, the French and the old Provencal, the Spanish, the Portuguese, and the Wallachian, the Keltic or the language of those Kelts or Gauls that so often figure in Roman History, and distinguished into two varieties, the Kymric, now spoken in Wales and in the Province of Brittany in France, and the Gaelic, spoken in the Isle of Man, the Highlands of Scotland, and Ireland, the Lithunian and Slavonic, comprising the languages of Lithunia, Russia, Bulgaria, and of the Slavonic races generally, and the Teutonic branch, consisting of the Scandinavian group, i.e., the languages of Sweden, Norway, Iceland, and Denmark, of the High German i.e., the old and the present language of Germany, and of the Low German, which comprised the old Anglo-Saxon and the other languages spoken on the coasts of Germany, the modern representatives of which are the English, and the dialects spoken in Holland, Friesland, and the North of Germany. The second family comprises the Hebrew, the Arabic, the Chaldee, the Syriac, the Carthaginian, and the cognate and derived languages, and the third, the Turkish and the languages of the Mongolian tribes. To this last family the dialects spoken in Southern India are also to be inferred. The Zend approaches Sanskrit the most, but the affinities of this latter with Greek and Latin are also very striking, and such as to convince even a determined sceptic Sanskrit has preserved a greater number of ancient forms than any of these languages, hence it is indispensable for purposes of comparative philology."

14. "India may justly claim to be the original home of scientific philology. In one of the most ancient Sanskrit books, the Samhita of of the Black Yajurveda, there are distinct indications of the dawn of linguistic study.1 [[x]. Speech was once inarticulate and undistinguished (into its parts). Then the gods said to Indra, 'Distinguish our speech into parts.' He said, I will ask a gift of you, let Soma be poured into one cup for me and Vayu together.' Hence Soma is poured into one cup for Indra and Vayu together. Then Indra going into its midst distinguished it. Hence distinct speech is now spoken. Tait Smh, VI 4, 7.] The Brahmanas of the Vedas which rank next to the Samhitas, and even the Taittiriya Samhita itself, the composition of which differs in no particular from its Brahmana, are all full of etymological explanations of words, though often they are fanciful.2 [The Ait Brahm gives the etymology of [x] (III 9), of [x] (III 28), of [x] (VII 13), the Tait Samh., of [x] (I 5,1), of [x] (II 4, 12 and II 5, 2 tha Tait. Brahm. of [x] (I. 1,5), of [x] (II 7, 18), &c. &c.] One Acharya followed another, and they all carefully observed the facts of their language, and laid down the laws they could discover. They studied and compared the significations and forms of words, observed what was common to them, separated the constant element from that which was variable, noticed the several changes that words undergo in different circumstances, and by such a process of philological analysis completed a system of grammar and etymology In the Nirukta, Yaska, whose exact, date we do not know, but who must have flourished several centuries before Christ, lays down correct principles of the derivation of words. The last of the grammarian Acharyas were Panini, Katyayana, and Patanjali. The Prakrit dialects which sprang from Sanskrit were next made the subject of observation and analysis. The laws of phonetic change or decay in accordance with which Sanskrit words became Prakrit were discovered and laid down. The Sanskrit and non-Sanskrit elements in those languages were distinguished from each other. This branch of philology also was worked up by a number of men, though the writings of one or two only have come down to us.

In this condition Sanskrit philology passed into the hands of Europeans. The discovery of Sanskrit and the Indian grammatical system at the close of the last century led to a total revolution in the philological ideas of Europeans. But several circumstances had about this time prepared Europe for independent thought in philology, and Sanskrit supplied the principles upon which it should be conducted, and determined the current in which it should run. The languages of Europe, ancient and modern, were compared with Sanskrit and with each other. This led to comparative philology and the classification of languages, and a comparison of the words and forms in the different languages led scholars into the secrets of the growth of human speech, and the science of language was added to the test of existing branches of knowledge."1 [R. G. Bhandarkar, Lectures on Development of Language of Sanskrit, Bombay.]

It has been said by eminent writers that at one time sanskrit was the one language spoken all over the world. "Sanskrit is the mother of Greek, Latin and German languages and it has no other relation to them," that "sanskrit is the original source of all the European languages of the present days," and that "in point of fact the Zend is derived from the sanskrit."2 [Hindu Superiority, 172 3, A Dubois' Bible in India, Max Muller's Science of Language, I 225-6 note, Dvijendranath Guha's, Devabhasha, JSSP, XVIII. 150.]

15. Tradition traces the beginnings of the sanskrit language to the fourteen aphorisms or Mahesvara sutras. They are [x] onwards to [x]. These sounds, vowel and consonant, emanated from the sound of Siva's damaru (drum) at the time of his dance. To these letters and sounds is attached a mystic significance and Nandikesvara has explained their import with all solemnity. As the Kankas of Nandikesvara are rare, they are printed here.3 [They are printed with, the commentary of Upamanyu, in the Nirnayasagara Edn, of Mahabbasya, p 132.]

1. [x]

2. [x]

3. [x]

4. [x]

5. [x]

6. [x]

7. [x]

8. [x]

9. [x]

10. [x]

11. [x]

12. [x]

13. [x]

14. [x]

15. [x]

16. [x]

17. [x]

18. [x]

19. [x]

20. [x]

21. [x]

22. [x]

23. [x]

24. [x]

25. [x]

26. [x]

27. [x]

16. "The literature of Sanskrit presents, as ordinarily considered, two varieties of the language, but a third may also, as I shall presently endeavour to show, be clearly distinguished. Of these the most ancient is that found in the hymns of the Rigveda Samhita. These were composed at different times and by different Rishis, and were transmitted from father to son in certain families. Thus the third of the ten collections, which make up the Samhita, bears the name of Visvamitra, and the hymns contained in it were composed by the great patriarch and his descendants. The seventh is ascribed to Vasishtha and his family. The composition of these hymns therefore extended over a long period, the language is not the same throughout, and while sometimes they present a variety so close to the later Sanskrit that there is little difficulty in understanding them, the style of others is so antiquated that they defy all efforts at interpretation, and their sense was not understood even by the Rishis who flourished in the very next literary period, that of the Brahmanas. Still for our purposes we may neglect these differences and consider the Vedic variety of Sanskrit as one."

17. The history of Sanskrit affords considerable scope for a study of the growth of language. It presents distinct varieties of speech which are linked together exactly as Modern English is with the Anglo-Saxon. The most ancient form is that composing the text of the Rig Veda Samhita. Consisting of ten books, it was the work of different rishis, preserved by oral tradition in their families. Despite the minute distinctions in the language of the Rik Samhita, we may for all practical purposes treat the Vedic variety of Sanskrit as a compact dialect. Prominently, this dialect presents some peculiarities of form and usage, which may thus be summed up:

(i) The nominative plural of noun ending in [x] is [x] as well as [x] as [x] or [x], the instrumental being [x] or [x]/

(ii) The nominative and the vocative dual and plural of nouns in [x] not rarely end in [x] as [x].

(iii) The instrumental singular of feminine nouns in [x] is occassionally  formed by lengthening the vowel as [x] and [x].

(iv) The locative singular termination is often elided as [x].

(v) The accusative of nouns in [[x] are formed by ordinary rules of euphonic combination as [x] or [x], and the instrumental by affixing [x] or [x] or [x] as [x] or [x].

(vi) The dative of the personal pronouns ends in [x] as [x] or [x].

(vii) The parasmaipada first person plural termination is [x] as [x], and of the third person plural is [x] or [x] as [x] or [x].

(viii) The [x] of the atmanepada termination is often dropped as [x], and instead of [x] there is [x], as [x].

(ix) In the place of the imperative second person plural, there are [x], [x], [x] and [x] as [x], [x], [x] and [x].

(x) Eight different forms of the mood [x], signifying condition, are everywhere abundant as [x].

(xi) Roots are not restricted to particular conjugations and at the caprice of the Rishi the same comes to more than one class.

(xii) The infinitive suffixes are [x], [x], [x], [x] and [x] as [x], [x], [x], [x] and [x], the accusatives of some nouns are treated as infinitives governed by [x], as [x], the terminations [x] and [x] occur when combined with [x] as [x], or [x], the potential participles are denoted by the suffixes [x], [x], [x] and [x] as [x], [x], [x] and [x], the indeclinable past ends in [x] as [x], some forms as [x] are also met with.

(xiii) A variety of verbal derivatives as [x] (hanasome), [x] (life) and [x] (product) are frequent.

(xiv) A large number of words which have become obsolete or lost their significance in later Sanskrit are everywhere abundant as [x], [x] and [x].

These peculiarities have been noted as the most frequent and the most salient, but many others are mentioned by Panini. T he Vedic dialect is the first record of the Sanskrit tongue, from which by processes of phonetic decay and natural elision the later language has been perfected.

Here is a specimen of Vedic Sanskrit: —

[x]

"These eight verses contain 72 different padas or grammatical forms, not counting the prepositions as separate padas. Of these, 19 have become altogether obsolete in classical Sanskrit, and 12 have changed their significations."

18. The Brahmanas of the Rk and the Yajus present the second stage in the development. Many of the peculiar words have become obsolete, and the declensions have mostly approached the classical grammar. The roots have no indiscriminate conjugation. The subjunctive is almost gone out of use. The indeclinable past and the gerundial infinitive end in [x] and [x], verbal forms of all moods and tenses are seen in abundance. Still there are the touches of the vedic relationship and archaisms are not rare: —

(i) Some feminine nouns have common forms for the dative and the genitive, as [x],

(ii) The [x] of the third person is often dropped as before, as [x],

(iii) Some of the aorist forms do not follow the rules of Panini, as [x],

(iv) Some antiquated words occur as [x] (a shaft) [x] (reference, [x] (prosperous).

The Aitereya Brahmana quotes some gathas which are obviously more archaic than the rest of the work. Notwithstanding these irregularities, the Brahmanas are "the best representatives extant of the verbal portion of that language of which Panini writes the grammar, though he did not mean these when he spoke of the bhasha." The gradual and perhaps rapid progress in the symmetry and simplicity of the language had still to be accelerated by the work of later authors, and their writings furnish an ample illustration of the next stage of linguistic development.

19. Yaska's Nirukta forms the intermediate link between the Vedic and the non-Vedic literature. It is not devoid of archaic expression, for we meet with such phrases as '[x]' (unable to teach) and '[x]' (invested with sovereignty). But we have no clue to the dawn of a change of style from simplicity to complexity. To the same period in the history of Sanskrit belongs Panini. His Astadhyayi is based on the grammar of the bhasa. No language has survived to us that literally represents Panini's standard of dialect. Perhaps the later Brahmanas are the only best representatives. At any rate there is no portion of the existing Sanskrit literature that accurately represents Panini's Sanskrit, as regards the verbs and the nominal derivatives. Probably his grammar had for its basis the vernacular language of his day. Yaska and Panini stand to us the authorities on record of that form of the language which immediately followed the purely Vedic stage.

20. Times had advanced, and with it the language Panini's bhasa could no longer stand stationary. The operation of the concurrent causes of linguistic progress had by the days of Katyayana and Patanjali modified Panini's denotation and introduced new changes in the grammar of the language or in the scope of the aphorisms. Katyayana's Vartikas and Patanjali's Mahabhasya are devoted to the proper interpretation of the surtas and to the apt introduction of the missing links. If to Katyayana's eyes 10,000 inaccuracies are discernible in Panini, the only explanation must be that to Panini they were not inaccuracies, but by Katyayana's time the language had progressed and necessitated a fresh appendix or erratum in Panini's grammatical treatise. The period of intervention must have been sufficiently long to allow old grammatical forms to become obsolete and even incorrect and words and their meanings to become antiquated and even ununderstandable.

21. Patanjali discusses the change and progress of the language, in the sastraic form of a dialogue between an objector and a mover thus:

[x] [Mahabhasya, (Nirnayasagara Edition), Vol. I, pages 62-65.]

Purv [x]: There exist (some) words which are not used, for instance, [x], [x], [x], [x]. (These are forms of the second person plural of the Perfect.)

The Siddhatin, or the principal teacher, who advocates the doctrine that is finally laid down asks: —

Sid: What if they are not used?

Purv: You determine the grammatical correctness of words from their being used. Those then that are not now used are not grammatically correct.

Sid: What you say is, in the first place, inconsistent, viz, that words exist which are not used. If they exist they cannot be not used, if not used, they cannot exist. To say that they exist and are not used is inconsistent. You yourself use them (utter them) and say (in the very breath) there are words which are not used. What other worthy like yourself would you have to use them in order that they might be considered correct? (lit. What other person like yourself is correct or is an authority in the use of words).

Purv: This is not inconsistent. I say they exist, since those who know the Sastra teach their formation by [laying down] rules, and I say they are not used, because they are not used by people. Now with regard to [your remark]. What other worthy, &c" [when I say they are not used] I do not mean that they are not used by me.

Sid: What then?

Purv: Not used by people.

Sid: Verily, you also are one amongst the people.

Purv: Yes, I am one, but am not the people.

Sid (Vart [x]). If you object that they are not used, it will not do (the objection is not valid).

Purv: Why no?

Sid: Because words are used to designate things. The things do exist which these words are used to designate. (Therefore the words must be used by somebody. If the things exist, the words that denote them must exist).

Purv: (Vart [x]. (It does not follow). Their non-use is what one can reasonably infer.

Sid: Why?

Purv: Because they (people) use other words to designate the things expressed by these words, for instance, [x] in the sense of [x], [x] the sense of [x], [x] in the sense of [x], [x] in the sense of [x].(We here see participles had come to be used for verbs of the Perfect Tense).

Sid (Vart [x]). Even if these words are not used, they should be essentially taught by rules (just as long sacrificial sessions are. It is in this way. Long sacrificial sessions are such as last for a hundred years and for a thousand years. In modern times none whatever holds them, but the writers on sacrifices teach them by rules, simply because [to learn] what has been handed down by tradition from the Rishis is religiously meritorious. And moreover (Vart [x]), all these words are used in other places.

Purv: They are not found used.

Sid: An endeavour should be made to find them. Wide indeed is the range over which words are used, the earth with its seven continents, the three worlds, the four Vedas with their angas or dependent treatises and the mystic portions, in their various recensions, the one hundred branches of the Adhvaryu (Yajur-Veda), the Sama-Veda with its thousand modes, the Bahvuchya with its twenty-one varieties, and the Atharvana Veda with nine, Vakovakya, Epics, the Puranas, and Medicine. This is the extent over which words are used. Without searching this extent of the use of words, to say that words are not used is simple rashness. In this wide extent of the use of words, certain words appear restricted to certain senses in certain places. Thus, [x] is used in the sense of motion among the Kambojas, the Aryas use it in the derived from of [x], [x] is used among the Surashtras, [x] among the eastern and central people, but the Aryas use only [x], [x] is used in the sense of 'cutting' among the easterns [x] among the northerners. And those words which you think are not used are also seen used.

Purv: Where?

Sid: In the Veda. Thus, [x].

["We here see that the objector says that certain words or forms are not used by people, and therefore they should not be taught or learnt. The instances that he gives are forms of the perfect to some roots and observes that the sense of these forms is expressed by using other words which are perfect participles of these roots. These statements are not denied by the Siddhanti, but he does not allow that the forms should not be taught on that account. Though not used, they should be taught and learnt for the sake of the religious merit consequent thereon, just as the ceremonial of long sacrificial sessions, which are never held, is. Then the objector is told that though not used by people, the words may be current in some other country, continent, or word, or they must have been used somewhere in the vast literature of the language. As regards the particular instances, two of them are shown to be used in the Vedas. It thus follows that in the time of Katyayana and Patanjali, such verbal forms had become obsolete, and participles were used in their place. But it must have been far otherwise in the time of Panini. He gives minute rules for constructing the innumerable forms of the Sanskrit verb."]

22. A few of those prominent changes are given below —

(i) Panini in a special rule says that [x] has [x] for its neuter in the Vedas. Obviously he intended to exhaust the list. Katyayana has to add [x] to it.

(ii) Panini, when he says [x]. [x] would imply that each form has no other sense than that of a bird, but Katyayana adds that both the forms are optional in the sense of 'birds,' while in any other sense they represent separate words.

(iii) The vocative singular of neuter nouns ending in [x] such as [x] is according to Panini [x], but Katyayana would add an optional [x].

(iv) Some feminine formations are not noticed by Panini, which Katyayana Is forced to allow, as [x] and [x].

(v) The word [x] is rendered as [x] by Panini; Katyayana substitutes for it [x].

(vi) The words and meanings of words employed by Katyayana are such as we meet with in the classical period and his expressions would not invite any special attention. This cannot be said of Panini. Many of his words are antiquated in the later language as [x] (desire) [x] (bargain), [x] (priest).
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

Postby admin » Thu Oct 07, 2021 8:02 am

Part 2 of 5

"In Panini's time a good many words and expressions were current which afterwards became obsolete, verbal forms were commonly used which ceased to be used in Katyayana's time, and some grammatical forms were developed in the time of the latter which did not exist in Panini's. Panini's Sanskrit must, therefore, be identified with that which preceded the Epics, and he must be referred to the literary period between the Brahmanas and Yaska. Hence it is that the Brahmanas, as observed before, are the best existing representatives of the language of which Panini writes the grammar. Katyayana on other hand wrote when the language arrived at that stage which we have called classical. Thus, then, we have been able to trace three distinct periods in the development of Sanskrit. First, we have the Vedic period, to which the Rigveda Samhita, the Mantra portion of the Yajurveda, and the more antiquated part of the Atharva-Samhita are to be referred. Then commences another period, at the threshold of which we find the Brahmanas, which, so to say, look backwards to the preceding, that is, present the vedic language in the last stage of its progress towards Panini's Bhasha, and, later on, we have Yaska and Panini. This may be called the period of Middle Sanskrit, And last of all, there is the classical period to which belong the Epics, earliest specimens of Kavyas and dramatic plays, the metrical Smritis, and the grammatical work of Katyayana. Panini's work contains the grammar of Middle Sanskrit, while Katyayana's that of classical Sanskrit, though he gives his sanction to the archaic forms on the principle, as he himself has stated, on which the authors of the sacrificial Sutras teach the ritual of long sacrificial sessions, though they had ceased to be held in their time. Patanjali gives but few forms which differ from Katyayana's and in no way do they indicate a different stage in the growth of the language; hence his work is to be referred to the same period. The form which the language assumed at this time became the standard for later writers to follow, and Katyayana and Patanjali are now the generally acknowledged authorities on all points concerning the correctness of Sanskrit speech. We shall hereafter see that the last two stages have left distinct traces on the Prakrits or the derived languages.

Professor Goldstucker has shown from an examination of the Vartikas, that certain grammatical forms are not noticed by Panini, but are taught by Katyayana and concludes that they did not exist in the language in Panini's time. I have followed up the argument in my lectures 'On the Sanskrit and Prakrit languages,' and given from the Vartikas several ordinary instances of such forms. From these one of two conclusions only is possible, viz., either that Panini was a very careless and ignorant grammarian, or that the forms did not exist in the language in his time. The first is of course inadmissible, wherefore the second must be accepted. I have also shown from a passage in the introduction to Patanjali's Mahabhashya, that verbal forms such as those of the Perfect which are taught by Panini as found in the Bhasha or current language, not the Chhandasa or obsolete language, had gone out of use in the time of Katyayana and Patanjali, and participles had come to be used instead. Professor Goldstucker has also given a list of words used by Panini in his sutras in a sense which became obsolete in the time of Katyayana, and shown what portion of Sanskrit literature did not probably exist in Panini's time but was known to Katyayana, and in one case comes to the not unjustifiable conclusion that the time that had elapsed between Panini and Katyayana was so great that certain literary words which either did not exist in Panini's time or were not old to him came to be considered by Katyayana to be as old as those which were old to Panini. Again, according to Panini's rules the Aorist expresses (1) past time generally, or the simple completion of an action, (2) the past time of this day and not previous to this day and (3) recent past time, and thus resembles in every respect the English Present Perfect. But in the later language the distinction between that tense and the other two past tenses is set aside and the Aorist is used exactly like these. Now, the language of the verses ascribed to Panini and generally the language of what Professor Max Muller calls the Renaissance period is grammatically the same as that of Katyayana and Patanjali, and is the language of participles instead of verbs, and even from theirs it differs in making extensive use of compounds and neglecting the distinction between the Aorist and the other past tenses. The Sanskrit of Panini's time is more archaic than that of Katyayana's time, and Panini's rules are nowhere more scrupulously observed than in such an ancient work as the Aitareya Brahmana. The many forms and expressions which he teaches, and which must have existed in language are nowhere found in the later literature, while specimens of them are to be seen in that Brahmana and like works. Between therefore the archaic language of the sutras and the language which Panini calls Bhasha and of which he teaches the grammar, on the one hand, and the language of the Renaissance period on the other is such a wide difference that no one will ever think of attributing a work written in the style and language of this period to the Great Grammarian. As Yaska and Panini to the same period of Sanskrit literature the style and manner of a work written by Panini the grammarian, must resemble those of the Nirukta, but in the few verses attributed to Panini there is no such resemblance whatever. Should the entire work be discovered and found as a whole to be written in an archaic style, there will be time enough to consider its claim on behalf of these artificial verses."1 [R. G. Bhandarkar, Date of Patanjali.]

23. "The earliest Sanskrit Alphabet was possibly made up of five semi-vowels, five nasals, five soft and five hard aspirates, in all twenty consonants. The twenty sounds found in the aphors [x], [x], [x], [x], [x], [x], are the oldest, the final consonants being of course later additions. As no consonants can be pronounced without a vowel, the sound of a, au or o, according to the idiosyncrasies of the several tribes, came to be unconsciously blended with it. The aphors [x] and [x] belong to a subsequent age, the four consonants in them being more or less connected in origin with jh-z. In course of time the aspirates produced the unaspirates, and the aphors [x] and [x], were added, the three consonants [x] being placed before [x]. The order in which the vowels a, i, u, o, l are arranged is the same with that of the semi-vowels h, y, v, r, l, thus raising a suspicion that the correspondence between the 5 vowels and the 5 semi-vowels was not quite unknown in the age of the composition of the vowel-aphors. There is again a suspicion, that the vowels e and o, which have a separate aphor [x]assigned to them, were originally monophs, not diphs, the only diphs known in this age were ai and au formed of a+i and a+u respectively. These four aphors thus belong to an age, when 9 vowels in all, 7 monophs and 2 diphs, were recognised. Were the seven monophs pronounced short or long? Their traditional pronunciation is no doubt short, but in an age not accustomed to the distinction between short and long, the pronunciation was possibly also long, at least among some of the tribes.

Did Panini recognise the vowel [x]in the aphor [x]? or did the aphor in his age contain only [x]? The aphors [x] and [x] contain only one letter each, and it may be held, that like them the aphor [x] also contained only one letter, namely [x]. There is only one root, viz, [x], containing the vowel [x].But Panani does not recognise the root as [x], according to him ([x]-18, 2 VIII), the root is [x] and [x] is formed from [x] by changing the sound of [x] in it to [x]. Panini, thus deriving [x] from [x] recognises no [x] in the aphor [x]. The grammatical tradition is therefore quite correct in not ascribing the authorship of the alpha- aphors to him. The fourteen aphors are thus the product of a pre-Panini age, these aphors describe a dialect which possessed only seven short monophs and two diphs, and which had, besides, no lack of words containing the vowel [x] and the semi-vowel [x] in them. The sound of the semi-vowel possibly resembled that of ayin in Arab and Hob, and as such must have had a distinct sign assigned to it, though now irrecoverably lost. The age of Panini is thus conspicuous by the loss of the sign of the semi-vowel h, and by the scarcity of the vowel [x], the former event having led to the confounding of the semi-vowel h with the spir h, while the latter led to the non-recognition of the vowel [x]. The age of the composition of the Fourteen Alpha-aphors, recognising the seven short monophs, two dipths and the semi-vowel [x], may be called Pre-Panini Age I.

The age of Panini will be found conspicuous not only by the loss of one short vowel [x], but of three more short vowels, [x], [x], and [x]. [x] may claim at least a few words, while the semi-vowel [x] has not been ousted from the premier place, though no words have been preserved for it to claim. But the short vowels [x], [x] and [x], to use a scientific expression, have evaporated without residue. Sakatayana knew two ys and two vs, the one light and the other heavy. Panini makes mention of Sakatayana having known them, but as to whether any distinction was made between them, when he (Panini) lived, absolutely nothing is known. This age of short [x] and of the two-fold [x] and [x] may be called the Pre-Panini Age II."1 [R. R. Bhagwat, Lectures on Sanskrit's Language, Bombay.]

24. Samskrta. Here then the Samsknt language had assumed a shape true to its name Samskrta. The later epics, poems and dramas do not show any progress in the grammar, structure and signification of the language, though as regards style, they class themselves into an isolated species of literary composition. For all practical purposes, the language as perfected by the work of Katyayana and Patanjali has been the standard of later literature, and these are now the acknowledged authorities on all points concerning the grammar or construction of the Sanskrit speech.

[x]

25. "The earliest literature presents a fluent and simple style of composition. The sentences are short and verbal forms are abundant. Attributive and nominal expressions do not find a place therein. This construction is facilitated by a succession of concise ideas, which gives it a sort of simple grace and fine-cut structure. This then is the form of the Brahmana language. It lacks not striking thoughts, bold expression and impressive reasoning. Leaving out of account the unnatural appearance of the sutra style — which was not however a literary composition— we come to Yaska and his Nirukta. Scientific as it is, the language of Yaska often reminds us of the earlier writings. The frequency of verbal forms was current during the time of Panini. It was after the epoch of the Ashtadhyayi that a change had come over literary styles. Attributes attached greater attention and compounds could alone compress long dependent sentences into the needed form. 'In argument the ablative of an abstract noun saves a long periphrasis.' The minute rules of Panini for constructing the innumerable verbal forms facilitated this mania for conciseness of expression. Thus the fluent or simple style came gradually to be displaced by the formative or attributive style. To this was added the richness and flexibility of the sanskrit language itself, which allowed any sort of twisting and punning of the literary vocabulary. The Puranas and the Itihasas were composed at the transitional stage in the history of literary styles. They present at the same time the simplicity of the earlier language and the complexity of the later composition. So do the earliest specimens of poetic and dramatic literature. Hence the natural and not improbable conclusion is that if an author shows an easy and elegant style and if the flow of his language is more natural, it must be either his taste is too aesthetic for his age or his work must be assigned to an early period in the history of literature. This artificial style was greatly developed in the field of philosophy and dialectics. Patanjali's language is most simple, lucid and impressive. The sentences if therefore really consists of a series of dialogues, often smart, between one who maintains the purvapaksha, and another who plays down the siddhanta. Hence, the language is plain and simple, and the sentences are short, and such as a man may naturally use in ordinary conversation or oral disputation.

The forms of words are all similar to the earlier dramas or the Puranas. Sabaraswamin has a lively style, though this presents a further stage in the downward progress. Now the philosophical style sets in and continues to a degree of mischief which is now beyond all reformation. Sankara represents the middle stage. His explanations are aided by dialectic terminology. The sentences are much longer than those of the earlier writers, the construction is more involved, there is a freer use of attributive adjuncts, and the form is that of an essay or a lecture, instead of an oral disputation. But his language is fluent and perspicuous, but not petrified as that of later waters. The last stage is reached in the works of the Naiyayikas. These latter hate the use of verbs. The ablative singular and the indeclinable particles play a prominent part in their composition. Nouns are abstract and even participles are rare. The style is one of solidified formulae, rather of varying discourse. Thus the end is that the movement which started with the simple sentence and predicative construction has run up to a stage where the original character is entirely modified and the Sanskrit language has become a language of abstract nouns and compound words.

The greater use or attributive or nominal forms of expression gradually drove out a large portion of the Sanskrit verb, and gave a new character to the language, which may be thus described: — Very few verbal forms are used besides those of such tenses as the Present and Future, participles are frequently met with, the verbal forms of some roots, especially of those belonging to the less comprehensive classes, have gone out of use, and in their place we often have a noun expressive of the special action and a verb expressive of action generally, compound words are somewhat freely employed and a good many of the Taddhita forms or nominal derivatives have disappeared, and in their stead we have periphrastic [indirect and circumlocutory] expressions.

26. Spiritual Aspect. "The grammatical dissertations of the Hindus were not confined to a narrow field, nor were the Hindu grammarians content with mere formulation of rules for the formation of words. The spiritual aspect of sound seems to have made a deep impression upon their mind and left its stamp on their whole outlook regarding sabda. The sabdikas succeeded in discovering a way of spiritual discipline even through the labyrinthine mass of grammatical speculations. Enquiries into the ultimate nature of vak led them to a sublime region of sadhana — a region of perfect bliss and pure consciousness. The cultivation of grammar gave rise to a spiritual vision which, to speak, enabled the vag-yogavid to visualise Brahman in the wreath of letters (varnamala). Letters are denoted in Sanskrit by the same term (aksara) as is often applied to Brahman. A glance at the language in which aksara has been interpreted by grammarians of old will serve to open our eyes to the supreme importance of varnas. To the spiritual insight of Patanjali vamas were not only phonetic types but the glowing sparks of Brahman illuminating the entire sphere of existence.

[x] -- Mahabhasya, 1 2 3

The study of grammar has been declared to be the direct means of attaining the Supreme Being who, though one and without a second, appears to be manifold owing to the operation of maya1 [[x] -- Vakyapadiya.]. Grammar in its religious and mystical speculations is in line with the teachings of the Upanisads, reinterpreting the same doctrines of yoga and upasana as are generally found in the sacred texts of India.2 [[x] -- Yoga sutras, 27-28.]

It was left to Patanjali and his followers to unlock the portal of a new kingdom of thought, so as to throw light upon the ultimate end of all enquiries into words. The Mahabhasya portended the birth of a form of sadhana in which sabda or Eternal Verbum should be worshipped with all the reverence shown to a Divinity.3 [Patanjali says that one should pursue the study of grammar for the supreme object of attaining equality or sameness with the Great God.] In order to attain union with Brahman or to get oneself completely merged in the Absolute, one is directed to take up the mysterious course of Sabda-sadhana.4 [While commenting on the Rk (Rgveda, X 6, 71), Patanjali had laid stress on the necessity of making a thorough study of grammar, because It renders the grammarian capable of attaining union with Brahman ([x].)] Patanjali seems to have been the first among the Indian grammarians to give a spiritualistic colour to the speculations of grammar. The sabdabrahmopasana, as is formulated in the Upanisads, had undoubtedly influenced his trend of thought.

In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.

-- John 1, King James Version

The mysticism underlying the phenomena of speech was undoubtedly the aspect which seems to have made the deepest impression upon the grammarian. The utterance of sound is with him a vivid materialisation of inner consciousness. To the grammarian sabda is not a lifeless mechanism invented by man. It is more than a mere sound or symbol. It is consciousness that splits itself up into the twofold category of sabda and artha, and what we call vak, as the vehicle of communication, is nothing but an expression of caitanya lying within.5 [[x] -- Punyaraja under Vakyapadiya, I 1.] Patanjali has taken notice of two kinds of words, namely, nitya (eternal) and karya (created). By the former he understands the Supreme Reality that transcends all limitations of time and space. The attributes whereby the Vedantin describes Brahman or Absolute have all been used by Patanjali in this interpretation of nitya sabda.1 [[x] -- Mahabhasya, I. 1, 1.] He has more than once drawn our attention to this eternal character of sabda. This will give us some idea of the magnitude in which sabda was understood by the famous grammarian whom tradition makes an incarnation of Sesa. His poetical description of varnas, to which we have already referred, best illustrates the spiritual outlook of his mind. From the srutis he has quoted in laudation of vak and vyakarana, and it is sufficiently clear that he was an ardent and devout worshipper of vak, belonging to that class of mystics who in their spiritual experience make no distinction between para vak and para Brahman. Patanjali used to look upon sabda as a great divinity (mahan devah) that makes its presence felt by every act of utterance. He was a yogin whose inward vision (pratibha jnana) permitted him to have a look into that eternal flow of pure consciousness that is undisturbed from outside.2 [[x] -- Helaraja under Vakyapadiya, 8, 32.] He was a true type of Brahmin who visualised the ultimate nature of vak by dispelling the darkness of ignorance through the aid of his illuminating knowledge of sabdatattva.3 [[x] -- Pradipoddyota.] The worship of vak, which has its origin in the Upanisads4 [[x] -- Chandogya, VII, 2.] and which found so prominent an expression in the Agamas, was earnestly followed up by the sabdikas, particularly by Patanjali and Bharirhari. Sabdabrahmopasana, as we find in grammatical dissertations, is only a reproduction of the teachings of the Upanisads.5 [[x] -- Mahabhasya.]

Words are not mere sounds as they ordinarily seem to be. They have a subtle and intellectual form within. The internal source from which they evolve is calm and serene, eternal and imperishable. The real form of vak, as opposed to external sound, lies far beyond the range of ordinary perception. We are told that it requires a good deal of sadhana to have a glimpse of the purest form of speech. The rk to which Patanjali has referred bears strong evidence to this fact. Vak is said to reveal her divine self only to those who are so trained as to understand her real nature. Such was the exalted nature of vak upon which the grammarian used to meditate."1 [P. C. Chakravarti, Spiritual Outlook of Sanskrit Grammar, (Jl of Dep of Letters, Calcutta, 1934)]

27. Writing. It has been said that ancient India knew no writing and that writing was introduced somewhere about 1800 BC, by traders coming into India from Phoenicia and Mesopotamia. The Vedas were meant for recital and the bards sang the hymns. The idea involved in the name sruti for the Vedas is recitation and 'hearing,' for it is the sound waves started by the voice regulated by intonations that create the mystic or magnetic effect. Indeed, there is a species of work called Vedaprayoga wherein the use of particular hymns for specific objects is prescribed. Such, for instance, are hymns for getting a sprout of water from barren ground or for driving out evil spirits or for promoting easy delivery.

The various astras ranging from Brahmastra, the most infallible one, are mere mantras and when Visvamitra initiated Rama into astras, he taught mantra-grama.2 [[x] - I. 22. 12 [x] -- I 27 23-28.] From the circumstance that Vedic hymns were used for recitals, it cannot be said that the Vedic age had no script. It is the tradition that Vighnesvara wrote all Mahabharata to Vyasa's dictation. The sages who were omniscient and who could foresee and create things supernatural would not have failed to have a means of recording their ideas and expressions for the benefit of posterity.

Rg-Veda (I 164, 94, IX 13-3) uses the word aksara. The word sutra found on the Madhukanda of the Brahmanas of White Yajus signifies a metaphorical use of the sutra proper, meaning 'thread' or band. Goldstucker in his Study of Panini distinctly expressed that the words sutra and grantha 'must absolutely be connected with writing.' Panini3 [Panini, 26, Max Muller, IST., V 20, 24, II 26, Weber, IL. 15, 221.] explained the formation of the word Yavanani and Katyayana's Vartika says that the noun 'lipi' (writing) must be supplied to signify the writing of the Yavanas.4 [IST, V. 5 8, 17, IV. 89.]

Patanjali has a long discussion on Aksara thus:

[x]

Of the Northern Indian scripts descended from the Brahmi is Nagari or Devanagari and the alphabets of that script are the formulae of Mahesvarasutras, making up vowels [x] and consonants [x].

A study of paleography has come to distinguish the types of early writings Kharoshti and Brahmi. The former was current in Gandhara (East Afghanistan and North Punjab) and was borrowed from the Aramaic type of Semitic writing in use during the fifth century BC. The latter, Brahmi is "the true national writing of India, because all late Indian alphabets are descended from it, however dissimilar they may appear at the present day."1 [For Phililogy, language and paleography generally, see the following — Origin of Devanagari Alphabet, (IA, XXXV, 253, 270, 811), Dravidian elements in Sanskrit dictionaries [I A, I 235), Hindu Science of Grammar (IA, XIV 88), On Kharosthi writing [IA, XXIV 285, 311, XXXIII 79, XXXIV 1, 35, 45), Progress Report of Linguistic Survey of India (IA, XLI. 179), Scripts and Signs from Indian Naolithes, (IA, XLVIII 57), Philological position of Sanskrit in India (IA, XVIII 124, XXIV 81, XIV 33). A. A Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, Hans Raj, Vedic Kosa, M. S. Ghata, Lectures on Rig veda, P. D Gune, Introduction to Comparative Philology, S. K. Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, W. D. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, F. Kielhorn, Grammar of Sanskrit Language, A. Carnoy, Grammaire, A Weber, Indeschen Philologie in IST, III, E. Windisch, Geschichte der Sanskrit Philologie, Hornle, JASB, LIX No, 2, Waddell, On the use of Paper, JRAS, (1914) 136; Haraprasad Sastri, Rep I. 7, Bhandarkar, POCP, II. 305, Buhler, Indian Paleography and The Origin of Brahmi Alphabet, Isaac Taylor, The Alphabet.]

28. History. It has been said that the Hindus possess no national history. Max Muller accepts this proposition as a postulate, builds on it and explains the so-called absence of anything like historical literature among the Hindus to their being a nation of philosophers. "Greece and India are, indeed, the two opposite poles in the historical development of the Aryan man. To the Greek, existence is full of life and reality, to the Hindu, it is a dream, a delusion. The Greek is at home where he is born, all his energies belong to his country, he stands or falls with his party, and is ready to sacrifice even his life to the glory and independence of Hellas. The Hindu enters this world as a stranger, all his thoughts are directed to another world, he takes no part even where he is driven to act, and when he sacrifices his life, it is but to be delivered from it."1 [ASL, 9.]

But A. Stein in his Introduction to Rajatarangini has thus answered it. "It has often been said of the India of the Hindus that it possessed no history. The remark is true if we apply it to history as a science and art, such as classical culture in its noblest prose-works has bequeathed it to us. But it is manifestly wrong if by history is meant either historical development or the materials for studying it. India has never known, amongst its Sastras, the study of history such as Greece and Rome cultivated or as modern Europe understands it. Yet the materials for such study are equally at our disposal in India. They are contained not only in such original sources of information as Inscriptions, Coins and Antiquarian remains, generally, advancing research has also proved that written records of events or of traditions concerning them have by no means been wanting in ancient India.

H. H. Wilson in his admirable Introduction to his translation of the Visnu Purana, while dealing with the contents of the Third Book observes that a very large portion of the contents of the Itihasas and and Puranas is genuine and writes: —

"The arrangement of the Vedas and other writings considered by the Hindus— being, in fact, the authorities of their religious rites and beliefs — which is described in the beginning of the Third book, is of much importance to the History of the Hindu Literature and of the Hindu religion. The sage Vyasa is here represented not as the author but the arranger or the compiler of the Vedas, the Itihasas and the Puranas. His name denotes his character meaning the 'arranger' or 'distributor', and the recurrence of many Vyasas, many individuals who remodelled the Hindu scriptures, has nothing in it, that is improbable, except the fabulous intervals by which their labours are separated. The re-arranging, the re-fashioning, of old materials is nothing more than the progress of time would be likely to render necessary. The last recognised compilation is that of Krishna Dvaipayana, assisted by Brahmans, who were already conversant with the subjects respectively assigned to them. They were the members of the college or school supposed by the Hindus to have flourished in a period more remote, no doubt, than the truth, but not at all unlikely to have been instituted at some time prior to the accounts of India which we owe to Greek writers and in which we see enough of the system to justify our inferring that it was then entire. That there have been other Vyasas and other schools since that date, that Brahmans unknown to fame have re-modelled some of the Hindu scriptures, and especially the Puranas, cannot reasonably be counted, after dispassionately weighing the strong internal evidence, which all of them afford, of their intermixture of unauthorized and comparatively modern ingredients. But the same internal testimony furnishes proof equally decisive, of the anterior existence of ancient materials, and it is, therefore, as idle as it is irrational, to dispute the antiquity or the authenticity of the contents of the Puranas, in the face of abundant positive and circumstantial evidence of the prevalence of the doctrines, which they teach, the currency of the legends which they narrate, and the integrity of the institutions which they describe at least three centuries before the Christian Era. But the origin and development of their doctrines, traditions and institutions were not the work of a day, and the testimony that establishes their existence three centuries before Christianity, carries it back to a much more remote antiquity, to an antiquity, that is, probably, not surpassed by any of the prevailing fictions, institutions or beliefs of the ancient world."

Again, in dealing with the contents of the Fourth Amsa of the Visnu Purana, the Professor remarks: —

"The Fourth Book contains all that the Hindus have of their Ancient History. It is a tolerably comprehensive list of dynasties and individuals, it is a barren record of events. It can scarcely be doubted, however, that much of it is a genuine chronicle of persons, if not of occurrences. That it is discredited by palpable absurdities in regard to the longevity of the princes of the earlier dynasties, must be granted, and the particulars preserved of some of them are trivial and fabulous. Still there is an artificial simplicity and consistency in the succession of persons, and a possibility and probability in some of the transactions, which give to these traditions the semblance of authenticity, and render it likely that these are not altogether without foundation. At any rate, in the absence of all other sources of information the record, such as it is, deserves not to be altogether set aside.

According to V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar – an Indologist and historian, several of the Digambara legends mention Prabhacandra, who had been misidentified as Chandragupta Maurya particularly after the original publication on Shravanabelagola epigraphy by B. Lewis Rice. The earliest and most important inscriptions mention Prabhacandra, which Rice presumed may have been the "clerical name assumed by Chadragupta Maurya" after he renounced and moved with Bhadrabahu from Pataliputra. Dikshitar stated there is no evidence to support this and Prabhacandra was an important Jain monk scholar who migrated centuries after Chandragupta Maurya's death. Other scholars have taken Rice's deduction of Chandragupta Maurya retiring and dying in Shravanabelagola as the working hypothesis, since no alternate historical information or evidence is available about Chandragupta's final years and death.

-- Chandragupta Maurya, by Wikipedia

It is not essential to its celebrity or its usefulness, that any exact chronological adjustment of the different reigns should be attempted. Their distribution amongst the several Yugas, undertaken by Sir William Jones, or his Pandits, finds no countenance from the original texts, rather than an identical notice of the age in which a particular monarch ruled or the general fact that the dynasties prior to Krishna precede the time of the Great War and the beginning of the Kali Age, both which events are placed five thousand years ago. This, may, or may not, be too remote, but it is sufficient, in a subject where precision is impossible, to be satisfied with the general impression, that, in the dynasties of Kings detailed in Puranas, we have a record, which, although it cannot fail to have suffered detriment from age, and may have been injured by careless or injudicious compilation, preserves an account not wholly undeserving of confidence, of the establishment and succession of regular monarchies, amongst the Hindus, from as early an era, and for as continuous a duration, as any in the credible annals of mankind."

And lastly, in discussing the general nature of the Puranas and of their values as historical records, he says —

"After the date of the Great War, the Vishnu Purana, in common with other Puranas, which contain similar lists, specifies Kings and Dynasties with greater precision, and offers political and chronological particulars to which, on the score of probability there is nothing to object. In truth, their general accuracy has been incontrovertibly established. Inscriptions on columns of stone, on rocks, on coins, deciphered only of late years through the extraordinary ingenuity and perseverence of Mr James Prinsep, have verified the names of races and titles of princes— the Gupta and the Andhra Rajas mentioned in the Puranas."

29. In his Rajasthan, Col. Tod: says —

"Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of composition of precisely the same character as the historical works of Greece and Rome, commit the very egregious error of overlooking the peculiarities which distinguish the natives of India from all other races, and which strongly discriminate their intellectual productions of every kind from those of the West. Their philosophy, their poetry, their architecture are marked with traits of originality, and the same may be expected to pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, took a character from its intimate association with the religion of the people.

In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records, there are, however, other native works, (they may, indeed, be said to abound) which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investigator, would afford no despicable materials for the history of India. The first of these are the Puranas and genealogical legends of the princes which, obscured as they are by the mythological details, allegory, and improbable circumstances, contain many facts that serve as beacons to direct the research of the historian."

30. "Another species of historical records is found in the accounts given by the Brahmins of the endowments of the temples, their dilapidation and repairs, which furnish occasions for the introduction of historical and chronological details. In the legends respecting places of pilgrimage and religious resort, profane events are blended with superstitious rites and ordinances, local ceremonies and customs. The controversies of the Jains furnish, also, much historical information, especially with reference to Guzerat and Nehrwala during the Chaulac dynasty. From a close and attentive examination of the Jain records, which embody all that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many chasms in Hindu history might be filled up."

"Every Matha or religious college of any importance preserves the succession of its heads. Among the Jains, we have the Pattavalis or successions of pontiffs, for a full and lucid notice of some of which we are indebted to Dr Hoernle. They purport to run back to even the death of the last Tirthamkaka Vardhamana-Mahavira."

31. "The preservation of pedigrees and successions has evidently been a national characteristic for very many centuries. And we cannot doubt that considerable attention was paid to the matter in connection with the royal families and that Vamsavalis or Rajavalis, lists of the lineal successions of kings, were compiled and kept from very early times. We distinctly recognise the use of such Vamsavalis, — giving the relationships and successions of kings, but no chronological details beyond the record of the total duration of each reign with occasionally a coronation-date recorded in an era, — in the copper-plate records. We trace them, for instance, in the introductory passages of the grants of the Eastern Chalukya Series1 [See SII, I 35, RI, 181.] which, from the period AD 918 to 925 onwards, name the successive kings beginning with the founder of the line who reigned three centuries before that time, but do not put forward more than the length of the reign of each of them, and, from certain differences in the figures for some of the reigns, we recognise that there were varying recensions of those Vamsavalis. We trace the use of the Vamsavalis again in the similar records of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga, which, from A.D 1058 onwards,1 [EI, IV 183.] give the same details about the kings of that line with effect from about AD 990, and one of which, issued AD 1296,2 [JASB, LXV 229.] includes a coronation-date of AD 1141 or 1142. There has been brought to light from Nepal a long Vamsavali, which purports to give an unbroken list of the rulers of that country, with the lengths of their reigns and an occasional landmark in the shape of the date of an accession stated in an era, back from AD 1768 to even so fabulous an antiquity as six or seven centuries before the commencement of the Kali age in BC 3102."

32. In his Rajatarangini,3 [Kalhana made use of (1) [x], edicts— inscriptions regarding the creation of consecration of temples etc.; (2) [x], edicts — inscription recording grants, chiefly of grants and allowances engrossed on copper plates; (III) [x], tables containing laudatory inscriptions or places; (iv) [x], works on various sciences.] Kalhana mentions certain previous writers, — "Suvrata, whose work, he says, was made difficult by misplaced learning, Kshemendra who drew up a list of kings, of which, however, he says, no part is free from mistakes, Nilamuni, who wrote the Nilamatapurana, Helaraja, who composed a list of kings in twelve thousand verses, and Srimihira or Padmamihira, and the author of the Srichchavilla. His own work, he tells us, was based on eleven collections of Rajakathas or stories about kings and on the work of Nilamuni."

"Tamrasasana, or "copper-chapters" consist sometimes of a single plate, but more usually of several plates strung together on a large signet-ring which bears generally the seal of the authority who issued the particular chapter. The stone records usually describe themselves by the name of Silasasana, 'Stone-chapters,' Sila-lekha, 'Stone-writings,' or Prasash, 'Eulogies.' They are found on rocks, on religious columns such as those which bear some of the edicts of Priyadasi and others which were set up in front of temples as "flag- staff's" of the Gods, on battle-columns or columns of victory such as the two at Mandasor, on the walls and beams and pillars of caves and temples, on the pedestals of images, and on slabs built into the walls of temples, or set up in the courtyards of temples or in conspicuous places in village-sites or fields. And they are often accompanied by sculptures which give the seal of the authority issuing the record, or mark its sectarian nature, or illustrate some scene referred to in it."

33. The Chronology of Classical Sanskrit Literature starts with Mahabharata war and Kaliyuga. Kaliyuga commenced on 18th February 3102 BC, just on the day on which Sri Krsna departed to his divine abode. The Kuru-Pandava war was fought 37 years before Kali, that is in 3139 BC. Onwards from the commencement of Kaliyuga, Puranas contain accounts of various kingdoms that flourished from time to time and successive dynasties that ruled and fell during the course of about 35 centuries. To an impartial observer the tenor of these accounts warrants their accuracy and to the mind of the Hindus— the Hindus of those bygone ages, when scepticism had not called tradition superstitition — life here is evanescent and life's endeavour must be the attainment of beatitude eternal. Ancient sages (rsis) perceived the divine hymns of the Vedas and passed them on for the edification of posterity. Since the advent of Kali, a prospective crop of vice and folly was predicated and to wean the erring world from such sin and misery, Vyasa formulated Puranas, with the object of Vedopabrhmana [x], that is, supplemented the exposition of Vedic teachings, and that in the garb of a language and narrative that would be easily assimilated by the masses. To such philosophical minds, the rise and fall of kings and kingdoms was not worth remembrance, save as another realistic means of illustrating the tenets of philosophy, e.g., the truth of the divine essence, Brahman, the unreality of sensual pleasures, the liberation of individual soul and the attainment of eternity in beatitude or oneness with the Spirit Divine and above all the inevitable occurrence of God's mandates shortly termed Destiny or otherwise called Kala or Niyata.

If this is the object of Puranic literature, it is a sacrilege to charge the author or authors of them, whoever it was, with having fabricated scriptural testimony, for attributing an antiquity to Indian literature and Indian civilization which it did not possess, for even if they had been, as many orientalists have said, made up late after the Christian era, the authors could not have anticipated this method of study of political history of the 18th and 19th centuries AD. The Puranic lists of dynasties of kings and kingdoms furnish details of dates to an extent that even in days of historical records, may be surprising, for they mention even months and days in their computation. Whatever those ancient authors did or wrote, they did it with sincerity and accuracy, 'truth' being the basis of accuracy. Our educational institutions are saturated with the teachings of modern scholars on the untruth of these Puranic accounts, but it is still hoped that time will come when truth will triumph and display a real orientation of ancient Indian History.1 [F. E. Pargiter has given an admirable summary of Early Indian Traditional History as recorded in Puranas in JRA8 (1914) 267 et seq.]

34. Of the several kingdoms and dynasties of which Puranas have recorded political history, there is the kingdom of Magadha. For our present purposes of sifting and settling the chronology of India up to the Christian era, the history of Magadha is particularly relevant, for it is at Magadha, 'Chandragupta' and 'Asoka' ruled, and it is on these names that the modern computation of dates has been based for everything relating to India's literary history, and it is those two names that make the heroes of the theory of Anchor Sheet of Indian Chronology.

35. The Kingdom of Magadha was founded by Brhadratha, son of Uparicara Vasu, the 6th in descent from Kuru of the Candra Vamsa. That happened 161 years before Mahabharata war. Tenth in descent from Brhadratha was Jarasandha. Jarasandha perished at the hand of Kamsa, and in his place Sahadeva was installed on the throne. Sahadeva was an ally of Pandavas and was killed in the war, that is in 3139 BC. His son Marjari (or Somadhi or Somavit) was his successor and the first king of Magadha after the war. From him 22 kings of this Barhadratha dynasty ruled over Magadha for 1006 years, or roughly stated, for 1000 years.2 [See K. P. Jayasval, Brhadratha Chronology, JBORS, IV 1, Sitanath Pradhan, Chronology of Ancient India, Calcutta, Hemchandra Raychaudhuri, Political History of India from the accession of Pariksit to the extinction of the Gupta dynasty, Calcutta.]

For instance, Matsya Purana says: —

[x] -- 169, 30.

Ripunjaya was the last king of this dynasty. He was assassinated by Pulaka and Pulaka succeeded to the throne. His son was Pradyota or Balaka. Thus came the Pradyota or Balaka dynesty in 2133 BC.

Thus Matsya Purana says: —

[x]

"When the Barhadrathas, the Vitihotras and the Avantins have passed away, Pulaka after killing his master (King Ripunjaya) will instal his son Balaka as King. Balaka, the son of Pulaka, will, in the very sight of the Kshattriyas of his time, subjugate these neighbouring kings by force and will be devoid of royal policy."

36. Instead of crowning himself as king against the wishes of the people, Pulaka got the only daughter of Ripunjaya married to his son Pradyota and installed him on the throne.

There were 5 kings of this dynasty1 [Pradyota (23), Balaka (24 or 28), Visakhayupa (50 or 33), Janaka or Suryaka or Rajaka (21 or 31), Nandivardhana (20 or 30). The periods vary according to the versions of the Puranas or their readings. But Matsya Purana makes the period 152 years: [x].] and they ruled for 138 years (1995 B.C.). Visnu Purana says —

[x] - XII 11.

37. Sisunaga got in by conquest or usurpation and founded Sisunaga dynasty in 1995 BC.2 [Sisunaga (40), Kakavarna (36), Ksemavarma (26, 20 or 36), Ksatcaujas or Ksemajit (40, 24 or 20), Vidhisara or Bimbisara or Vindhyasara (28 or 33), Ajatasatru (27 or 25, or 32 or 52), Darsaka or Darbhaka (24), Udayana or Udayasva, or Ajaya or Udayabhadra (33), Nandivardhana (42 or 40), Mahanandin (48 or 63). It was Udayin that built the city of Kusuma on the Ganges: [x]] There were 10 kings of this dynasty and they ruled for 360 or 362 years i.e., 1635 BC. Thus Vayu Parana says: —

Here ended the Sisunaga dynasty in 1635 BC.

38. Mahapadma known as Nanda was the illegitimate son of Mahanandin, the last king of that dynasty, and came to the throne. He founded the Nanda dynasty in 1635 BC. He ruled for 88 years and his sons Sumalya and seven others ruled for 12 years until 1635 BC. This dynasty lasted for 10 years.1 [See K. P. Jayasval, Saisunaga and Maurya Chronology, JBORS, I. i.]

Visnu Purana says:

[x] -- Amsa, IV, Ch. xxiv.

Bhagavata Purana says:

[x] -- Skandha XII, Ch. ii.

Vayu Parana says:

[x] -- Chapter XCIX.
 
Matsya Purana says: —

[x]— Chapter CCLXX.

Brahmanda Purana gives the following account —

[x]— Upodghata, Ch LXX1V

The following is the description of the Nanda Dynasty as given in the Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta: —

[x]— Bhaga, III, Ch 11.

39. "It will be clear from these numerous extracts quoted in full from the various important Puranas, which are practically identical with one another, that the Founder of this Dynasty was Mahapadma well known otherwise as Dhana Nanda, that he was the son of Mahanandin, the last of the Saisunaga Dynasty, that he was born to that king from a Sudra wife, that he was most avaricious and powerful, that he extirpated the Kshattriya rulers of his time like a second Parasurama, the destroyer of the Kshattriyas in the olden times, that he subjugated the different lines of Kings of the Solar and Lunar dynasties who began to rule in the various parts of Northern India from the time of the Mahabharata War commencing from the Coronation of Yudhishthira in the year 3139 B.C., that he became a paramount King and Emperor of the whole of India between the Himalaya and the Vindhya mountains by putting an end to the ancient families of Kings, such as Aikshvakus, Panchalas, Kauravyas, Haihayas, Kalakas, Ekalingas, Surasenas, Maithilas etc., who ceased to rule as separate dynasties ever since that time, that he ruled the kingdom under one umbrella for a period of 88 years, that his 8 sons jointly ruled the kingdom for a short period of 12 years, that these Nine Nandas, including the father and his eight sons ruled Magadha altogether for a total period of 100 years from 1635 to 1535 BC, that these Nandas were extirpated by the Brahman Chanakya, well known as Kautilya, on account of his crooked and Machiavellian policy, and that he replaced his protege Chandragupta, an illegitimate son of Mahapadma Nanda by his Sudra wife Mura on the throne of his father."

But Vincent A. Smith chooses to assign to these nine Nandas a total period of only 45 years for their reigns.

40. Candragupta came to the throne as the son of Mura; so he was a Maurya and the dynasty which he started was Maurya dynasty. Candragupta's son was Bindusara and Bindusara's son was Asoka or Asokavardhana. An old grantha manuscript of Matsya Purana gives this account:

[x]

This version of the Matsya Purana tolerably agrees with that given in the Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta: —

[x]— Bhaga III, Chapter 11.

Thus Candragupta reigned from 1535 to 1501 B.C., for 34 years, Bindusara from 1501 to 1473, for 28 years, and Asoka from 1473 to 1437 B.C., for 36 years. And in all there were twelve Kings of Maurya dynasty, the last of whom was Brhadratha.1 [Candragupta, Bindasara or Bhadrasara or Nandasara on Varisara (28 or 25), Asoka or Asokavardhana (36 or 37), Suyasas or Suparava or Kunala or Kusala (8), Dasaratha or Bandhupalita (8 or 10), (6) Indrapalita (7 or 10), Harsa or Harsavardhara (8), (8) Sangata or Sammati or Samrati (9), Salisuka (13), Somasarman or Devadharman or Devavarman or Dssavarman (7), Satadhanvan or Satadhara (8 or 9), Brhadratha or Brhadasva (37 or 70 or 7).]

Regarding this dynasty the readings and versions of the Puranas are hopelessly confused and incorrect but the passages quoted, of which the authenticity is doubtless, show that the Maurya dynasty lasted for 316 years from 1535 to 1219 BC.

41. Pusyamitra was the commander-in-chief of Brhadratha. He removed his master and ascended the throne. Thus he started the Sunga dynasty. According to Matsya Purana, there were ten kings of this dynasty who ruled in all for 30 years from 1219 BC to 919 BC. Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta says:

[x]

Of these kings,1 [The kings are: -- Pusyamitra or Puspamitra (86 or 30), Agnimitra (50 or 78), Vasumitra (86), Sujjostha (17 or 7), Bhadraka or Antaka or Andhraka or Udanka (10 or 30 or 2), Pulindaka or Pulinda (3 or 33), Ghosavasu or Ghosa (3), Vajramitra (29, 14 or 7), Bhagavata, (82), Devabhuti or Devahuti or Ksamabhumi (10).] it is noteworthy that Pusyamitra is described by Kalidasa in Malavikagnimitra as the conqueror of Aryavarta and Agnimitra is mentioned by Patanjali as having performed Asvamedha sacrifice.

"Devahuti, the last king of the Sunga dynasty, having been addicted to a life of pleasure and sexual enjoyment from his boyhood, entrusted the kingdom to the care of his Brahman minister Vasudeva, and he himself retired to Vidisa, noted in those days for its dancing girls, where he began to lead a most licentious and immoral life with his voluptuary companions, corrupting the fair maidens of the city to satisfy his lust and becoming an object of hatred to his own subjects. On hearing the extraordinary beauty of the daughter of his Brahman minister Vasudeva, who has been living with her husband, he sent for them to come to Vidisa and live by his side, and on one day, after secretly disposing of her husband, the king seduced her in the disguise of her husband, and the poor girl who was most true and devoted to her husband, coming to know of the treachery practised by the king, at once gave up her life. On hearing the sad news of the fate of his fair daughter and of her innocent husband, Vasudeva contrived to send to the king a dancing woman, fully furnished with poison, dressed as one of the chief queens and had him killed by her hand. People hailed the death of their licentious king with joy, and made Vasudeva his upright minister, to take charge of the kingdom and rule the country henceforth with Pataliputra as its capital."

42. Vasudeva of the race of Kanva Maharsi thus came to the throne of Magadha and started the Kanva dynasty. There were four kings in all and they ruled for 85 years from 919 to 834 BC.1 [Vasudeva(39, 9 or 6), Bhumimitra or Bhumitra (14, 24 or 34), Narayana (12), Susarma (10 or 4).]

Thus Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta says:

[x]

43. The last two kings of Kanva dynasty were puppets in the hands of the commander-in-chief, Simhaka Svatikarna. He slew the last king Susarma and ascended the throne of Magadha. He traced his lineage to King Satavahana of Pratisthana and his dynasty was therefore called Andhravamsa. There were 32 kings of this dynasty who ruled for 506 years from 834 to 328 BC. The last of the kings was Puloman III.1 [Simhaka Sri Satakarni or Somuka (23), Krsna (18), Srimalla (10, 18 or 56), Purnotsanga (18), Srisatakarni (56 or 40), Skandhastambhin (18), Lambodara (18), Apitaka or Apilaka or Vikala(12), Meghasvati or Sanghasvati or Saudasa (18), Satasvati or Svati (18), Skandhasvatikarna or Skandasatakarni (7), Mrgendra (3), Kuntala (8), Saumya or Puspasena (12), Sata or Svatikarna (1), Puloma or Pulomavl (36 or 24), Megha or Meghasvati (88), Arista (25), Hala (8), Mandalaka or Bhavaka or Pulaka or Tulaka (5), Purindrasena or Purikasena or Pulindasena or Pravilla (1) Cakora (5 months), Mahendra (3 months or 3 years), Siva or Sivasvati (28), Gautamipura (21 or 25), Puloman II (32 or 28), Sivasri (7), Sivaskanda (7), Yagnasri (19), Vijayasri (6), Candrasri (3), Puloman III (7). See para 198 post.] The Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta gives the account.

44. In Sri Gupta dynasty there were seven kings and they ruled for 245 years from 328 to 83 BC.2 [Candragupta I or Vijayaditya (7), Samudragupta or Asokaditya (51), Candragupta II, Vikramaditya (38 or 36), Kumaragupta (42), Skandagupta (25), Narasimfhagupta (40), Kumaragupta II (44).]

The Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta gives this account:

[x]

Thus, these 32 kings of the Andhra Dynasty reigned for a total period of 506 years, although in summing up their total period of reigns, it states in round figures that they ruled for full 500 years (instead of 506 years); and their kingdom passed into the hands of Candragupta, son of Ghatotkaca Gupta and grandson of Sri Gupta, who appears to have come from Sri Parvata or Nepal and originally entered the service of Vijayasri Satakarni as one of his generals and with whose help he managed to maintain his tottering kingdom.
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

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Part 3 of 5

45. Before proceeding to consider the merits of Puranic history as reviewed by orientalists a brief statement of the cosmogonic and political calculations of time adopted in India may be useful.

"According to the Puranas, 360 lunar Samvatsaras or human years constitute one divine year, Krita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali— a cycle of these four Yugas and their Sandhyas and Sandhyamsas, consisting of 12000 divine years or 4,320,000 human years constitutes one Mahayuga. 1000 Mahayugas constitute one Day of Brahma or one Kalpa. An equal period of time (viz., 1000 x4,320,000 = 4,320,000,000 human years) is also reckoned as one Night of Brahma. 30 such days and nights make a month of Brahma, and 12 such months his year, and 100 such years make the full period of Brahma's life, The two halves of Brahma's age are respectively called Purva-Parardha aad Uttara-Parardha. The 1st or the Prathama-Parardha has expired, the second or the Dvitiya-Parardha has commenced with our present or Varaha-Kalpa. At the beginning of the first Parardha was Brahma-Kalpa, when Brahma or the present Kosmos was born. At the end of the first Parardha was Padma-Kalpa, when the Loka-Padma (the Lotus of Lokas) appeared at the navel of Hari. The first Kalpa of the Dvitiya-Parardha which is the present Kalpa is called Varaha Kalpa, when Han incarnated as Varaha or the Wonderful Boar. We are now in the 1st day of the fifty-first year of Brahmadeva, called Sveta, and each of the days of the month of Brahma bore a different name, like (1) Sveta, (2) Nilalohita, (3) Vamadeva, (4) Rathantara, (5) Raurava, and so on. So the present Kalpa called the "Sveta-Varaha-Kalpa" forms the 18001st Kalpa of the Brahma, a day and night of Brahma being calculated here as one Kalpa.

14. Manu's reign during the day of Brahma, each Manu reigning for 71-2/3 Mahayugas. Each Manvantara, therefore, consists of 857, 142-6/7 divine years or 337, 142, 657-1/2 human or lunar years. With every day and night the age of Brahma declines. The present Manvantara is the seventh Manvantara of Varaha-Kalpa, the first six Manvantaras having already elapsed. The first six Manvantaras are known after the name of the respective Manus, as (1) Svayambhuva, (2) Svarochisha,  (3) Auttama, (4) Tamasa, (5) Raivata and (6) Chakshusha, and the present or the seventh Manvantara is called Vaivasvata Manvantara. The present KaliYuga is the fourth or the last quarter of the 28th Mahayuga of this Vaivasvata Manvantara, and 5018 years of this Kali Yuga have expired by the 13th day of April 1917."

Kali-Yuga, begins from the year 3102 BC., the year 1, expired or completed, being 3101 BC. The four Yugas, or Ages, which comprise one Mahayuga, have the following periods: —

Krta-Yuga / 1,728,000 / 360 / 4800 years of Gods.
Treta-Yuga / 1,296,000 / 360 / 3600 years of Gods.
Dwapara-Yuga / 864,000 / 360 / 2400 years of Gods.
Kali-Yuga / 432,000 / 360 / 1200 years of Gods.
One Maha-Yuga / 4,320,000 / 360 / 12000 years of Gods.


The Kali Age is said to embrace Six Sakas. Thus it is said in Pancanga-Sarani: —

[x]
[x]
[x]
[x]
[x] (3044)
[x] (135) [x] (1800)
[x] (10000) [x] (400000)
[x] (821) [x].


"In the Kali-age there are six founders of eras. First there was Yudhishthira in Indraprastha, whose era lasted for 3044 years. The second was Vikrama at Ujayani, whose era had run for 135 years. The third was Salivahana at Pratisthana. Here the era of Yudhishthira is made the same as that of the Kaliyuga, which also dates from 3044 years before the era of Vikrama. The Yudhisthira era also is obtained by adding 3179 to the Saka year, (i.e., the Saka begins with the 3180th year of the Yudhishthira era) and "by adding 3044 to the Vikrama Samvat which, in its turn, is got by adding 135 to the Saka date."1 [See T. V. Srinivasal Aiyangar, The Present Kaliyuga, JOR, III, 225. See S. P. L. Narasimhaswami, IA, XL 162 and R. R. Bhagwat, JRAS, XX, 150.]

46. Vikrama or Samvat Era began in 56 BC. "A Hindu legend tells us that a celebrated king Vikrama or Vikramaditya of Ujjain, in Malwa, began to reign in that year, and founded the era, which, in that view, runs from the commencement of his reign. Another version of it asserts that he died in that year, and that the reckoning runs from his death. It is common to both the Digambaras and the Svetambaras. And the Gathas or Prakrit verses, upon which the earlier portions of some of the Jain Pattavalis or successions of the pontiffs are based, pretend to put forward such details about Vikramaditya as that "for eight years he played as a child for sixteen he roamed over the country, for fifty-six" — (? fifteen) — "he exercised rule, being given over to false doctrine, for fifty years he was devoted to the religion of the Jina and then obtained heaven." An addition to the legend connects Vikramaditya with some foreign invaders of India who were called Sakas, and this, again, appears in two versions, one version represents him as regaining the kingdom of Ujjain after the Saka kings and dispossessed his father and had reigned there for four years prior to BC. 57, and the other, as reported by Alberuni in the eleventh century AD., — brings the Sakas on the scene a hundred and thirty-five years later, and asserts that Vikramaditya marched against the Saka king, and put him to flight and killed him "in the region of Karur, between Mullah and the castle of Loni," and that in celebration of this, there was established the Saka era commencing A.D 78. And another addition asserts that at the court of Vikramaditya there flourished "the Nine Gems," namely, the poet Kalidasa, the astronomer Varahamihira, the lexicographer Amarasimha, and the various authors Dhanvantarh Ghatakarpara, Kshapanaka, Sanku, Vararuchi and Vetalabhatta."1 [J. F. Fleet, IA, XXX, 1, JBAS, (1916), 809. "See Professor Keilhorn's examination of this question in the Int. Ant. vol. 20 (1891), p. 404 ff. His earliest instance of the word vikrama being used in connection with the era, in a not quite clear sense, namely, in the expression vikramakhya kala, "the time called vikrama," is one of the year 698, in A.D. 842, from an inscription at Dholpur (p. 406 No. 10). His earliest instance of the era being plainly attributed to a king Vikrama was a literary one of the year 1060, in A.D., 998 (Ibid. No 40). An earlier instance is known now from the Eklingji inscription, which is dated in the year 1028 of king Vikramaditya in A.D. 971. JRAS, vol. 22, p. 166."]

47. Salivahana-Saka, is "the Saka or era of Salivahana," the $aka or era of the glorious and victorious king Salivahana, the year of the Saka or era established by Salivahana. And the popular belief, in that the Saka era was founded by a king Salivahana reigning in AD 78 at Pratishthana, which is the present Paithan on the Godavari, in the Nizam's territory."2 [J. F. Fleet, JRAS (1916), 809. "The exact expression Salivahana Saka is mostly confined to dates recorded in prose. In dates in verse, other ways of introducing the name Salivahani were followed, and the shorter form Salivaha was sometimes used, to suit the metro, see e.g., Professor Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Southern India in Ep. Ind vol. 7, appendix, Nos 465, 475, 503, 519, 1004, 1005. This dipped form is also found occasionally in prose. See, e.g., Ibid, No 527. Compare Satavaha as the shorter form of Satavahana."]

Sakakala, Sakabda or Saka era commenced thus in 78 AD. It is either "the Era of the Saka king Kanishka, who conquered Kashmir and Western India in the 1st century after Christ" or the era of the defeat of the Sakas by a Hindu king.

"The astronomer, Varahamihira who lived in the sixth century AD cited the Saka Era as the Saka Bhupa Kala or Sakendra Kala, i.e., the Era of the Saka king. His commentator explains this as the Era when the barbarians called Sakas "were discomfited by Vikramaditya. Again, the astronomer Brahmagupta, who flourished in the seventh century A.D„ cites the Era as Saka Nripante, i.e., after the Saka king. His commentator explains this as after the reign of Vikramaditya, who slew a people of Barbarians called Sakas."1 [Colebrooke's Algebra, etc., from the Sansrit, p xlii, London. See on this era, Dutt's Civ 1 21, Fleet, Traditional Date of Kanishka, JRAS, (1906), 986, J. H. Marshall, Date of Kanishka, JRAS (1905), 192.]

["Manu says (Ch X, 144-145) that the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambhojas, Paradas and Pahlavas were originally Kshatriyas, but became outcastes by neglecting their Vedic duties, etc. The Mahabharata (Adiparvan, Ch. 85) speaks of these tribes as descendants of Kshatriyas and as having taken part in the Great War between the Pandavas and Kauravas. The Ramayana of Valmiki (Balakanda, Sarga 55) mentions them among the tribes who fought during the war of Visvamitra with Vasishtha. The Gautama Dharma Sutra (Ch IV, 21) speaks of the Sakas, Yavanas, etc, as a Pratiloma caste of the Aryas. It is stated in the Padma Purana (Svarga-khanda, Ch 15) that the Sakas etc, were driven out by king Sagara, a descendant of Ikshvaku, to the countries beyond the borders of India, after getting their heads etc., shaved under the advice of Vasishtha, although they were Kshatriyas. The Vishnu Purana (Amsa II, Ch, 3) describes the Yavanas as living in the west, the Sakas in the north-west, the Kiratas in the east, and the four Indian castes in the middle of India during the time of the Great War. The Matsya Purana also refers to Sakas, Yavanas, etc., as degraded Aryan, tribes living on the frontiers of Bharata Varsha. Panini refers in his Ashtadhyayi (II 2-84) to Sakas and Yavanas and requires [x] to be placed before [x], and Panini even according to Western Orientalists lived long before the time of Alexander the Great. The Sakas therefore, could under no circumstances, be identified with any foreign tribes that invaded India after Alexander's time."]

48. Harsa Era of Nepal began in 457 BC.,1 [See Alberuni's India (Sachou's Transl. II, xlix 7) and Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nepala-Vamsavali in IA, XIII. 411-28.] and that is the date that is referred to in Nepalavamsavali.2 [IA, XLI1. 207; XVII. 224, XVIII. 265. ]

Cedi or Kalacuri Era began in 249 AD.

Hamsa Samvat or Era of Harsavardhana began in 606 A.D.3 [IA, XV, 105, 138.]

Valabhi Era began in 319 A.D.4 [From Senapati Bhattarka. See Mys. Arch. Rep (1928), and IA. I. 45, IV. 104, 174, V. 904, 206, XV. 187 post. For Gupta-Valabhi Era, see IA, XIV, 9.]

49. Brhaspaticakra or Jovian cycle of sixty years. "The Hindu Cycle of 60 years, technically known as the Brihaspati Chakra or Cycle of Jupiter," begins with the year Prabhava and ends with the year Kshaya (60).

"In Northern India a year of the Jovian cycle is omitted once on an average of 85-5/22 years, or 22 in 1875 years, hence it has advanced on the southern system by 11 in about 950 years. The year of the cycle in Northern India is found by multiplying the Saka year by 22 adding 4291 and dividing the sum by 1875, then adding the Saka date to the integral of the quotient, and dividing by 60, the remainder is the year of the cycle. Thus, for Saka 1772 the first operation gives 23 and a remainder of 260, then 1772 + 23 divided by 60 gives as a remainder the 55th year of the cycle or Durmati current. If the Kaliyuga year is used, the usual rule is to multiply it by 1.0117, and to the integers of the product add 26 and divide the sum by 60 as before."

50. Kollam or Malabar Era began in 25th August 825 A.D. on the sun's entry into Kanya according to the Chronogram,

[x]
0 6 1 4 3 4 1


By that day 1434160 days of Kali had expired. This is current in north Malayalam, but in Travancore and Cochin, the year begins on sun's entry into Simha.

"The chief difference between the northern and southern systems is, that if the sun enters a sign of the zodiac during the day time, that day is reckoned in the northern calendar as the first day of the month corresponding to that sign, whereas in the south the sun must have entered the sign within the first 3 of the 5 parts into which the day is divided, otherwise the day next is reckoned the first of the month."

"The Andu year obtains in the Malayalam Country and in the Tinnevelly District. In the former, they are known as Kollam Andu, and in the latter merely as Andu. The Andu commences in the South Malayalam Country (Travancore and Cochin) and in the Tinnevelly District with Chingan (Avani), i.e., on the first day of the fifth month of the Solar Calendar (Tamil), and in the North-Malayalam country (British Malabar) with Kanni, i.e., on the first day of the sixth month of the same Calendar. The Andu year is thus not synchronous with the Cyclic, Kali or Saka year. Andu years would appear to have been originally reckoned in Cycles of 1,000 years each, and the second of them is stated to have expired in 825 AD. However this may be, the current Cycle, which was begun in 825 AD, has now been carried beyond the limit of 1,000 years, and it may be that this was done in ignorance of the above convention, if any such had existed."

51. Chronograms. A number of devices have been adopted in Hindu Works for expressing the number of years, an expression by chronograms. They were either expressed by significant words, words which denote their own number as the equivalent or by the use of letters on an algebraical formula.

"The first complete list is that given by Alberuni (AD 1031), the following is from his list, as translated by Woepoke supplemented from Brown's "Cyclic Tables" and Inscriptions. As no limits can be placed to a fanciful practice like this, I cannot give this list as complete list.

Cipher: Sunya, kha, gagana, viyat, akasa, ambara, abhra, ananta; vyoma.

1. Adi, sasin, indu, kshiti, urvara, dhara, pitamaha; chandra, sitamsu, rupa, rasmi, prithivi, bhu, tanu, soma, nayaka; vasudha; sasanka, kshma, dharani.

2. Yama, Asvin, ravichandrau, lochana, akshi, Dasi yamala, paksha, netra, bahu, karna, kutumba, kara, drishti.

3. Trikala, trijagat, tri, triguna, loka, trigata, paval, vaisvanara, dhana, tapana, hutasana, jvalana, agni, vahni, tri, chana, trinetra, Rama, sahodara, sikhin, guna.

4. Veda, samudra, sagara, abdhi, dadhi, dis, jalasay krita, jalanidhi, yuga, bandhu, udadhi.

5. Sara, artha, indriya, sayaka, bana, bhuta, ishu, Padava, tata, ratna, prana, suta, putra, visikha, kalamba, margana.

6. Rasa, anga, ritu, masarddha, raga, ari, darsana, tarimata, sastra.

7. Aga, naga, parvata, mahidhara, adri, muni, rishi, asksvara, chhandas, asva, dhatu, kalatra, saila.

8. Vasu, ahi; gaja, dantin, mangala; naga, bhuti, ibhasarpa.

9. Go; nanda, randhra, chhidra, pavana; antara, graha anka; nidhi, dvara.

10. Dis, asa, kondu, ravanasura; avatara, karma.

11. Rudra, svara, Mahadeva; akshauhini, labha.

12. Surya, arka, aditya, bhanu, masa; vyaya.

13. Visva, Manmatha, Kamadeva.

14. Manu, Loka, Indra.

15. Tithi, pakshi; ahan.

16. Ashti, nripa, bhupa, kala.

17. Atyashti.

18. Dhriti.

19. Atidhriti.

20. Nakha, kriti.

21. Utkriti, avarga.

22. Jati.

24. Jina.

25. Tattva.

Alberuni (1031 AD ) says that numbers beyond twenty-five were noted in this way. The following, however, occur but in late documents only:

27. Nakshatra.

32. Danta, Rada.

33. Deva.

40. Tana.

The list might be made much more extensive, as it is obvious that any synonyms of any word that can be used to signify a number can be used, e.g., any word signifying 'moon' besides those mentioned as equivalent to 1, may be used for the same purpose, and so with the others. The ordinary numbered words are commonly mixed with the words given above.

In making numbers of this system units are mentioned first and then the higher orders, e.g., Rishinagakhendusamvatsara is year 1087 gaganasastrakhenduganite samvatsara is equal to 1063, dahanadri- khenduganitasamvastara is equal to 1073. It appears, however, that occasionally in recent inscriptions the words are put in the same order as the figures are written."

The algebraical formulas are: —

i. [x](1) [x] (2) and so on to [x] (9)

ii. [x](1) [x] (2) and so on to [x] (9)

iii. [x](1) [x] (2) and so on to [x] (5)

iv. [x](1) [x] (2) and so on to [x] (8)

The order of the letters is from right to left, in conjunct letters, the last pronounced consonant only counts value and vowels have no value. Thus [x] mean 54 and [x] means 1059.1 [See IA, II, 861.]

52. Sandrocottus. It was Sir William Jones, the Founder and President of the Society instituted in Bengal for inquiry into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences and Literature of Asia, who died on 27th April 1794, that suggested for the first time an identification to the notice of scholars. In his 'Tenth Anniversary Discourse'delivered by him on 28th February 1793 on "Asiatic History, Civil and Natural," referred to the so-called discovery by him of the identity of Candragupta, the Founder of the Maurya Dynasty of the Kings Magadha, with Sandrocottus of the Greek writers of Alexander's adventures, thus:

"The Jurisprudence of the Hindus and Arabs being the field, which I have chosen for my peculiar toil, you cannot expect, that I should greatly enlarge your collection of historical knowledge, but I may be able to offer you some occasional tribute, and I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay, which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra, (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for, though it could not have been Prayaga where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks, nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erranaboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be "Yamuna", but this only difficulty was removed when I found in a Classical Sanskrit book near two thousand years old, that Hiranyabahu or golden-armed, which the Greeks changed to Erranaboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself, though Megasthenes from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately.1 [Asiatic Researches, IV. 10-11.] This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandrocottus, the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes, and was no other than that very Sandrocottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator, so that we have solved another problem to which we before alluded, and may in round numbers consider the twelve and three hundredth years before Christ as two certain epochs between Rama who conquered Silan a few centuries after the flood, and Vicramaditya who died at Ujjayini fifty-seven years before the beginning of our era."


53. The passage regarding Candragupta's date is found in Justinius, Epitoma Pompet Trogi, xv 4 and Mr. McCrindle translated it as follows:2 [Mendelsohn's edition (Leipzig, 1879), I. 426.]

"[Seleucus] carried on many wars in the East after the division of the Macedonian kingdom between himself and the other successor of Alexander, first seizing Babylonia, and then reducing the Bactrians, his power being increased by the first success. Thereafter he passed into India, which had, since Alexander's death, killed his prefects, thinking that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck. The author of its freedom had been Sandrocottus, but when victory was gained he had changed the name of freedom to that of bondage. For, after he had ascended the throne, he himself oppressed with servitude the very people which he had rescued from foreign dominion. Though of humble birth, he was impelled by innate majesty to assume royal power. When king Nandrus,1 [McCrindle's translation, 114.] whom he had offended by his boldness, ordered him to be killed, he had resorted to speedy flight. Sandrocottus, having thus gained the crown, held India at the time when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness. Seleucus came to an agreement with him, and, after settling affairs in the East, engaged in the war against Antigonus."


"He carried on many wars in the East after the division of the Makedonian kingdom between himself and the other successors of Alexander, first seizing Babylonia, and then reducing Baktriane, his power being increased by the first success. Thereafter he passed into India, which had, since Alexander's death, killed its governors, thinking thereby to shake off from its neck the yoke of slavery. Sandrokottos had made it free: but when victory was gained he changed the name of freedom to that of bondage, for he himself oppressed with servitude the very people which he had rescued from foreign dominion. Sandrokottos, having thus gained the crown, held India at the time when Seleukos was laying the foundations of his future greatness. Seleukos came to an agreement with him, and, after settling affairs in the East, engaged in the war against Antigonos (302 B.C.).' — Justinus (XV. 4)

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A.


The same transactions are referred to by Appianus:

"[Seleucus] crossed the Indus and waged war on Androcottus king of the Indians who dwelt about it, until he made friends and entered into relations of marriage with him."


According to Strabo, Seleucus ceded to Chandragupta a tract of land to the west of the Indus and received in exchange five hundred elephants.2 [V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed., p 150 f, Krom, Hermes 44, 154 ff.]

The inference drawn is this: Seleucus I Nikator of Syria (BC 312- 280), "arrived in Cappadocia in the autumn of 302 [the year preceding the battle of Ipsos]. The march from India to there must have required at least two summers. Consequently, the peace with Chandragupta has to be placed about the summer of 304, or at the latest in the next winter."3 [Beloch's Gricch, Gesch, 8, 1, 146, n 3.] We know from various sources that Megasthenes became the ambassador of Seleucus at Chandragupta's court.4 [Schwanbeck, Megasthenes Indica (Bonn. 1876), p 19, C. Muller Fragmenta Historcorum Graecorum, vol 11 (Paris 1848), p. 898, McCrindle, IA, VI, 115.]

It follows from these statements that Chandragupta ascended the throne between Alexander's death (BC 323) and the treaty with Seleucus (BC 304)."

54. Earlier in the same discourse Sir William had mentioned his authorities for the statement that Candragupta became sovereign of upper Hindusthan, with his Capital at Pataliputra. "A most beautiful poem," said he "by Somadeva, comprising a long chain of instructive and agreeable stories, begins with the famed revolution at Pataliputra by the murder of king Nanda with his eight sons, and the usurpation of Chandragupta, and the same revolution is the subject of a tragedy in Sanskrit entitled 'The Coronation of Chandra.'"1 [Ibid 6.] Thus he claimed to have identified Palibothra with Pataliputra and Sandrokottus with Candragupta, and to have determined 300 BC "in round numbers" as a certain epoch between two others which he called the conquest of Silan by Rama: "1200 BC," and the death of Vikramaditya at Ujjain in 57 BC.

In the Discourse referred to, Sir William barely stated his discovery, adding "that his proofs must be reserved" for a subsequent essay, but he died before that essay could appear.

55. The theme was taken immediately by Col. [Captain Francis] Wilford in Volume V of the Asiatic Researches. Wilford entered into a long and fanciful disquisition on Palibothra, and rejected Sir William's identification of it with Pataliputra, but he accepted the identification of Sandrocottus with Candragupta in the following words: —"Sir William Jones from a poem written by Somadeva and a tragedy called the Coronation of Chandra or Chandragupta discovered that he really was the Indian king mentioned by the historians of Alexander under the name of Sandrocottus. These poems I have not been able to procure, but I have found another dramatic piece entitled Mudra-Rachasa,1 [This spelling shows that Wilford saw not the Sanskrit drama but some vernacular visions of it.] which is divided into two parts, the first may be called the Coronation of Chandra."2 [Asiatic Researches, V, 262. Wilford wrongly names the author of the drama as Amanta (or Ananta).]


P. 262: Chandra-Gupta, or he who was saved by the interposition of Lunus or the Moon, is called also Chandra in a poem quoted by Sir William Jones. The Greeks call him Sandrocuptos, Sandrocottos, and Androcottos. Sandrocottos is generally used by the historians of Alexander; and Sandrocuptos is found in the works of Athenaeas. Sir William Jones, from a poem written by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra or Chandra-Gupta [Asiatick Researches, vol. IV, p. 6, 11.], discovered that he really was the Indian king mentioned by the historians of Alexander, under the name of Sandrocottos. These two poems I have not been able to procure; but, I have found another dramatic piece, intitled Mudra-Racshasa, or the Seal of Racshasa, which is divided into two parts: the first may be called the coronation of Chandra-Gupta, and the second the reconciliation of Chandra-Gupta with Mantri-Racshasa, the prime minister of his father.

The history of Chandra-Gupta is related, though in few words, in the Vishnu-purana, the Bhagawat, and two other books, one of which is called Brahatcatha, and the other is a lexicon called Camandaca: the two last are supposed to be about six or seven hundred years old. In the Vishnu-purana we read, "Unto Nanda shall be born nine sons; Cotilya, his minister shall destroy them, and place Chandra-Gupta on the throne."

In the Bhagawat we read, "from the womb of Sudri, Nanda shall be born. His eldest son will be called Sumalva, and he shall have eight sons more; these, a Brahmen (called Cotilya, Vatsayana, and Chanacya in the commentary) shall destroy, after them a Maurya shall reign in the Cali-yug. This Brahmen will place Chandra-Gupta on the throne." In the Brahatcatha it is said, that this revolution was effected in seven days, and the nine children of Nanda put to death. In the Camandaca, Chanacyas is called Vishnu-Gupta. The following is an abstract of the history of Chandra-Gupta from the Mudra-Racshasa:

Nanda, king of Prachi, was the son of Maha Nandi, by a female slave of the Sudra tribe: hence Nanda was called a Sudra. He was a good king, just and equitable, and paid due respect to the Brahmens: he was avaricious, but he respected his subjects. He was originally king of Magada, now called South-Bahar, which had been in the possession of his ancestors since the days of Crishna; by the strength of his arm he subdued all the kings of the country, and like another Parasu-Rama destroyed the remnants of the Cshettris. He had two wives, Ratnavati and Mura. By the first he had nine sons, called the Sumalyadicas, from the eldest, whose name was Sumalya (though in the dramas, he is called Sarvarthasidd'hi); by Mura he had Chandra-Gupta, and many others, who were known by the general appellation of Mauryas, because they were born of Mura...

-- XVII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford, Asiatic Researches; or, Transactions of the Society Instituted in Bengal, For Inquiring Into the History and Antiquities, The Arts, Sciences, and Literature, Of Asia, Volume the Fifth, 1799


[Horace Hayman] Wilson further amended the incorrect authorities relied on by Sir William Jones, and said in his Preface to Mudra-Rakshasa3 [Theatre of the Hindus, Vol. II.] that by Sir William's "a beautiful poem by Somadeva" was "doubtless meant the large collection of tales by Somabhatta the Vrihat-katha."4 [Wilson again is not quite correct in his Bibiography. Somadeva's large collection of tales is entitled Kathasarit sagara and is an adaptation into Sanskrit verse of an original work in the Paisaci language called Brihat, Katha, composed by one Gunadhya.]
It may not here be out of place to offer a few observations on the identification of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus. It is the only point on which we can rest with anything like confidence in the history of the Hindus, and is therefore of vital importance in all our attempts to reduce the reigns of their kings to a rational and consistent chronology. It is well worthy, therefore, of careful examination; and it is the more deserving of scrutiny, as it has been discredited by rather hasty verification and very erroneous details.

Sir William Jones first discovered the resemblance of the names, and concluded Chandragupta to be one with Sandrocottus (As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11). He was, however, imperfectly acquainted with his authorities, as he cites "a beautiful poem” by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra, for the history of this prince. By the first is no doubt intended the large collection of tales by Somabhatta, the Vrihat-Katha, in which the story of Nanda's murder occurs: the second is, in all probability, the play that follows, and which begins after Chandragupta’s elevation to the throne. In the fifth volume of the Researches the subject was resumed by the late Colonel Wilford, and the story of Chandragupta is there told at considerable length, and with some accessions which can scarcely be considered authentic. He states also that the Mudra-Rakshasa consists of two parts, of which one may be called the coronation of Chandragupta, and the second his reconciliation with Rakshasa, the minister of his father. The latter is accurately enough described, but it may be doubted whether the former exists.

Colonel Wilford was right also in observing that the story is briefly related in the Vishnu-Purana and Bhagavata, and in the Vrihat-Katha; but when he adds, that it is told also in a lexicon called the Kamandaki he has been led into error. The Kamandaki is a work on Niti, or Polity, and does not contain the story of Nanda and Chandragupta. The author merely alludes to it in an honorific verse, which he addresses to Chanakya as the founder of political science, the Machiavel of India.

The birth of Nanda and of Chandragupta, and the circumstances of Nanda’s death, as given in Colonel Wilford’s account, are not alluded to in the play, the Mudra-Rakshasa, from which the whole is professedly taken, but they agree generally with the Vrihat-Katha and with popular versions of the story. From some of these, perhaps, the king of Vikatpalli, Chandra-Dasa, may have been derived, but he looks very like an amplification of Justin's account of the youthful adventures of Sandrocottus. The proceedings of Chandragupta and Chanakya upon Nanda's death correspond tolerably well with what we learn from the drama, but the manner in which the catastrophe is brought about (p. 268), is strangely misrepresented. The account was no doubt compiled for the translator by his pandit, and it is, therefore, but indifferent authority.

It does not appear that Colonel Wilford had investigated the drama himself, even when he published his second account of the story of Chandragupta (As. Res. vol. ix. p. 93), for he continues to quote the Mudra-Rakshasa for various matters which it does not contain. Of these, the adventures of the king of Vikatpalli, and the employment of the Greek troops, are alone of any consequence, as they would mislead us into a supposition, that a much greater resemblance exists between the Grecian and Hindu histories than is actually the case.

Discarding, therefore, these accounts, and laying aside the marvellous part of the story, I shall endeavour, from the Vishnu and Bhagavata-Puranas, from a popular version of the narrative as it runs in the south of India, from the Vrihat-Katha, [For the gratification of those who may wish to see the story as it occurs in these original sources, translations are subjoined; and it is rather important to add, that in no other Purana has the story been found, although most of the principal works of this class have been carefully examined.] and from the play, to give what appear to be the genuine circumstances of Chandragupta's elevation to the throne of Palibothra.


-- Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, Translated from Original Sanskrit in Two Volumes, by Horace Hayman Wilson, Volume II, 1871


56. Max Muller then elaborated the discovery of this identity in his Ancient Sanskrit Literature. To him this identity was a settled incontrovertible fact. On the path of further research, he examined the chronology of the Buddhists according to the Northern or the Chinese and the Southern or the Ceylonese traditions, and summed this up:

"Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date of Chandragupta. Chandragupta was the grand-father of Asoka, and the contemporary of Selukus Nikator. Now, according to the Chinese chronology, Asoka would have lived, to waive the minor differences, 850 or 750 BC, according to Ceylonese Chronology, 315 B.C. Either of these dates is impossible because it does not agree with the chronology of Greece."


'Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date of Chandragupta' is the declaration. How is that date to be fixed? The Puranic accounts were of course beneath notice. The Buddhist chronologies were conflicting, and must be ignored. The Greek synchronism comes to his rescue: "There is but one means by which the history of India can be connected with that of Greece, and its chronology must be reduced to its proper limits," that is, by the clue afforded by "the name of Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus, the Sanskrit Chandragupta."

From classical writers — Justin, Arrian, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch — a formidable array, all of whom however borrowed their account from practically the same sources — he puts together the various statements concerning Sandrocottus, and tries to show that they all tally with the statements made by Indian writers about the Maurya king Candragupta. "The resemblance of this name," says he, "with the name of Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus was first, I believe, pointed out by Sir William Jones. [Captain Francis] Wilford, [Horace Hayman] Wilson, and Professor [Christian] Lassen have afterwards added further evidence in confirmation of Sir W. Jones's conjecture, and although other scholars, and particularly M. Troyer in his edition of the Rajatarangini, have raised objections, we shall see that the evidence in favour of the identity of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus is such as to admit of no reasonable doubt." Max Muller only repeats that the Greek accounts of Sandrocottus and the Indian accounts of Chandragupta agree in the main, both speaking of a usurper who either was base-born himself or else overthrew a base-born predecessor, and that this essential agreement would hold whether the various names used by Greek writers — Xandrames, Andramas, Aggraman, Sandrocottus and Sandrocyptus — should be made to refer to two kings, the overthrown and the overthrower, or all to one, namely the overthrower himself, though personally he is inclined to the view that the first three variations refer to the overthrown, and the last two to the overthrower. He explains away the difficulty in identifying the sites of Palibothra and Pataliputra geographically by "a change in the bed of the river Sone." He passes over the apparent differences in detail between the Greek statements on the one hand and the Hindu and Buddhist versions on the other quite summarily, declaring that Buddhist fables were invented to exalt, and the Brahmanic fables to lower Chandragupta's descent! Lastly with respect to chronology the Brahmanic is altogether ignored, and the Buddhist is "reduced to its proper limits," that is, pulled down to fit in with Greek chronology.


57. Priyadasi. Next came inscriptions of Priyadasi1 [The Edicts are edited in IA, 6, 10, 14, 17, 18, 19, 22, 34, 37, 38. On the Edicts, see IA, XIII 804, XX 1, 85, 229, XXXV 220 XXXIV 246, XXXVIII 151, XLVII, 48. Also, D. R. Bhandarkar, Asoka, Calcutta, V. A. Smith, Asoka, Oxford, F. W. Thomas, Les Vivasti de Asoka, JA, (1910), E. Hultzsch, Date of Asoka, JRAS, (1914) 943. H. H. Wilson, Identity of Asoka, JRAS, (o s ), XXII, 177 243, (1901) 827 858, V. A, Smith, Authorship of Piyadasi inscriptions, JRAS, (1901), 485; Asokavadana, JRAS, [1901) 545, Bindusara, JRAS, (1901), 334.] These edicts published in the tenth and twelfth years of Asoka's reign (253 and 251 BC) are found in distinct places in the extreme East and West of India. As revealed in these engraved records, the spoken dialect was essentially the same throughout the wide and fertile regions lying between the Vindhya and Himalayas, and between the mouths of the Indus and the Ganges. The language appears in three varieties, which may be named the Punjabi, the Ujjaini and the Magadhi. These may point to a transitional stage between Sanskrit and Pali. "The language of the inscriptions," says Prinsep, "although necessarily that of their date and probably that in which the first propagators of Buddhism expounded their doctrines, seems to have been the spoken language of the people of Upper India than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists or a sacred language, and its use in the edicts of Piyadasi, although incompatible with their Buddhistic origin, cannot be accepted as a conclusive proof that they originated from a peculiar form of religious belief."

Asoka's name does not occur in these inscriptions, but that these purport to emanate from a king who gives his formal title in various Prakrit forms of which the Sanskrit would be Devanampriyah Priyadarsi raja. It was James Prinsep that first ascribed Asoka's edicts to Devanampiya-Tissa of Ceylon.1 [E. Hultzsch, Date of Asoka, JRAS, (1914), 948.] The discovery of the Nagarjuna Hill cave-inscriptions of Sashalata Devanampiya [Barabar Caves], whom he at once identified with Dasaratha, the grandson of the Maurya king Asoka, and the fact that Turnour had found Piyadassi or Piyadassana used as a surname of Asoka in the Dipavamsa, induced Prinsep to abandon his original view, and to identify Devanampriya Priyadarsan with Asoka himself.

In February 1838, Prinsep published the text and a translation of the second rock edict, Girnar version of it (1 3) the words Amtiyako Yonaraja and in the Dhauli version (1, 1) Amtiyoke nama Yona-laja, and identified the Yona king Antiyaka or Antiyoka with Antiochus III of Syria.2 [JASB, VII 156.] In March 1838, he discovered in the Girnar edict xiii (1, 8), the names of Turamaya, Amtikona,3 [In reality Girnar and Kalsi read Amtekina, Shahbazgarhi Amtikini. Buhler (ZDMG, 40 137) justly remarked that these two forms would rather correspond to Antigenes than to Antigonus. But no king named Antigenes is known to us, though it was the name of one of the officers of Alexander the Great, who was executed, together with Eumenes in BC 316, being then satrap of Suslana.] and Maga, whom he most ingeniously identified with Ptolemy II Philadelphos of Egypt, Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia (?) and Magas of Cyrine. At the same time he modified his earlier theory and now referred the name Antiyoka to Antiochus I or II of Syria, preferably the former.

On the Girnar rock the name of a fifth king who was mentioned after Maga is lost. The Shahbazgarhi version calls him Alikasundara. E. Norris recognized that this name corresponds to the Greek [x], and suggested hesitatingly that Alexander of Epirus, the son of Pyrihus, might be meant by it.4 [JRAS (o s), 205.] This identification was endorsed by Westerguard,5 [Zwei Abhandlungen, translated from the Danish into German by Stenzlet (Breslau, 1862), p 120 f.] Lassen,6 [Ind. Alt., 253 ff.] and Senart.7 [IA, XX, 242.] But Professor Beloch thinks that Alexander of Corinth, the son of Craterus, had a better claim.8 [Griech, Gesch., 3, 2, 105.]

"The mention of these five contemporaries in the inscriptions of Devanampriya Priyadarshi," says E. Hultzsch, "confirms in a general way the corrections of Prinsep's identification of the latter with Asoka, the grandson of Chandragupta, whose approximate time we know from Greek and Roman records. Antiochus I Soter of Syria reigned BC 280-261, his son Antiochus II Theos 261-246, Ptolemy II Philadelphos of Egypt 285-247, Antigonus Gonates of Macedonia 276-239, Magas of Cyrene c 300-c. 250, Alexander of Epirus 272-c 255, and Alexander of Corinth 252-c 244."

58. This identification of Sandrocottus with Candragupta Maurya furnished a very certain starting point in investigating what appeared to be such a huge field of uncertainties as Indian Chronology. Thus, according to Buddhist traditions, it is said, Buddha died 162 years before Candragupta. Max Muller supposes that "Chandragupta became king about 315 BC, and so he places the death of Buddha 162 plus 315 or 477 BC. Or again 32 years after Chandragupta, Asoka is said to have become king, that is 315 - 52 or 263 BC, and his "inauguration" is said to have taken place in 259 BC. At the time of Asoka's inauguration 218 years had elapsed since the conventional date of Buddha's death." Hence Buddha must have also died in 477 BC.

59. Thus came in the Anchor Sheet of Indian Chronology. It fell to the glorious lot of Vincent A. Smith to sponsor this hypothesis and instal it on a firmer pedestal. Glory is god-made and V. A. Smith was destined for it.1 [The reader may well be reminded of the facetious address of Gopi to Sri Krsna: [x]] He took the chronological identity so premised by the predecessors in this historical hierarchy as the basis of further calculation of the exact dates of the different dynasties that ruled over Magadha before and after the Mauryas. He was able to invoke the aid of numismatics in addition to epigraphy. He could interpret the eras, particularly the Gupta era of the inscriptions, and the legends on the coins, and discover a confirmation of the earlier opinions. He could not however get over, as if by compunction, the need to follow the Puranas in the enumeration of the kings and then dynasties, he took the dynasties and the succession of kings as they were, he did not call them fictitious. He had objection to the long periods of years that these Puranas sometimes assigned to particular kings or dynasties. They were improbable and fanciful and so on their face unreliable. So he set out to sift the intervals of time and adjust the dates and periods on a rational basis, a basis that would quite convince the modern mind of a reasonable probability. The device of reduction of time is in short this:

Where the Puranas have different readings the shortest number of years is adopted, where the Puranas give a long period to any reign, it is reduced to 20 years as the average ascertainable in royal histories elsewhere, where the Puranas give only brief terms of a few years or a few months, that is adopted as correct. The result of these reductions will be seen below —


Dynasty / Puranas / V. Smith

Nandas / 100 (1635-1535 BC) / 45
Mauryas / 316 (1535-1219 BC ) / 137
Sungas / 300 (1219-919 BC) / 112
Kanvas / 85 ( 919-834 BC) / 45
Andhras / 506 (834-328 BC) / 289
Guptas / 245 (328-83 BC) / 149


Thus, according to Vincent Smith, Candragupta became king in 322 BC, and Buddha died in 487 BC, this allows 50 years for the Nandas before Candragupta, and 250 years for the Saisunagas before the Nandas. And so he begins his Early History from about 602 BC. Likewise, starting from 322 BC, V. Smith allows 137 years for the Maurya Dynasty, and places Sunga kings in 185-73 BC, and Kanva kings in 73 to 28 BC, and so on bringing the list down to Andhras and Guptas. I extract the passage:

"Although the discrepant traditionary materials available do not permit the determination with accuracy of the chronology of the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties, it is, I venture to think, possible to attain a tolerably close approximation to the truth, and to reconcile some of the traditions. The fixed point from which to reckon backwards is the year 322 BC, the date for the succession of Chandragupta Maurya, which is certainly correct, with a possible error not exceeding three years. The second principal datum is the list of ten kings of the Saisunaga dynasty as given in the oldest historical entries in the Puranas, namely those in the Matsya and the Vayu, the general correctness of which is confirmed by several lines of evidence, and the third is the probable date of the death of Buddha.

Although the fact that the Saisunaga dynasty consisted of ten kings may be admitted, neither the duration assigned by the Puranas to the dynasty as a whole, nor that allotted to certain reigns, can be accepted. Experience proves that in a long series an average of twenty-five years to a generation is rarely attained, and that this average is still more rarely exceeded in a series of reigns as distinguished from generations.

The English series of ten reigns from Charles II to Victoria, inclusive, 16+9-1901 (reckoning the accession of Charles II from the death of his father in 1649), occupied 252 years, and included the two exceptionally long reigns of George III and Victoria, aggregating 124 years. The resultant average, 252 years per reign, may be taken as the maximum possible, and consequently 232 years are the maximum allowable for the ten Saisunaga reigns. The Puranic figures of 321 (Matsya) and 332 (Vayu) years, obtained by adding together the durations of the several reigns may be rejected without hesitation as being incredible. The Matsya account concludes with the statement, 'These will be the ten Saisunaga kings. The Saisunagas will endure 360 years, being kings with Kshatriya kinsfolk.' Mr Pargiter suggests that the figures '360' should be interpreted as '163'. If that interpretation be accepted the average length of reign would be only 16.3. and it would be difficult to make Buddha (died cir 487) contemporary with Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. It is more probable that the dynasty lasted for more than two centuries.

As stated in the text, the traditional periods assigned to the Nanda dynasty of either 100 or 150 years for two generations cannot be accepted. A more reasonable period of fifty years may be provisionally assumed. We thus get the 302 (252 plus 50) as the maximum admissible period for the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties combined, and, reckoning backwards from the fixed point, 322 BC. The Year 624 BC is found to be the earliest possible date for Sisunaga, the first king. But of course the true date may be, and probably is, somewhat later, because it is extremely unlikely that twelve reigns (ten Saisunaga and two Nanda) should have attained an average of 25.16 years.

The reigns of the fifth and sixth kings, Bimbisara or Srenika, and Ajatasatru or Kunika, were well remembered owing to the wars and events in religious history which marked them. We may therefore assume that the lengths of those reigns were known more or less accurately, and are justified in accepting the concurrent testimony of the Vayu and Matsya Puranas, that Bimbisara reigned for twenty-eight years.

Ajatasatru is assigned twenty-five or twenty-seven years by different Puranas, and thirty-two years by Tibetan and Ceylonese Buddhist tradition. I assume the correctness of the oldest Puranic list, that of the Matsya, and take his reign to have been twenty-seven years. The real existence of Darsaka (erroneously called Vamsaka by the Matsya) having been established by Bhasa's Vasavadatta [Svapnavasavadattam: The dream of Vasavadatta is a Sanskrit play in six acts written by the ancient Indian poet Bhāsa. The plot of the drama is drawn from the romantic narratives about the Vatsa king Udayana and Vasavadatta, the daughter of Pradyota, the ruler of Avanti, which were current in the poet's time and which seem to have captivated popular imagination. The main theme of the drama is the sorrow of Udayana for his queen Vasavadatta, believed by him to have perished in a fire, which was actually a rumour spread by Yaugandharayana, a minister of Udayana to compel his king to marry Padmavati, the daughter of the king of Magadha.], his reign may be assigned twenty-four years, as in the Matsya Udaya, who is mentioned in the Buddhist books, and is said to have built Pataliputra, is assigned thirty-three years by the Puranas, which may pass.

The Vayu and Matsya Puranas respectively assign eighty-five and eighty-three years to the sum of the reigns of kings numbers 9 and 10 together. These figures are improbably high, and it is unlikely that the two reigns actually occupied more than fifty years. The figure 46 is assumed.

The evidence as far as it goes, and at best it does not amount to much, indicates that the average length of the later reigns was in excess of the normal figure. We may assume, therefore, that the first four reigns, about which nothing is known must have been comparatively short, and did not exceed some seventy or eighty years collectively. An assumption that these reigns were longer would unduly prolong the total duration of the dynasty, the beginning of which must be dated about 600 BC, or a little earlier.

The existence of a great body of detailed traditions, which are not mere mythological legends, sufficiently establishes the facts that both Mahavira, the Jain leader, and Gautama Buddha were contemporary to a considerable extent with one another and with the kings Bimbisara and Ajatasatru.

Tradition also indicates that Mahavira predeceased Buddha. The death of these saints form well-marked epochs in the history of Indian religion, and are constantly referred to by ecclesiastical writers for chronological purposes. It might therefore be expected that the traditional dates of the two events would supply at once the desired clue to the dynastic chronology. But close examination of conflicting traditions raises difficulties. The year 527 (528-7) BC, the most commonly quoted date for the death of Mahavira, is merely one of several traditionary dates, and it seems to be impossible to reconcile the Jain traditions either among themselves or with the known approximate date of Chandragupta."


60. This exposition of V. A. Smith has become the unalterable standard for later scholars.1 [V. R. Ramachandra Diksitar, Matsyapurana, Madras, R. D. Banerjee, Age of Imperial Guptas, Benares, Dinescandra Sircar, Successors of Satavahanas, Jl. of Dept of Letters, Calcutta, Vol. 26, Dhirendranath Mukhopadhyaja, True Dates of Buddha and Connected Epochs, Ibid. Vol. 27.] Great and sincere as many of these scholars have been, they did not dare or care to go behind Smith's fiats, and if any did differ from him, it was over the insignificant question of the particular year in which Candragupta was crowned, if it was 312, 315, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326 or 327 BC.2 [See M. Senart, IA, XX 229; S. Gopala Iyer, IA, XXXVII. 341, Buhler, IA, VI, 149, EI, III, 134, Fleet, JRAS, (1904) 1, (1906) 983, V. Smith, EHI, 173.] Thus Fleet says —

"Now, in all matters of the most ancient Indian chronology, the great 'sheet anchor' is, and has been ever since 1798, the date of Chandragupta, the grandfather of Asoka the Maurya, as determined by the information furnished by the Greek writers. In recent years, indeed, there has been a tendency to believe that we have something still more definite in the reference to certain foreign kings in the thirteenth rock-edict of Asoka. But, as may be shown on some other occasion, there is nothing in that, beyond proof that that edict, framed not earlier than the ninth year after the abhisheka or anointment of Asoka to the sovereignty, and most probably in the thirteenth year, was framed not before BC 272, and that does not help as much, because the abhisheka of Asoka might, so far as that goes, be put back to even as early a year as BC, 284. In all that we have as yet been able to determine about Asoka, there is nothing that enables as to improve upon what we could already determine about Chandragupta. From the Greek writers, we know that Chandragupta became king of Northern India at some time between BC. 326 and 312. Within those limits, different writers, have selected different years: BC. 325, 321, 316, 315 and 312. The latest selection is, I suppose, that made by Mr. Vincent Smith in his Early History of India, 173, namely, BC 321."3 [Fleet, JRAS, (1906), 984.]


61. The deductions and inferences of V. Smith have come to stay. But the traditional reputation has been too staring in its assertion that Mahabharata War happened at the end of Dvaparayuga, 37 years before the advent of Kaliyuga in 3102 BC. Later scholars, to whom the tradition was a fraud, resorted to the only alternative, viz., to post-date the beginning of Kaliyuga so as to preserve the Puranic Synchronism of Mahabharata War with about the end of Dvaparayuga. Even there the sayings of V. Smith were adopted as canons of indubitable truth and the dates were worked up on their basis only, and this had been done in wholesale disregard of the care and precision with which the Puranas recorded the calculations of political history.

62. The Puranas uniformly give two methods, which are corroborative of each other, in calculating the dates of these Hindu Dynasties. One starts from the close of the Mahabharata War and almost coevally with the commencement of the Kaliyuga, from which time the number of years that each king reigned is given. The other starts from the Saptarsi Era or the Laukikabda, whose cycle consisting of 2700 years is accepted by all authorities to have commenced about 4992 years ago, corresponding to 3676 BC. Now the Puranas state the First cycle of this Saptarsi Era or Laukikabda commenced at the time of Pariksit, that the Saptarsis were in Magha at his time, that they move in a retrograde motion and take 100 years to pass from one Naksatra to another, that they were in Purvasadha (or the 16th Naksatra from Magha) at the time of the commencement of the Nanda dynasty, that they were in Citra-Naksatra (or the 24 Naksatra from Magha) at the commencement on the Andhra Dynasty, and that at the beginning of the reign of the 27th king of the Andhra Dynasty, the cycle repeated itself, the Saptarsis having come back to Magha. So there must have elapsed at least 1500 years between Pariksit and Mahipadma Nanda, 2300 years between Pariksit and Andhra Simuka (Sri Satakarni) the Founder of the Andhra Dynasty, and 270 years between Pariksit and Sivasri Satakarni, the 27th king of the Andhra Dynasty, and that this king Sivasri must have commenced his reign in the year 377 BC.
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

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Part 4 of 5

63. The Mahabharata War starts the Puranic chronology, that is, at 3139 BC. The periods assigned to the eight dynasties that ruled over Magadha, Barhadratha to Andhra, is made up 2811 years thus: --  

Dynasty / No. of Kings / years

1 Barhadratha (post-Bharata) / 22 / 1006
2 Pradyota / 5 / 138
3 Saisunaga / 10 / 360
4 Nanda / 9 (2 generations) / 100
5. Maurya / 12 / 316
6. Sunga / 10 / 300
7. Kanva / 4 / 85
8 Andhra / 32 / 506
Total1 [As summed up in Kaliyuga Rajavrttanta or 2836 according to Matsya? Vincent Smith commits an egregious blunder in making the first 10 or 11 kings of the Andhra dynasty contemporaneous with the preceding dynasties and holding that the slayer of the last Kanva king "apparently must have been one or other of three Andhra kings namely No. 11, 12 or 13." Early History, p. 306.] / -- / 2811


2811 years after the Mahabharata War, or about 328 B.C., the sovereignty of Magadha passed into the hands of a line called Parvatiya and Andhrabhrtya, the first king of which was Candragupta.

64. This Saptarsi Era is fully described in all the Puranas in words almost similar to one another, and the following passage from the Kaliyuga-Raja-Vrttanta may suffice as an example:

[x] — Bhaga III, Chapter III.

The above passage may be freely translated as follows:

'In the circle of the lunar asterisms (Nakshatras) wherein the great constellation of the Sapta Rishis (constituting the Great Bear or the Ursa Major) revolve, and which contain 27 asterisms (like Asvini, Bharani, Krittika, etc.) in its circumference (ecliptic consisting of 360°, each Nakshatra or lunar asterism being equal to 18° 20' of the ecliptic), the Seven Sages remain for 100 years in each asterism in turn (the Rishis taking 2700 years to make a circuit of the heavens).

This is the Cycle of the Seven Seers (consisting of 2700 human years) and is reckoned in the terms of Divine years (360 human years being equal to 1 Divine year). And the total period is equal to 7 Divine years and 6 Divine months (i.e., 7-1/2 times 360 or 2700 human years).

The constellation of the Seven Saints (or the Seven Stars of the Wain, consisting of Marichi, Vasishtha accompanied by the Sukshmatara Arundhati, Angiras, Atri, Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu) takes a period of 100 years to go over each of the 27 asterisms, (and it goes through these 27 asterisms in a retrograde order, as the Twelve Signs of the Zodiac which comprise these 27 asterisms are arranged in a retrograde order around the ecliptic.) Thus the Saptarshi Kala (or the Samvat of the Haft Rikheshar), consisting of a cycle of 2700 years, has come to be constituted.

The two front stars (Pulaha and Kratu) of the great constellation of the Seven Sages which are seen (in the northern region) when risen at night, the lunar asterism or Nakshatra which is seen situated equally between them in the sky, is said to govern the same— the constellation of the Sapta Rishis being known as conjoined with that asterism for 100 human years. This is the exposition of the conjunction of the lunar asterisms and the constellation of the Sapta Rishis.

When the constellation of the Seven Sages remained conjoined with the asterism of Maghas, then the Kali Age (the sinful Kaliyuga) comprising 1200 Divine years (or 432,000 common human years) began.

When Lord Krishna returned to Heaven (i.e., left this mundane world), then in that very same year (on the first day of Chaitra of the year Pramathin according to the Southern school of Astronomers), — say the knowers of the ancient history —the present Kaliyuga (of the 28th Mahayuga comprising 12,000 Divine years) commenced.

As long as the Great Incarnation of the Divine Vishnu continued to touch the Earth (with His holy feet), so long the Kali Age was unable to approach the Earth.

When the Seven Rishis shall pass from the Maghas and reach the asterism of Purvashadha, then will, indeed, the Kali Age begin to grow.

When Prince Yudhishthira was for the first time crowned as king at Indraprastba (and established himself with his brothers, as master of half of the kingdom belonging to his father Pandu), then the Seven Rishis of the constellation of the Ursa Major entered the lunar asterism of Maghas which were sacred and propitious to the Pitris.

The Seven Rishis (of the Great Bear) entered the asterism of the Maghas, just 75 years before the beginning of the Kaliyuga (in the year 3177 BC) at the commencement of the reign of the great king Yudhishthira who ruled the Earth during the said period.

These Seven Sages will enter the asterism of Aslesha on the expiry of 26 years from the commencement of the Kali Age (in the year 3077 BC.) and they will continue to remain in that asterism for a period of 100 human years (from 3077 BC to 2977 BC.).

In that very same year (3077 BC) will Dharmaputra (Yudhishthira, the eldest of the five Pandava brothers) ascend to Heaven (Svargarohana) after wandering over the earth for a long time (having abdicated the throne in favour of Parikshit, the grandson of his brother Arjuna and started on his Mahaprasthana with his brothers and wife on hearing the sad and sudden news of the departure of Sri Krishna from the world.)

Then will the Laukikabda or the Laukika Era, consisting of a cycle of 2700 years, be started in the world in commemoration of the Ascension of Dharmaputra into Heaven.

These Divine Sages (consisting the constellation of the Ursa Major) will reach (the lunar asterism) Aslesha a second time (in their revolution) at the time of the commencement of the reign of the 27th King of the Andhra Dynasty (Sivasri Satakarni who began to rule Magadha in the year 2762 AY, corresponding to 377 BC —one complete cycle of 2700 years having elapsed since the expiry of the 25th year of the Kali Yuga, when they first reached Aslesha after the Mahabharata War).

These Seven Sages were conjoined with the asterism Magha for a period of 100 years during the time of Yudhisthira, and at the time of the commencement of the reign of King Nanda (Mahapadma), they will be conjoined with the asterism (Sravana, the 15th Nakshatra from Magha calculated, of course, in a reverse order).

From the commencement of the Andhra Dynasty (at Magadha) the Seven Rishis (of the Great Bear) will be found conjoined with (Chitra) the 24th lunar asterism (calculated from and inclusive of Magha).

The interval of time between the birth of Parikshit (son of Abhimanyu by Uttara, and grandson of Arjuna, who was in the womb of his mother at the time of the Mahabharata War) and the inauguration of Mahapadma Nanda (the Founder of the Nanda Dynasty), is to be known as 1500 years.

According to competent authorities (Pramanajnas) the interval of time between the coronation of Mahapadma Nanda (who came to the throne of Magadha in 1504 AY) and the commencement of the Andhra Dynasty (which began to rule Magadha in 1305 AY) is stated to be full 800 years.

When the great constellation of the Seven sages of the Ursa Major shall again reach the asterism Punarvasu (in its second revolution after the Mahabharata War), the Empire of the great Gupta Kings shall begin to decline, and when they shall actually enter the asterism of Purvabhadra thereafter, the kingdom of Magadha will pass from the Guptas to the Pala kings.'


65. According to Vayu and Matsya Puranas the interval between the birth of Pariksit and coronation of Mahapadma Nanda, is 1500 years.

[x]

But some versions of Bhagavata Purana differ and state that interval to be 1115 years. The text reads":

[x]— Skanda XII, Ch II, v. 26.

This will mean "From your birth (Pariksit is addressed by Suka) to the inauguration of Nanda, 1115 years, will elapse." Yet according to the duration of the different intermediate dynasties as enumerated by it in Skanda XII, Chapter I, the interval comes to 1498 years, viz.,

Barhadratha kings / 1000 years
Pradyota kings / 138 years
Saisunaga kings / 360 years
Total / 1498 years


This mistake has struck the celebrated commentators, Sridharasvamin and Viraraghava and they distinctly suggest that the reading should be:—

[x]

For Sridhara in commenting upon this verse states:

[x]

Thus we have the authority of Sridharasvamin and Viraraghava to say that 1500 years is the interval between Pariksit and Nanda.

66. But having adopted the wrong readings and reduced the period of interval between the birth of Pariksit and the coronation of Nanda to 1015, 1050 or 1115 years, these Orientalists bring down the date of the commencement of the Kali Yuga itself as low as possible. Assuming the wrong synchronism between Sandrocottus of the Greeks and Candragupta Maurya, they place the accession of Candragupta Maurya to the throne of Magadha in 322 BC, and calculating backwards and forwards from that date (while accepting the Lists of Kings given in the Puranas and the regnal periods given of those kings as correct) fix the date of the accession of Nanda to the throne in 422 BC, just placing him 100 years before the accession of Candragupta to the throne, and conclude that Kali Yuga must have commenced 1015, 1050 or 1115 years before that date, that is in 1437 BC or 1537 BC, conceding for all practical purposes the commencement of the Kali Yuga to be synchronous with the Birth of Pariksit, the Coronation of Yudhisthira and the Great War of the Mahabharata. This false synchronism between Sandrocottus of the Greeks and Candragupta Maurya of the Indians has become so much rooted in the bed of Indian Chronology, that scholars Srisa Chandra Vidyarnava and F. E. Pargiter placed the commencement of Kaliyuga in 1733 BC.

"The method of calculation", says Srisa Chandra "adopted by the Puranas, however, is to take Nanda as the starting point. The last of the Sisunaga was Mahanandin, who had a son by a Sudra woman. He was known as Mahapadma, or the famous Nanda, whose eight sons succeeded him. This Nanda family was brought to an end by the Indian Machiavelli, Kautilya or Chanakya. Chandragupta was placed on the throne of the Nandas by this Kautilya or Chanakya. About this event, V. Smith says: —


'Mahanandin, the last of the Dynasty, is said to have had, by a Sudra or low caste woman, a son, named Mahapadma Nanda who usurped the throne, and so established the Nanda family or dynasty. This event may be dated in or about 372 BC. * *

The Greek or Roman historians * * * ranking as contemporary witnesses throw a light on real history. When Alexander was stopped in his advance at the Hyphasis, in 326 BC, he was informed * * that the king of the Prachei etc * * * was Xandrames or Agramis.'


The reference to this king is evidently to one of the Nandas. The date of the accession of Nanda is calculated from that of Chandragupta Maurya, who ascended the throne in 322 BC. The Nanda Dynasty, according to Mr. Vincent Smith, lasted for 50 years, when it was replaced by the Maurya. So adding 50 to 322, the above figure 372 BC, is arrived at by Mr. V. Smith as the date of the accession of Mahapadma Nanda. But all the Puranas are unanimous in stating that the nine Nandas reigned for 100 years, and we have taken that in our calculations. The date of accession of Mahapadma Nanda would, therefore, be 422 BC instead of 372 BC.

Thus, 422 BC is the starting point backwards and forwards in the Puranic calculations.

Chandragupta Maurya displaced the Nanda family. The nine Nandas reigned for 100 years. Before that, there was the Sisunaga Dynasty, and before that was the Pradyota Dynasty, and before that the Brihadrathas. The following table shows the periods of the reigns of these dynasties: —


(1) Chandragupta's accession / 322 BC
(2) Nanda Dynasty / 100
(3) Sisunagas / 360
(4) Pradyotas / 152 (?)
(5) Barhadrathas from the time of Chaidyoparichara / 1000
Total / 1612
Deduct from Chaidya to Sahadeva / 171
Balance / 1441, and adding 322
-- / 1763 BC, the year of the Great War


The Mahabharata War took place when Sahadeva of Barhadratha family, was king. From Vasu Chaidya Uparichara up to Sahadeva, there were 13 kings, namely, (1) Vasu Chaidya Uparichara, (2) Brihadratha, (3) Kusagra, (4) Vrishabha, (5) Punyavan or Pushpavan, (6) Punya or Pushya, (7) Satyadhriti, (8) Dhanusha, (9) Sarva, (10) Sambhava, (11) Brihadratha, (12) Jarasandha, and (13) Sahadeva. After Sahadeva there were 19 or 32 kings (or 22 according to Mr. Pargiter) up to Ripunjaya the last. The Great War, therefore, took place, on the above assumption, one thousand four hundred and forty one years before the accession of Chandragupta in 322 BC., or in other words that the Great War took place in or about 1763 BC."

67. Mr. Pargiter, however, in his Dynasties of the Kali Age, arrives at the year 1810 BC as the date of the Great War of Mahabharata. He says that from Somadhi to Ripunjaya there were 22 kings in the Barhadratha Dynasty who reigned for 920 years. The Pradyotas after Ripunjaya were 5 kings who reigned for 138 years. The Saisunagas who came after the Pradyotas were 10 kings and reigned for 330 years. Adding up the above mentioned three figures, 920 plus 138 plus 330, he gets the sum 1388 years, which according to his calculation, was the interval between the installation of Mahapadma Nanda and the birth of Pariksit or the Great War. Adding 422 BC., the year of the installation of Mahapadma Nanda (which is of course assumed as a postulate of Indian History), Mr. Pargiter comes to the figure 1810 BC as the date of the Mahabharata War.

The fanciful speculations involved in these theories regarding the date of the Mahabharata War will be manifest to any disinterested reader of the Puranas and Itihasas. The conclusions were so uncertain that Srisa Chandra Vidyarnava reviewed his own original theory at a later stage and refuted the date of the Great War in 1922 BC (still following the false synchronism between Candragupta Maurya and Sandrocottus).


68. Thus, we see that Vincent Smith is the modern protagonist of this identity, the Anchor-Sheet of Indian Chronology. It is he that is quoted and followed without inquiry by our Indian Professors of history, and it is that chronology that is and must be taught in our schools. By sheer repetition by men in authority and in the works that emanate from them, the theory had almost become an axiom, and rarely does any thought occur for any fair investigation. Day after day the assumed identity takes a firmer root, and it is considered a matter of senility or superstition to express a need for a reconsideration. Hasty generalisations lead to prepossessions, and it is rarely human to attempt to demonstrate their reality. It may appear, therefore, a futile cry to seek to go behind these established opinions and to ask the reader to forbear and see for himself on the original bases of this theory, if, after all, the narratives of the Puranas, so honestly planned, are 'pious frauds.' For the vindication of the morality of our sages and the merit of our traditional lore, a lore adored by the millions of Hindu India, an attempt must be made, be the effect what it may.1 [See also R. K. Mookerji, Later Gupta History and Chronology, Jl, of Ind. History, IV. 17, Dineschandra Sarcar, Dynastic History of Northern India, Jyotirmoy Sen, Riddle of Pradyota Dynasty, IHQ, (1930), 678, H. D. Bhide, Pradyota Dynasty, JBORS, (1921), K. P. Jayaswal, Chandragupta II and his predecessors, JBARS, XVIII, 17.]

69. Max Muller himself was not slow to condemn in others this tendency to generalise. Says he,

"Men who possessed the true faculty of an historian like Niebuhr, have abstained from passing sentence on the history of a nation whose literature had only just been recovered, and had not yet passed through the ordeal of philological criticism. Other historians however thought they could do what Niebuhr had left undone; and after perusing some poems of Kalidasa, some fables of Hitopadesa, some verses of the Ananda-lahari, or the mystic poetry of the Bhagavad-gita, they gave with the aid of Megasthenes and Appollonius of Tyana a so-called historical account of the Indian nation without being aware that they were using as contemporary witnesses authors as distant as Dante and Virgil. No nation has in this respect been more unjustly treated than the Indian. Not only have general conclusions been drawn from the most scanty materials, but the most questionable and spurious authorities have been employed without the least historical investigation."


H. H. Wilson, earlier, in the preface to his translation of the Visnu Purana, had remarked,

"Impatience to generalise has availed itself of whatever promised to afford materials for generalisation, and the most erroneous views have often been confidently advocated because the guides to which their authors trusted were ignorant or inefficient."


70. The various accounts given of Candragupta and Asoka by Hindu and Buddhist writers, have contributed to a large extent to the manipulation of Indian chronology at the historian's pleasure. In his play Mudraraksasa, Visakhadatta, who wrote about 5th century AD, dramatises the events relating to Candragupta, and his account is mostly in agreement with the Puranic tale. He calls Candragupta a Maurya, and does not describe his parentage.

The object of the play, says Wilson, "is to reconcile Rakshasa, the hostile minister of Nanda, the late king of Palibothra (Pataliputra), to the individuals by whom, or on whose behalf, his sovereign was murdered,  — the Brahman Chanakya and the Prince Chandragupta. With this view, he is rendered by the contrivances of Chanakya an object of suspicion to the Prince with whom he has taken refuge, and is consequently dismissed by him. In this deserted condition, he learns the imminent danger of a dear friend, whom Chanakya is about to put to death, and in order to effect his liberation, surrenders himself to his enemies. They offer him, contrary to his expectations, the rank and power of prime minister, and the parties are finally friends."

71. The Buddhistic accounts such as Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa give a description of the first three kings only of the Dynasty. The accounts given of Candragupta's origin and parentage are various and contradictory. By one account it is said that Mura, the mother of Candragupta, was the servant girl of Dhana Nanda, the last of the Nanda Dynasty, and by her influence she had her son placed on the throne of Magadha at Pataliputra. Another account makes him a member of an Andhra family, and says that he acquired the sovereign power by his own skill and exertion. The writer evidently confuses here the accounts of the two Candraguptas, Candragupta of the Maurya Dynasty, with Candragupta the Founder of the Gupta Dynasty, and an illegitimate son of the Andhra family, for the Andhra family itself came into existence about 700 years after the accession of Candragupta Maurya.

According to Northern Buddhistic accounts, Candragupta was a member of the Sakya family, which in consequence of some political intrigues was driven away from its territory. The family repaired to a forest in the Himavanta and there constructed a new town in a delightful and beautiful locality. The streets and houses in the town having been laid after the pattern of a peacock's neck, it was called by the name of Moriya-nagara, and the family by the name of Moriya, and the kingdom founded by it Moriya Dynasty. The explanation is ingenious and is probably based upon a confusion of the Prakrit forms of the words Maurya ([x]) and Mayura ([x])


The tika on this Buddhistic account gives a curious origin of the name of this prince Candragupta. It is stated that while Candragupta was still in the womb, his father's dominions were taken possession of by another powerful neighbouring chief, and his father himself was killed in the contest. "His mother, the queen consort of the monarch of the Moriya-nagara ([x]), the city before mentioned, was fully pregnant at the time when that powerful provincial Raja conquered that kingdom, and put the Moriyan king to death. In her anxiety to preserve the child in her womb, she departed for the capital of Pupphapura (Pushpapura) under the protection of her elder brothers, and under disguise she dwelt there. At the completion of the ordinary term of pregnancy, she gave birth to a son, and relinquishing him to the protection of the devos, she placed him in a vase, and deposited him at the door of a cattle-pen. A bull named Chando ([x]) stationed himself by him, to protect him. A herdsman, on observing this prince, moved by affection, like that borne to his own child, took charge of and tenderly reared him, and in giving him a name, in reference to his having been watched by the bull Chando, he called him 'Chandagutto' ([x]), and brought him up."

But all the Buddhistic works are agreed on one point, that Candragupta owed his sovereignty entirely to Canakya, alias Kautilya, and not 'called to royalty by the power of the gods and by prodigies' as stated by Justin with reference to his Sandrocottus. Nor is there any reference either in the Hindu or the Buddhistic accounts to Candragupta Maurya's ''having traversed India with an army of 600,000 men and conquered the whole," as stated by Plutarch.

72. The Buddhistic accounts of Asoka, as given by the two great schools of Buddhism — Mahayana and Hinayana— not only differ from each other, but also from the accounts given of Asoka, the grandson of Candragupta Maurya, by the Puranic accounts of the Hindus. "There is a good deal of confusion in these Buddhistic works as regards the very family and genealogy of Asoka, the Buddhistic king, and one can easily trace that the life and time of Asoka must have been constructed by the Buddhistic writers who flourished several hundreds of years after him, by jumbling up the lives of three different Indian kings, viz., (1) of Asoka, (Dharmasoka), the third in ascent from Kanishka belonging to the First Gonanda Dynasty of Kasmir kings as described in the First Book of Kalhana's Raja-Tarangini who is said to have freed himself from sins by embracing the faith of Gautama Buddha and by constructing numerous Viharas and Stupas, and by building the town of Srinagari with its ninety-six lakhs of houses resplendent with wealth, (2) of Asokavardhana (Chandasoka) the grandson of Chandragupta Maurya, as described in the Puranas, and (3) of Samudragupta or Asoka the Great, (Mahasoka) the son of Chandragupta the Founder of the Gupta Dynasty, described by Mr. Vincent A. Smith himself as the Indian Napoleon, as narrated by his biographer Hanshena, and in the Kaliyuga Raja Vrittanta, and as corroborated by his numerous coins and inscriptions recently unearthed by European scholars themselves."

The Mahavamsa, (according Wijesinha's revised edition of Turnour translation) says, "One Kalasoka had ten sons, who after his death ruled the kingdom righteously for 22 years. They were succeeded by other nine brothers, who likewise, in order of seniority, ruled the kingdom for 22 years. A Brahman named Chanakya, who had conceived an implacable hatred against Dhana Nanda, the last survivor of the nine brothers, put that king to death, and placed upon the throne Chandragupta, a member of the princely Moriya clan descended from the line of the Sakyas, who ruled the country for 34 years. He was succeeded by his son Bindusara, who ruled the land for 28 years. The sons of Bindusara, the offspring of sixteen mothers, numbered one hundred and one, of whom the eldest was named Sumana, and the youngest Tishya. A third son, Asoka, uterine brother of Tishya, had been appointed Viceroy of Ujjain by his father. On receiving news of King Bindusara's mortal illness, Asoka hastened to Pataliputra, slew his eldest brother Sumana and his 98 other brothers, and ruled the country for 37 years."

The Dipavamsa, on the other hand, substitutes Susunaga for Kalasoka and makes Asoka, the son of Susunaga himself, and omits all mention of the nine Nanda brothers.

The Asokavadana (according to the prose version in the Divyavadana) gives the following account of the lineage and family of Asoka: —


"(1) King Bimbisara reigned at Rajagriha. His son was (2) Ajatasatra, whose son was (3) Udayibhadra, whose son was (4) Munda, whose son was (5) Kakavarnin, whose son was (6) Sahalin, whose son was (7) Tulakuchi, whose son was (8) Mahamandala, whose son was (9) Prasenajit, whose son was (10) Nanda, whose son was (11) Bindusara. King Bindusara reigned at Pataliputra and had a son named Susima. To him was born of Subhadrangi, the daughter of a Brahman, two sons, the elder named Asoka, and the younger named Vigatasoka. Asoka secured the throne by putting to death the legitimate prince Susima by a stratagem devised by Radhagupta by which Susima was inveigled while marching against the capital, so that he fell into a ditch full of burning fuel and there miserably perished."


Here it will be observed that Candragupta is altogether omitted, and Bindusara, the father of Asoka, is represented as being the son of Nanda. The metrical Asokavadana, on the other hand, substitutes Mahipala for Ajatasatru, and exhibits numerous other variations, which deprive these Buddhistic accounts of historical worth. The conquests ascribed to Asoka in the various Buddhistic accounts are no doubt taken from the conquests of Samudragupta or Asoka the Great, and the embassy of the Ceylon king is also traceable to the same origin. The story of his having embraced the faith of Buddha, of his having built stupas and Viharas, of his having reconstructed the city of Pataliputra and of his having introduced several reforms in the affairs of the kingdom and in the matter of the appointment of officers of state, are all taken from the accounts of Asoka and his successors as given by Chhavillakara and by Kalhana in his Rajatarangini.
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Re: History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda

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73. Inferences have been drawn in support of this imaginary synchronism by the dates assigned to Buddha-Nirvana. Opinions are various on that event. "The Northern Buddhists give dates ranging from 2422 to 546 BC, and the Ain-i Akbari of Abul Fazl fixes 1246 BC, for the event. The Tamil Manimegalai gives the year 1616 of some unknown era, probably of the Kali, and the Buddhists of Ceylon, Burma and Siam have uniformly been regulating their calendars on the basis that the Nirvana occurred in BC 543. The Western scholars are likewise as much divided in their opinion, though their dates range only from 544 to 370 BC. Professors Rhys Davids and Kern give 412 and 388 BC respectively for the Para Nirvana, whereas Max Muller to the last maintained that 477 BC, was the correct date. Dr Fleet considers the event to have taken place in BC 482 1 [JRAS, (1906) 179 and 669.] and Professor Oldenberg and M. Barth fix it in 480 BC. Mr. V. A. Smith has given us three different dates, BC 508 in his 'Asoka', 487 in his 'Early India', and 480 to 470 BC in a recently published article."2 [Indian Revisio, VIII 561.]

The Maurya dynasty ruled at Magadha according to the Puranas in 1535-1219 BC, and Candragupta ascended the throne in 1538 BC. But according to modern orientalists the Gupta era began somewhere about 325 BC. There they vary in arranging the date of Candragupta's coronation between 325 and 312 BC,3 [See M. Senart, IA, XX 229, V. Gobala Aiyar, IA, XXXVII 841; Buhler, IA, VI 149, EI, III. 134; Fleet, JRAS, (1904), 1, (1906), 983, V. Smith, EHI, 178.] such as 325, 321, 316, 315 and 312. For instance, V. Smith, as we have seen, fixes the coronation of Candragupta in 321 BC. But Fleet has a word of condemnation.4 [JRAS, (1906), 984.] "Mr. Smith's chronological details are even inter se wrong and irreconcilable. The most reliable tradition, adopted by Mr. Smith himself for other ends, gives an interval of 56 years from the commencement of the reign of Chandragupta to the abhisheka of Asoka, yet on the same page, Mr. Smith has adopted only 52 years, placing the abhisheka of Asoka in BC 269. And further, he has placed only three years earlier, in BC 272, that which he has termed the "accession" — (in reality, the usurpation) — of Asoka, regardless of the fact that the same tradition makes that interval one of four years.5 [This is easily arrived at, by deduction, from the Dipavamsa, 6, 1, 20, 21. It is expressly stated by the commentary on that work, the Mahavamsa, in the statement about Asoka (Turnour 21 f) that — "Vematike bhatare so hantva skunakam satam / sakale Jambuipasmim ekarajjam apapuni / Jina-nibbanato pachchha pure tasa =abhisekato /attharasami vassa satam dvayam evam vijaniyam / Patva chatuhi vassehi ekarajja mahayaso / pure Pataliputtasmim attanam abhisechayi." "Having slain (his) brothers, born of various mothers, to the number of a hundred less by one, he attained sole sovereignty in the whole of Jambudvipa. After the death of the Conqueror (Buddha), (and) before the anointment of him (Asoka), (there were) 218 years, thus is it to be understood. Having reached (a point of time marked) by four years, he, possessed of the great glory of sole sovereignty, caused himself to be anointed at the town Pataliputta."] A chronology which includes such inconsistencies and errors as these in some of its radical details cannot in any way be accepted as final."


In a paper read before the First Oriental Conference in Poona in 1919 on the same subject, the epoch of the Early Guptas, Hiralal Amritalal Shah of Bombay again considered the question, and adducing quite different reasons, arrived at about A.D. 200 for the initial date of the early Gupta era.

74. In a scholarly examination of the subject R Shama Sastry thus summarises the results of his research:

"(1) Alberuni's statement that the Gupta Valabhi era AD 319-320 was started from the epoch of the extermination of the Guptas is shown to be correct, inasmuch as it is supported by the Prabhavakachanta.

(2) The initial date of the early Gupta era, as distinguished from the Gupta-Valabhi era of A.D. 319-320, is fixed to lie in AD 200-201 on the authority of Jinasena's statement that Guptas ruled for 231 years and preceded the rule of Kalki whose birth date is fixed to be in the Mahamagha-samvatsara, A.D 402 on the authority of Nemichandra's statement made in his Bahubalicharita that Chamundaraya (AD 970- 1030) set up the statue of Gomateswara in Belgola on Sunday, the Chaitra sukla panchami of the year Vibhava in Kalki era 600 expired, corresponding to Sunday the 3rd March of AD 1028.

(3) With this starting point for the early Gupta era, the date of Siladitya VII or Dhruvabhata of Valabhi, Gupta samvatsara 447 comes out to be 200-201+447=AD 647, making it possible for the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang to meet him about AD 640.

(4) With this initial date of the early Guptas, the last date of Samudragupta's rule will be about AD 282 when or a little earlier he could possibly conquer the Shahan Shahis and the last king of the Murunda dynasty of Pataliputra, and when he could receive an embassy from Meghavamabhaya, king of Ceylon, whose date of accession to the throne is AD 254.

(5) This initial date of the Early Guptas plus the inscriptional date 269 of Mahanaman's construction of a Vihara in Bodhgaya is shown to tally with the Ceylonese date of king Dhatusena (469) whose contemporary was Mahanaman, the priest and founder of the Vihara.

(6) It has also been shown how the last of the Andhrabhrtya kings Satakarni dutu-kulananda was contemporary with the first of the Guptas, the successors of the Brihadbaanas in the north and how Mayurasarman, the first of the Kadambas and conqueror of the Brihadbanas in Mysore was contemporary with the same Satakarni and how Kakutsthavarma living in the 80th year of Kadamba victory was contemporary with Chandragupta II living in the 82nd year of the Gupta era and probably gave his daughter in marriage to Chandragupta II.

(7) It is also shown how with this starting point for the Gupta era, Thursday coincides with Ashadha Sukla Dvadasi of Budhagupta's inscriptional date, G S 165. Here the year taken for verification is AD 200-201+G. S, 165 expired=365-366. The twelfth Tithi of Ashadha (June) AD 365 is shown to fall on Thursday.

(8) For the assumption that there were two Toramanas and two Mihirakulas, the Chinese accounts of the murder of Simha, the 23rd Buddhist Patriarch, by Mihirakula in about 420 AD are to be relied upon. It is however immaterial whether this assumption proves acceptable or not, for the burden of proof for the starting point of the Early Gupta era in AD 200-201 does not depend upon it

(9) As the Early Gupta era of AD. 200-201 is shown to be quite different from the Gupta-Valabhi era used by the Huns and probably by the Parivrajaka Maharajas, my scheme does not come into clash with Dr. Fleet's scheme.

(10) This scheme throws a flood of light on what has hitherto been regarded as a dark period between AD 200 and 300 in the History of India."1 [Mys. Arch. Rep, (1927).]

75. Speaking of the Indian sources, Fleet writes (IA, XXX 1):

"We should not be able to deduce the date of Asoka from the Puranas. But we should find that the Rajatarangini would place him somewhere about BC 1260. We shall find, indeed, that the Nepal Vamsavali would place him, roughly, about BC 2600. As, however, that list does not mention him as a ruler of Nepal but only as a visitor to the country, we should probably infer a mistake in that account, and prefer to select the date of BC 1260. And then we should set about arranging the succession of the kings of India, itself, from the Puranas, with BC 1260 for the approximate date of the accession of Asoka as our starting-point."


76. In his dissertation on the Chronology of the Hindus, written in 1788 (As Res. Vol. II, p 111, reprint of 1799) Sir William Jones took a different starting-point and fixed it in a different way. His paper was based on a work entitled Puranarthaprakasa, which was composed shortly before the time at which he was writing, by Pandit Radhakani Sarman and which seems to have been based, in its turn, chiefly on the Bhagavatapurana. In the first place he brought forward a verse given to him from a book entitled Bhagavatamrita, composed by "a learned Goswami," which purported to fix the Kaliyuga year 1002 expired as the date of the manifestation of Buddha. With this he coupled an assertion in the same book that, two years before that date, there occurred the revolution which placed on the throne Pradyota, the first king in the third dynasty before that of the Mauryas. And he thus exhibited a chronology which, taking the accession of Pradyota in BC 2100 as its starting-point, placed the accession of Sisunaga in BC 1962, the accession of Nanda in BC 1602, and the accession of Candragupta (the grandfather of Asoka) in BC 1502, and made the dynasty of the Andhrabhrtyas run from BC 908 to 432. But he considered that the figures put forward by the Puranas were excessive both for generations and for reigns. And adjusting those figures according to his own estimate, and taking, as a starting-point BC 1027 for the date of Buddha as fixed by the Chinese authorities as interpreted by De Geignes, he submitted a revised scheme which placed Pradyota BC 1029 Nanda BC 699, and the rise of the Andhrabhrtyas in BC 149.

77. Patanjali mentions in Mahabhasya (I 1, 68) 'Candraguptasabha' and 'Pusyamitra-sabha.' It is said that he mentions Mauryas in V 111. 39 as the vendors of idol images or beggars carrying these idols, but does not connect them with any of the ruling races at all. The reading of the word 'Maurya' seems to be wrong ."The old MSS. (of the Mahabhashya) of the South makes the allusion of making and selling idols apply not to Mauryas but to Pouras, a peculiar tribe also mentioned in the Vishnu Purana (IV xxiv). For example, MSS Nos. 31, 33 of the Adyar Library, which are, on paleographical examination found to be more than 3 and 4 centuries old respectively, may be consulted. If "Pouras" be the right word, so much controversy about the allusion of Patanjali to the Mauryas will vanish at once."

78. Kalhana's Rajatarangini is not after all an unreliable record. As a chronicle of Kashmir annals it is a true representation. Its importance in literary history lies in the variety and detail of traditional information it gives of past history over a long period of 3500 years. He wrote the introduction to his work in 1148 AD. He might have been in error in saying that the Mahabharata war was fought in 663 of Kali for there were two astronomical views on the movement of Saptarsis, and he chose one of them.1 [See paras 184-188 on Kalhana.]

Kalhana says that the 24th year of the Laukika corresponded with the year 1070 of Sakakala. "The year 1 of the Laukika coincided with 1047 of the Saka, or AD 1025, and as the cycle was a century one, the first year of each century must have corresponded with the 25th year of each Christian century."

79. Loka Kala, Laukikabda or Sapta-Rsi-Kala is so named after the Sapta-Rsis, seven Rsis, or the seven stars of the constellation of Great Bear. It is supposed that the Rsis move from star to star once in a hundred years, but on the actual reckoning there is a difference of opinion between Vrddha Garga and Puranas on the one side and Varahamihira and other later astronomers on the other. "By the former it is said the seven rishis were in Magna between 3177 and 3077 BC, that is in BC 3101 at the beginning of the Kali-yuga, while by the latter they are placed in Magha just 653 years later, between BC 2477 and 2377, that is in BC 2448. The reckoning of the Lok-Kal, as now used in Kashmir and the other hill states, is by the common luni-solar years beginning on Chaitrasuddi 1, or the new moon of Chaitra. The cycle consists of 27 centuries, each counting from 1 to 100 years, when a new reckoning is begun. The first year of each century corresponds with the 25th year of each Christian century."2 [See for an elaborate discussion, Cunningham's Indian Eras.]

80. Modern historians are again uncertain on the date of Kaniska, but the opinion prevails among them that he ruled in about 78 AD, and according to some his name is connected with the Saka era. If according to Kalhana, the reigns of kings that ruled in Kashmir after Kaniska made up a period of 2330 years up to his day, that is, the reign of King Jayasimha, Kalhana would then go up to 78 plus 2330 to 2408 AD, but we are now in 1937 AD.3 [On Kanishka, see V. Gopala Aiyar, The Chronology of Ancient India, V. A. Smith, EH, 32, 251, and IA, X. 213, XIII. 58, XXXV. 33, XLII. 132, XLVI 261, IAlt, II. 24, JA, XXXII, 417.]

81. The story of Candragupta as originally given in the Brihatkatha in the Paisaci language by Gunadhya, the prime minister of King Satavahana of Pratisthana, and as we now have it in Kathasaritsagara, a true translation of the said work in Sanskrit by Somadeva, is somewhat different from the accounts given of that prince in the Puranas on the one hand, and in Visakhadatta's Mudraraksasa and its commentary on the other. Here Candragupta is represented as the only son of Nanda, the king of Pataliputra, and a contemporary of Katyayana Vararuci, the celebrated author of Vartikas and a disciple of Varsacarya, under whom Panini also first began to study Grammar.1 [See paras 4-7 post.]

82. The following are the passages of Kathasaritsagara, dealing with King Nanda and Candragupta —

[x]

The above passage has been briefly translated by H. H. Wilson as follows: —

"After living for a considerable period in my hermitage, the death of Yogananda was thus related to me by a Brahman, who was travelling from Ayodhya and had rested at my cell. Sakatala, brooding on his plan of revenge, observed one day a Brahman of mean appearance digging in a meadow, and asked him what he was doing there. Chanakya, the Brahman, replied, "I am rooting out this grass which has hurt my foot." The reply struck the minister as indicative of a character which would contribute to his designs, and he engaged him by the promise of a large reward and high honour, to come and preside at the Sraddha, which was to be celebrated next new moon at the palace. Chanakya arrived, anticipating the most respectful treatment, but Yogananda had been previously persuaded by Sakatala to assign precedence to another Brahman, Subandhu, so that when Chanakya came to take this place, he was thrust from it with contumely. Burning with rage, he threatened the king before all the court, and announced his death within seven days. Nanda ordered him to be turned out of the palace. Sakatala received him into his house, and persuading Chanakya that he was wholly innocent of being instrumental to his ignominious treatment, and contributed to encourage and inflame his indignation. Chanakya thus protected, practised a magical rite, in which he was a proficient, and by which, on the seventh day Nanda was deprived of life. Sakatala, on the father's death, effected the destruction of Hiranyagapta, his son, and raised Chandragupta, the son of genuine Nanda to the throne. Chanakya became the prince's minister, and Sakatala having attained the only object of his existence, retired to end his days in the woods."1 [(Vide Appendix II to the Preface of his Mudrarakshasa, The Theatre of the Hindus, II. 140-141).]


83. According to Kathasarit-Sagara therefore Candragupta was the only son of the genuine-king Nanda, and was very young when the genuine Nanda passed away, and Indradatta entered the dead body of the king and began to rule the kingdom, so he was called by the name Yoga Nanda. Yogananda begot a son on the queen of the late real or Satya Nanda and he was named Hiranyagupta. Besides the mention of these two persons, there is no reference to "Nanda and his eight sons" anywhere in the said poem. These passages also show that Candragupta was but a king in name, that he was in no sense a usurper or adventurer, that he took no active part at all in establishing himself on the throne of Nanda, that it was Sakatala, the old minister of the king, and Canakya, a Brahman sage of great learning and determination, that planned the death of Yogananda and of his son Hiranyagupta, and raised the young prince Candragupta, the legitimate son of the genuine Nanda to the throne of Magadha. Nowhere is there any reference to this Candragupta being a conqueror of enemies or of having received ambassadors from foreign princes, either at Pataliputra or Ayodhya, the permanent and temporary capitals, and it is at Ayodhya the revolution came off on the death of king Nanda, leading to the elevation of Candragupta to the throne.

84. The statements of the early European writers may now be summed up2 [McCrindle's collection and translation of all the passages from classical writers in six books are regarded as reliable by Vincent Smith, of which Indika of Megasthenes and Arrian are instructive.] —(a) At the time of Alexander's invasion, the Prasi or eastern kingdom of Magadha was ruled over by a king Xandrames. According to the officers of Alexander sent to investigate the country living ahead, and also according to Poros whom Alexander consulted, Xandrames was a powerful king who could bring into the field 20,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 2900 chariots, and 4000 or 3000 elephants. He was nevertheless of mean origin. The queen of his predecessor had fallen in love with him, and had helped him to murder her husband, and therefore he was very unpopular with his subjects; (b) Sandrokottos or Androcottos as a young prince had met Alexander, and had offended him and incurred his displeasure, but after the retreat of Alexander he put himself at the head of a band of robbers, drove out the prefects of Alexander, and made himself king; (c) Seleukus Nikator tried to regain the Indian conquests of Alexander, but found it wiser to contract an alliance with him1 [V. Smith, EHI, 140.]; (d) Megasthenes the ambassador of Seleucus dwelt at the court of Sandrocyptus and wrote an account of those in whose midst he lived (from which account later writers have quoted copiously).

"The Greek writers mention as many as six names or variations: Xandrames, Andrames, Agrammes, Sandrocottus and Sandrocyptus. Whether these apply to one or more than one individual, and Max Muller was not sure, but in his obdurate zeal to demonstrate the identity he said, "Xandrames ...is the last king of the empire conquered by Sandrocotus. If however it should be maintained that those two names were intended for one and the same king, the explanation would still be very easy. For Chandragupta is also called Chandra, and Chandramas in Sanskrit is a synonym for Chandra."2 [ASL, 148.]

85. What was discovered was simply this — that in the celebrated inscriptions of king Priyadarsin— Rock Edicts III and XIII— Antiochus and Ptolemy are mentioned as Priyadarsin's contemporaries. There is nothing in the inscriptions to show that Priyadarsin was Asoka Maurya, grandson of Candragupta Maurya. Strict logic will justify only one inference from the first Greek Synchronism — that Sandrocottus, whoever he was, was the contemporary of Seleukus Nikator, and only one from the second — that Priyadarsin was the contemporary of a Greek ruler Antiochus. Unless proof is forth coming to show that either Sandrocottus or Priyadarsin was a Maurya King, it is wrong to say as Vincent Smith does say, that by the discovery of these two synchronisms, "the chronology of the Maurya dynasty was placed on firm footing, and is no longer open to doubt in its main outlines."

86. Who was Xandrames? Let as compare the Greek and the Indian versions, understanding Xandrames to be the predecessor of Sandrocottus. First, in Indian traditions Nanda, or more precisely Sumalya Nanda, was the immediate predecessor of Candragupta Maurya. If therefore by Sandrocottus we are to understand Candragupta Maurya, we must identify Xandrames with Nanda. This is exactly what is done by almost all Orientalists like Vincent Smith, with a vague statement, "that the king of the Gangaridae and Prasii was named, as nearly as the Greeks could catch the unfamiliar sounds, Xandrames or Agrammes ... who must have been one of the Nandas mentioned in native tradition,"1 [EHI, 40.] and that somehow, in order to maintain the hypothesis, Xandrames must be identified with Nanda. Max Muller as a philologist is convinced that Greek Xandrames is Sanskrit 'Chandramas or Chandra,' and rather than ignore grammar he is for identifying Xandrames and Sandrocottus. Secondly, the Greek account of Xandrames does not tally either with Hindu or with Buddhist versions of Nanda. According to them, Mahapadma, first king of the Nanda dynasty, was the son of the last Saisunaga King Mahanandin by a $udra wife, and was a powerful, avaricious, wicked king, having Ksatriya wives, but there is no allusion to any of his father's wives having become his paramour. The Puranic writers had no love for Mahapadma and they would certainly have mentioned such an incident in his life, if it really referred to him. His father Mahanandin is nowhere stated to have been murdered whether by Mahapadma or his paramour. Thus neither from the name nor from the description, can Xandrames be reasonably identified with Nanda.

87. We have no less difficulty in identifying Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus with Candragupta Maurya. The description given of the mighty Sandrocottus by the Greeks cannot possibly compare with any Indian account whatsoever of Candragupta Maurya, who, far from being a great conqueror, owed his elevation and rule entirely to the Brahmana Canakya or Kautilya. The Hindu and the Buddhist versions are agreed here. Max Muller's explanation is only this, that because Candragupta Maurya was grandfather of the great Buddhist Emperor Asoka, therefore the Brahmanas unduly lowered him, and the Buddhists as excessively exalted him, and that is mere fancy. The part played by Raksasa, the devoted minister of the Nandas at first and of Candragupta at last, and the power exercised throughout by the Brahman Canakya over Candragupta, amply indicate that Candragupta and his immediate predecessors were in no way considered anti-brahmanical. Even King Priyadarsin of the Edicts was no persecutor of the Brahmans, for in his inscriptions he always enjoins the highest respect for "brahmanas and sramanas."

88. The identification of Raja Priyadarsin with Raja Asoka was based entirely upon Ceylonese Buddhist chronicles. Talboys Wheeler wrote in 1874, "The identification of Raja Priyadarsin of the Edicts with Raja Asoka of the Buddhist chronicles was first pointed out by Mr. Turnour who rested it upon a passage in the Dipavamsa. The late Prof. [Horace Hayman] Wilson objected to this identification."1 [History of India, Hindu, Buddhist and Brahmanical, 280.] Prof. Rhys Davids declared, "It is not too much to say that without the help of the Ceylon Books, the striking identification of the King Piyadassi of the edicts with the king Asoka of history would never have been made."2 [Buddhist India, 273.] But the Ceylon chronicles are admitted to be utterly worthless as history, and according to Wheeler, "the Buddhist chronicles might be dismissed as a monkish jumble of myths and names,3 [EHI, 171] and even Vincent Smith in the preface to his Asoka himself said, "I reject absolutely the Ceylonese chronology...... The undeserved credit given to the monks of Ceylon has been a great hindrance to the right understanding of ancient Indian history." And yet it is on such undeserved credit that the identity of Priyadarsin with Asoka Maurya rests to this day.

89. In the literature of India there is no allusion anywhere to an invasion or inroad into India by foreign nations up to the time of the Andhra kings; and the only person who bore the name of Candragupta answering to the description of Sandrocottus of the Greeks who flourished about the time of Alexander the Great in India, according to the Puranas, was Candragupta of the Gupta Dynasty who established the mighty empire of the Guptas on the ruins of the already decayed Andhra Dynasty about 2811 years after the Mahabharata War, corresponding to 328 BC, but he is now being placed in the 4th century AD, on the sole strength of this mistaken Greek Synchronism by our Savants of Indian history. God save us from our friends!

90. Beyond the verbal resemblance of Candragupta and Sandrocottus and Pataliputra and Palibotra, there is nothing to justify the identification of Candragupta Maurya and Sandrocottus of the Greeks. No attempt has been made to explain the various names Xandrames, Andrames, Andracottus, Sandrocottus, Sandrocyptus, and Sandrocuptas as used by the Greek writers to denote three different persons, as referring respectively to the last king of the previous dynasty, the usurper who has been actually reigning at Pataliputra at the time when Alexander invaded India, and the king who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator at the instance of Megasthenes. These facts would equally apply, if not more pointedly, to Candragupta of the Gupta Dynasty who usurped the throne of Candrasri, the last virtual king of the Andhra Dynasty, under the pretext of acting as guardian and regent of his minor son Puloman and who was succeeded by Samudragupta who established himself on the throne of his father with the aid of vagabonds and banditti at Pataliputra, and who is distinctly stated in inscriptions to have received ambassadors from various foreign princes, to have conquered the whole of India, then extending far beyond its present limits, and to have performed even an Asvamedha sacrifice in honour of his glorious victories.


91. Kaliyugarajavrttanta, which is a part of Bhavisyottarapurana, describes the last two kings of the Andhra dynasty and the advent of Gupta dynasty thus:

[x] -- Bhaga III, Chapter 3. [The names underlined like this, [x], [x], [x], [x] etc. are mentioned in order by Kalidasa in Baghuvamsa (I 11 18) e.g., (i) [x]; (ii) [x]; (iii) [x]. Here the word [x], a single letter, is compared with the word [x]— a single letter of great sanctity. In I 81, Kalidasa says that Sudaksina was a Magadha princess, thus suggesting that Kalidasa had in mind Magadha kingdom when be wrote this poem.]

To translate a few of these verses:

"Chandrasri Satakarni, known also as the son of Vashishthi will enjoy (the kingdom) for 3 years. After him yet another Puloma, will be king for 7 years under the protection of Chandragupta, son of Ghatotkacha. These thirty-two Andhra kings (already enumerated) will enjoy the earth, and then reign will cover full 500 years (in round numbers. While they are yet on the throne, the country will pass to the Guptas who will be known as the sriparvatiya andhrabritya kings (i.e., those that had come from Sriparvata, and had been in the service of the Andhras) ... And so the valiant Chandragupta, the head of the Parvatiya clan, grandson of the ruler of Sriparvata named Srigupta, and son of Ghatotkacha Gupta, will marry Kumaradevi, daughter of the king of Nepal. Then with the help of the Lichchhavis he will gain influence in the Government (of Andhras), become the Commander-in-chief, and head of a large army. He will marry a Lichchhavi Princess, the younger sister of the Queen of Chandrasri, and thus will become the King's brother-in-law. And instigated by the Queen he, by some stratagem, will get King Chandrasri killed. He will be appointed Regent in place of her son by the Queen, and in seven years he, undaunted, will become sovereign himself, after killing the young Prince Puloman. And thus by force he will seize the Kingdom from the Andhras, and will rule Magadha along (or jointly) with Kacha, his son by the Lichchhavi wife. He will reign for seven years under the title of Vijayaditya and shall establish on earth an era in his own name."

"After that (i.e., after Chandragupta) his son, son likewise of the daughter of the King of Nepal, with the aid of Mlechchha bands, will slay his treacherous father together with his son and other (unfriendly) relations. He will be known on earth under the title of Asokaditya, himself freed from all misery, (spiritually?) and causing joy to his mother, Samudragupta will become supreme ruler of earth. He will conquer the whole world like a second Dharmaputra, and with the help of Brahmanas he will perform the horse-sacrifice according to the scriptures. He will be honoured by (subject) Kings both in his own and in foreign countries, and will be praised by poets for his learning and talents in music. Thus Samudragupta will reign supreme over the earth from sea to sea (lit surrounded by the four oceans)."


92. This eulogy should bring to mind at once the Greek picture of Sandrocottus. The sensitiveness of Prince Samudra must have been stung by his father's undue favouritism towards Kaca. The statement that Candragupta ruled along with Kaca not merely indicates the cause of quarrel between Samudragupta and his father, it explains also the numismatic puzzle as to how Kaca's coins came to be struck. Thus, then, Androkottus of Plutarch who tried to persuade Alexander to invade the Prasii, but whose "insolent behaviour" according to Justin led to a quarrel between him and Alexander, the Androkottus who afterwards collected bands of robbers and drove out the prefects of Alexander, who was called to royalty by the power of the Gods and by prodigies, who overthrew Xandrames, and humbled Seleucus Nikator, was the same as Samudragupta who with Mleccha troops overthrew his "treacherous" father, and whose conquests inscribed by Harisena on "Asoka's pillar" at Allahabad amply bear out the statement of the Puranas that Samudragupta was supreme ruler of the earth from sea to sea, to whom even Ceylon and Bactria and Assyria paid homage. And this same Samudragupta, "the Indian Napoleon," of Vincent Smith, was the Sandrocottos of Megasthenes, and he reigned for fifty-one years. Samudragupta, like all the Guptas, had a title ending in aditya. He was ASOKADITYA!

93. Sandrocottos was also Piyadassi. — We have read of "Asoka the Buddhist Emperor of India," and "The first and most authentic records are the rock and pillar edicts of Raja Priyadasi ....the reputed grandson of Sandrocottos. The second ... consist of the Buddhist Chronicles of the Rajah of Megadha. "1 [Talboys Wheeler's History of India, Hindu Buddhist, and Brahmanical, p. 269.] From a careful study of these two classes of records, Talboys Wheeler, whose "History of India" appeared in 1874, that is, before the traditional conventions of Orientalists took the fatally rigid shape which they have since assumed, drew his picture of Raja Priyadarsi Asoka and found how like his picture was to that of the Greek Sandrocottus as depicted by Megasthenes. Asoka, while young,2 [Ibid, pp. 231, 487.] "was at variance with his father, and seems to have gone into exile like another Rama. He is said to have been appointed to the Government of the distant province of Ujjain, and subsequently to have repressed a revolt in Taxila in the Panjab ...The main incidents of Asoka's early career thus present a strange similarity to those recorded of Sandrokottos by Greek writers. Sandrokottos was also an exiled prince from Pataliputra, and he ultimately drove the Greeks from Taxila. Again, Asoka usurped a throne and founded an empire, so did Sandrokottos. Asoka originally professed the Brahmanical religion, and then embraced the more practical religion of the edicts. Sandrokottos sacrificed to the Gods in Brahmanical fashion, but he also held a great assembly every year in which every discovery was discussed which was likely to prove beneficial to the earth, to mankind and to animals generally.... It would be a startling coincidence if the great sovereign whose religion of duty without deity has been engraven for more than twenty centuries on the rocks and pillars of India, should prove to be the same prince who met Alexander at Taxila, who offended the Macedonian conqueror by his insolence and assumption, who expelled the Greeks from the Panjab during the wars of Alexander's successors, and ultimately married the daughter of Seleukos Nikator." In fact Talboys Wheeler had little doubt that Sandrokottos of the Greeks and Asoka of the Buddhists were identical. In one or two places he calls Asoka "the reputed grandson of Sandrocottus or Chandragupta"1 [Ibid, pp. 209 and 476.] and adds in a note, "The term 'reputed grandson' is here used advisedly. It will appear hereafter2 [i.e., p 487.]  that there is reason to believe that the name Sandrocottos and Asoka are applied to the same individual."3 [Ibid, p 476.] The title Asokaditya applied to the king in the Kaliyugarajavrttanta confirms the conjecture made by Talboys Wheeler from internal evidence.


94. Asoka and Samudragupta — The correspondence between these two names rests on not mere fancy. Asoka is said to have resented the ill-treatment accorded to him by his father, so did Samudragupta resent Asoka in becoming a King became a parricide,4 [Harisena makes special mention that Samudragupta was received by his father with open arms. Where was the need for this special mention unless it were intended to contradict current beliefs to the contrary? ] or fratricide also, so did Samudragupta become too. Both were Hindus at the outset. Special mention is made of the conquest of Kalinga by both. Asoka was converted to Buddhism by Upagupta,5 [Vincent Smith's Early History, p 159.] who is described as a blood relation of Asoka's Samudragupta, it is admitted, was a pupil of the celebrated Buddhist teacher Vasubandhu. Asoka of the edicts, though an earnest Buddhist, enjoined the highest respect for Brahmanas. Samudragupta, though an 'orthodox Hindu,' was a great patron of Buddhism, and throughout the Gupta period "the Buddhist rule of life was observed. Buddhist monasteries were liberally endowed by royal grants."6 [Ibid, pp 282, 328-334, 297.] Both Asoka and Samudragupta had intimate relations with Ceylon, with Bactria and other foreign countries.7 [Ibid, p 286.] These correspondences cannot fail to establish the identity of the two Emperors. Vincent Smith claims that modern oriental investigators have unearthed the history of Samudragupta, and wonders how "this great king, warrior, poet, and musician who conquered nearly all India, and whose alliances extended from the Oxus to Ceylon was unknown even by name to the historians of India."1 [Ibid., p. 289.] The explanation is simple, Asoka, the title assumed by the emperor, completely replaced his personal name, and became a household word all over India, it was carried to Ceylon in the anecdotes regarding Raja Prayadarsi Asoka. But Samudragupta was known to the Greeks as Sandrocottos only, and the name was also inscribed on the coins which lost to mediaeval India have now been discovered.

95. Asoka's pillar at Allahabad may, in one word, be said to link together all the three groups of contemporary evidence. It is the pillar of Samudragupta Asoka Priyadarsin. The Greeks knew him not as Priyadarsin because Megasthenes had left Palibothra before Sandrokottus became a Buddhist. The Ceylonese Buddhists knew not of the Hindu Samudragupta but only the Buddhist Priyadarsin. In India itself, except in popular tales about Asoka, both the names Samudragupta and Priyadarsin were forgotten, the older Puranic accounts all close with the Andhra line of kings practically. The monuments were all pulled down by the Mahomedan invaders.

Thus we see that the Gupta dynasty ruled from 328 BC to 83 BC, and of these kings Candragupta ruled from 328 to 321 (7 years), and Samudragupta for 31 years from 321 to 270 BC. This would make this Candragupta and Samudragupta contemporaries of Alexander, Seleukus Nicator, and Antiochus. Is this the correct synchronism?

96. Here is an inscription on the metal pillar in Buddha Gaya of a king Candra:

[x]

"He, on whose arm fame was inscribed by the sword, when in battle in the Vanga countries (Bengal), he kneaded (and turned) back with (His) Breast the enemies who uniting together, come against (Him), he, by whom, having crossed in warfare, the seven mouths of the (River) Sindhu, the Vahlikas were conquered, he by the breezes of whose powers the Southern ocean is even still perfumed. He, the remnant of the great zeal of whose energy, which utterly destroys (his) enemies (like the remnant of the great glowing heat) of a turned out fire in a great forest, even now leaves not the earth, though, he, the king, as if wearied has quitted this earth, and gone to the other world, moving in (bodily) form to the land of paradise won by (the merits of his) actions, (but) remaining on this earth by (the memory of his) fame; — By him, the King, — who attained sole supreme sovereignty in the world, acquired by his own arm and (enjoyed) for a very long time, (and) who having the name of Chandra, earned a beauty of countenance like (the beauty of) the full moon having in faith fixed his mind upon the (God), Vishnu, this lofty standard of divine Vishnu was set up on the hill (called) Vishnupada."


97. By this indictment of the present condition of Indian historical studies it is not in the least meant to belittle the labours of those illustrious savants of Sanskrit learning, who had left their countries and devoted their time and means for the understanding and dissemination of India's ancient literature. India owes to them a debt of gratitude, which lapse of time, however long, cannot tend to obliterate, for those scholars, like Max Muller, Jones, and Wilson, have all left behind them monuments of learning and research in their editions of Sanskrit works, and their translations which have gone out to the wide world for appreciation. It is all the same barely consistent with that expression of thankfulness that as time progresses and new material emerges, scholars should exercise their thoughts on questions on which there may be a possibility for review and reconsideration. Among such subjects is this topic of the Greek synchronism. The fancy that dawned in the mind of William Jones, was hatched by Wilford, was reared by Max Muller, was well clothed by Vincent Smith with the garb of reality. The dissent of Taylor expressed in the preface to Rajatarangini was lost to view before the modern ideas of A. Stein in his new Edn. of that work, and so too went down the feeble protest of Wilson.

98. To my lamented friend, T. S. Narayana Sastri, High Court Vakil, Madras, with whom I collaborated, was due a categorical investigation  of this faulty identification, and his Age of Sankara and The kings of Magadha embodied the results of our research. Then followed a similar exposition of Sri Kalyanananda Sarasvati of Virapaksa Mutt and an address to an Oriental Conference by M. K. Acharya. Now comes my reiteration. It may not be a forlorn hope that, as I said, at some day or in some clime these thoughts may again have a revival and a recognition. Let me repeat the words of Bhavabhuti:

[x]

These prefatory pages will now introduce the reader to the study of Classical Sanskrit
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