Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni/Shams-i Siraj 'Afif

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni/Shams-i Siraj 'Afif

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:09 am

XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani]
Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service
by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst
Vol. III
P. 93-269

-- A Memoir on Kotla Firoz Shah, Delhi, Memoirs Of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 52, by J.A. Page, A.R.I.B.A., Late Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, With a Translation of Sirat-i-Firozshahi by Mohammad Hamid Kuraishi, B.A., Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, 1937

-- XXI. Inscriptions on the Staff of Firuz Shah, translated from the Sanscrit, as explained by Radha Canta Sarman. Excerpt from Asiatic Researches, Volume 1, 1788

-- Indian Epigraphy and the Asiatic Society: The First Fifty Years, by Ludo Rocher and Rosane Rocher, University of Pennsylvania, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, New Series, Vol. 23 (2009)

-- Ashokan Edicts in Delhi, by Wikipedia

-- A Study of Asokan Pillars: Re-Erected by Firuz Shah Tughluq, by W. H. Siddiqi, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 36 (1975)

-- Antiquarian Interest in Medieval India: Firuz Shah Tughluq and the Ashokan Pillars, by Saleem Ahmad, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 63 (2002)

-- Chapter 7: The Tughlaq Dynasty, Excerpt from "A Textbook of Medieval Indian History, by Sailendra Nath Sen

-- Ziauddin Barani, by Wikipedia

-- Khalji dynasty, by Wikipedia

-- VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c., The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, July to December, 1837

-- Firuz Shah Tughlaq, by Wikipedia

-- Feroz Shah Kotla, by Wikipedia

-- Translation of one of the Inscriptions on the Pillar At Dehlee, called the Lat of Feeroz Shah, Excerpt from Asiatic Researches, Volume 7, by Henry Colebrooke, Esq., With Introductory Remarks by Mr. Harington., 1803

-- Jamshid, by Wikipedia

-- Islamic socialism, by Wikipedia

Table of Contents:

Biographical notices of the nobles and great men of the reign of Balban
Sultanu-L Karam Mu'izzu-d Dunya wau Din Kai-Kubad
Sultanu-L Halim Jalalu-d Dunya Wau-d din Firoz Shah Khilji
Iskandar-i sani Sultanu-l'azam 'Alaud-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Shah Tughlik
Sultanu-s Shahid Kutbu-d Dunya Wau-d din
Sultanu-L Ghazi Ghiyasu-D Dunya Wau-D Din Tughlik Shahu-S Sultan
Sultanu-L Mujahid Abu-L Fath Muhammad Shah Ibn Tughlik Shah
Sultan Firoz Shah


XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif
Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service
by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst
Vol. III
P. 269-364

[The minister carefully pondered over the matter, and replied that... it is an obligation on kings that every year they should strive to subdue fortresses, for, as Sa'di says,
"If a holy man eats half his loaf, he will give the other half to a beggar; ''But if a king conquers all the world, he will still seek another world to conquer." [!!!]

The minister being thus in accord with the wishes of the Sultan, he ordered the necessary preparations to be made for an expedition to Thatta.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

Table of Contents:

Kism I.
o First Mukaddama, — Birth of Firoz Shah.
o Second Mukaddama. — Firoz Shah's Education in the Duties of Royalty.
o Third Mukaddama. — Accession of Firoz Shah.
o Fourth Mukaddama. — Firoz Shah wars with a Mughal force.
o Fifth Mukaddama. — On the mistake made by Khwaja-i Jahan Ahmad Ayyaz in setting up the son of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah.
o Sixth Makaddama. — Khwaja-i Jahan hears of the accession of Sultan Firoz Shah.
o Seventh Mukaddama. — March of Firoz Shah from Thatta to Dehli.
o Eighth Mukaddama. — Kiwamu-l Mulk the Khan-i Jahan Makbul joins Sultan Firoz.
o Ninth Mukaddama. — Khwaja-i Jahan meets the Sultan.
o Tenth Mukaddama. — Conversation of the Sultan with his nobles about Khwaja'i Jahan.
o Eleventh Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz at Hansi.
o Twelfth Mukaddama. — Interview with Shaikh Kutbu'd din-i Munawwar and Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud at Hansi. [NO CONTENT!]
o Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz Shah at Dehli.
o Fourteenth Mukaddama. — The Sultan's fostering care of the people of Dehli and his remission of arrears.
o Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz makes new rules for grants of revenue.
o Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz's fostering care of his subjects.
o Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Perfidy of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada.
o Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz adopts a Khutba, including the names of former Sultans for the public prayers of Fridays and Festivals. Account of the edicts issued by him.
Kism II. — The Two Expeditions to Lakhnauti and the Campaigns against Jajnagar and Nagarkot.
o First Mukaddama. — The first expedition to Lakhnauti.
o Second Mukaddama. -- The Sultan lays siege to Lakhnauti.
o Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Firoz and Shamsu-d din. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangala.
o Fourth Mukaddama. -- Return of Firoz Shah to Delhi.
o Fifth Mukaddama. — Founding of the city of Hisar Firozah.
o Sixth Mukaddama, -- Settlement of the Sovereign's rental (istikamat-i amlak).
o Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at Hansi.
o Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozabad on the river Jumna.
o Ninth Mukaddama, — Arrival of Zafar Khan from Sunar-ganw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.
o Tenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz's second expedition to Lakhnauti.
o Eleventh Mukaddama. — Sultan Sikandar takes refuge in his fortress. — Fall of a bastion of the fort.
o Twelfth Mukaddama. — Conclusion of Peace between Sultan Sikandar and Sultan Firoz, with the presentation of forty elephants.
o Thirteenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Jaunpur to Jajnagar.
o Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Elephant hunt. Submission of the Rai of Jajnagar.
o Fifteenth Mukaddama, — Return of Firoz Shah from Jajnagar by difficult roads.
o Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of the Sultan at Dehli. Erection of kabbas (pavilions for public rejoicings).
o Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Happiness of the people in the reign of Firoz Shah.
o Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Conquest of Nagarkot (Kangra).
Kism III. — Concerning the affairs of Thatta and the Submission of the Jam and Babiniya. Establishment of the Tas-i Ghariyal.
o First Mukaddama. — Resolution of the Sultan with Khan-i Jahan about Thatta.
o Second Mukaddama. — March of Firoz Shah to Thatta.
o Third Mukaddama. — Descent of Sultan Firoz on Thatta.
o Fourth Mukaddama. — Engagement with the army of Thatta.
o Fifth Mukaddama. — Retreat of Firoz Shah from Thatta to Gujarat.
o Sixth Mukaddama. — Falling of the army into Kunchi-ran (the Ran of Kach)
o Seventh Mukaddama. — Lamentations of the sodiers, and anxiety of the Sultan in Kanchi-ran.
o Eighth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz in Gujarat.
o Ninth Mukaddama. — Khan-i Jahan sends supplies to the Sultan in Gujarat.
o Tenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Gujarat to Thatta.
o Eleventh Mukaddama. — Descent of Sultan Firoz Shah upon Thatta in a favourable season.
o Twelfth Mukaddama. — Malik 'Imadu-l Mulk and Zafar Khan cross the Sindh and fight a battle with the Sindians.
o Thirteenth Mukaddama. — 'Imadu-l Mulk goes to Dehli for reinforcements.
o Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Peace with the People of Thatta.
o Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Babiniya in the camp of the Sultan.
o Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Return of Firoz Shah to Dehli.
o Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Khan-i Jahan proceeds to Dipalpur to meet the Sultan.
o Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Invention of the Tas-i ghariyal (a clock or bell to tell the time).
Kism IV. — Return of Sultan Firoz from a Tour of Inspection, and Application of His Attention to Eighteen Affairs of State.
o First Mukaddama. — Return of the Sultan from his tour.
o Second Mukaddama. — The Sultan's care to provide slaves (bandagan).
o Third Mukaddama. — Arrival of robes from the Khalifa.
o Fourth Mukaddnma, — How Sultan Firoz used to sit in State.
o Fifth Mukaddama. — Prosperity and happiness of the nobles.
o Sixth Mukaddama. -- The plenty and cheapness in the reign of Firoz Shah.
o Seventh Mukaddama. — Affairs of the Army.
o Eighth Mukaddama. — Report made to the Sultan by the son of 'Imadu-l Mulk, and the Sultan's appropriate reply.
o Ninth Mukaddama. — Transport of ["Ashokan"] stone Obelisks.
 Removal of the Minara-i zarin.
 Account of the Raising of the Obelisk.
 Erection of the other Obelisk in the Kushk-i Shikar.

o Tenth Mukaddama. — Hunting Excursions.
o Eleventh Mukaddama. — Buildings erected by Firoz Shah.
o Twelfth Mukaddama. — Consideration of the Sultan for the unemployed.
o Thirteenth Mukaddama. — The royal establishments (kar-khana) of Firoz Shah.
o Fourteenth Mukaddama. — On the striking of the Coin called Shashgani.
o Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Establishment of a House of Charity and a Hospital.
o Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Festivals.
o Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Engagement of musicians at the Palace on Fridays, after prayers.
o Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Inventions or new contrivances.
Kism V. — Tonsure of Firoz Shah. The Prince Fath Khan. The great Khans and Maliks. Close of the Reign.
o First Mukaddama. — The Tonsure of Firoz Shah.
o Second Mukaddama. — Suppression of unlawful practices.
o Third Mukaddama.-- Burning of a Brahman before the Royal Palace.
o Fourth Mukaddama. — Levy of the Jizya from the Brahmans
o Fifth Mukaddama. -- Account of two giants and a dwarf; also of two bearded women [and other wonders of the reign]. [NO CONTENT!]
o Sixth Mukaddama. — Memoir of the Khan-i 'azam Tatar Khan.
o Seventh Mukaddama. — Memoir of Khan-i Jahan.
o Eighth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Naib Bar-bak. [NO CONTENT!]
o Ninth Mukaddama, — Memoir of Malik-i Muluku-sh Sharf 'Imadu-l Mulk, Bashir-i Sultani.
o Tenth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Saiyidu-l Hujjab. [NO CONTENT!]
o Eleventh Mukaddama.-- Memoir of Malik Shamsu-d din Aburja, Mustaufi-mamalik. [NO CONTENT!]
o Twelfth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Shamsu-d din Damaghani. [NO CONTENT!]
o Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Destruction of a band of murderers by Firoz Shah. [NO CONTENT!]
o Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Attention shown to three subjects by Firoz Shah towards the end of his life, viz., . [NO CONTENT!]
 1. Liberation of prisoners. [NO CONTENT!]
 2. Restoration of mosques. [NO CONTENT!]
 3. Redressing the wrongs of the oppressed. [NO CONTENT!]
o Fifteenth Mukaddama. — The last farewell of Saiyid Jalalu-d din.2 [The best MS. terminates abruptly in this chapter. The headings of the remaining three chapters are taken from the Preface.] [NO CONTENT!]
o Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Repentance of Firoz Shah. [NO CONTENT!]
o Seventeenth Mukaddama. -- Resignation (taslim kardan) of Firoz Shah to Khan-i Jahan. [NO CONTENT!]
o Eighteenth Mukaddama. -- Account of the charms (ahnal-i sihr) performed for Firoz Shah. [NO CONTENT!]


XVII. Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi of Sultan Firoz Shah
Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service
by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 374-

Table of Contents:

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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:10 am


XV. Tarikhi Firoz Shahi of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani]

This History is very much quoted by subsequent authors, and is the chief source from which Firishta draws his account of the period. Barni takes up the History of India just where the Tabakat'i Nasiri leaves it; nearly a century having elapsed without any historian having recorded the events of that interval. In his Preface, after extolling the value of history, he gives the following account of his own work. ["Having derived great benefit and pleasure from the study of history, I was desirous of writing a history myself, beginning with Adam and his two sons. * * * But while I was intent upon this design, I called to mind the Tabakat-i Nasiri, written with such marvellous ability by the Sadar-i Jahan, Minhaju-d din Jauzjani. * * * I then said to myself, if I copy what this venerable and illustrious author has written, those who have read his history will derive no advantage from reading mine; and if I state any thing contradictory of that master's writings, or abridge or amplify his statements, it will be considered disrespectful and rash. In addition to which I should raise doubts and difficulties in the minds of his readers. I therefore deemed it advisable to exclude from this history everything which is included in the Tabakat-i Nasiri, * * * and to confine myself to the history of the later kings of Dehli. * * * It is ninety-five years since the Tabakat-i Nasiri, and during that time eight kings have sat upon the throne of Dehli. Three other persons, rightly or wrongfully, occupied the throne for three or four months each; but in this history I have recorded only the reigns of eight kings, beginning with Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who appears in the Tabakat-i Nasiri under the name of Ulugh Khan.]

"First. — Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, who reigned twenty years.

"Second. — Sultan M'uizzu-d din Kai-kubad, son of Sultan Balban, who reigned three years.

"Third. — Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Khilji, who reigned seven years.

"Fourth. — Sultan Alau-d din Khilji, who reigned twenty years.

"Fifth.— Sultan Kutbu-d din, son of Sultan 'Alau-d din, who reigned four years and four days.

"Sixth. — Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik, who reigned four years and a few months.

"Seventh. — Sultan Muhammad, the son of Tughlik Shah, who reigned twenty years.

"Eighth. — Sultan Firoz Shah, the present king, whom may God preserve.

"I have not taken any notice of three kings, who reigned only three or four months. I have written in this book, which I have named Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, whatever I have seen during the six years of the reign of the present king, Firoz Shah, and after this, if God spares my life, I hope to give an account of subsequent occurrences in the concluding part of this volume. I have taken much trouble on myself in writing this history, and hope it will be approved. If readers peruse this compilation as a mere history, they will find recorded in it the actions of great kings and conquerors; if they search in it the rules of administration and the means of enforcing obedience, even in that respect it will not be found deficient; if they look into it for warnings and admonitions to kings and governors, that also they will find nowhere else in such perfection. To conclude, whatever I have written is right and true, and worthy of all confidence.''

Ziau-d din Barni, like many others, who have written under the eye and at the dictation of contemporary princes, is an unfair narrator. Several of the most important events of the reigns he celebrated have been altogether omitted, or slurred over as of no consequence. Thus many of the inroads of the Mughals in the time of Alau-d din are not noticed, and he omits all mention of the atrocious means of perfidy and murder, by which Muhammad Tughlik obtained the throne, to which concealment he was no doubt induced by the near relationship which that tyrant bore to the reigning monarch. With respect, however, to his concealment of the Mughal irruptions, it is to be remarked, as a curious fact, that the Western historians, both of Asia and Europe, make no mention of some of the most important. It is Firishta who notices them, and blames our author for his withholding the truth. Firishta's sources of information were no doubt excellent, and the general credit which his narrative inspires, combines with the eulogistic tone of Ziau-d din Barni's history in proving that the inroads were actually made, and that the author's concealment was intentional. The silence of the authorities quoted by De Guignes, D'Herbelot, and Price, may be ascribed to their defective information respecting the transactions of the Mughal leaders to the eastward of the Persian boundary.

The author did not live to complete his account of Firoz Shah, but towards the close of his work lavishes every kind of encomium, not altogether undeserved, upon that excellent prince. Notwithstanding that Firishta has extracted the best part of the Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, it will continue to be consulted, as the reigns which it comprises are of some consequence in the history of India. The constant recurrence of Mughal invasions, the expeditions to the Dekkin and Telingana, the establishment of fixed prices for provisions, and the abortive means adopted to avert the effects of famine, the issue of copper money of arbitrary value, the attempted removal of the capital to Deogir, the wanton massacres of defenceless subjects, the disastrous results of the scheme to penetrate across the Himalaya to China, the public buildings, and the mild administration of Firoz; all these measures, and many more, invest the period with an interest which cannot be satisfied from the mere abstract given by Firishta.

[Barni is very sparing and inaccurate in his dates. He is also wanting in method and arrangement. He occasionally introduces divisions into his work, but in such a fitful irregular way that they are useless. In his latter days "he retired to a village in the suburbs of Dehli, which was afterwards the burial place of many saints and distinguished men. He was reduced to such extreme poverty that no more costly shroud than a piece of coarse matting could be furnished for the funeral obsequies." His tomb is not far from that of his friend, the poet Amir Khusru.1 [Col. Lees. Jour., R.A.S., vol. iii., new series, p. 445.]

[Sir H. Elliot had marked the whole of Barni's history for translation, intending probably to peruse it and expunge all trivial and uninteresting passages. The translation had been undertaken by a distinguished member of the Bengal Civil Service, but when required it was not forthcoming. After waiting for some time, the editor, anxious to avoid further delay, set to work himself, and the whole of the translation is from his pen.2 [When a portion of the translation was already in type, and the editor was at work on the last reign, a letter arrived from India with translations of the histories of the second and sixth of the eight kings — too late to be of any service.] It is somewhat freer in style than many of the others, for although the text has been very closely followed, the sense has always been preferred to the letter, and a discretion has been exercised of omitting reiterated and redundant epithets. All passages of little or no importance or interest have been omitted, and their places are marked with asterisks. The Extracts, therefore, contain the whole pith and marrow of the work, all that is likely to prove in any degree valuable for historical purposes. Barni's history of the eighth king, Firoz Shah, is incomplete, and is of less interest than the other portions. In the weakness of old age, or in the desire to please the reigning monarch, he has indulged in a strain of adulation which spoils his narrative. The Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi of Shams-i Siraj, which will follow this work, is specially devoted to the reign of that king. Shams-i Siraj has therefore been left to tell the history of that monarch. But the two writers have been compared, and one or two interesting passages have been extracted from Barni's work.

[The translation has been made from the text printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and during the latter half of the work two MSS., borrowed by Sir H. Elliot, have been also constantly used,1 [These MSS. being carefully secured by Lady Elliot, could not be obtained while she was absent from home. They have since been examined in respect of several passages in the earlier parts of the translation.] These MSS. prove the print, or the MSS. on which it was based, to be very faulty. A collation would furnish a long list of errata and addenda. One of the two MSS. gives the original text apparently unaltered;2 [This is said to be "a perfect copy, and the autograph of the author. It belongs to the Nawwab of Tonk, by whose father it was plundered from Boolandshahr." It is a good MS., but, so far from being an autograph, the colophon gives the name of the scribe and the date of the transcription, 1019 (1610 A.D.)] but the other has been revised with some judgment. It sometimes omits and sometimes simplifies obscure and difficult passages, and it occasionally leaves out reiterations; but it is a valuable MS., and would have been of great assistance to the editor of the text.]
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:13 am


Zia-Barni, the author of this history, and an earnest well-wisher of the Muhammadans, declares that what he has written upon the life and actions of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban he himself heard from his father and grandfather, and from men who held important offices under that sovereign.

Ghiyasu-d din Balban ascended the throne in 662 3 [Should be 664 H. (1265-6 A.D.)] H. He was one of the Shamsi slaves, and belonged to the band of Turk slaves which was known as "The Forty," *** Before he became king the glory of the State had greatly declined from what it had been in the days of Sultan Shamsu-d din, who was the equal of the Sultan of Egypt, and the compeer of the kings of 'Irak, Khurasan, and Khwarizm. For thirty years after him, during the reigns of his sons, the affairs of the country had fallen into confusion through the youth and sensuality (of his immediate successors), and through the mildness and humility of Sultan Nasiru-d din. The treasury was empty, and the royal court had but little in the way of wealth and horses. The Shamsi slaves had become Khans, and divided among them the wealth and power of the kingdom, so that the country was under their control.

During the ten years after the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din four of his children sat upon the throne. They were young and unequal to the duties of government. Their lives were passed in pleasure and neglect of their duties. The Turk slaves, called "The Forty,'' thus obtained power in the government of the country, and grew in strength and dignity. The free-born maliks and noble officials who had served the Shamsi throne with honour and renown were all removed.

After the lapse of ten years, during which three of Sultan Shamsu-d din's children reigned, his youngest son, Nasiru-d din (after whom the Tabakdt-i Nasiri is named), came to the throne. He was a mild, kind, and devout king, and passed much of his time in making copies of the Holy Book. During the twenty years of his reign Balban was Deputy of the State, and bore the title of Ulugh Khan. He, keeping Nasiru-d din as a puppet (namuna) carried on the government, and even while he was only a Khan used many of the insignia of royalty.

In the reign of Shamsu-d din the fear inspired by the slaughter and ravages of Changiz Khan, the accursed Mughal, caused many renowned maliks and amirs, who had long exercised authority, and many intelligent wazirs, to rally round the throne of Shamsu-d din. * * * His Court thus became the equal of that of Mahmud or of Sanjar, and the object of universal confidence. After the death of Shamsu-d din his Forty Turk slaves grew powerful. The sons of the late Sultan did not bear themselves like princes, and were unfitted for the duties of royalty, which, saving only those of the prophetic office, are the highest and most important in the world. Under the influence of these Turk Slaves all the great men, and the sons of those great men who had been maliks and wazirs, were upon some pretence or other set aside, and after their removal the Shamsi Slaves became the leading men of the State, and acquired the dignity of Khan. * * * These Shamsi slaves had been fellow slaves, and when they became all at once great and powerful, no one would give precedence or acknowledge inferiority to another. In possessions and display, in grandeur and dignity, they vied with each other, and in their proud vaunts and boasts every one exclaimed to the other, "What art thou that I am not, and what wilt thou be that I shall not be?" The incompetence of the sons of Shamsu-d din, and the arrogance of the Shamsi slaves, thus brought into contempt that throne which had been among the most dignified and exalted in the world.

Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban was a man of experience in matters of government. From being a malik be became a khan, and from being a khan he became king. When he attained the throne he imparted to it new lustre, he brought the administration into order, and restored to efficiency institutions whose power had been shaken or destroyed. The dignity and authority of government were restored, and his stringent rules and resolute determination caused all men, high and low, throughout his dominions, to submit to his authority. Fear and awe of him took possession of all men's hearts, but his justice and his consideration for his people won the favour of his subjects and made them zealous supporters of his throne. During the thirty years from the death of Shamsu-d din, the incompetency of that monarch's sons and the overweening power of the Shamsi slaves had produced a vacillating, disobedient, self-willed feeling among the people, which watched for and seized upon every opportunity. Fear of the governing power, which is the basis of all good government, and the source of the glory and splendour of states, had departed from the hearts of all men, and the country had fallen into a wretched condition. But from the very commencement of the reign of Balban the people became tractable, obedient, and submissive; self-assertion and self-will were thrown aside, and all refrained from insubordination and insolence.

In the first year after his accession, the ripe judgment and experience of Balban was directed in the first place to the organization of his army, for the army is the source and means of government. The cavalry and infantry, both old and new, were placed under the command of maliks of experience, of chiefs who held the first rank in their profession, and were brave, dignified, and faithful. * * * * In the first and second year he assumed great state, and made great display of his pomp and dignity. *** Musulmans and Hindus would come from distances of one or two hundred kos to see the splendour of his equipage, which filled them with amazement. *** No sovereign had ever before exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Dehli. *** For the twenty-two years that Balban reigned he maintained the dignity, honour, and majesty of the throne in a manner that could not be surpassed. Certain of his attendants who waited on him in private assured me that they never saw him otherwise than full-dressed. During the whole time that he was Khan and Sultan, extending over nearly forty years, he never conversed with persons of low origin or occupation, and never indulged in any familiarity, either with friends or strangers, by which the dignity of the Sovereign could be lowered. He never joked with any one, nor did he allow any one to joke in his presence; he never laughed aloud, nor did he permit any one in his Court to laugh. *** . As long as he lived no officer or acquaintance dared to recommend for employment any person of low position or extraction.

In the administration of justice he was inflexible, showing no favour to his brethren or children, to his associates or attendants; and if any of them committed an act of injustice, he never failed to give redress and comfort to the injured person. No man dared to be too severe to his slaves of handmaids, to his horsemen or his footmen. Malik Bak-bak, father of Malik Kira Beg, was a slave of Sultan Balban; he was Sar-janddar, and one of the privileged attendants at Court. He held a jagir of four thousand horse, and the fief of Badaun. In a fit of drunkenness, while at Badaun, he caused one of his domestic attendants to be beaten to death with scourges. Some time afterwards, the Sultan went to Badaun, and the man's widow complained to the Sultan. He immediately ordered that this Malik Bak-bak, chief of Badaun, should be scourged to death in the presence of the widow. The spies (barid) who had been stationed to watch the fief of Badaun, and had made no report, were hanged over the gate of the town. Haibat Khan, father of Malik Kiran 'Ala, was the slave and kara-beg of Sultan Balban. He also while intoxicated killed a man. The dead man's friends brought the matter before the Sultan, who ordered that Haibat Khan should receive five hundred lashes in his presence, and should then be given to the widow. Addressing the woman, he said, "This murderer was my slave, I give him to you: with your own hands stab him with a knife till you kill him." Haibat Khan employed some friends to intercede with the woman, and after much humiliation and weeping they succeeded in purchasing his release for 20,000 tankas. Haibat Khan never after went out of his house until the day of his death. ***

In his efforts to secure justice he appointed confidential spies (barids) in all the fiefs, and throughout his territories; he also appointed them for great cities, and for important and distant towns. And that they might discharge their duties with efficiency and honesty he did not give them too large a field of observation. He never failed to attend to what came to his knowledge through these spies, and had no respect for persons in administering justice. These spies were greatly feared by the nobles and officials, and neither they nor their sons or dependants dared to distress any innocent person. ***

Sultan Balban, while he was a Khan, was addicted to wine drinking, and was fond of giving entertainments: two or three times in a week he would give banquets and gamble with his guests. * * * But after he came to the throne he allowed himself no prohibited indulgences. He repented of all his former drunken bouts, gave up wine, and never mentioned the name of either wine or wine-drinkers. ***

The intimate friends of the Sultan, such as 'Adil Khan, Tabar Khan, and others of the old Skamsi Slaves, who, through the protection of the Sultan, still occupied exalted positions, often said to him — Sovereigns, like Kutbu-d din Aibak and Shamsu-d din, our former patrons, conquered Jhain,1 [The printed text always gives this name as ''Jahaban,'' but the MSS. have "Jhain," the name used by Firishta.] Malwa, Ujjain, Gujarat, and other distant countries, and carried off treasure and valuables, and elephants and horses from the Rais and Ranas. "How is it that with your well equipped and disciplined army you do not undertake any distant campaign, and never move out of your territory to conquer other regions?" The Sultan replied, ''The thoughts which you have expressed have also been very active in my mind, but you have not considered the hordes of Changiz Khan, and the evil they have brought upon the women and children, the flocks and herds of my frontiers. These Mughals have established themselves in Ghazni, in Turmuz, and in Mawarau-n Nahr. Hulaku, the grandson of Changiz Khan, with a vast horde, has subdued 'Irak and occupied Baghdad. These accursed wretches have heard of the wealth and prosperity of Hindustan, and have set their hearts upon conquering and plundering it. They have taken and plundered Lahor, within my territories, and no year passes that they do not come here and plunder the villages.2 ["Talwandihd" villages. See supra, p. 70.] They watch the opportunity of my departure on a distant campaign to enter my cities and ravage the whole Doab. They even talk about the conquest and sack of Dehli. I have devoted all the revenues of my kingdom to the equipment of my army, and I hold all my forces ready and prepared to receive them. I never leave my kingdom, nor will I go to any distance from it. In the reigns of my patrons and predecessors there was none of this difficulty of the Mughals; they could lead their armies where they pleased, subdue the dominions of the Hindus, and carry off gold and treasures, staying away from their capitals a year or two. If this anxiety, which admonishes me that I am the guardian and protector of Musulmans, were removed, then I would not stay one day in my capital, but would lead forth my army to capture treasures and valuables, elephants and horses, and would never allow the Rais and Ranas to repose in quiet at a distance. With the army that I possess I would take all the spirit out of the opponents and enemies of the Faith.'' ***

The Sultan frequently observed to his associates that elephants and horses were the strength of Hindustan, and that one elephant was worth five hundred horsemen. *** In the first year of the reign, sixty-three elephants were sent by Tatar Khan, son of Arslan Khan, from Lakhnauti to Dehli, which greatly pleased the people, and was the occasion of great public rejoicing. * * * He took great pleasure in hunting, and followed it with much zest during the winter. By his orders the country for twenty kos round Dehli was preserved, and no one was allowed to take game. *** He used to go out in the morning, and always returned at night, even if it were midnight. A thousand horsemen belonging to the palace guard, each man of whom was acquainted with his person, accompanied him; besides a thousand old and trusty footmen and archers. Reports of the hunting expeditions of the Sultan were carried to Hulaku, at Baghdad, and he said, "Balban is a shrewd ruler and has had much experience in government. He goes out apparently to hunt * * * but really to exercise his men and horses, so that they may not be wanting when times of danger and war arrive. ***

Towards the end of the first year of his reign he employed himself in harrying the jungles, and in routing out the Miwattis,1 [The printed text and the MSS. say "Miwdns," but Firshta has "Miwattis," and he is no doubt correct. The copyists must have misunderstood the name, or possibly they have modified the orthography.] whom no one had interfered with since the days of Shamsu-d din. *** The turbulence of the Miwattis had increased, and their strength had grown in the neighbourhood of Dehli, through the dissolute habits and negligence of the elder sons of Shamsu-d din, and the incapacity of the youngest, Nasiru-d din. At night they used to come prowling into the city, giving all kinds of trouble, depriving the people of their rest; and they plundered the country houses in the neighbourhood of the city. *** In the neighbourhood of Dehli there were large and dense jungles, through which many roads passed. The disaffected in the Doab, and the outlaws towards Hindustan grew bold and took to robbery on the highway, and they so beset the roads that caravans and merchants were unable to pass. The daring of the Miwattis in the neighbourhood of Dehli was carried to such an extent that the western gates2 [Darwdeahde simat-i Kiblah.] of the city were shut at afternoon prayer, and no one dared to go out of the city in that direction after that hour, whether he travelled as a pilgrim or with the display of a sovereign. At afternoon prayer the Miwattis would often come to the Sar-hauz, and assaulting the water-carriers and the girls who were fetching water, they would strip them and carry off their clothes. These daring acts of the Miwattis had caused a great ferment in Dehli.

In the year of his accession, the Sultan felt the repression of the Miwattis to be the first of his duties, and for a whole year he was occupied in overthrowing them and in scouring the jungles, which he effectually accomplished. Great numbers of Miwattis were put to the sword. The Sultan built a fort at Gopal-gir, and established several posts in the vicinity of the city, which he placed in the charge of Afghans, with assignments of land (for their maintenance). In this campaign one hundred thousand of the royal army3 [[x] Firishta says, with more probability, that he put a hundred thousand men (of the enemy) to the sword.] were slain by the Miwattis, and the Sultan with his sword delivered many servants of God from the assaults and violence of the enemy. From this time the city was delivered from the attacks of the Miwattis.

After the Sultan had thus routed out the Miwattis, and cleared away the jungle in the neighbourhood of the city, he gave the towns and country within the Doab to some distinguished chiefs, with directions to lay waste and destroy the villages of the marauders, to slay the men, to make prisoners of the women and children, to clear away the jungle, and to suppress all lawless proceedings. The noblemen set about the work with strong forces, and they soon put down the daring of the rebels. They scoured the jungles and drove out the rebels, and the ryots were brought into submission and obedience.

The Sultan afterwards marched out twice to open the roads to Hindustan, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of Kampil and Pattiali. There he remained five or six months, putting the rebels to the sword. The roads to Hindustan were thus cleared, so that caravans and merchants could pass, and great spoil in slaves, horses, and cattle was secured. Kampil, Pattiali, and Bhojpur, had been the strongholds of the robbers who had infested the roads to Hindustan, so the Sultan erected in these places three strong forts, in which he placed Afghan garrisons. He set apart cultivable lands for the garrisons, and under the protection of these forces robbery was suppressed, and the roads to Hindustan were made safe.
Sixty years have passed since these events, but the roads have ever since been free from robbers. In this campaign he also repaired the fort of Jalali, which he garrisoned with Afghans, and appropriated the land of the place to its support. The den of the robbers was thus converted into a guard-house, and Musulmans and guardians of the way took the place of highway robbers. It remains standing to this day.  

While the Sultan was engaged in these duties news arrived from Kateher1 [Variously spelt as [x] and [x].] that disturbances had broken out in that district, that the houses of the ryots had been plundered, and that the districts of Badaun and Amroha were also disturbed. The mutiny had grown so much and had acquired such strength that the chiefs of Badaun and Amroha were in great trouble and were unable to keep order. The Sultan immediately returned from Kampil and Pattiali to Dehli, where great rejoicings were made. [bb]His mind was bent upon suppressing the disturbances at Kateher, so he ordered the main body of his army (kalb) to be prepared for service, and he spread the report that he was going to the hills on a hunting excursion. He left the city with his army without the royal tent-equipage, and made all haste to the scene of operations. In two nights and three days he crossed the Ganges at Kateher, and sending forward a force of five thousand archers, he gave them orders to burn down Kateher and destroy it, to slay every man, and to spare none but women and children, not even boys who had reached the age of eight or nine years. He remained for some days at Kateher and directed the slaughter. The blood of the rioters ran in streams, heaps of slain were to be seen near every village and jungle, and the stench of the dead reached as far as the Ganges. This severity spread dismay among the rebels and many submitted. The whole district was ravaged, and so much plunder was made that the royal army was enriched, and the people of Badaun even were satisfied. Woodcutters were sent out to cut roads through the jungles, and the army passing along these brought the Hindus to submission.[/b] From that time unto the end of the glorious1 ["Jalali," meaning, perhaps, the reign of Jalalu-d din.] reign no rebellion made head in Kateher, and the countries of Badaun, Amroha, Sambal, and Kanwari continued safe from the violence and turbulence of the people of Kateher.

The Sultan having thus extirpated the outlaws, returned victorious to his capital, where he remained some time. After the suppression of the freebooters, and the construction of roads in every direction, by which all fear of highway robbers was removed, the Sultan resolved upon making a campaign in the Jud mountains. He accordingly marched thither with a suitable force, and inflicted chastisement upon the hills of Jud and the vicinity. The country was plundered, and a large number of horses fell into the hands of the soldiers, so that the price of a horse in the army came to be forty tankas. ***

Two years after the Sultan returned from his Jud expedition he marched to Lahor, and ordered the rebuilding of the fort which the Mughals had destroyed in the reigns of the sons of Shamsu-d din. The towns and villages of Lajor, which the Mughals had devastated and laid waste, he repeopled, and appointed architects and managers (to superintend their restoration.)

While on this campaign it was again brought to his notice that the old Shamsi military grantees of land were unfit for service, and never went out. *** On returning to Dehli he ordered the muster-master to make out a list of them, with full particulars, and to present it to the throne for instructions. It then appeared that about two thousand horsemen of the army of Shamsu-d din had received villages in the Doab by way of pay. * * * Thirty or forty years and even more had passed since the establishment of this body, many of the grantees were old and infirm, many more had died, and their sons had taken possession of the grants as an inheritance from their fathers, and had caused their names to be recorded in the records of the 'Ariz (Muster-master). Some who had no children sent their slaves as their representatives. All these holders of service lands called themselves proprietors, and professed to have received the lands in free gift from Sultan Shamsu-d din. * * * Some of them went leisurely to perform their military duties, but the greater part stayed at home making excuses, the acceptance of which they secured by presents and bribes of all sorts to the deputy muster-master and his officials.

When the list was brought to the Sultan, in the year of his return from Lahor, he divided the grantees into three classes. The first consisted of the old and worn-out, upon whom he settled pensions of forty or fifty tankas, and resumed their villages. 2nd. Those who were in the prime of life, or were young, on whom an allowance proportionate to their service was settled: their villages were not to be taken from them, but the surplus revenues were to be collected by the government revenue officers. 3rd. The children and orphans, who held villages, and sent deputies to perform their military service. The grants were to be taken from these orphans and widows, but a suitable allowance was to be made for their food and raiment.

These orders caused great dismay among the old Shamsi grantees, of whom there were many in the city, and a loud outcry arose in every quarter. A number of them assembled and went to the house of Maliku-l umara Fakhru-d din kotwal, weeping, and complaining that more than fifty years had elapsed since the reign of Shamsu-d din, and that they had regarded the lands granted to them by that sovereign as having been given in free-gift (in'am). *** The kotwal felt for them, *** and, going to the Court, he stood thoughtful and dejected before the Sultan, who, observing his state, inquired what was the matter. The kotwal replied, I have heard that the Muster-master is turning off all the old men, and that the officers of the exchequer are resuming the lands which support them. This has filled me with sorrow and fear, for I am an old man and feeble, and if old men are to be rejected in the Day of Judgment, and are to find no place in heaven, what will become of me? * * * The Sultan was moved with compassion, and sending for the revenue officers, he directed that the villages should be confirmed to the grantees, and that the orders passed respecting them should be treated as inoperative. I, the author, very well remember that many of these grantees lived and rendered service at the Court of Sultan Jalalu-d din, always invoking blessings on Sultan Balban and Malik Fakhru-d din.

Four or five years after the accession of the Sultan, Sher Khan, his cousin, a distinguished Khan, who had been a great barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, departed this life. I have heard from reliable sources that the Khan did not come to Dehli, and that the Sultan caused him to be poisoned. A grand tomb was erected to his memory at Bhatnir. He was one of the most distinguished and respected of the Forty Shamsi slaves, all of whom bore the title of Khan. He repaired the forts of Bhatinda and Bhatnir, and held charge of the districts of Sannam, Lahor, Dipalpur, and other territories exposed to the inroads of the Mughals. He maintained several thousand horse, and had many times utterly routed the Mughals. He had caused the khutba to be read in the name of the Sultan Nasiru-d din at Ghazni, and the terror of his name and the greatness of his power deterred the Mughals from assailing the frontiers of Hindustan. But notwithstanding his services, he felt a strong apprehension that there was an intention to get rid of all the old Shamsi slaves upon some pretext or other, so he kept away from Dehli. He did not even come there when Sultan Balban succeeded, and so the Sultan, although the Khan was his cousin, caused him to be poisoned. After his death the Sultan bestowed Samana and Sannam on Tamar Khan, who also was one of the Forty Shamsi slaves. The other possessions of the late Khan were given to other noblemen. Sher Khan had coerced and brought under his control the Jats, the Khokhars, the Bhattis, the Minas, the Mandahars, and other similar tribes; he had also shown himself able to give a good account of the Mughals. The nobles who succeeded him in his territories were unequal to these duties; the Mughals made head against them, and these frontier countries were exposed to their ravages. What the late Khan had effected in one decade, no one of his successors was able to accomplish.

When Sultan Balban had secured himself in his dominions, and had removed all his rivals and opponents, and when he had appointed his own followers to the possessions of Sher Khan, he gave a royal canopy to his eldest son, proclaimed him his heir apparent, and made him governor of all Sind and the other dependent frontier districts. He then sent him with a large body of nobles and officials to Multan. The prince was a young man possessed of many excellent qualities; he was known in those days by the name of Muhammad Sultan, but the Sultan, on giving him this appointment, bestowed on him the title of Ka'am-l Malk. He is commonly known as Khan-i shahid, "the Martyr Khan." In the early years of his father's reign he had held the territory of Kol and some districts dependent thereto. Here he exhibited many virtues and excellent qualities. Several of the old Shamsi slaves had given the name of Muhammad to their sons, and these all became famous. Thus there was Muhammad Kishli Khan, who had no rival in archery in Khurasan or Hindustan. * * * Among these Muhammads, the son of Sultan Balban, named Muhammad Sultan, was pre-eminently distinguished. His father loved him dearer than his life. The Court of the young prince was frequented by the most learned, excellent, and accomplished men of the time. His attendants used to read (to him) the Shah-namah, the Diwani-i Sanai, the Diwan-i Khakani, and the Khamsah of Shaikh Nizami . Learned men discussed the merits of these poets in his presence. Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan were servants at his Court, and attended upon him for five years at Multan, receiving from the prince allowances and grants of land. The Prince fully appreciated t he merits and excellencies of these two poets, and delighted to honour them above all his servants. I, the author of this work, have often heard from Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan that they had very rarely seen a prince so excellent and virtuous as the "Martyr Prince.'' * * At his entertainments they never heard him indulge in foolish dirty talk, whether wine was drunk or not; and if he drank wine he did so with moderation, so as not to become intoxicated and senseless. * * *

The Martyr Prince twice sent messengers to Shiraz for the express purpose of inviting Shaikh S'adi to Multan, and forwarded with them money to defray the expenses of the journey. His intention was to build a khankah (monastery) for him in Multan, and to endow it with villages for its maintenance. Khwaja S'adi, through the feebleness of old age, was unable to accept the invitations, but on both occasions he sent some verses in his own hand, and made his apologies also in writing. ***

Every year the Prince used to come to see his father, bringing treasure and presents, and after staying a few days at Court he returned to his government. On the last occasion of their meeting the Sultan addressed him in private, telling him that he had grown old, * * that he had made him his heir-apparent, and now intended making a will for his guidance. * * He called for pen and ink, and giving them into his son's hands, commanded attention to his dictation. * * * When the Sultan had finished his testament1 [An epitome of this Testament is given in Briggs's Firishta.] of counsel, he sent the Prince back to Multan.

In the same year that the Sultan made this testament he sent his younger son, Bughra Khan, also entitled Nasiru-d din, to Samana, having placed under his charge Samana, Sannam, and all their dependencies. This prince was a fine young man, but in qualities he was not to be compared with his elder brother. When the Sultan sent him to his government he commanded him to increase the allowances to the old soldiers, and to enlist twice as many more new men. He also ordered him to promote the industrious and faithful officials, and to give them grants of land. He further directed him to be particularly careful in appointing officers for his army, so that he might be ready to repel any advances of the Mughals.

Bughra Khan was inferior to his elder brother in intelligence; the Sultan therefore directed him not to be hasty in business, but to consult with his officers and trusty followers on all matters of importance concerning the army and country. All matters beyond his capacity were to be referred direct to the Sultan, and all orders upon such questions which the Sultan might pass were to be scrupulously enforced, without failure or excess. The Sultan forbad the use of wine to Bughra Khan. He observed that Samana was an important territory, and its army most useful; and he threatened him that if he indulged in wine and in unseemly practices, neglecting the interests of the army and the country under his charge, he would assuredly remove him, and give him no other employment. The Sultan also sent spies (barid) to watch over his proceedings, and took great pains to obtain information of his doings. The son accordingly conducted himself honourably and gave up improper indulgences.

At this time the Mughal horse crossed the Biyah, and the Sultan sent against them the Martyr Prince from Multan, Bughra Khan from Samana, and Malik Barbak Bektars1 [Firishta reads this name as "Birlas."] from Dehli. They marched to the Biyah, driving back the Mughals, and obtaining many victories over them, so that the enemy were unable to advance beyond the Biyah. In each of these three armies there were about seventeen or eighteen thousand horse.

Fifteen or sixteen years had passed since the accession of Balban, during which the country had been quiet, and no adversary or disaffected person had disturbed the peace. *** News at length reached Dehli that the perfidious Tughril had broken out in rebellion at Lakhnauti. Tughril was a Turk, and a very active, bold, courageous, and generous man. Sultan Balban had made him viceroy of Lakhnauti and Bengal. Shrewd and knowing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not rebel themselves others rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in alienating the loyalty of the governors.

Tughril Khan, on being appointed to Lakhnauti, was successful in several enterprises. He attacked Jajnagar2 [The printed text has Hajinagar, an obvious blunder. The MSS. correctly give "Jajnagar." Briggs, following Dow, Bays, "Jajnagar is on the banks of the Mahanuddi, and was the capital of Orissa," and there is still a town called Jajpur in Cnttack. But the Jajnagar here mentioned was evidently east of the Brahmaputra, and corresponds to Tippera. The Sonar-ganw, presently mentioned as on the road to Jajnagar, is described by Rennell as being once a large city and now a village on a branch of the Brahmaputra, 13 miles S.E. of Dacca. -- Firishta I. 260; Rennell's Memoir; Stewart's Bengal, 72.] and carried off great spoil in valuables and elephants. Traitors and rebels then made advances to him, and represented that the Sultan was old, and his two sons were engaged in guarding against the Mughals. That no year passed without the Mughals forcing their way into Hindustan and seizing upon different towns. The Court of Dehli had quite enough to do in repelling these attacks, and neither the Sultan nor his sons could leave this all important duty to come to Lakhnauti. The nobles of Hindustan had no leader, they were wanting in soldiers and retainers, in elephants and wealth, and they were quite incapable of marching to Lakhnauti and opposing Tughril. So they urged him to revolt and make himself king. Tughril listened to and was led astray by these evil advisers. He was young, self-willed, and daring; "ambition had long laid its egg in his head," and he was heedless of the royal revenge and chastisement. The spoil and elephants which he had captured at Jajnagar he kept for himself, and sent none to Dehli. He assumed royal insignia, and took the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, which title was used in the khutba and on his coins. He was profuse in his liberality, so the people of the city and the environs were his friends. Money closed the eyes of the clear-sighted, and greed of gold kept the more politic in retirement. The army and the citizens lost all fear of the supreme power, and joined heart and soul with Tughril.

The rebellion of Tughril was a sore trouble to Balban, for the rebel had been one of his cherished slaves (banda). In his anger and sorrow he lost his rest and appetite; and as the news of Tughril's introducing his name into the khutba, his striking of coins, and his largesses reached Dehli, he became more and more incensed. He was so engrossed with this rebellion that no other business received any attention; night and day he was on the alert for further news about it. At first he sent against the rebel Abtagin, "the long haired," who was known as Amir Khan. This chief was an old slave of Balban; he had received his training among military men, and had for many years held the fief of Oudh. He was named Commander-in-chief, and along with him were sent Tamar Khan Shamsi, Malik Taju-d din, son of Katlagh Khan Shamsi, and other nobles of Hindustan.

Amir Khan, with the army of Hindustan, crossed the Sarau,1 [Here written Sarau, and afterwards Saru, meaning the Sarju or Gogrs.] and marched towards Lakhnauti; and Tughril, with a large force numbering many elephants, advanced to meet him. The two armies came in sight of each other, and a number of people assembled to support the traitor Tughril. His profuse liberality had induced many of the inhabitants of that country to assist him, and had won over also a large number of the troops sent from Dehli against him. He attacked Amir Khan and defeated him. The troops of Dehli fled, and were cruelly treated by the Hindus. The victorious troops of Tughril pursued, and many of the defeated force, being poor and greedy, and unmindful of the Sultan's chastisement, deserted the army of Amir Khan, and joined Tughril. When the news of this defeat reached the Sultan, his rage and shame increased a hundred-fold. All fear of the anger of God left his bosom, and he gave way to needless severity. He ordered Amir Khan to be hanged over the gate of Oudh. This condign punishment excited a strong feeling of opposition among the wise men of the day, who looked upon it as a token that the reign of Balban was drawing to an end.  

Next year the Sultan sent another army against Lakhnauti, under a new commander. The defeat of Amir Khan had made Tughril bolder, and his power and state had greatly increased. He marched out of Lakhnauti, attacked the army of Dehli, and totally defeated it. Many of this force also deserted to Tughril, allured by his gold. The news of this second defeat overwhelmed the Sultan with shame and anger, his life was embittered, and he devoted all his attention and energy to effect the defeat of Tughril. He resolved to march against the rebel in person, and ordered a large number of boats to be collected on the Ganges and the Jumna. He then set forth, as if for a hunting excursion to Samana and Sannam (the fiefs of his son Bughra Khan), and, dividing these districts, he placed them under the charge of the chiefs and troops of those districts. Malik Sunj Sarjandar was made Naib of Samana, and commander of its forces. Bughra Khan was directed to collect his own forces, and to follow in the rear of his father's army. The Sultan then left Samana, and, proceeding into the Doab, he crossed the Ganges, and took his course to Lakhnauti. He wrote to his son at Multan, directing him to be careful of his country, and to give a good account of the Mughals, adding that he had placed the forces of Samana at his disposal. The Sultan wrote also to Maliku-l umara Kotwal of Dehli, one of his most trusty adherents, appointing him to act as his lieutenant at Dehli during his absence, and placing the whole business of the State and the various officials under his charge. In announcing this appointment the Sultan told him that he had marched against Tughril, and that he was fully resolved to pursue him, and never turn back until he had exacted vengeance.

The Sultan summoned all the forces of the neiorhbourhood where he was, and marched for Lakhnauti, his rage and shame causing him to disregard the rainy season. Proceeding into Oudh he ordered a general levy, and two lakhs of men of all classes were enrolled. An immense fleet of boats was collected, and in these he passed his array over the Sarau. The rains now came on, and although he had plenty of boats the passage through the low-lying country was difficult, and the army was delayed ten or twelve days, toiling through the water and mud, and the pouring rain. Meantime Tughril had received intelligence of the advance of the Sultan. He then said to his friends and supporters, "If any one besides the Sultan had come against me, I would have faced him, and fought it out. But as the Sultan has left his duties at Dehli, and has come against me in person, I cannot withstand him." When intelligence of the passage of the Sarau reached Tughril, he immediately prepared for flight, and as the Sultan's march was retarded by the rains he had plenty of time. Many people joined him through fear of the Sultan's vengeance; and he carried off with him treasure and elephants, a picked body of troops, his officers, relations, and adherents, with their wives and children. He also worked upon many people by holding out to them the terrors of the Sultan's vengeance, so that they collected their money and followed him. He took the road to Jajanagar, and halted at a dry place, one day's journey from Lakhuauti. Few persons of importance were left in the city, and the people were all well disposed to him, having the fear of the Sultan on the one hand, and the hope of Tughril's favour on the other. The Sultan was thirty or forty kos from Lakhnauti, and Tughril continued his march to Jajnagar. He deluded the people who accompanied him by telling them that he would stay for a time at Jajnagar, but that the Sultan would be unable to remain long at Lakhnauti. As soon as he should hear of the Sultan's departure they would plunder Jajnagar, and return rich and safe to Lakhnauti, for no one whom the Sultan could leave there would be able to oppose their return. On their approaching the place the Sultan's deputy would retire.

Several days were passed by the Sultan at Lakhnauti in arming and newly organizing his forces; but he set off with all possible speed towards Jajnagar in pursuit of the rebel. The author's maternal grandfather, Sipah-salar Hisamu-d din, wakildar of Malik Bar-bak, was made governor of Lakhnauti, with directions to send on to the army, three or four times every week, full particulars of the news which might arrive from Dehli. Balban marched with all speed, and in a few days arrived at Sunar-ganw. The Rai of that place, by name Danuj Rai, met the Sultan, and an agreement was made with him that he should guard against the escape of Tughril by water.

The Sultan many times publicly declared that he would never give up the pursuit of the rebel. They were playing for half the kingdom of Dehli; and if Tughril took to the water he would pursue him, and he would never return to Dehli, or even mention it, until the blood of the rebel and his followers had been poured out. The people of the army well knew the fierce temper and implacable resolution of the Sultan. They despaired of ever returning, and many of them drew up their wills and sent them to their homes. *** The army marched about seventy kos, and arrived in the vicinity of Jajnagar; but Tughril had pursued a different route, and not a man of his army had been seen. The Sultan therefore sent Malik Barbak Bektars1 [This name is always so given in the Printed Text and in the MSS., but Firishta has "Birlas."] Sultani, at the head of seven or eight thousand horse, who marched ten or twelve kos in advance of the main force, and every day scouts were sent on before this advance party to get intelligence of Tughril. Thus they proceeded. But although scouts were sent out in all directions, no trace could be found of the rebel, till one day Muhammad Sher-andaz, the chief of Kol, his brother Malik Mukaddir, and "Tughril-kush," all brave and renowned soldiers, who had been sent forward ten or twelve kos in advance to reconnoitre and make inquiries, fell in with a party of corn dealers, who were returning home after completing their dealings with Tughril. These men were immediately seized, and Malik Sher-andaz ordered two of them to be beheaded. This act so terrified the rest that they gave the desired information. Tughril was encamped at less than half a kos distance, near a stonebuilt reservoir,2 [[x]] and intended next day to enter the territory of Jajnagar. Malik Sher-andaz sent two of these grain dealers in charge of two Turki horsemen to Malik Barbak, announcing the discovery, and urging his advance. The reconnoitring party proceeded and found the tents of Tughril pitched near a band, with all his force encamped around. All seemed secure and free from apprehension; some were washing their clothes, others were drinking wine and singing. The elephants were browsing on the branches of the trees, and the horses and cattle were grazing — everywhere a feeling of security prevailed. The leaders of the reconnoitring force remarked to each other that if they were discovered the traitor would take to flight. His elephants and treasure might fall into their hands, but he himself would escape. If this occurred, what could they say to the Sultan, and what hope would there be of their lives. They therefore resolved that it was best to take the boldest course, to rush at once into the enemy's camp and attack the tent of the traitor. He might possibly be taken and be beheaded before his forces could rally to the rescue; and his army might take to flight, under the impression that they were attacked by the army of the Sultan, and not by a mere handful of thirty or forty horsemen. So the brave fellows drew their swords, and shouting the name of Tughril, dashed into the camp. They reached his tent; but Tughril had heard the clamour, and, passing through his scullery, he mounted a horse without a saddle, and made off to a river which ran near. The whole army of Tughril, under the impression that the Sultan was upon them, fled in terror and dismay. Mukaddir and "Tughril-kush" pursued Tughril, who made all speed to the river. When he reached it, Tughril-kush drew an arrow, shot him in the side and brought him down. Mukaddir instantly dismounting, cut off his head, and cast his body into the river. Concealing the head under his clothes he went to the river and washed his hands. The officers of Tughril came up shouting, "Your Majesty," and seeking for him on every side. Just then Malik Barbak arrived with his army and dispersed the forces of Tughril. Mukaddir and Tughril-kush placed the head of the traitor before Malik Barbak, who instantly wrote a despatch of victory to the Sultan. The sons and daughters of Tughril, his attendants, companions, and officers, all fell into the hands of the victors. The men of this victorious force obtained such booty in money, goods, horses, arms, slaves, and handmaids, as to suffice them and their children for many years. Two or three thousand men and women were taken prisoners.

When news of the victory and of the death of Tughril reached the Sultan, he halted, and Malik Barbak returned, bringing with him the booty and prisoners that had fallen into his hands. The Malik recounted all the particulars of the victory, and the Sultan was very angry with Muhammad Sher-andaz, saying that he had committed an error, which might have been of serious consequences to him and the army of Dehli. But as all had ended well, the Sultan, after these censures, bestowed robes and rewards upon all the men of the reconnoitring party, according to their rank and position, and raised their dignities. Upon Muhammad Sher-andaz he bestowed especial favour; to the man who shot the arrow he gave the title of "Tughril-kush,"1 [The Text in every instance speaks of Malik Mukaddir and Tughril-kush as two distinct persons, and this passage is decisive as to the author's opinion. Firishta, however, who evidently used Barni's account, is just as distinct in saying that Mukaddir was the man who shot and killed Tughril, and that it was he who "was callad "Taghril-kush."] Slayer of Tughril; and to Mukaddir, who had cut off the traitor's head he gave a robe and suitable rewards. * * * This achievement increased a hundred-fold the awe felt of Balban by his subjects.

The Sultan returned to Lakhnauti, and there ordered that gibbets should be erected along both sides of the great bazar, which was more than a kos in length. He ordered all the sons and sons-in-k=law of Tughril, and all men who had served him or borne arms for him, to be slain and placed upon the gibbets. Tughril had shown great favour to a certain kalandar, *** and the Sultan went so far as to kill him and gibbet him, with all his followers. The punishments went on during the two or three days that the Sultan remained at Lakhnauti, and the beholders were so horrified that they nearly died of fear. I, the author, have heard from several old men that such punishment as was inflicted on Lakhnauti had never been heard of in Dehli, and no one could remember anything like it in Hindustan. A number of prisoners who belonged to Dehli and its neighbourhood were ordered to be put in fetters and carried to Delhi, there to receive their punishment.

The Sultan remained some days longer at Lakhnauti. He placed the country under the charge of his younger son, Bughra Khan, to whom he granted a canopy and other royal insignia. He himself appointed the officials and feudatories (ikta'dars); but he gave to Bughra Khan all the spoils of Tughril Khan, excepting the elephants and gold which he took with him to Dehli. He called his son to him in private, and made him take an oath that he would recover and secure the country of Bengal, and that he would not hold convivial parties, nor indulge in wine and dissipation. He then asked his son where he was lodging, and he replied in the palace of the old kings near the great bazar. Bughra Khan was also called Mahmud, and the Sultan said to him, "Mahmud, didst thou see?" The prince was surprised at the question, and made no answer. Again the king said, "Mahmud, didst thou see?" The prince was amazed, and knew not what answer to give. The Sultan repeated the question a third time, and then added, "You saw my punishments in the bazar?" The prince bowed and assented. The Sultan went on to say, "If ever designing and evil-minded persons should incite you to waver in your allegiance to Dehli, and to throw off its authority, then remember the vengeance which you have seen exacted in the bazar. Understand me and forget not, that if the governors of Hind or Sind, of Malwa or Gujarat, or Lakhnauti, or Sunar-ganw shall draw the sword and become rebels to the throne of Dehli, then such punishment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will fall upon them, their wives and children, and all their adherents. Another day he spoke to his son in private before some of his principal associates [impressing upon him the responsibilities of his station, and warning him against pleasure and dissipation].

The Sultan then took his departure for Dehli, and Bughra Khan accompanied him for some marches. On the day before Bughra Khan was to return the Sultan halted, and after morning prayer he called several of his old friends and Bughra Khan into his presence. He directed the latter to summon his secretary to come with writing materials, and told them to sit down before him, for he was about to deliver some counsels to his son. Then addressing his friends he said, "I know that whatever principles of government I may enforce upon this my son, he, through his devotion to pleasure, will disregard. Still, my paternal affection impels me to write down some counsels for him, in the presence of you who are old men, who have seen much, and have gained great experience. God give my son grace to act upon some of my words."

After the Sultan had concluded his counsels to his son, and the secretary had committed them to writing, he gave him a robe of honour, tenderly embraced him, and shedding tears over him bade him farewell. Bughra Khan then returned to Lakhnauti, and the Sultan, with his army, pursued his journey towards Dehli. On reaching the Saru he halted, and he issued an order that no one who had gone with the army from Dehli to Lakhnauti should remain at the latter place without permission, and that no one should proceed from Lakhnauti to Delhi without his consent. After an inspection of the men of his army, he crossed the river and continued his journey. *** He passed through Badaun, and crossed the Ganges at the ferry of Ghanur. The people of Dehli of all classes came forth to meet him *** and he entered his capital after being absent three years. [Rejoicings, public thanks, and rewards.]

After the rewards were distributed, the Sultan ordered a row of gibbets to be erected on both sides of the road from Badaun to Talpat (Pilibhit?), and that the inhabitants of Dehli and its environs, who had joined Tughril, and had been made prisoners at Lakhnauti, should be suspended thereon. This direful order spread dismay in the city; for many of the inhabitants of the town and environs had relations and connections among the prisoners. * * * The public sorrow became known to the kazi of the army, who was greatly shocked. He proceeded on the evening of the Sabbath, and throwing himself at the feet of the Sultan interceded for the unhappy prisoners. The Sultan was moved by his importunity, and ordered that the majority of the prisoners, who were of no name and repute, should be set at liberty; that some of the better known should be banished to the neighbouring towns, and that those belonging to the city should be retained in prison for a time. The most notorious among them were ordered to be mounted on buffalos, and to be paraded round the city for an exemplary punishment. After a while, through the intercession of the kazi, they all obtained their release. * * *

The Sultan's eldest son, who was called Khan of Multan, and ruled over Sind, brought to Dehli the tribute money and horses for the whole three years during which the Sultan had been absent, and presented his reports to his father. The Sultan was greatly pleased, his affection and kindness to his son was increased tenfold, and he sent him back to his government loaded with honours. ***

In the year 684 H. (A.D. 1285) the Khan of Multan, the eldest son and heir apparent of the Sultan, and the mainstay of the State, proceeded to Lahor and Deobalpur (Dipalpur) to oppose the accursed Samar, the bravest dog of all the dogs of Changiz Khan. By the will of fate, the prince with many of his nobles and officers fell in battle, and a grievous disaster thus happened to the throne of Balban. Many veteran horsemen perished in the same battle. This calamity caused great and general mourning in Multan. * * * From that time the deceased prince was called "the Martyr Prince." Amir Khusru was made prisoner by the Mughals in the same action, and obtained his freedom with great difficulty. He wrote an elegy on the death of the prince. ***

When the news of this defeat and the death of the prince reached the Sultan, he was quite broken down with sorrow. The army was a well-appointed one, and "the Martyr Prince'' was the son whom he had loved dearer than his life, and whom he had destined to be his successor. The Sultan was now more than eighty years old, and although he struggled hard against the effects of his bereavement, they day by day became more apparent. By day he held his court, and entered into public business as if to show that his loss had not affected him; but at night he poured forth his cries of grief, tore his garments, and threw dust upon his head. When the particulars of the prince's death arrived, the Sultan bestowed Multan, with the other territories, the canopy, and all the ensigns of royalty which he had given to the late prince, on Kai-Khusru, his son. This prince was very young, but he was greatly favoured by the Sultan, who sent him to Multan with a large retinue of nobles and officers. The reign of Balban now drew to a close, and he gradually sank under his sorrow.
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:14 am

Biographical notices of the nobles and great men of the reign of Balban.

To return to my history. When the Sultan grew weak and ill from grief for his lost son, he summoned his younger son, Bughra Khan, from Lakhnauti, and said to him, "Grief for your brother has brought me to my dying bed, and who knows how soon my end may come? This is no time for you to be absent, for I have no other son to take my place. Kai-Khusru and Kai-Kubad, your sons,1 ["Pirsaran i shuma."] whom I have cherished, are young, and have not experienced the heat and cold of fortune. Youthful passions and indulgence would make them unfit to govern my kingdom, if it should descend to them. The realm of Dehli would again become a child's toy, as it was under the successors of Shamsu-d din. If you are in Lakhnauti when another mounts the throne in Dehli, you must be his subordinate; but if you are established in Dehli, whoever rules in Lakhnauti must submit to you. Think over this; do not leave my side; cast away all desire of going to Lakhnauti.'' Bughra Khan was a heedless prince; he did not know that in the management of a kingdom questions are constantly arising and dangers threatening. He had been two or three months in Dehli, and his father's health had slightly improved. He wanted to go to Lakhnauti, so he found a pretext for doing so, and set off thither without leave from his father.

Bughra Khan had a son named Kai-Kubad, who had been brought up by the Sultan, and now stayed by his side. The Khan had not reached Lakhnauti when the Sultan became worse. He knew that he was stricken by death, and gave up all hope of surviving. Three days before his death, he summoned to his presence Maliku-l-umara Kotwal of Dehll, Khwaja Husain Basri the wazir, and some other of his favourite servants, and said, You are old and are versed in matters of government: you know how things go on when kings die, and I know that my end is near. *** After I am gone, you must set upon the throne Kai-Khusru, son of my eldest son, the martyr prince, whom, after his father's death, I named as my successor, and who is worthy of the throne. He is young and incapable of ruling as yet, but what can I do? Mahmud (Bughra Khan) has shrunk from the work, and people shut their eyes at him. He is gone to Lakhnauti, intent upon other views. The throne will not stand without a king, and I see no course but that of my making my will in favour of Kai-Khusru. He dismissed his friends, and three days afterwards he died. The kotwal and his people were strong, and, as confidants of the late king, had great power in the city. For a private reason, which it would be unseemly to expose,1 [[x]] they had been unfriendly to the martyr prince, and they were apprehensive of danger if Kai-Khusru succeeded, so they sent him at once to Multan. They then took Kai-Kubad, the son of Bughra Khan, and placed him on the throne with the title of Mu'izzu-d din. The corpse of Sultan Balban was taken out of the Red Palace at night, and was buried in the house of rest, and thus ended one who for so many years had ruled with dignity, honour, and vigour. ***

From the day that Balban, the father of his people, died, all security of life and property was lost, and no one had any confidence in the stability of the kingdom. Mu'izzu-d din had not reigned a year before the chiefs and nobles quarrelled with each other; many were killed upon suspicion and doubt; and the people, seeing the troubles and hardships which had befallen the country, sighed for a renewal of the reign of Balban.
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:16 am

Sultanu-L Karam Mu'izzu-d Dunya wau Din Kai-Kubad.

The author of this history, Zia-Barni, was a child in the reign of Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Kai-Kubad, grandson of Sultan Balban, and the details which he has written he learned from his father, Muyidu-l Mulk, and from his preceptors, who were men of note at the time. Kai-Kubad1 [Barni generally uses he title Mu'izzu-d din, but I have preferred the shorter and more distinctive name.] ascended the throne in the year 685 H. (1286 A.D.)2 [Properly 686, as proved in the Printed Text by a Terse quoted from Amir Khusru's Kirdnu-s Sadain.] He was then seventeen or eighteen years old, and was a young man of many excellent qualities. He was of an equable temper, kind in disposition, and very handsome; but he was fond of pleasure and sensual gratifications. From his childhood till the day he came to the throne, he had been brought up under the eye of the Sultan, his grandfather. Such strict tutors had been placed over him that he never had the idea of indulging in any pleasure, or the opportunity of gratifying any lust. His tutors, in fear of the Sultan, watched him so carefully that he never cast his eyes on any fair damsel, and never tasted a cup of wine. Night and day his austere guardians watched over him. Teachers instructed him in the polite arts and in manly exercises, and he was never allowed to do any unseemly act, or to utter any improper speech. When, all at once, and without previous expectation, he was elevated to such a mighty throne, * * * all that he had read, and heard, and learned, he immediately forgot; his lessons of wisdom and self-restraint were thrown aside, and be plunged at once into pleasure and dissipation of every kind. * * * His ministers, likewise, the young nobles of his court, and his companions and friends, all gave themselves up to pleasure. The example spread, and all ranks, high and low, learned and unlearned, acquired a taste for wine drinking and amusements.

Kai-Kubad gave up residing in the city, and, quitting the Red Palace, be built a splendid palace, and laid out a beautiful garden at Kilu-garhi, on the banks of the Jumna. Thither he retired, with the nobles and attendants of his court, and when it was seen that he had resolved upon residing there, the nobles and officers also built palaces and dwellings, and, taking up their abode there, Kilu-garhi became a populous place [and the resort of all the votaries and ministrants of pleasure.] Night and day the Sultan gave himself up entirely to dissipation and enjoyment.

Malik Nizamu-d din, nephew and son-in-law of Maliku-l umara Kotwal of Dehli, now rose to the highest offices. He became Dad-bak, or chief administrator of justice, and Naib-i mulk, or deputy ruler of the State, and the government of the country was in his hands. Malik Kiwamu-d din, who held the office of secretary, an accomplished and eloquent man, thoroughly versed in correspondence and the duties of secretary, was made Umdatu-l mulk and Naib-wakildar. Nizamu-d din was an active, ready, and crafty man, and his rise to power gave great offence to the nobles and servants of the late king, who were strong and numerous, and still held important positions. His head was filled with ambitious designs, while the Sultan was engrossed with pleasure and conviviality. The old and experienced courtiers, who had felt the heat and cold of varying fortune, perceived that the minister bore them no good will, and formed themselves into various parties. The nobles, heads of great families, found their position at court shaken, and some of them conceived a craving for an extension of their power. Nizamu-d din sharpened his teeth in the pursuit of his ambition, and argued with himself thus: "Sultan Balban was a wary old wolf, who held possession of Dehli for sixty years, and kept down the people of the kingdom with a firm grasp. He is gone, and his son, who was fitted to be a king, died before him; Bughra Khan remains contented at Lakhnauti, and the roots of empire which the old man planted are day by day growing weaker. The Sultan, in his devotion to pleasure, has not a thought for his government. If I get rid of Kai-Khusru, the son of "the Martyr Prince," and can remove some of the old nobles from the person of the sovereign, the realm of Dehli will fall with ease into my hands." With such thoughts and crooked designs, he began to play his game against Kai-Khusru; so he said to the Sultan, "Kai-Khusru is your partner in the kingdom, and is endued with many kingly virtues. The nobles are very friendly towards him, and look upon him as the heir-apparent of Sultan Balban. If several of Balban's nobles support him, one day they will set you aside and raise him to the throne. It would therefore be politic for you to summon him from Multan, and to make away with him on the road. This truculent suggestion was adopted, and messengers were sent for Kai-Khusru. Nizamu-d din took advantage of the Sultan's drunkenness to obtain his sanction for the murder of the prince. He then despatched his emissaries, who murdered the prince at Rohtak.

This murder excited great dread of the minister among all those nobles who remained in office. The glory and honour of the maliks was shattered, and fear seized upon them all. Nizamu-d din became more overbearing. He brought a charge against Khwaja Khatir, wazir of the Sultan, and had him placed upon an ass, and paraded through the whole city. This punishment increased the terror which all the nobles and officers felt. He next resolved upon removing the chief nobles and heads of illustrious families; so he said to the Sultan, "These newly-made Musulmans, who hold offices and appointments near your majesty, are in league together. You have made them your companions and associates, but they intend to deal treacherously with you; and, introducing themselves by degrees into the palace, they will turn you out and seize upon the kingdom. These Mughal nobles hold meetings in their houses and consult together. They are all of one race, their followers are numerous, and they have grown so strong that they will raise a rebellion. Shortly after he reported to the Sultan some words which had come to his ears, as having been uttered by these Mughals while in a state of intoxication, and he obtained from him permission to seize and kill them. One day he had them all seized in the palace, the principal of them were slain and cast into the Jumna, and their houses and property were plundered. Several descendants of slaves,1 ["Maula zadagan."] also, who were men of high rank in the time of Balban, having formed acquaintances and friendship with these new Musulmans, were made prisoners and confined in distant forts. Their families, which had long taken root in the land, were scattered.

Next after these Malik Shahik, amir of Multan, and Malik Tuzaki, who was the holder of the fief of Baran, and held the office of Muster-master-general — men of high rank and importance in the reign of Balban — were both of them got rid of by stratagem. These proceedings made the designs of Nizamu-d din sufficiently clear to all men of the court and city; and his house became the resort of the principal men of the place. He had obtained such an ascendancy over Kai-Kubad, that whenever any one belonging to the city or otherwise made allusion to the ambitious designs of Nizamu-d din, or, in a fair and open way, brought any evil practice to his notice, the Sultan used to say to his minister, "So and so has spoken this about you;" or he would have the person seized, and giving him over to Nizamu-d din, would say, ''This man wanted to make mischief between us."

The ascendancy of Nizamu-d din reached such a pitch that his wife, who was the daughter of Maliku-l umara, became known as "honorary mother" of the Sultan, and the directress of his female apartments. The sight of his power caused all the great men and chiefs of the city and country to anxiously watch his proceedings and guard against his hostility with all caution. With every device in their power, they endeavoured to obtain his favour, and to be reckoned among his adherents. Kotwal Maliku-l Umara Fakhru-d din, father-in-law and uncle of Nizamu-d din, often spoke to him in private, and remonstrated with him on his ambitious designs and his destruction of the nobles, saying, "I and my father have been kotwals of Dehli for eighty years, and as we have never meddled with affairs of State, we have remained in safety, * * * banish this vision of royalty from your mind, for royalty has no relation with us. * * * Supposing you kill this drunken insensate king by some villainous contrivance, the infamy of such an action will remain upon you and your children till the day of judgment." *** This admonition of the kotwal's became generally known, * * * and raised him very high in public estimation.

Nizamu-d din profited nothing by these counsels; his ambition to acquire the regal power made him blind and deaf. Every day he made some new move in the game, and sought to remove the Khiljis, who were obstacles in his road to sovereignty. Fate, however, derided these crude designs, and smiled upon the Khiljis. The Sultan himself became aware that Nizamu-d din desired to remove him, and in fact his designs were patent to every one in Dehli.

While Kai-Kubad was sitting on the throne in Dehli, his father, Bughra Khan, at Lakhnauti, had assumed the title of Nasiru-d din, and had struck coins and caused the khutba to be read in his own name.

Khutbah serves as the primary formal occasion for public preaching in the Islamic tradition.

Such sermons occur regularly, as prescribed by the teachings of all legal schools. The Islamic tradition can be formally observed at the Dhuhr (noon) congregation prayer on Friday. In addition, similar sermons are called for on the two festival days and after Solar and Lunar Eclipse prayer.

Religious narration (including sermons) may be pronounced in a variety of settings and at various times. The khutbah, however, refers to khutbah al-jum'a, usually meaning the address delivered in the mosque at weekly (usually Friday) and annual rituals. Other religious oratory and occasions of preaching are described as dars (a lesson) or waz (an admonition), and their formats differ accordingly.

The khutbah originates from the practice of the Islamic prophet, Muhammad, who used to deliver words of exhortation, instruction, or command at gatherings for worship in the mosque, which consisted of the courtyard of his house in Medina.

After the conquest of Mecca, Muhammad presented himself as a khatib to the city in AD 630. The first four caliphs, and the Ummayads caliphs and provincial governors all delivered sermons. There were not necessarily exhortatory, but addressed practical questions of government and sometimes even included direct orders. Under the Abbasids, the caliph himself no longer preached but assigned the task to the religious judges.

Khutbah, by Wikipedia

A correspondence was kept up between the father and son, and messengers were constantly passing, carrying presents from one to the other. The father was informed of his son's devotion to pleasure, and of Nizamu-d din's designs, * * * so he wrote letters of advice and caution to his son, *** but the Sultan, absorbed in his pleasures, *** paid no heed to his father's remonstrances, and took no notice of his minister's designs. Neither did he give the least attention to the business of the kingdom.

When Baghra Khan1 [He is now called ''Nasiru-d din," but it seems preferable to retain his old name.] heard that his son * * * paid no heed to his letters, he resolved to go and see him, and he wrote him a letter announcing his intention. * * * This letter awakened the Sultan's affection * * * and several letters passed. * * * It was at length arranged that the Sultan would go to Oudh, and that his father should come from Lakhnauti and meet him on the banks of the Saru. The Sultan's intention was to proceed privately (jaridah) to the Saru, but his minister opposed this, * * * observing that "the journey was long, and that he ought to travel in state with an army. * * * Old writers had said that in pursuit of dominion fathers will slay their sons, and sons their fathers. Ambition for rule stifles both paternal and filial affection. * * * The Sultan's father had struck coins and caused the khutba to be read in his name — besides, he was the rightful heir to the kingdom, and who could foresee what would happen at the interview. The Sultan ought to proceed with his army in all state and grandeur. * * * The Rais and Ranas would then come to pay their respects; but if he travelled with haste, all reverence for the kingly office would be lost." *** His advice was taken by the Sultan, and he directed his army and travelling equipage to be prepared.

In due time the Sultan set out in all regal state, with a suitable army, and marching into Oudh he pitched his camp on the banks of the Saru. When Bughra Khan heard that the Sultan had brought a large army, he understood that Nizamu-d din had instilled fear into the heart of his son; but he set forth from Lakhnauti with an army and elephants, and arrived at the Saru, where the two armies encamped on opposite sides of the river, within sight of each other. For two or three days officers passed from both sides, carrying messages between father and son. The order of the interview was at length settled. Bughra Khan was to pay honour and homage to the king of Dehli. He was to cross the river to see his son seated on his throne, and to kiss his hands (in token of inferiority). The Khan said, "I have no inclination to pay homage to my own son; but he sits upon the throne of Dehli in my father's seat, and that exceeds in grandeur all the thrones of the earth. * * * If I do not show it due honour, its glory will be shattered, and evil will come both upon me and my son. * * * I will therefore fulfil all the requirements of etiquette.'' He directed the astrologers to fix upon an auspicious hour for the interview. On the appointed day the Sultan's court was arranged, and he sat upon his throne to hold a levee. Bughra Khan alighted, and came within the privileged circle. He bowed his head to the earth, and three times kissed the ground, as required by the ceremonial of the court. But when he approached the throne, the Sultan could no longer bear the degradation of his father; he threw aside all kingly grandeur, and, descending from the throne, cast himself at his father's feet. * * * Father and son burst into tears and embraced each other, * * * and the Sultan rubbed his eyes upon his father's feet. This sight drew tears also from the eyes of the beholders. The father took his son's hand and led him to the throne, intending himself to stand before it for awhile; but the Sultan came down, and conducting his father to the throne, seated him there on his own right hand. Then, coming down, he bent his knees, and sat respectfully before him. *** Afterwards they had some conversation together in private, and then Bughra Khan retired across the river to his own camp. ***

One day, Bughra Khan, after telling his son a story about Jamshid, said, "Oh, my dear son, how far wilt thou carry thy addiction to pleasure and dissipation, and how long wilt thou disregard the sayings of great and powerful kings?"

Jamshid is the fourth Shah of the mythological Pishdadian dynasty of Iran according to Shahnameh.
The Shahnameh or Shahnama ('The Book of Kings'') is a long epic poem written by the Persian poet Ferdowsi for Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni between c. 977 and 1010 CE and is the national epic of Greater Iran. Consisting of some 50,000 "distichs" or couplets (two-line verses), the Shahnameh is one of the world's longest epic poems. It tells mainly the mythical and to some extent the historical past of the Persian Empire from the creation of the world until the Muslim conquest in the seventh century.

-- Shahnameh, by Wikipedia

In Persian mythology and folklore, Jamshid is described as the fourth and greatest king of the epigraphically unattested Pishdadian Dynasty (before the Kayanian dynasty). This role is already alluded to in Zoroastrian scripture (e.g. Yasht 19, Vendidad 2), where the figure appears as Yima(-Kshaeta) "(radiant) Yima" and from which the name 'Jamshid' is derived....

The name Jamshid is originally a compound of two parts, Jam and shid, corresponding to the Avestan names Yima and Xšaēta, derived from the proto-Iranian *Yamah Xšaitah ('Yama, the brilliant/majestic'). Yamah and the related Sanskrit Yama are interpreted as "the twin," perhaps reflecting an Indo-Iranian belief in a primordial Yama and Yami pair....

There are also a few functional parallels between Avestan Yima and Sanskrit Yama, for instance, Yima was the son of Vivaŋhat, who in turn corresponds to the Vedic Vivasvat, "he who shines out", a name for the sun-god Surya. Both Yamas in Iranian and Indian myth guard Hell with the help of two four-eyed dogs....

In the second chapter of the Vendidad of the Avesta, the omniscient Creator Ahura Mazda asks Yima, a good shepherd, to receive his law and bring it to men. However, Yima refuses, and so Ahura Mazda charges him with a different mission: to rule over and nourish the earth, to see that the living things prosper. This Yima accepts, and Ahura Mazda presents him with a golden seal and a dagger inlaid with gold.

Yima rules as king for three hundred years, and soon the earth was full of men, flocks of birds and herds of animals. He deprived the daevas, who were demonic servants of the evil Ahriman, of wealth, herds and reputation during his reign. Good men, however, lived lives of plenty, and were neither sick nor aged. Father and son walked together, each appearing no older than fifteen. Ahura Mazda visits him once more, warning him of this overpopulation. Yima, shining with light, faced southwards and pressed the golden seal against the earth and boring into it with the poniard, says "O Spenta Armaiti, kindly open asunder and stretch thyself afar, to bear flocks and herds and men."

The earth swells and Yima rules for another six hundred years before the same problem occurred once more. Once again he pressed the seal and dagger to the earth and asked the ground to swell up to bear more men and beasts, and the earth swells again. Nine hundred years later, the earth was full again. The same solution is employed, the earth swelling again.

The next part of the story tells of a meeting of Ahura Mazda and the Yazatas in Airyanem Vaejah, the first of the "perfect lands". Yima attends with a group of "the best of mortals", where Ahura Mazda warns him of an upcoming catastrophe: "O fair Yima, son of Vivaŋhat! Upon the material world the evil winters are about to fall, that shall bring the fierce, deadly frost; upon the material world the evil winters are about to fall, that shall make snow-flakes fall thick, even an arədvi deep on the highest tops of mountains."

The Vedivdad mentions that Ahura Mazda warns Yima that there will come a harsh winter storm followed by melted snow. Ahura Mazda advises Yima to construct a Vara (Avestan: enclosure) in the form of a multi-level cavern, two miles (3 km) long and two miles (3 km) wide. This he is to populate with the fittest of men and women; and with two of every animal, bird and plant; and supply with food and water gathered the previous summer. Yima creates the Vara by crushing the earth with a stamp of his foot, and kneading it into shape as a potter does clay. He creates streets and buildings, and brings nearly two thousand people to live therein. He creates artificial light, and finally seals the Vara with a golden ring....

Over time, the Avestan hero Yima Xšaēta became the world-ruling Shāh Jamshid of Persian legend and mythology.

According to the Shāhnāma of the poet Firdausī, Jamshid was the fourth king of the world. He had command over all the angels and demons of the world, and was both king and high priest of Hormozd (middle Persian for Ahura Mazda). He was responsible for a great many inventions that made life more secure for his people: the manufacture of armor and weapons, the weaving and dyeing of clothes of linen, silk and wool, the building of houses of brick, the mining of jewels and precious metals, the making of perfumes and wine, the art of medicine, the navigation of the waters of the world in sailing ships. The sudreh and kushti of the Zoroastrianism are also attributed to Jamshid. Traditional mythology also credits him with the invention of music. From the skin-clad followers of Keyumars, humanity had risen to a great civilization in Jamshid's time.

Jamshid also divided the people into four groups:

1. Kātouzians: The priests who conducted the worship of Hormozd
2. Neysārians: The warriors who protected the people by the might of their arms
3. Nāsoudians: The farmers who grew the grain that fed the people
4. Hotokhoshians: The artisans, who produced goods for the ease and enjoyment of the people

Jamshid had now become the greatest monarch the world had ever known. He was endowed with the royal farr (Avestan: khvarena), a radiant splendor that burned about him by divine favor. One day he sat upon a jewel-studded throne and the divs who served him raised his throne up into the air and he flew through the sky. His subjects, all the peoples of the world, marvelled and praised him. On this day, which was the first of the month of Farvardin, they first celebrated the holiday of Nawrōz ("new day"). In the variant of the Zoroastrian calendar followed by the Zoroastrians of India, the first day of the month of Farvardin is still called Jamshēd-i Nawrōz.

Jamshid was said to have had a magical seven-ringed cup, the Jām-e Jam which was filled with the elixir of immortality and allowed him to observe the universe.

Jamshid's capital was ... believed to be at the site of the ruins of Persepolis, which for centuries (down to 1620 CE) was called Takht-i Jamshēd, the "Throne of Jamshid".... Persepolis was actually the capital of the Achaemenid kings and was destroyed by Alexander. Similarly, the sculptured tombs of the Achaemenids and Sāsānians near Persepolis were believed to be images of the legendary hero Rostam, and so were called Naqsh-e Rustam.

Jamshid ruled well for three hundred years. During this time longevity increased, sicknesses were banished, and peace and prosperity reigned. But Jamshid's pride grew with his power, and he began to forget that all the blessings of his reign were due to God. He boasted to his people that all of the good things they had came from him alone, and demanded that he should be accorded divine honors, as if he were the Creator.

From this time the farr departed from Jamshid, and the people began to murmur and rebel against him. Jamshid repented in his heart, but his glory never returned to him. The vassal ruler of Arabia, Zahhāk, under the influence of Ahriman, made war upon Jamshid, and he was welcomed by many of Jamshid's dissatisfied subjects. Jamshid fled from his capital halfway across the world, but he was finally trapped by Zahhāk and brutally murdered. After a reign of seven hundred years, humanity descended from the heights of civilization back into a Dark Age.

King Jamshid is featured prominently in one apocryphal tale associated with the history of wine and its discovery. According to Persian legend, the king banished one of his harem ladies from his kingdom, causing her to become despondent and wishing to commit suicide. Going to the king's warehouse, the girl sought out a jar marked "poison" which contained the remnants of grapes that had spoiled and were deemed undrinkable. Unbeknownst to her, the "spoilage" was actually the result of fermentation caused by the breakdown of the grapes by yeast into alcohol. After drinking the so-called poison, the harem girl discovered its effects to be pleasant and her spirits were lifted. She took her discovery to the king, who became so enamored with this new "wine" beverage that he not only accepted the girl back into his harem but also decreed that all grapes grown in Persepolis would be devoted to winemaking. ...

-- Jamshid, by Wikipedia

*** When the Khan had finished his counsels he wept, and pressing his son to his bosom bade him farewell; and as he did so, he secretly whispered to him his advice that he should remove Nizamu-d din as soon as possible, otherwise that man would one day seize an opportunity to remove him from the throne. So saying, and shedding many tears, he parted from his son. * * * When he reached his own camp he said to his friends, "I have said farewell to my son and to the kingdom of Dehli; for I know full well that neither my son nor the throne of Dehli will long exist."

Kai-Kubad returned through Oudh, towards Dehli, and for some days he was mindful of his father's advice, and abstained from sensual amusements. *** The tenor of that advice was known to all men in the army. *** He kept aloof from women, till one day a lovely girl met him on the road [decked in the most alluring style], and addressed some lines of poetry to him. *** The Sultan was overpowered by her charms, he could not resist *** but called for wine; and, drinking it in her presence, recited some verses, to which she replied also in verse. *** His father's counsels were forgotten, and he gave himself up to pleasure in the society of that "vow-breaker" [and plunged deeper into his old habits]. From Oudh to Dehli all his journey was one round of dissipation and pleasure. When he arrived at Kilu-garhi public rejoicings were held. ***

I, Ziau-d din Barni, author of this work, heard from Kazi Sharfu-d din that Sultan Kai-Kubad was so engrossed by his dissolute pursuits, that his government would not have endured for a single week, but for Malik Nizamu-d din and Malik Kiwamu-d din, both of whom were old Shamsi and Balbani nobles. They were wise, experienced men, who possessed ability, and encouraged ability. *** Nizamu-d din was also very generous, *** and it was a thousand pities that so many excellent qualities should all have been spoilt by his ambition to attain the throne. *** Soon after the Sultan returned from Oudh, his constitution began to give way, and his excessive indulgence in sensual pleasures made him very feeble and pale. He thought upon the advice of his father, and resolved upon removing Nizamu-d din, without reflecting that there was no one to take his place, and that troubles and difficulties would arise. So he ordered Nizamu-d din to proceed to Multan to arrange the affairs of that dependency. The minister perceived that the Sultan was acting upon advice received from his father, or some other person, and fearing the intrigues of his rivals he delayed his departure. The Sultan's associates and attendants were aware that he was resolved upon removing Nizamu-d din, so after obtaining the Sultan's consent, they put poison into his wine, and he died. The fact of his having been poisoned was well known in Dehli. What little order had been maintained in the government was now entirely lost. People were without employ, and flocked to the gates of the palace; and as no order was maintained there, no security was anywhere to be found.

At this time Jalalu-d din was Naib of Samana and Sarjandar of the court. He was brought from Samana, and the fief of Baran was conferred upon him; and he received the title of Siyasat Khan. Malik Aitamur Kachhan was made Barbak, and Malik Aitamur Surkha obtained the office of Wakil-dar. Both had been slaves (banda) of Sultan Balban. They now divided the control of the palace between them, and both were led away by ambition. Several of the Balban officials, who had been set aside by Nizamu-d din, again entered into employment, and rose into notice.

The affairs of the court now fell into the greatest confusion, and no regularity was observed in any business. The Sultan was struck with paralysis, and was confined to his couch. He daily grew worse, and was quite incapable of attending to business. The nobles desired some leading spirit who would take the control of public affairs; but they were all too much upon a level, and could not endure that any one should rise above the rest, and should have entire command of the reins. There was no hope of the Sultan's recovery, so the old Balban officers, the maliks, the amirs, the officials, heads of tribes, etc., met together, and although the Sultan's son was of tender years, they brought him forth from the harem and seated him upon the throne. It was resolved to appoint a regent, so that the throne might be preserved to the family of Balban, and might not pass from the Turk to any other race. With this object the Sultan's child was seated on the throne, under the title of Sultan Shamsu-d din. The old Balbani officers were his supporters, and they received offices, titles, and grants of land. The young Sultan was taken to the Chabutara-i Nasiri, which became his Court, and there the nobles and great men attended upon him.  

Sultan Kai-Kubad was lying sick and powerless at Kilughari, attended by his doctors. At the same time Jalalu-d din, who was Ariz-i mamalik (Muster-master-general), had gone to Bahsr-pur, attended by a body of his relations and friends. Here he held a muster and inspection of the forces. He came of a race different from that of the Turks, so he had no confidence in them, nor would the Turks own him as belonging to the number of their friends. Aitamur Kachhan and Aitamur Surkha wakil-dar conspired to denounce and remove several nobles of foreign extraction. They accordingly drew up a list, at the head of which they placed the name of Jalalu-d din. The latter very prudently collected his adherents, and all the Khilji maliks and amirs, drew together, and formed a camp at Bahar-pur. Several other nobles joined him. Aitamur Kachhan now proceeded to Bahar-pur, in order to entice Jalalu-d din to the Shamsi palace, where he intended to kill him. Jalalu-d din was aware of the plot, and intercepted and slew Aitamur Kachhan, as he was on the way to invite him. The sons of Jalalu-d din, who were all daring fellows, went publicly at the head of 500 horse to the royal palace, seized upon the infant Sultan, and carried him off to their father. Aitamur Kachhan1 [So says the Text, and the two MSS. a gree: but as Kachhan was dead, Surkha must be here intended, and Firishta has it so.] pursued them, but he was wounded with an arrow, and fell. The sons of Maliku-l umara Kotwal were captured and taken to Bahar-pur, where they were kept as hostages. Great excitement followed in the city; the people, high and low, small and great, poured out of the twelve gates of the city, and took the road for Bahar-pur to the rescue of the young prince. They were all troubled by the ambition of the Khiljis, and were strongly opposed to Jalalu-d din's obtaining the crown; but the kotwal, on account of his sons, allayed the popular excitement, and brought back the citizens. The crowd dispersed at the Badaun gate.

Several maliks and amirs of Turk extraction now joined Jalalu-d din at his camp, and the Khilji force increased. Two days after these occurrences a malik, whose father had been put to death by order of Sultan Kai-Kubad, was sent to Kilu-ghari, with instructions to make an end of him. This man entered Kilu-ghari, and found the Sultan lying at his last gasp in the room of mirrors. He despatched him with two or three kicks, and threw his body into the Jumna. Malik Chhaju, brother's son of Sultan Balban, and rightful heir to the throne, received the grant of Karra, and was sent off thither.

Friends and opponents now came to terms with Jalalu-d din, who was escorted from Baharpur by a large body of horse, and was seated on the throne in Kilu-ghari. He immediately proceeded t o strengthen his position by bringing in his friends, and distributing the offices. But the majority of the people of Dehli was opposed to him, and through fear of the populace he did not go to the city, there to take his seat upon the old throne of his predecessors. Some time elapsed before he ventured there, or before the people went to Kilu-ghari to offer their congratulations. They hated the Khilji maliks, and would not look upon them. There were many officers and nobles, representatives of old families in Dehli at that time. By the death of Sultan Kai-Kubad M'uizzu-d din the Turks lost the empire.
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:18 am

Sultanu-L Halim Jalalu-d Dunya Wau-d din Firoz Shah Khilji.

Zia-Barni, the author of this history, declares that the events and affairs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, and the other matters about which he has written from that period unto the end of his work, all occurred under his own eyes and observation.

Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Khilji ascended the throne in the palace of Kilu-ghari, in the year 688 H.1 [The editors of the text again correct the date by quoting the Miftahu-l Futuh of Amir Khusru, which makes the year to be 689. Firishta gives it 687.] (1289 A.D.). The people of the city (of Dehli) had for eighty years been governed by sovereigns of Turk extraction, and were averse to the succession of the Khiljis; for this reason the new Sultan did not go into the capital. The great men and nobles, the learned men, the officials, and the celebrities with whom the city was then filled, went out to pay their respects to the new Sultan, and to receive robes. In the course of the first year of the reign the citizens and soldiers and traders, of all degrees and classes, went to Kilu-ghari, where the Sultan held a public darbar. They were struck with admiration and amazement at seeing the Khiljis occupying the throne of the Turks, and wondered how the throne had passed from the one to the other.

The Sultan, not being able to go into Dehli, made Kilu-ghari his capital, and fixed his abode there. He ordered the palace, which Kai-Kubad had begun, to be completed and embellished with paintings; and he directed the formation of a splendid garden in front of it on the banks of the Jumna. The princes and nobles and officers, and the principal men of the city, were commanded to build houses at Kilu-ghari. Several of the traders were also brought from Dehli, and bazars were established. Kilu-ghari then obtained the name of "New-town." A lofty stone fort was commenced, and the erection of its defences was allotted to the nobes, who divided the work of building among them. The great men and citizens were averse to building houses there, but as the Sultan made it his residence, in three or four years houses sprung up on every side, and the markets became well supplied.

Some time passed, and still the Sultan did not go into the city, but the authority of his government acquired strength. The excellence of his character, his justice, generosity, and devotion, gradually removed the aversion of the people, and hopes of grants of land assisted in conciliating, though grudgingly and unwillingly, the affections of his people.

The eldest son of the Sultan was styled Khan-i Khanan, the second son Arkali Khan, and the youngest Kadar Khan. For each of these a palace was provided. The Sultan's brother was entitled Yaghrish Khan, and he was made 'Ariz'i mamalik (Muster-master-general); 'Alau-d din and Ulugh Khan, brother's sons and sons in law of the Sultan, were made, one Amir Tuzak, and the other Akhur-baki (master of the horse). * * * Khwaja Khatir, the best of ministers, was made prime minister, and Malikul-l umara, of long standing renown, was confirmed as kotwal. The populace was appeased and gratified, and the Sultan, with great pomp and a fine retinue, went into the city and alighted at the palace (daulat-khana). He offered up his thanksgivings and took his seat upon the throne of his predecessors. He then called his nobles and friends around him and addressed them [in terms of thanksgiving and gratulation.] * * *

In the second year of the reign, Malik Chhaju, nephew of Balban, raised the white canopy in Karra, and had the khutba read in his name. Malik 'Ali, sar-jandar, son of a slave (maula-zada) of Sultan Balban, who held the grant of Oudh, joined him. Several other old adherents of Balban, who held territories towards Hindustan, also supported him. He assumed the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, and the khutba was read in his name throughout Hindustan. Assembling an army, he marched towards Dehli to claim the throne of his uncle, with the expectation that the people of the city would join him. Many of the inhabitants of Dehli and the environs, mindful of the benefits they had received from his ancestors, heard of his approach with satisfaction and joy, and recognized him as the rightful heir to the throne; for they said that no Khilji had ever been a king, and that the race had no right or title to Dehli.

The Sultan marched from Kilu-ghari, attended by his adherents and the Khilji nobles, who rallied thick around him. Taking with him an army in whose fidelity he had confidence, he advanced towards Chhaju. When he approached Badaun, he deputed his eldest son, Khan-i Jahan, to be his deputy in Dehli during his absence; and he placed his second son, Arkali Khan, one of the most renowned warriors of the time, at the head of a force, and sent him on in advance against the insurgents. Arkali Khan marched ten or twelve kos before the Sultan and crossed the river of Kulaibnagar(?)1 [So in the print— "ab-Kulab (Gulab?) tagar" in one MS., and "Kulaik" in the other.] The Sultan remained at Badaun. Malik Chhaju continued to advance. The rawats and paiks of Hindustan flocked around him like ants or locusts, and the most noted of them received betel from him, and promised to fight against the standards of the Sultan. When the two armies came in sight, the royal forces discharged their arrows. [size-l20]The spiritless rice-eating Hindustanis made a great noise, but lost all their powers[/size]; and the valiant soldiers of the royal army drew their swords and rushed upon them. Malik Chhaju, his nobles and all the Hindustanis, took to flight and dispersed. There was a mawas2 [A natural stronghold or fortress. See Thornton "Mewassee;" and vol. ii. of this work, p. 362.] in the neighbourhood into which Chhaju crept, and a few days after the chief of that mawas sent him to Sultan Jalalu-d din. The chiefs, adherents, and officers of Chhaju, and the paiks who had been the leaven of his army, were all taken prisoners. Arkali Khan put yokes upon their necks and sent them bound to the Sultan. I, the author of this Tarikh-i Firoz-Shahi, heard from Amir Khusru, who was an attendant of the Court, that when the rebellious maliks and amirs were brought before the Sultan, he held a public darbar. Malik Amir 'Ali, sar-jandar, Malik Ulughchi, and other nobles were conducted into his presence, riding upon camels, with yokes upon their shoulders, their hands tied behind their necks, covered with dust and dirt, and their garments all soiled. It was expected that the Sultan would have them paraded in this state all through the army as examples, but as soon as he saw them he pat his handkerchief before his eyes and cried with a loud voice, "What is this!" He ordered them to be dismounted and unfastened immediately. Those among them who had held offices in former reigns were separated from the rest, and were conducted into an empty tent, where they were washed, perfumed, and dressed in clean garments by the Sultan's attendants. The Sultan went into his private apartments and orders wine to be set out. He then called these captive nobles in as his guests, and they were so overwhelmed with shame that they kept their eyes fixed on the ground and did not speak a word. The Sultan spoke kindly to them and endeavoured to console them, telling them that, in drawing their swords to support the heir of their old benefactor, they had taken an honest rather than a dishonest course.

This leniency of the Sultan towards the captive nobles did not please the Khilji nobles, and they whispered to each other that the Sultan did not know how to rule, for instead of slaying the rebels he had made them his companions. Malik Ahmad Chap, deputy lord chamberlain, a personal attendant and counsellor of the Sultan, told him that a King should reign and observe the rules of government, or else be content to relinquish the throne. He had shown great attention to those prisoners who deserved death, and had made them his guests. He had removed the fetters of rebels who all deserved punishment, and had set them free. Malik Chhaju, who for several months had caused the khutba to be read in his name in Hindustan, and who had struck coins, he had sent in a litter to Multan, with orders to keep him secluded, but to supply him with wine, fruit, food, and garments, and whatever he required. When such an offence, the worst of all political offences, had been passed over without punishment, how could it be expected but that other rebellions would break out and disturbances arise. The punishments awarded by kings are warnings to men. Sultan Balban, who never forgot his dignity and power, visited rebellious and political offences with the greatest severity, and how much blood did he shed? If the Sultan and his followers were to fall into their hands, no name or trace of the Khiljis would be left in Hindustan.

The Sultan replied, "Oh Ahmad, I am aware of what you say. I have seen the punishment of rebellion before you saw it, but what can I do? I have grown old among Musulmans, and am not accustomed to spill their blood. My age exceeds seventy, and I have never caused one to be killed; shall I now, in my old days, for the short life that remains, which has never continued to others and will not be prolonged for me, act against the principles of the law and bring Muhammadans to the block? * * * As regards these nobles who have been made prisoners, I have reflected, and have come to the conclusion that if I look over their rebellion and spare their lives, they are men, and will be ashamed before God and man for the course they have pursued. I am sure they will feel their obligation to me, and will never again form designs against my throne or excite rebellion. ** * If I go to Multan, I will, like Sher Khan, fight against and give a good account of the Mughals, because they have invaded Musulman territory; but if I cannot reign without shedding the blood of Musulmans, I renounce the throne, for I could not endure the wrath of God.''

When the Sultan returned from Badaun after the suppression of the rebellion of Malik Chhaju, he bestowed Karra on 'Alau-d din his nephew (brother's son) and son in law, whom he had brought up. 'Alau-d din proceeded to his territory, and in the same year he found there many of the officers and friends of Malik Chhaju who had taken part in his rebellion. Them he set free and took into his service. These disaffected persons began at once to suggest to 'Alau-d din, that it was quite possible to raise and equip a large force in Karra, and through Karra to obtain Dehli. Money only was needed: but for want of that Malik Chhaju would have succeeded. Get only plenty of money, and the acquisition of Dehli would be easy. 'Alau-d din was at variance with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife at Sultan Jalalu-d din, and also with his wife, so he was anxious to get away from them. The crafty suggestions of the Karra rebels made a lodgment in his brain, and, from the very first year of his occupation of that territory, he began to follow up his design of proceeding to some distant quarter and amassing money. To this end he was constantly making inquiries about other countries from travellers and men of experience.

On the Sultan's returning to Kilu-ghari, public rejoicings were held * * * after which he devoted himself assiduously to the business of his kingdom. * * * But the nobles and great men spoke of him with disparagement, saying that he knew not how to rule, and had none of the awe and majesty of kings. * * * His business was to fight against the Mughals, and such work would suit him, for he was not wanting in courage and warlike accomplishments. But he knew nothing about government. *** Two things were required in kings. 1. Princely expenditure and boundless liberality. * * 2. Dignity, awe, and severity, by which enemies are repulsed and rebels put down. * * * These two qualities were wanting in him. *** Thieves were often brought before him, from whom he took an oath that they would never steal again, and he then set them free, observing to those around him that he could not slay a bound man, and although he could do it in battle, it was against his feelings. * * * In his reign some thags were taken in the city, and a man belonging to that fraternity was the means of about a thousand being captured. But not one of these did the Sultan have killed. He gave orders for them to be put into boats and to be conveyed into the Lower country to the neighbourhood of Lakhnauti, where they were to be set free. The thags would thus have to dwell about Lakhnauti, and would not trouble the neighbourhood (of Dehli) any more. ***

Men complained of the clemency and humanity of the Sultan * * * and a party of wicked, ungrateful nobles used to talk over their cups of killing him and setting him aside. This was all reported to the Sultan, but he sometimes dismissed it lightly, and at others used to say, "Men often drink too much, and then say foolish things; do not report drunken stories to me." One day a party was held in the house of Malik Taju-d din Kuchi, a nobleman of some distinction. When the wine had got into the heads of the guests and they were intoxicated, they said to Taju-d din: "You are fit to be a king, but the Sultan is not. If there is any Khilji fit to be a king, it is Ahmad Chap, not Jalalu-d din." This and similar absurdities they uttered. All who were present promised to aid Taju-d din in acquiring the crown. One of them said he would finish the Sultan with a hunting knife,1 ["Nim-shikari." Tir is sometimes substituted for nim, as in the next place where it is mentioned.] and another drew his sword and said he would make mince-meat of him. Many other foolish vaunts were uttered, all of which were duly reported to the Sultan. He had heard a good deal of these proceedings before, and had made light of them; but on the present occasion, when he learned the extravagant boasts which had been uttered at Taju-d din's party, he could endure no longer, and had all the topers brought before him. He upbraided them severely, and while men were wondering where it would end, he grew hot, and, drawing a sword, threw it down before them, and exclaimed, "Ah drunken negroes, who brag together, and talk, one of killing me with an arrow, and another of slaying me with a sword! Is there one among you who is man enough to take this sword and fight it out fairly with me? See! here I sit ready for him, let him come on!" Malik Nusrat Sabah, principal inkstand bearer, a witty nobleman, was among them, who had uttered many absurd things. He now replied, and said, "Your Majesty knows that topers in their cups utter ridiculous sayings. We can never kill a Sultan who cherishes us like sons, as you do, nor shall we ever find so kind and gracious a master; neither will you kill us for our absurd drunken ravings, because you will never find other nobles and gentlemen like us." The Sultan himself had been drinking wine. His eyes filled with tears at these words of Nusrat Sabah, and he pardoned them all. He gave Nusrat Sabah a cup of wine and made him his guest. The other evil-minded and evil-speaking nobles he dismissed to their estates, commanding them to stay there for a year and not to enter the city. *** Jalalu-d din always treated his nobles, officers, and subjects, with the greatest kindness and tenderness. He never visited their offences with blows, confinement, or other severity, but treated them as a parent does his children. If he got angry with any of them, he threatened them with his second son, Arkali Khan, who was a hot-tempered man. *** In the reign of Balban, while Jalalu-d din was Sar-jandar, he held the territory, of Kaithal1 [Here written "Kathal."] and the deputyship of Samana. His officers in Samana demanded revenue from a village belonging to Maulana Siraju-d din Sawi. ***The Maulana was very angry, and wrote a work which he called Khilji-nama^ in which he lampooned Jalalu-d din. * * * On the latter becoming sovereign, the Maulana ***came to court with a rope round his neck, despairing of his life, *** but the Sultan called him forward, embraced him, gave him a robe, enrolled him among his personal attendants, restored his village, a nd added another, confirming them both to him and his descendants. ***

After he became Sultan, he reflected that he had warred many years against the Mughals, and so he might be appropriately called in the khutba "al Mujahid fi sabil-allah." He accordingly instructed Malika-i Jahan, the mother of his children, to suggest to the Kazis and heads of religion, when they came to pay their respects to her, that they should ask the Sultan to allow this title to be used. *** Soon after they came to offer congratulations * * * and Malika-i Jahan sent a message to the heads of religion. *** Shortly afterwards they made the proposition to the Sultan. His eyes filled with tears, and he acknowledged that he had directed Malika-i Jahan to make the suggestion, but he had since reflected that he was not worthy of the title * * * as he had fought for his own gratification and vanity; * * * and so he refused to accept it.

Jalala-d din was a great appreciator and patron of talent. * * * On the day that he was made 'A'riz-i mamalik, he presented Amir Khusru with twelve hundred tankas * * * and when he became Sultan, he made the amir one of his chosen attendants, and appointed him keeper of the Kuran. He invested him with such robes as are given to great nobles, and girded him with a white sash.

But for all the gentleness and kindness and mercy of Sultan Jalalu-d din, in his reign Sidi Maula was cast under the feet of an elephant: after which event the Jalali throne and family began to decline. Sidi Maula was a darwesh from the Upper country (wilayat-i mulk-i bala), who came to Dehli in the reign of Balban. He had peculiar notions about religion, and was remarkable for his expenditure and for his food. He did not go to public prayers in the mosque, though he offered prayers. * * * He kept no servant or handmaid, and indulged no passion. He took nothing from any one, but yet he expended so much that people were amazed, and used to say that he dealt in magic. On the open ground in front of his door he built a magnificent khankah, and expended thousands upon it. There great quantities of food were distributed, and travellers resorted thither. Twice a day, such bounteous and various meals were provided as no khan or malik could furnish. * * * He went to pay a visit to Shaikh Farid at Ajodhan * * * and when he was about to leave, the Shaikh said, "I give thee a bit of advice, which it will be well for thee to observe. Have nothing to do with maliks and amirs, and beware of their intimacy as dangerous; no darwesh ever kept up such an intimacy, but in the end found it disastrous." * * * In the reign of Jalalu-d din, his expenditure and his society grew larger. The Sultan's eldest son, Khan-i Khanan, was his friend and follower, and called himself the Sidi's son. * * * Kazi Jalal Kashani, a Kazi of some repute, but a mischievous man, used to stay for two or three nights together at the khankah, and converse in private with the Sidi. * * * It at length became known that this Kazi and several (discontented and needy) nobles used to go to the khankah and sit with the Sidi in the evening and talk sedition. They resolved that when the Sultan went in state to the mosque on the Sabbath he should be killed, and that Sidi Maula should then be proclaimed khalifa, and should marry the daughter of Sultan Nasiru-d din. Kazi Jalal Kashani was to have the territory of Multan [and the other conspirators were to be provided for]. One of the persons present carried information to the Sultan. The Sidi and all the other conspirators were arrested and brought before the Sultan. They strenuously denied the charge, and it was not the custom in those days to extort confession by beating. The Sultan and the people were satisfied of their guilt, but they denied it, and so nothing could be done. Orders were given for the preparation of a large fire in the plain of Bahar-pur. * * * The Sultan (with a large following) went there, and orders were given for placing the accused upon the pile, so that fire might elicit the truth. Before carrying out the order the opinion of the learned lawyers was asked, and they replied that the ordeal by fire was against the law * * * and that the evidence of one man was not sufficient to convict any one of treason. The Sultan accordingly set aside the ordeal. Kazi Kashani, the chief of the conspiracy, was sent as Kazi to Badaun. The nobles were banished to different countries, and their properties were confiscated. Hatya Paik, the destined assassin, was sentenced to suitable punishment, and Sidi Maula was carried bound to the front of the palace, where the Sultan expostulated with him. Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi was present with a number of his followers, and the king turned to them and said, ''Oh darweshes avenge me of the Maula." One of them fell upon the Sidi and cut him several times with a razor. Arkali Khan was on the top of the palace, and he made a sign to an elephant driver, who drove his elephant over the Sidi and killed him. This most humane King could not endure the plotting of a darwesh, and gave an order which broke through their prestige and sanctity. I, the author, well remember that on the day of the Sidi's death, a black storm arose which made the world dark. Troubles afterwards arose in the State. * * * In the same year there was a scarcity of rain, there was dearth in Dehli, and grain rose to a jital per sir. In the Siwalik also the dearth was greatly felt. The Hindus of that country came into Dehli with their families, twenty or thirty of them together, and in the extremity of hunger drowned themselves in the Jumna. The Sultan and nobles did all they could to help them. In the following year such rain fell as but few people could remember.

I now return to my narrative of the events of Jalalu-d din's reign. In the year 689 H. (1290 A.D.), the Sultan led an army to Rantambhor. Khan-i Jahan his eldest son was then dead, and he appointed his second son Arkali Khan to be his vicegerent at Kilu-ghari in his absence. He took the [BLANK]1 [It ss difficult to say what is here intended. The printed text has [x]. One MS. says [x], and the other [x]. Jhain must be Ujjain.] of Jhain, destroyed the idol temples, and broke and burned the idols. He plundered Jhain and Malwa, and obtained great booty, after which his army rested. The Rai of Rantambhor, with his Rawats and followers, together with their wives and children, all took refuge in the fort of Rantambhor. The Sultan wished to invest and take the fort. He ordered manjaniks2 [The word used is "maghribiha" western (engines).] to be erected, tunnels (sabat) to be sunk, and redoubts (gargach) to be constructed, and the siege to be pressed. He arrived from Jhain, carefully reconnoitred the fort, and on the same day returned to Jhain. Next day he called together his ministers and officers, and said that he had intended to invest the fort, to bring up another army, and to levy forces from Hindustan. But after reconnoitring the fort, he found that it could not be taken without sacrificing the lives of many Musulmans * * * and that he did not value the fort so much as the hair of one Musalman. If he took the place and plundered it after the fall of many Muhammadans, the widows and orphans of the slain would stand before him and turn its spoils into bitterness. So he raised the siege, and next day departed for Dehli. When he announced his intention of retreating, Ahmad Chap protested and said. **** The Sultan replied at length. *** He concluded by saying "I am an old man. I have reached the age of eighty years, and ought to prepare for death. My only concern should be with matters that may be beneficial after my decease.'' ***

In the year 691 H. (1292 A.D.), 'Abdu-llah, grandson of the accursed Halu (Hulaku), invaded Hindustan with fifteen tumans of Mughals (150,000!). The Sultan assembled his forces, and marched from Dehli to meet them, with a large and splendid army. When he reached Bar-ram,1 [Briggs says "Beiram," but thinks it an error.] the outposts of the Mughals were descried, and the two armies drew up in face of each other with a river between them. Some few days were passed in arraying their forces, and the advanced parties of the opposing forces had several skirmishes in which the Musulmans were victorious, and made some prisoners, who were conducted to the Sultan. Shortly after the van of the Mughal army crossed the river. The van of the Musulmans hastened to meet them, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which the Musulman forces were victorious. Many Mughals were put to the sword, and one or two commanders of thousands, and several centurions were made prisoners. Negotiations followed, and it was agreed that war was a great evil, and that hostilities should cease. The Sultan and 'Abdu-llah, grandson of Halu the accursed, had an interview. The Sultan called him son, and he addressed the Sultan as father. Presents were exchanged, and after hostilities had ceased, buying and selling went on between the two armies. 'Abdu'llah departed with the Mughal army, but Ulghu, grandson of Changiz Khan, the accursed, with several nobles, commanders of thousands and centurions, resolved to stay in India. They said the creed and became Muhammadans, and a daughter of the Sultan was given in marriage to Ulghu. The Mughals who followed Ulghu, were brought into the city with their wives and children. Provision was made for their support, and houses were provided for them in Kilu-ghari, Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, and Taluka. Their abodes were called Mughalpur. The Sultan continued their allowances for a year or two, but the climate and their city homes did not please them, so they departed with their families to their own country. Some of their principal men remained in India, and received allowances and villages. They mixed with and formed alliances with the Musulmans, and were called "New Musulmans."

Towards the end of the year, the Sultan went to Mandur, reduced it to subjection, plundered the neighbourhood, and returned home. Afterwards he marched a second time to Jhain, and after once more plundering the country, he returned in triumph.

'Alau-d din at this time held the territory of Karra, and with permission of the Sultan he marched to Bhailasan (Bhilsa). He captured some bronze idols which the Hindus worshipped, and sent them on cars with a variety of rich booty as presents to the Sultan. The idols were laid down before the Badaun gate for true believers to tread upon. 'Alau-d din, nephew and son in-law of the Sultan, had been brought up by him. After sending the spoils of Bhailasan to the Sultan, he was made 'Ariz'i mamalik, and received the territory of Oudh in addition to that of Karra. When 'Alau-d din went to Bhailasan (Bhilsa), he heard much of the wealth and elephants of Deogir. He inquired about the approaches to that place, and resolved upon marching thither from Karra with a large force, but without informing the Sultan. He proceeded to Dehli and found the Sultan more kind and generous than ever. He asked for some delay in the payment of the tribute for his territories of Karra and Oudh, saying that he had heard there were countries about Chanderi where peace and security reigned, and where no apprehension of the forces of Dehli was felt. If the Sultan would grant him permission he would march thither, and would acquire great spoil, which he would pay into the royal exchequer, together with the revenues of his territories. The Sultan, in the innocence and trust of his heart, thought that 'Alau-d din was so troubled by his wife and mother-in-law that he wanted to conquer some country wherein he might stay and never return home. In the hope of receiving a rich booty, the Sultan granted the required permission, and postponed the time for the payment of the revenues of Karra and Oudh.

'Alau-d din was on bad terms with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife of the Sultan, and with his wife, the daughter of the Sultan. He was afraid of the intrigues of the Malika-i Jahan, who had a great ascendancy over her father. He was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife before the Sultan, and he could not brook the disgrace which would arise from his derogatory position being made public. It greatly distressed him, and he often consulted with his intimates at Karra about going out into the world to make a position for himself. When he made the campaign to Bhailasan, he heard much about the wealth of Deogir. *** He collected three or four thousand horse, and two thousand infantry, whom he fitted out from the revenues of Karra, which had been remitted for a time by the Sultan, and with this force he marched for Deogir. Though he had secretly resolved upon attacking Deogir, he studiously concealed the fact, and represented that he intended to attack Chanderi. Malik 'Alau-l mulk, uncle of the author, and one of the favoured followers of 'Alau-d din, was made deputy of Karra and Oudh in his absence.

'Alau-d din marched to Elichpur, and thence to Ghatilajaura. Here all intelligence of him was lost. Accounts were sent regularly from Karra to the Sultan with vague statements,1 ["Arajif" -- "false rumours,'' but here and elsewhere it seems to rather mean, vague unsatisfactory news.] saying that he was engaged in chastising and plundering rebels, and that circumstantial accounts would be forwarded in a day or two. The Sultan never suspected him of any evil designs, and the great men and wise men of the city thought that the dissensions with his wife had driven him to seek his fortune in a distant land. This opinion soon spread. When 'Alau-d din arrived at Ghati-lajaura, the army of Ram-deo, under the command of his son, had gone to a distance. The people of that country had never heard of the Musulmans; the Mahratta land had never been punished by their armies; no Musulman king or prince had penetrated so far. Deogir was exceedingly rich in gold and silver, jewels and pearls, and other valuables. When Ram-deo heard of the approach of the Muhammadans, he collected what forces he could, and sent them under one of his ranas to Ghati-lajaura. They were defeated and dispersed by 'Alau-d din, who then entered Deogir. On the first day he took thirty elephants and some thousand horses. Ram deo came in and made his submission. 'Alau-d din carried off an unprecedented amount of booty. * * *

In the year 695 H. (1296 A.D.), the Sultan proceeded with an army to the neighbourhood of Gwalior, and stayed there some time. Rumours (ardaif) here reached him that 'Alau-d din had plundered Deogir and obtained elephants and an immense booty, with which he was returning to Karra. The Sultan was greatly pleased, for in the simplicity of his heart he thought that whatsoever his son and nephew had captured, he would joyfully bring to him. To celebrate this success, the Sultan gave entertainments, and drank wine. The news of 'Alau-d din's victory was confirmed by successive arrivals, and it was said that never had so rich a spoil reached the treasury of Dehli. Afterwards the Sultan held a private council, to which he called some of his most trusty advisers * * * and consulted whether it would be advisable to go to meet 'Alau-d din or to return to Dehli. Ahmad Chap, Naib-barbak, one of the wisest men of the day, spoke before any one else, and said, "Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the cause of much strife. Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. 'Alau-d din is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhaju. He has gone into a foreign land without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said 'Money and strife; strife and money' — that is the two things are allied to each other. * * * My opinion is that we should march with all haste towards Chanderi to meet 'Alau-d din and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan's army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultan may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories also should be increased, and he should be carried in honour to Dehli." *** The Sultan was in the grasp of his evil angel, so he heeded not the advice of Ahmad Chap * * * but said "what have I done to 'Alau-d din that he should turn away from me, and not present his spoils?" The Sultan also consulted Malik Fakhru-d din Kuchi (and other nobles). The Malik was a bad man; he knew that what Ahmad Chap had said was right, but he saw that his advice was displeasing to the Sultan, so he advised * * * that the Sultan should return to Dehli to keep the Ramazan. * * *

The guileless heart of the Sultan relied upon the fidelity of 'Alau-d din, so he followed the advice of Fakhru-d din Kuchi, and returned to Kilu-ghari. A few days after intelligence arrived that 'Alau-d din had returned with his booty to Karra. 'Alau-d din addressed a letter to the Sultan announcing his return with so much treasure and jewels and pearls, and thirty-one elephants, and horses, to be presented to his majesty, but that he had been absent on campaign without leave more than a twelve- month, during which no communications had passed between him and the Sultan, and he did not know, though he feared the machinations of his enemies during his absence. If the Sultan would write to reassure him, he would present himself with his brave officers and spoils before the throne. Having despatched this deceitful letter, he immediately prepared for an attack upon Lakhnauti. He sent Zafar Khan into Oudh to collect boats for the passage of the Saru, and, in consultation with his adherents, he declared that as soon as he should hear that the Sultan had marched towards Karra, he would leave it with his elephants and treasure, with his soldiers and all their families, and would cross the Saru and march to Lakhnauti, which he would seize upon, being sure that no army from Dehli would follow him there. * * * No one could speak plainly to the Sultan, for if any one of his confidants mentioned the subject he grew angry, and said they wanted to set him against his son. He wrote a most gracious and affectionate letter with his own hand, and sent it by the hands of some of his most trusted officers. When these messengers arrived at Karra, they saw that all was in vain, for that 'Alau-d din and all his army were alienated from the Sultan. They endeavoured to send letters informing the Sultan, but they were unable to do so in any way. Meanwhile the rains came on, and the roads were all stopped by the waters. Almas Beg, brother of 'Alau-d din, and like him a son-in-law of the Sultan, held the office of Akhur-bak (Master of the horse). He often said to the Sultan "People frighten my brother, and I am afraid that in his shame and fear of your majesty he will poison or drown himself." A few days afterwards 'Alau-d din wrote to Almas Beg, saying that he had committed an act of disobedience, and always carried poison in his handkerchief. If the Sultan would travel jarida (i.e. speedily, with only a small retinue), to meet him, and would take his hand, he should feel re-assured; if not, he would either take poison or would march forth with his elephants and treasures to seek his fortune in the world. His expectation was that the Sultan would desire to obtain the treasure, and would come with a scanty following to Karra, when it would be easy to get rid of him.*** Almas Beg showed to the Sultan the letter which he had received from his brother, and the Sultan was so infatuated that he believed this deceitful and treacherous letter. Without further consideration he ordered Almas Khan to hasten to Karra, and not to let his brother depart, promising to follow with all speed. Almas Beg took a boat and reached Karra in seven or eight days. When he arrived, 'Alau-d din ordered drums of joy to be beaten, saying that now all his apprehensions and fears were removed.

The crafty counsellors of 'Alau-d din, whom he had promoted to honours, advised the abandonment of his designs upon Lakhnauti, saying that the Sultan, coveting the treasure and elephants, had become blind and deaf, and had set forth to see him in the midst of the rainy season — adding, "after he comes, you know what you ought to do." The destroying angel was close behind the Sultan, he had no apprehension, and would listen to no advice. He treated his advisers with haughty disdain, and set forth with a few personal attendants, and a thousand horse from Kilu-ghari. He embarked in a boat at Dhamai, and proceeded towards Karra. Ahmad Chap, who commanded the army, was ordered to proceed by land. It was the rainy season, and the waters were out. On the 15th Ramazan, the Sultan, arrived at Karra, on the hither side of the Ganges.

'Alau-d din and his followers had determined on the course to be adopted before the Sultan arrived. He had crossed the river with the elephants and treasure, and had taken post with his forces between Manikpur and Karra, the Ganges being very high. When the royal ensign came in sight he was all prepared, the men were armed, and the elephants and horses were harnessed. 'Alau-d din sent Almas Beg in a small boat to the Sultan, with directions to use every device to induce him to leave behind the thousand men he had brought with him, and to come with only a few personal attendants. The traitor Almas Beg, hastened to the Sultan, and perceived several boats full of horsemen around him. He told the Sultan that his brother had left the city, and God only knew where he would have gone to if he, Almas Beg, had not been sent to him. If the Sultan did not make more haste to meet him he would kill himself, and his treasure would be plundered. If his brother were to see these armed men with the Sultan he would destroy himself. The Sultan accordingly directed that the horsemen and boats should remain by the side of the river, whilst he, with two boats and a few personal attendants and friends, passed over to the other side. When the two boats had started, and the angel of destiny had come still nearer, the traitor, Almas Beg, desired the Sultan to direct his attendants to lay aside their arms, lest his brother should see them as they approached nearer, and be frightened. The Sultan, about to become a martyr, did not detect the drift of this insidious proposition, but directed his followers to disarm. As the boats reached mid-stream, the army of 'Alau-d din was perceived all under arms, the elephants and horses harnessed, and in several places troops of horsemen ready for action. When the nobles who accompanied the Sultan saw this, they knew that Almas Beg had by his plausibility brought his patron into a snare, and they gave themselves up for lost. * * * Malik Khuram wakildar asked * * * what is the meaning of all this? and Almas Beg, perceiving that his treachery was detected, said his brother was anxious that his army should pay homage to his master.

The Sultan was so blinded by his destiny, that although his own eyes saw the treachery, he would not return; but he said to Almas Beg, "I have come so far in a little boat to meet your brother, cannot he, and does not his heart induce him to advance to meet me with due respect." The traitor replied, "My brother's intention is to await your majesty at the landing place, with the elephants and treasure and jewels, and there to present his officers." *** The Sultan trusting implicitly in them who were his nephews, sons-in-law, and foster-children, did not awake and detect the obvious intention. He took the Kuran and read it, and proceeded fearless and confiding as a father to his sons. All the people who were in the boat with him saw death plainly before them, and began to repeat the chapter appropriate to men in sight of death. The Sultan reached the shore before afternoon prayer, and disembarked with a few followers. 'Alau-d din advanced to receive him, he and all his officers showing due respect. When he reached the Sultan he fell at his feet, and the Sultan treating him as a son, kissed his eyes and cheeks, stroked his beard, gave him two loving taps upon the cheek, and said "I have brought thee up from infancy,1 [The Sultan's exact words are expressive enough, but are somewhat too precise and familiar for European taste.[!!!]] why art thou afraid of me?" **** The Sultan took 'Alau-d din's hand, and at that moment the stony-hearted traitor gave the fatal signal. Muhammad Salim, of Samana, a bad fellow of a bad family, struck at the Sultan with a sword, but the blow fell short and cut his own hand. He again struck and wounded the Sultan, who ran towards the river, crying, "Ah thou villian, 'Alau-d din! what hast thou done?" Ikhtiyaru-d din Hud ran after the betrayed monarch, threw him down, and cut off his head, and bore it dripping with blood to 'Alau-d din. **** Some of those persons who accompanied the Sultan had landed, and others remained in the boats, but all were slain. Villainy and treachery, and murderous feelings, covetousness and desire of riches, thus did their work.2 [The writer goes on condemning the murder in strong terms.] ****

The murder was perpetrated on the 17th Ramazan, and the venerable head of the Sultan was placed on a spear and paraded about. When the rebels returned to Karra-Manikpur it was also paraded there, and was afterwards sent to be exhibited in Oudh. **** While the head of the murdered sovereign was yet dripping with blood, the ferocious conspirators brought the royal canopy and elevated it over the head of 'Alau-d din. Casting aside all shame, the perfidious and graceless wretches caused him to be proclaimed king by men who rode about on elephants. Although these villains were spared for a short time, and 'Alau-d din for some years, still they were not forgotten, and their punishments were only suspended. At the end of three or four years Ulugh Khan (Almas Beg), the deceiver, was gone, so was Nusrat Khan, the giver of the signal, so also was Zafar Khan, the breeder of the mischief, my uncle, 'Alau-l Mulk, kotwal, and *** and ***. The hell-hound Salim, who struck the first blow, was a year or two afterwards eaten up with leprosy. Ikhtiyaru-d din, who cut off the head, very soon went mad, and in his dying ravings cried that Sultan Jalalu-d din stood over him with a naked sword, ready to cut off his head. Although 'Alau-d din reigned successfully for some years, and all things prospered to his wish, and though he had wives and children, family and adherents, wealth and grandeur, still he did not escape retribution for the blood of his patron. He shed more innocent blood than ever Pharaoh was guilty of. Fate at length placed a betrayer in his path, by whom his family was destroyed, *** and the retribution which fell upon it never had a parallel even in any infidel land. ***

When intelligence of the murder of Sultan Jalalu-d din reached Ahmad Chap, the commander of the army, he returned to Dehli. The march through the rain and dirt had greatly depressed and shaken the spirits of the men, and they went to their homes. The Malika-i Jahan, wife of the late Sultan, was a woman of determination, but she was foolish and acted very imprudently. She would not await the arrival from Multan of Arkali Khan, who was a soldier of repute, nor did she send for him. Hastily and rashly, and without consultation with any one, she placed the late Sultan's youngest son, Ruknu-d din Ibrahim, on the throne. He was a mere lad, and had no knowledge of the world. With the nobles, great men, and officers she proceeded from Kilu-ghari to Dehli, and, taking possession of the green palace, she distributed offices and fiefs among the maliks and amirs who were at Dehli, and began to carry on the government, receiving petitions and issuing orders. When Arkali Khan heard of his mother's unkind and improper proceedings, he was so much hurt that he remained at Multan, and did not go to Dehli. During the life of the late Sultan there had been dissensions between mother and son, and when 'Alau-d din, who remained at Karra, was informed of Arkali Khan's not coming to Dehli, and of the opposition of the Malika-i Jahan, he saw the opportunity which this family quarrel presented. He rejoiced over the absence of Arkali Khan, and set off for Dehli at once, in the midst of the rains, although they were more heavy than any one could remember. Scattering gold and collecting followers, he reached the Jumna. He then won over the maliks and amirs by a large outlay of money, and those unworthy men, greedy for the gold of the deceased, and caring nothing for loyalty or treachery, deserted the Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din and joined 'Alau-d din. Five months after starting, 'Alau-d din arrived with an enormous following within two or three kos of Dehli. The Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din Ibrahim then left Dehli and took the road to Multan. A few nobles, faithful to their allegiance, left their wives and families and followed them to Multan. Five months after the death of Jalalu-d din at Karra, 'Alau-d din arrived at Dehli and ascended the throne. He scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the murder of the late Sultan, and rejoiced over his accession. His gold also induced the nobles to desert the sons of their late benefactor, and to support him. * * *
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

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Part 1 of 3

Iskandar-i sani Sultanu-l'azam 'Alaud-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Shah Tughlik.

Sultan 'Alau-d din ascended the throne in the year 695 H. (1296 A.D.). He gave to his brother the title Ulugh Khan, to Malik Nusrat Jalesari that of Nusrat Khan, to Malik Huzabbaru-d din t hat of Zafar Khan, and to Sanjar, his wife's brother, who was amir-i majlis, that of Alp Khan. He made his friends and principal supporters amirs, and the amirs he promoted to be maliks [a chief or leader (as in a village) in parts of the subcontinent of India.]. Every one of his old adherents he elevated to a suitable position, and to the Khans, maliks, and amirs he gave money, so that they might procure new horses and fresh servants. Enormous treasure had fallen into his hands, and he had committed a deed unworthy of his religion and position, so he deemed it politic to deceive the people, and to cover the crime by scattering honours and gifts upon all classes of people.

He set out on his journey to Dehli, but the heavy rains and the mire and dirt delayed his march. His desire was to reach the capital after the rising of Canopus, as he felt very apprehensive of the late Sultan's second son, Arkali Khan, who was a brave and able soldier. News came from Dehli that Arkali Khan had not come, and 'Alau-d din considered this absence as a great obstacle to his (rival's) success. He knew that Ruknu-d din Ibrahim could not keep his place upon the throne, for the royal treasury was empty and he had not the means of raising new forces, 'Alau-d din accordingly lost no time, and pressed on to Dehli, though the rains were at their height. In this year, through the excessive rain, the Ganges and the Jumna became seas, and every stream swelled into a Ganges or a Jumna; the roads also were obstructed with mud and mire. At such a season 'Alau-d din started from Karra with his elephants, his treasures, and his army. His khans, maliks, and amirs were commanded to exert themselves strenuously in enlisting new horsemen, and in providing of all things necessary without delay. They were also ordered to shower money freely around them, so that plenty of followers might be secured. As he was marching to Dehli a light and moveable manjanik was made. Every stage that they marched five mans of gold stars1 [[x]] were placed in this manjanik, which were discharged among the spectators from the front of the royal tent. People from all parts gathered to pick up "the stars," and in the coarse of two or three weeks the news spread throughout all the towns and villages of Hindustan that 'Alau-d din was marching to take Dehli, and that he was scattering gold upon his path and enlisting horsemen and followers without limit. People, military and unmilitary, flocked to him from every side, so that when he reached Badaun, notwithstanding the rains, his force amounted to fifty-six thousand horse and sixty thousand foot. ****

When 'Alau-d din arrived at Baran, he placed a force under Zafar Khan, with orders to march by way of Kol, and to keep pace while he himself proceeded by way of Badaun and Baran. Taju-d din Kuchi, and ** and ** other maliks and amirs who were sent from Dehli to oppose the advancing forces, came to Baran and joined 'Alau-d din, for which they received twenty, thirty, and some even fifty mans of gold. All the soldiers who were under these noblemen received each three hundred tankas, and the whole following of the late Jalala-d din was broken up. The nobles who remained in Dehli wavered, while those who had joined 'Alau-d din loudly exclaimed that the people of Dehli maligned them, charging them with disloyalty, with having deserted the son of their patron and of having joined themselves to his enemy. They complained that their accusers were unjust, for they did not see that the kingdom departed from Jalalu-d din on the day when he wilfully and knowingly, with his eyes wide open, left Dehli and went to Karra, jeopardizing his own head and that of his followers. What else could they do but join 'Alau-d din?

When the maliks and amirs thus joined 'Alau-d din the Jalali party broke up. The Malika-i Jahan, who was one of the silliest of the silly, then sent to Multan for Arkali Khan. She wrote to this effect — "I committed a fault in raising my youngest son to the throne in spite of you. None of the maliks and amirs heed him, and most of them have joined 'Alau-d din. The royal power has departed from our hands. If you can, come to us speedily, take the throne of your father and protect us. You are the elder brother of the lad who was placed upon the throne, and are more worthy and capable of ruling. He will acknowledge his inferiority. I am a woman, and women are foolish. I committed a fault, but do not be offended with your mother's error. Come and take the kingdom of your father. If you are angry and will not do so, 'Alau-d din is coming with power and state; he will take Dehli, and will spare neither me nor you." Arkali Khan did not come, but wrote a letter of excuse to his mother, saying, "Since the nobles and the army have joined the enemy, what good will my coming do?" When 'Alau-d din heard that Arkali Khan would not come, he ordered the drums of joy to be beaten.

'Alau-d din had no boats, and the great height of the Jumna delayed his passage. While he was detained on the banks of the river, Canopus rose, and the waters as usual decreased. He then transported his army across at the ferries, and entered the plain of Judh.1 [The print has "Judh." One MS. writes "Khud" t he other omits the name.] Ruknu-d din Ibrahim went out of the city in royal state with such followers as remained to oppose 'Alau-d din, but in the middle of the night all the left wing of his army deserted to the enemy with great uproar. Ruknu-d din Ibrahim turned back, and at midnight he caused the Badaun gate (of Dehli) to be opened. He took some bags of gold tankas from the treasury, and some horses from the stables. He sent his mother and females on in front, and in the dead of the night he left the city by the Ghazni gate, and took the road to Multan. Malik Kutbu-d din 'Alawi, with the sons of Malik Ahmad Chap Turk, furnished the escort, and proceeded with him and the Malika-i Jahan to Multan. Next day 'Alau-d din marched with royal state and display into the plain of Siri,2 [See Cunningham's Archaeological Report for 1862-3, page 38.] where he pitched his camp. The throne was now secure, and the revenue officers, and the elephant keepers with their elephants, and the kotwah with the keys of the forts, and the magistrates and the chief men of the city came out to 'Alau-d din, and a new order of things was established. His wealth and power were great; so whether individuals paid their allegiance or whether they did not, mattered little, for the khutba was read and coins were struck in his name.

Towards the end of the year 695 H. (1296) 'Alau-d din entered Dehli in great pomp and with a large force. He took his seat upon the throne in the daulat-khana-i julus, and proceeded to the Kushk'i l'al (red palace), where he took up his abode. The treasury of 'Alau-d din was well filled with gold, which he scattered among the people, purses and bags filled with tankas and jitals were distributed, and men gave themselves up to dissipation and enjoyment. [Public festivities followed.] 'Alau-d din, in the pride of youth, prosperity, and boundless wealth, proud also of his army and his followers, his elephants and his horses, plunged into dissipation and pleasure. The gifts and honours which he bestowed obtained the good will of the people. Out of policy he gave offices and fiefs to the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan. Khwaja Khatir, a minister of the highest reputation, was made wazir, etc., etc. *** Malik 'Alau-l Mulk, uncle of the author, was appointed to Karra and Oudh, and Muyidu-l Mulk, the author's father, received the deputyship and khwajagi of Baran. * * * People were so deluded by the gold which they received, that no one ever mentioned the horrible crime which the Sultan had committed, and the hope of gain left them no care for anything else. ****

After 'Alau-d din had ascended the throne, the removal of the late king's sons engaged his first attention. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan, with other maliks and amirs, were sent to Multan with thirty or forty thousand horse. They besieged that place for one or two months. The kotwal and the people of Multan turned against the sons of Jalalu-d din, and some of the amirs came out of the city to Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan. The sons of the late Sultan then sent Shaikhu-l Islam Shaikh Ruknu-d din to sue for safety from Ulugh Khan, and received his assurances. The princes then went out with the Shaikh and their amirs to Ulugh Khan. He received them with great respect and quartered them near his own dwelling. News of the success was sent to Dehli. There the drums were beaten. Kabas1 [Booths erected for the distribution of food and drink on festive occasions.] were erected, and the despatch was read from the pulpit and was circulated in all quarters. The amirs of Hindustan then became submissive to 'Alau-d din, and no rival remained. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan returned triumphant towards Dehli, carrying with them the two sons of the late Sultan, both of whom had received royal canopies. Their maliks and amirs were also taken with them. In the middle of their journey they were met by Nusrat Khan, who had been sent from Dehli, and the two princes, with Ulghu Khan, son in law of the late Sultan, and Ahmad Chap, Naib-amir-i hajib, were all blinded. Their wives were separated from them, and all their valuables and slaves and maids, in fact everything they had was seized by Nusrat Khan. The princes1 [Both the MSS. say "sons," while the print incorrectly uses the singular.] were sent to the fort of Hansi, and the sons of Arkali Khan were all slain. Malika-i Jahan, with their wives, and Ahmad Chap were brought to Dehli and confined in his house.

In the second year of the reign Nusrat Khan was made wazir. 'Alau-l Mulk, the author's uncle, was summoned from Karra, and came with the maliks and amirs and one elephant, bringing the treasure which 'Alau-d din had left there. He was become exceedingly fat and inactive, but he was selected from among the nobles to be kotwal of the city. In this year also the property of the maliks and amirs of the late Sultan was confiscated, and Nusrat Khan exerted himself greatly in collecting it. He laid his hands upon all that he could discover, and seized upon thousands, which he brought into the treasury. Diligent inquiry was made into the past and present circumstances of the victims. In this same year, 696 H. (1296), the Mughals crossed the Sind and had come into the country. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were sent with a large force, and with the amirs of the late and the present reign, to oppose them. The Musulman army met the accursed foe in the vicinity of Jalandhar2 [So in the print; but the MSS. have "Jadawa o Manjur" and "Jarat-mahud."] and gained a victory. Many were slain or taken prisoners, and many heads were sent to Dehli. The victory of Multan and the capture of the two princes had greatly strengthened the authority of 'Alau-d din; this victory over the Mughals made it still more secure. * * * The maliks of the late king, who deserted their benefactor and joined 'Alau-d din, and received gold by mans and obtained employments and territories, were all seized in the city and in the army, and thrown into forts as prisoners. Some were blinded and some were killed. The wealth which they had received from 'Alau-d din, and their property, goods, and effects were all seized. Their houses were confiscated to the Sultan, and their villages were brought under the public exchequer. Nothing was left to their children; their retainers and followers were taken in charge by the amirs who supported the new regime, and their establishments were overthrown. Of all the amirs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, three only were spared by 'Alau-d din. *** These three persons had never abandoned Sultan Jalalu-d din and his sons, and had never taken money from Sultan 'Alau-d din. They alone remained safe, but all the other Jalali nobles were cut up root and branch. Nusrat Khan, by his fines and confiscations, brought a kror of money into the treasury.

At the beginning of the third year of the reign, Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, with their amirs, and generals, and a large army, marched against Gujarat. They took and plundered Nahrwala and all Gujarat. Kuran, Rai of Gujarat, fled from Nahrwala and went to Ram Deo of Deogir. The wives and daughters, the treasure and elephants of Rai Karan, fell into the hands of the Muhammadans. All Gujarat became a prey to the invaders, and the idol which, after the victory of Sultan Mahmud and his destruction of (the idol) Manat, the Brahmans had set up under the name of Somnath, for the worship of the Hindus, was removed and carried to Dehli, where it was laid down for people to tread upon. Nusrat Khan proceeded to Kambaya1 [The printed text has [x], but there can be no doubt that Cambay is the place.] (Cambay), and levied large quantities of jewels and precious articles from the merchants of that place, who were very wealthy. He also took from his master (a slave afterwards known as) Kafur Hazar-dinari, who was made Malik-naib, and whose beauty captivated 'Alau-d din. Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan returned with great booty; but on their way they provoked their soldiers to revolt by demanding from them a fifth of their spoil, and by instituting inquisitorial inquiries about it. Although the men made returns (of the amount), they would not believe them at all, but demanded more. The gold and silver, and jewels and valuables, which the men had taken, were all demanded, and various kinds of coercion were employed. These punishments and prying researches drove the men to desperation. In the army there were many amirs and many horsemen who were "new Muhammadans." They held together as one man, and two or three thousand assembled and began a disturbance. They killed Malik A'zzu-d din, brother of Nusrat Khan, and amir-i hajib of Ulugh Khan, and proceeded tumultuously to the tent of Ulugh Khan. That prince escaped, and with craft and cleverness reached the tent of Nusrat Khan; but the mutineers killed a son of the Sultan's sister, who was asleep in the tent, whom they mistook for Ulugh Khan. The disturbance spread through the whole army, and the stores narrowly escaped being plundered. But the good fortune of the Sultan prevailed, the turmoil subsided, and the horse and foot gathered round the tent of Nusrat Khan. The amirs and horsemen of "the new Musulmans" dispersed; those who had taken the leading parts in the disturbance fled, and went to join the Rais and rebels. Further inquiries about the plunder were given up, and Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan returned to Dehli with the treasure, and elephants, and slaves, and spoil, which they had taken in Gujarat.

When intelligence of this outbreak of the new Muhammadans reached Dehli, the crafty cruelty which had taken possession of 'Alau-d din induced him to order that the wives and children of all the mutineers, high and low, should be cast into prison. This was the beginning of the practice of seizing women and children for the faults of men. Up to this time no hand had ever been laid upon wives and children on account of men's misdeeds. At this time also another and more glaring act of tyranny was committed by Nusrat Khan, the author of many acts of violence at Dehli. His brother had been murdered, and in revenge he ordered the wives of the assassins to be dishonoured and exposed to most disgraceful treatment; he then handed them over to vile persons to make common strumpets of them. The children he caused to be cut to pieces on the heads of their mothers. Outrages like this are practised in no religion or creed. These and similar acts of his filled the people of Dehli with amazement and dismay, and every bosom trembled.

In the same year that Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were sent to Gujarat, Zafar Khan was sent to Siwistan, which Saldi,1 [So in the print, and supported by one MS. The other has "Sadari."] with his brother and other Mughals, had seized upon. Zafar Khan accordingly proceeded to Siwistan with a large army, and besieged the fort of Siwistan, which he took with the axe and sword, spear and javelin, without using either Westerns (maghribe), manjaniks or balistas ('aradah), and without resorting to mines (sabat), mounds (pashib), or redoubts (gargaj). This fort had been taken by the Mughals, and they maintained such a continuous discharge of arrows that no bird could fly by. For all this Zafar Khan took it with the axe and sword. Saldi and his brother, with all the Mughals and their wives and children, were taken prisoners, and sent in chains to Dehli. This victory inspired awe of Zafar Khan in every heart, and the Sultan also looked askance at him in consequence of his fearlessness, generalship, and intrepidity, which showed that a Rustam had been born in India. Ulugh Khan, the Sultan's brother, saw that he had been surpassed in bravery and strategy, and so conceived a hatred and jealousy of Zafar Khan. In the same year he (Zafar Khan) received the fief of Samana, and as he had become famous the Sultan, who was very jealous, began to revolve in his mind what was best to be done. Two modes of dealing with him seemed open for the Sultan's choice. One was to send him, with a few thousand horse, to Lakhnauti to take that country, and leave him there to supply elephants and tribute to the Sultan; the other was to put him out of the way by poison or by blinding.  

At the end of this year Katlagh Khwaja, son of the accursed Zud,1 [Firishta (vol. i., p. 329) says "son of Amir Daud Khan, king of Mawarau-n nahr."] with twenty tumans of Mughals, resolved upon the invasion of Hindustan. He started from Mawarau-n Nahr, and passing the Indus with a large force he marched on to the vicinity of Dehli. In this campaign Dehli was the object of attack, so the Mughals did not ravage the countries bordering on their march, nor did they attack the forts. * * * Great anxiety prevailed in Dehli, and the people of the neighbouring villages took refuge within its walls. The old fortifications had not been kept in repair, and terror prevailed, such as never before had been seen or heard of. All men, great and small, were in dismay. Such a concourse had crowded into the city that the streets and markets and mosques could not contain them. Everything became very dear. The roads were stopped against caravans and merchants, and distress fell upon the people.

The Sultan marched out of Dehli with great display and pitched his tent in Siri. Maliks, amirs, and fighting men were summoned to Dehli from every quarter. At that time the anther's uncle, 'Alau-l Mulk, one of the companions and advisers of the Sultan, was kotwal of Dehli, and the Sultan placed the city, his women and treasure, under his charge. **** 'Alau-l Mulk went out to Siri to take leave of the Sultan, and in private consultation with him [advised a temporising policy.] The Sultan listened and commended his sincerity. He then called the nobles together and said * * * yon have heard what 'Alau-l Malk has urged * * * now hear what I have to say. *** If I were to follow your advice, to whom could I show my face? how could I go into my harem? of what account would the people hold me? and where would be the daring and courage which is necessary to keep my turbulent people in submission? Come what may I will to-morrow march into the plain of Kili.*** 'Alau-d din marched from Siri to Kili and there encamped. Katlagh Khwaja, with the Mughal army, advanced to encounter him. In no age or reign had two such vast armies been drawn up in array against each other, and the sight of them filled all men with amazement. Zafar Khan, who commanded the right wing, with the amirs who were under him, drew their swords and fell upon the enemy with such fury that the Mughals were broken and forced to fall back. The army of Islam pursued, and Zafar Khan, who was the Rustam of the age and the hero of the time, pressed after the retreating foe, cutting them down with the sword and mowing off their heads. He kept up the pursuit for eighteen kos, never allowing the scared Mughals to rally. Ulugh Khan commanded the left wing, which was very strong, and had under him several distinguished amirs. Through the animosity which he bore to Zafar Khan he never stirred to support him.

Targhi, the accursed, had been placed in ambush with his tuman. His Mughals mounted the trees and could not see any horse moving up to support Zafar Khan. When Targhi ascertained that Zafar Khan had gone so far in pursuit of the Mughals without any supporting force in his rear, he marched after Zafar Khan, and, spreading out his forces on all sides, he surrounded him as with a ring, and pressed him with arrows. Zafar Khan was dismounted. The brave hero then drew his arrows from the quiver and brought down a Mughal at every shaft. At this juncture, Katlagh Khwaja sent him this message, "Come with me and I will take thee to my father, who will make thee greater than the king of Dehli has made thee." Zafar Khan heeded not the offer, and the Mughals saw that he would never be taken alive, so they pressed in upon him on every side and despatched him. The amirs of his force were all slain, his elephants were wounded, and their drivers killed. The Mughals thus, on that day, obtained the advantage, but the onslaught of Zafar Khan had greatly dispirited them. Towards the end of the night they retreated, and marched to a distance of thirty kos from Dehli. They then continued their retreat by marches of twenty kos, without resting, until they reached their own confines. The bravery of Zafar Khan was long remembered among the Mughals, and if their cattle refused to drink they used to ask if they saw Zafar Khan.1 [See D'Ohsson Hist. des Mongols, iv., 560.] No such army as this has ever since been seen in hostile array near Dehli. 'Alau-d din returned from Kili, considering that he had won a great victory: the Mughals had been put to flight, and the brave and fearless Zafar Khan had been got rid of without disgrace.

In the third year of his reign 'Alaud-d din had little to do beyond attending to his pleasures, giving feasts, and holding festivals. One success followed another; despatches of victory came in from all sides; every year he had two or three sons born, affairs of State went on according to his wish and to his satisfaction, his treasury was overflowing, boxes and caskets of jewels and pearls were daily displayed before his eyes, he had numerous elephants in his stables and seventy thousand horses in the city and environs, two or three regions were subject to his sway, and he had no apprehension of enemies to his kingdom or of any rival to his throne. All this prosperity intoxicated him. Vast desires and great aims, far beyond him, or a hundred thousand like him, formed their germs in his brain, and he entertained fancies which had never occurred to any king before him. In his exaltation, ignorance, and folly, he quite lost his head,2 [Lit, "hands and feet." Here, and occasionally elsewhere, I have been obliged to prune the exuberant eloquence of the author.] forming the most impossible schemes and nourishing the most extravagant desires. He was a man of no learning and never associated with men of learning. He could not read or write a letter. He was bad tempered, obstinate, and hard-hearted, but the world smiled upon him, fortune befriended him, and his schemes were generally successful, so he only became the more reckless and arrogant.

During the time that he was thus exalted with arrogance and presumption, he used to speak in company about two projects that he had formed, and would consult with his companions and associates upon the execution of them. One of the two schemes which he used to debate about he thus explained, ''God Almighty gave the blessed Prophet four friends, through whose energy and power the Law and Religion were established, and through this establishment of law and religion the name of the Prophet will endure to the day of judgment. Every man who knows himself to be a Musulman, and calls himself by that name, conceives himself to be of his religion and creed. God has given me also four friends, Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khan, who, through my prosperity, have attained to princely power and dignity. If I am so inclined, I can, with the help of these four friends, establish a new religion and creed; and my sword, and the swords of my friends, will bring all men to adopt it. Through this religion, my name and that of my friends will remain among men to the last day like the names of the Prophet and his friends." *** Upon this subject he used to talk in his wine parties, and also to consult privately with his nobles. * * * His second project he used to unfold as follows: "I have wealth, and elephants, and forces, beyond all calculation. My wish is to place Dehli in charge of a vicegerent, and then I will go out myself into the world, like Alexander, in pursuit of conquest, and subdue the whole habitable world." Over-elated with the success of some few projects, he caused himself to be entitled "the second Alexander" in the khutba and on his coins. In his convivial parties he would vaunt, "Every region that I subdue I will intrust to one of my trusty nobles, and then proceed in quest of another. Who is he that shall stand against me?" His companions, although they saw his * * * folly and arrogance, were afraid of his violent temper, and applauded him. * * * These wild projects became known in the city; some of the wise men smiled, and attributed them to his folly and ignorance; others trembled, and said that such riches had fallen into the hands of a Pharaoh who had no knowledge or sense. * * *

My uncle 'Alau-l Mulk, kotwal of Dehli, through his extreme corpulence, used to go (only) at the new moon to wait upon the Sultan, and to take wine with him. On one occasion the Sultan began to consult him about these two extravagant delusions. 'Alau-l Mulk had heard how the king used to talk about these projects at his feasts, and how the guests used to coincide with him, and refrain from speaking the truth through fear of his hot temper and violence. When the questions were put to him by the Sultan, he said, "If your Majesty will order the wine to be removed, and all persons to withdraw except the four nobles, Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, and Alp Khan, I will then open my mind to your Majesty." The Sultan gave the order * * * and 'Alau-l Mulk, after apologizing for his boldness, said "Religion, and law, and creeds, ought never to be made subjects of discussion by your Majesty, for these are the concerns of prophets, not the business of kings. Religion and law spring from heavenly revelation; they are never established by the plans and designs of man. From the days of Adam till now they have been the mission of Prophets and Apostles, as rule and government have been the duty of kings. The prophetic office has never appertained to kings, and never will, so long as the world lasts, though some prophets have discharged the functions of royalty. My advice is that your Majesty should never talk about these matters. *** Your Majesty knows what rivers of blood Changiz Khan made to flow in Mahammadan cities, but he never was able to establish the Mughal religion or institutions among Muhammadans. Many Mughals have turned Musulmans, but no Musulman has ever become a Mughal." * * * The Sultan listened, and hung down his head in thought. His four friends heartily approved what 'Alau-l Mulk had said, and looked anxiously for the Sultan's answer. After awhile he said * * * "From henceforth no one shall ever hear me speak such words. Blessings be on thee and thy parents, for thou hast spoken the truth, and hast been loyal to thy duty. But what dost thou say about my other project?" 'Alau-l Mulk said, "The second design is that of a great monarch, for it is a rule among kings to seek to bring the whole world under their sway * * * but these are not the days of Alexander * * * and where will there be found a wazir like Aristotle?'' *** The Sultan replied, "What is the use of my wealth, and elephants and horses, if I remain content with Dehli, and undertake no new conquests? and what will be said about my reign?" 'Alau-l Mulk replied that "there were two important undertakings open to the King, which ought to receive attention before all others * * * One is the conquest and subjugation of all Hindustan, of such places as Rantambhor, Chitor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar, and Ujjain, to the east as far as the Saru, from the Siwalik to Jalor, from Multan to Damrila,1 [''Marila'' in the print.] from Palam to Lohor and Deopalpur; these places should all be reduced to such obedience that the name of rebel should never be heard. The second and more important duty is that of closing the road of Multan against the Mughals.'' *** Before closing his speech, 'Alau-l Mulk said "What I have recommended can never be accomplished unless your Majesty gives up drinking to excess, and keeps aloof from convivial parties and feasts. *** If you cannot do entirely without wine, do not drink till the afternoon, and then take it alone without companions." *** When he had finished the Sultan was pleased, and commending the excellence of the advice which he had given, promised to observe it. He gave him a brocaded robe of honour with a gold waistband weighing half a man, ten thousand tankas, two horses fully caparisoned, and two villages in in'am. The four Khans who were present added to these gifts three or four thousand tankas, and two or three horses with trappings. The advice which 'Alau-l Mulk had given was greatly praised by all the wazirs and wise men of the city. This happened while Zafar Khan was alive, upon his return from Siwistan, before he went to fight with Katlagh Khwaja.

'Alau-d din now first resolved upon the capture of Rantambhor, which was near Dehli. This fort had been taken, and was held by Hamir Deo, grandson of Rai Pithaura of Dehli.2 [Pithaura was killed in 1192, and here we are in 1299 A.D. Nabasa, the word used, probably here means loosely "descendant."] Ulugh Khan, who held Bayana, was ordered to Rantambhor, and Nusrat Khan, who held Karra that year, was ordered to collect all the forces of Karra, and that part of Hindustan, and to march to the assistance of Ulugh Khan. They captured Jhain,1 [Here it is evident that Jhain was close to Rantambhor, so that it cannot be Ujjain as suggested in p. 146 supra.] and invested Rantambhor. One day Nusrat Khan approached the fort to direct the construction of a mound (pashib), and a redoubt (gargaj). A stone discharged from a Maghribi in the fort struck him, and so wounded him that he died two or three days after. When this intelligence was brought to the Sultan, he departed from Dehli in great state for Rantambhor.

The Sultan proceeded from Dehli towards Rantambhor, and halted for some days at Til-pat.2 [See Elliot's Glossary, II., 122.] He went out daily to hunt and a nargah3 [A large circle or sweep made by hunters for driving the game together.] was drawn. One day be was benighted, and alighted with only ten horsemen at the village of Badih, where he remained for the night. Next day before sunrise he gave orders to close up the circle. The huntsmen and horsemen went forth to draw it together, and the Sultan remained sitting on a stool with only a few attendants, waiting until the beasts were driven up. At this time Akat Khan, the Sultan's brother's son, who held the office of Wakildar, rose up against the Sultan. Conceiving that if he killed the monarch he might, as his nephew, aspire to the throne, he plotted with sundry new Musulman horsemen, who had been long in his service. These men now approached the Sultan, shouting tiger! tiger! and began to discharge arrows at him. It was winter, and the Sultan was wearing a large over-coat. He jumped up just as he was, and seizing the stool on which he had been sitting, he made a shield of it. He warded off several arrows; two pierced his arm, but none reached his body. A slave of the Sultan, by name Manik, threw himself before his master, and made his own body a shield. He was struck by three or four arrows, The paiks (footmen) who stood behind the Sultan now covered him with their bucklers. Akat Khan galloped up with his confederates, intending to cut off the Sultan's head; but finding the paiks standing firm with their swords drawn, they dared not alight to lay hands on him. The paiks cried out that the Sultan was dead. Akat Khan was young, rash, and foolish. He had made a violent attack on his sovereign, but he lacked the decision and resolution to carry it through, and cut off the Sultan's head. In his folly and rashness he took another course. Believing what the paiks said, he went with all speed to the plain of Til-pat, and seated himself on the throne of 'Alau-d din, proclaiming to the people of the court with a loud voice that he had slain the Sultan. The people could not believe that the horsemen would have come to the royal residence, or that Akat Khan would have dared to seat himself on the throne and hold a court if the Sultan had not been killed. A tumult broke out in the army, and everything was getting into confusion. The elephants were accoutred and brought before the royal tent. The attendants of the court assembled and took up their respective positions, * * * and the chief men of the army came to pay their respects to the new sovereign. They kissed the hand of that evil doer and did homage. Akat Khan, in his egregious folly, attempted to go into the harem, but Malik Dinar armed himself and his followers, and, taking his stand at the door, told Akat Khan that he should not enter until he produced the head of 'Alau-d din.

When 'Alau-d din was wounded his Turk horsemen dispersed, raising a clamour. About sixty or seventy men, horse and foot, remained with him. After Akat Khan had left, the Sultan recovered his senses; he was found to have received two wounds in the arm, and to have lost much blood. They bathed the wounds and placed his arm in a sling. When he reflected on what had happened, he came to the conclusion that Akat Khan must have had many supporters among the maliks, amirs, and soldiers, for he would never have ventured on such a step without strong support. He therefore determined to leave his army, and to proceed with all speed to his brother, Ulugh Khan, at Jhain, in order to concert with him measures for securing his position. Malik Hamidu-d din, naib-wakil-dar, boh of Umdata-l Mulk, opposed this plan, and advised the Sultan to proceed at once to his army. *** The Malik's reasoning convinced the Sultan, and he started at once for the army. As he went along every trooper whom he fell in with joined him, so that on reaching the army he had an escort of five or six hundred men. He immediately showed himself on a rising ground, and being recognized, the assembly at the royal tent broke up, and his attendants came forth with elephants to receive him. Akat Khan rushed out of the tents and fled on horseback to Afghanpur. The Sultan then came down, entered his tents, and, seating himself upon the throne, held a public court. He sent two officers in pursuit of Akat Khan, who came up with him at Afghanpur, and beheaded him. His head was carried to the Sultan, who ordered it to be exhibited to the army on a spear, and then to be sent to Dehli for exhibition, after which it was to be sent to Ulugh Khan at Jhain, with an account of the Sultan's escape. Katlagh Khwaja, younger brother of Akat Khan, was also killed. *** The Sultan remained some days with the army, diligently seeking out all who had connived at or had been aware of Akat Khan's attempt. Those who were discovered were scourged to death with thongs of wire, their property was confiscated, and their wives and children sent prisoners to various forts. The Sultan then proceeded to Rantambhor, and after punishing the rest of those who were concerned in Akat Khan's conspiracy, he devoted himself to the business of the siege. Bags were made and distributed to the soldiers, who filled them with sand and threw them into the holes (ghar). The traverses, of the pashib were formed, the redoubts (gargaj) raised, and stones were discharged from the maghribis. The besieged1 [There is a line omitted from the print here. The following is a literal translation of Firishta's account: ("The Sultan) having assembled numerous forces from all quarters distributed bags among them. Each man filled his bag with sand, and cast it into the trench (darra), which they call raran, until they obtained command (over the walls), and struck down the defenders inside."] battered the pashib with stones from their maghribis, and scattered fire from the summit of the fort. Many men were killed on both sides. The territories of Jhain were attacked and subdued as far as Dhar.

After the conspiracy of Akat Khan was suppressed, news was brought to the army that 'Umar Khan and Mangu Khan, taking advantage of the Sultan's absence and the difficulties of the siege of Rantambhor, had broken out in revolt and had obtained a following among the people of Hindustan. The Sultan sent some officers against them, who made them prisoners before they had effected anything, and carried them to Rantambhor. The Sultan's cruel implacable temper had no compassion for his sister's children, so he had them punished in his presence. They were blinded by having their eyes cut out with knives like slices of a melon. Their families and dependants were overthrown. Of the horse and foot who had supported them, some fled, and others fell into the hands of the amirs of Hindustan and were imprisoned.
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:26 am

Part 2 of 3

While the Sultan was prosecuting the siege of Rantambhor, a revolt of some importance broke out at Dehli. * * * There was a person named Haji, a maula or slave of the late Kotwal, Amiru-l umara Fakhru-d din. He was a man of violent, fearless, and malignant character * * * and he was charged with the guard of the exchequer.1 [The words are [x]. The two MSS., however, read [x]. This word is not intelligible. The context seems to imply that the Maula was stationed in the city, otherwise Khalsah-i ratol might signify "the government lands of Ratol."] A man called Turmuzi was kotwal of the city and greatly oppressed the people. * * * 'Alau-d din Ayaz, father of Ahmad Ayaz, was kotwal of the New Fort. Haji Maula, seeing the city empty, and the inhabitants distressed by the violence and tyranny of Turmuzi the kotwal * * * knowing also that not a man could be spared from the army * * * he thought the people would support him. He secured the support of the old kotwali officers, and excited a somewhat formidable revolt. It was the month of Ramazan, and the sun was in Gemini. The weather was very hot, and at midday people kept indoors taking their siesta, so there were few in the streets. At this time Haji Maula, with several armed followers, went to the house of kotwal, carrying with them as a blind a letter which he pretended to have received from the Sultan. The kotwal was taking his nap, and had none of his men with him. When he was called he roused himself, put on his slippers, and came to the door. Haji Maula instantly gave the signal, and his followers cut off the unsuspecting victim's head. He then brought out the pretended royal farman, and, showing it to the crowd, he said that he had killed the kotwal in obedience to orders received from the Sultan. The people were silent. The keepers of the gates were creatures of Haji Maula, so they closed them. After killing kotwal Turmuzi, he sent to summon 'Alau-d din Ayaz, intending to kill him also. * * * But Ayaz had been informed of the outbreak, so, instead of coming out, he gathered his followers round him, placed guards, and refused to open the gates of the New Fort. Haji Maula then proceeded with his riotous followers to the Red Palace, seated himself upon a balcony, and set fee all the prisoners, some of whom joined his followers. Bags of gold tankas were brought out of the treasury and scattered among the people. Arms also were brought from the armoury, and horses from the royal stables, and distributed among the rioters. Every one that joined them had gold tankas thrown into his lap. There was an 'Alawi (descendant of 'Ali) in Dehli who was called the grandson of Shah Najaf,1 [A very doubtful passage. The print says: [x]. One MS. writes [x]. The other MS. omits the words.] who, by his mother's side, was grandson of Sultan Shamsu-d din. The Maula set off from the Red Palace with a party of horse, and went to the house of the poor 'Alawi. They carried him off by force and seated him on the throne in the Red Palace. The principal men of the city were brought by force and made to kiss his hand. * * * These riotous proceedings went on for seven or eight days, and intelligence was several times conveyed to the Sultan, but he kept it secret, and it did not become known to the army.

On the third or fourth day of the riot, Malik Hamidu-d din, Amir of Koh, with his sons and relations, all valiant men, opened the Ghazni gate and went into the city. They proceeded towards the gate of Bhandar-kal, and arrows began to fly between them and the rioters, who became desperate and obtained gold from Haji Maula. After Hamidu-d din, the Amir of Koh, had been in the city two days, he and his loyal followers prevailed over the rebels. A party of the friends of Zafar Khan, who had come from Amroha, joined him. He then entered the gate of Bhandar kal, and a struggle ensued between him and the shoemakers, and between him and Haji Maula. The Amir of Koh alighted from his horse, dashed Haji Maula to the ground, and sat upon his breast. Swords and clubs were aimed at him all round and he was wounded, but he never quitted his fallen foe till he had despatched him. After this the victors proceeded to the Red Palace. They decapitated the miserable 'Alawi and carried his head about the city on a spear.

A despatch announcing the death of Haji Maula was sent to the Sultan at Rantambhor. Intelligence of the revolt and of the anarchy prevailing at Dehli had in several ways reached the Sultan, but he had resolved upon the reduction of the fort, and so he would not be shaken from his purpose and leave it to go to Dehli. All his forces were engaged in pressing the siege, and were severely tried and distressed. But such was the fear felt for the Sultan that no one dared to set off for Dehli or any other place. In the course of five or six days every one in the city who had supported Haji Maula, or had taken money from him, was cast into prison. The gold which had been distributed among the people was brought back again to the treasury. A few days after, Ulugh Khan arrived from Rantambhor and took up his residence in the Muizzi palace. The rioters were brought before him and he decreed their punishments, so that blood ran in streams. The sons and grandsons of the old kotwal Maliku-l umara had no guilty knowledge of the revolt, but they and every one belonging to that family were put to death. No name or trace of them was left — a sad warning to politicians.

From the revolt of the "new Musalmans" in Gujarat to that of Haji Maula, four insurrections had successively troubled Sultan 'Alau-d din. These routed him from his dreams of security and pride, and he exerted all his powers for the reduction of Rantambhor. He held privy consultations with * * * arguing with them and inquiring into the causes of the insurrections, declaring that if the real reasons could be ascertained he would remove them, so that no revolt should afterwards occur. After considering for some nights and days, these great men agreed that the causes were four. 1, The Sultan's disregard of the affairs (both) of good and bad people. 2. Wine. Parties are formed for wine-drinking, and those who attend them talk openly of what passes in these meetings. They strike up friendships and excite disturbances. 3. The intimacy, affection, alliances, and intercourse of maliks and amirs with each other. So that if anything happens to one of them, a hundred others get mixed up in it. 4. Money, which engenders evil and strife, and brings forth pride and disloyalty. If men had no money, they would attend to their own business, and would never think of riots and revolts. And if rioters and rebels had no money, they could never count upon the assistance of low and turbulent people.[/b][/size]1 [These "counsels of the wise," which so frequently appear, are, in most cases, only expositions of the author's own opinions. I have translated these replies in order that it may be seen how a subsequent writer deals with them. Firishta uses the passage. The first reason he quotes verbatim, but the other three he modifies and embellishes. The fourth reason, as he gives it, is: "Abundance of money and wealth. For whenever men of low origin acquire the material means of greatness, vain imaginations spring up in them, and they lay pretensions to royalty." This is further improved by Firishta's translator, who says, "The last, and not the least, cause they thought arose from the unequal division of property: they considered that the wealth of a rich empire, if confined to a few persons, only rendered them, as governors of provinces, more like independent princes than subjects of the state." -- Briggs, I., 345.]

Some time after this revolt, the Sultan succeeded in reducing Rantambhor, but with much bloodshed and difficulty. He slew Hamir deo, the Rai, and all the "new Musulmans" who had fled from the rebellion in Gujarat, and had taken refuge with him. The fort and all its territories and appurtenances were placed under the charge of Ulugh Khan, and the Sultan returned to Dehli. He was angry with the citizens and had exiled many of their chiefs; so he did not enter the city, but stopped in the suburbs ('umranat).

Four or five months after the Sultan left Rantambhor, Ulugh Khan collected a large force with the intention of attacking Tilang and Ma'bar, but his time was come, and the angel of destiny took him to the blessed city. His corpse was conveyed to Dehli and buried in his own house. The Sultan grieved for him and made many offerings for his soul.

The Sultan next directed his attention to the means of preventing rebellion, and first he took steps for seizing upon property. He ordered that, wherever there was a village held by proprietary right (milk), in free gift (in'am), or as a religious endowment (wakf), it should by one stroke of the pen be brought back under the exchequer. The people were pressed and amerced, money was exacted from them on every kind of pretence. Many were left without any money, till at length it came to pass that, excepting maliks and amirs, officials, Multanis, and bankers, no one possessed even a trifle in cash. So rigorous was the confiscation that, beyond a few thousand tankas, all the pensions, grants of land (in'am wa mafruz), and endowments in the country were appropriated. The people were all so absorbed in obtaining the means of living, that the name of rebellion was never mentioned. Secondly, he provided so carefully for the acquisition of intelligence, that no action of good or bad men was concealed from him. No one could stir without his knowledge, and whatever happened in the houses of nobles, great men, and officials, was communicated to the Sultan by his reporters. Nor were the reports neglected, for explanations of them were demanded. The system of reporting went to such a length, that nobles dared not speak aloud even in the largest palaces,1 ["Hazdr-sutun," a palace of 1000 columns.] and if they had anything to say they communicated by signs. In their own houses, night and day, dread of the reports of the spies made them tremble. No word or action which could provoke censure or punishment was allowed to transpire. The transactions in the bazars, the buying and selling, and the bargains made, were all reported to the Sultan by his spies, and were kept under control. Thirdly, he prohibited wine-drinking and wine-selling, as also the use of beer and intoxicating drugs. Dicing also was forbidden. Many prohibitions of wine and beer were issued. Vintners and gamblers and beer-sellers were turned out of the city, and the heavy taxes which had been levied from them were abolished. The Sultan directed that all the china and glass vessels of his banqueting room should be broken, and the fragments of them were thrown out before the gate of Badaun, where they formed a heap. Jars and casks of wine were brought out of the royal cellars, and emptied at the Badaun gate in such abundance, that mud and mire was produced as in the rainy season. The Sultan himself entirely gave up wine parties. He directed the maliks to mount elephants and to go to the gates of Dehli, through the streets and wards, bazars and sarais, proclaiming the royal command that no one should drink, sell, or have anything to do with wine. Those who had any self-respect immediately gave up drinking; but the shameless, the dissolute, and vile characters used to make and distil wine2 [Sharab, wine; but it evidently includes spirits.] in the distilleries, and to drink and sell it clandestinely at a great price. They put it into leather bottles, and conveyed it hidden in loads of hay, firewood, and such like. By hundreds of tricks and devices, and by all sorts of collusion, wine was brought into the city. Informers searched diligently, and the city gate-keepers and spies exerted themselves to seize the wine, and apprehend the contrabandists. When seized, the wine was sent to the elephant-stables and given to those animals. The sellers, the importers, and drinkers of wine, were subjected to corporal punishment, and were kept in prison for some days. But their numbers increased so much that holes for the incarceration of offenders were dug outside the Badaun gate, which is a great thoroughfare. Wine-bibbers and wine-sellers were placed in these holes, and the severity of the confinement was such that many of them died. Many others were taken out half dead, and were long before they recovered their health and strength. The terrors of these holes deterred many from drinking. Those who were unable to give up their habit went out to the fords of the Jumna, and to villages ten or twelve kos distant to procure their liquor. In Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, Kilughari, and towns four or five kos from Dehli, wine could not be sold or drunk publicly. Still some desperate men used to keep it, drink it, and even sell it privately. They thus disgraced themselves and got confined in the pits. The prevention of drinking being found to be very difficult, the Sultan gave orders that if the liquor was distilled privately, and drunk privately in people's own houses; if drinking parties were not held, and the liquor not sold, then the informers were not to interfere in any way, and were not to enter the houses or arrest the offenders. After the prohibition of wine and beer in the city, conspiracies diminished, and apprehension of rebellion disappeared. Fourthly, the Sultan gave commands that noblemen and great men should not visit each other's houses, or give feasts, or hold meetings. They were forbidden to form alliances without consent from the throne, and they were also prohibited from allowing people to resort to their houses. To such a length was this last prohibition carried that no stranger was admitted into a nobleman's house. Feasting and hospitality fell quite into disuse. Through fear of the spies, the nobles kept themselves quiet; they gave no parties and had little communication with each other. No man of a seditious, rebellious, or evil reputation was allowed to come near them. If they went to the sarais, they could not lay their heads together, or sit down cosily and tell their troubles. Their communications were brought down to a mere exchange of signs. This interdict prevented any information of conspiracy and rebellion coming to the Sultan, and no disturbance arose.

After the promulgation of these interdicts, the Sultan requested the wise men to supply some rules and regulations for grinding down the Hindus, and for depriving them of that wealth and property which fosters disaffection and rebellion. There was to be one rule for the payment of tribute applicable to all, from the khuta to the balahar,1 [[x]] and the heaviest tribute was not to fall upon the poorest. The Hindu was to be so reduced as to be left unable to keep a horse to ride on, to carry arms, to wear fine clothes, or to enjoy any of the luxuries of life. To effect these important objects of government two regulations were made. The first was that all cultivation, whether on a small or large scale, was to be carried on by measurement at a certain rate for every biswa. Half (of the produce) was to he paid without any diminution, and this rule was to apply to khutas and balahars, without the slightest distinction. The khutas were also to be deprived of all their peculiar privileges. The second related to buffaloes, goats, and other animals from which milk is obtained. A tax for pasturage, at a fixed rate, was to be levied, and was to be demanded for every inhabited house, so that no animal, however wretched, could escape the tax. Heavier burdens were not to be placed upon the poor, but the rules as to the payment of the tribute were to apply equally to rich and poor. Collectors, clerks, and other officers employed in revenue matters, who took bribes and acted dishonestly, were all dismissed. Sharaf Kai naib wazir-i mamalik, an accomplished scribe and a most honest and intelligent man, who had no rival either in capacity or integrity, exerted himself strenuously for some years in enforcing these regulations in all the villages and towns. * * * They were so strictly carried out that the chaudharis and khuts and mukaddims were not able to ride on horseback, to find weapons, to get fine clothes, or to indulge in betel. The same rules for the collection of the tribute applied to all alike, and the people were brought to such a state of obedience that one revenue officer would string twenty khuts, mukaddims, or chaudharis together by the neck, and enforce payment by blows. No Hindu could hold up his head, and in their houses no sign of gold or silver, tankas or jitals or of any superfluity was to be seen. These things, which nourish insubordination and rebellion, were no longer to be found. Driven by destitution, the wives of the khuts and mukaddims went and served for hire in the houses of the Musulmans. Sharaf Kai, naib-wazir, so rigorously enforced his demands and exactions against the collectors and other revenue officers, and such investigations were made, that every single jital against their names was ascertained from the books of the patwaris (village accountants). Blows, confinement in the stocks, imprisonment and chains, were all employed to enforce payment. There was no chance of a single tanka being taken dishonestly, or as bribery, from any Hindu or Musulman. The revenue collectors and officers were so coerced and checked that for five hundred or a thousand tankas they were imprisoned and kept in chains for years. Men looked upon revenue officers as something worse than fever. Clerkship was a great crime, and no man would give his daughter to a clerk. Death was deemed preferable to revenue employment. Ofttimes fiscal officers fell into prison, and had to endure blows and stripes.

'Alau-d din was a king who had no acquaintance with learning, and never associated with the learned. When he became king, he came to the conclusion that polity and government are one thing, and the rules and decrees of law are another. Royal commands belong to the king, legal decrees rest upon the judgment of kazis and muftis. In accordance with this opinion, whatever affair of state came before him, he only looked to the public good, without considering whether his mode of dealing with it was lawful or unlawful. He never asked for legal opinions about political matters, and very few learned men visited him. * * Kazi Maghisu-d din, of Bayanah, used to go to court and sit down in private audience with the amirs. One day, when the efforts were being made for the increase of the tribute and of the fines and imposts, the Sultan told the Kazi that he had several questions to ask him, and desired him to speak the plain truth. The Kazi replied, "The angel of my destiny seems to be close at hand, since your Majesty wishes to question me on matters of religion; if I speak the truth you will be angry and kill me." The Sultan said he would not kill him, and commanded him to answer his questions truly and candidly. The Kazi then promised to answer in accordance with what he had read in books. [i]The Sultan then asked, "How are Hindu designated in the law, as payers of tribute (kharaj-guzar) or givers of tribute (kharaj-dih)?" The Kazi replied, "They are called payers of tribute, and when the revenue officer demands silver from them, they should, without question and with all humility and respect, tender gold. If the officer throws dirt into their mouths, they must without reluctance open their mouths wide to receive it. By doing so they show their respect for the officer. The due subordination of the zimmi (tribute-payer) is exhibited in this humble payment and by this throwing of dirt into their mouths. The glorification of Islam is a duty, and contempt of the Religion is vain. God holds them in contempt, for he says, 'Keep them under in subjection.' To keep the Hindus in abasement is especially a religious duty, because they are the most inveterate enemies of the Prophet, and because the Prophet has commanded us to slay them, plunder them, and make them captive, saying, 'Convert them to Islam or kill them, enslave them and spoil their wealth and property.' No doctor but the great doctor (Hanifa), to whose school we belong, has assented to the imposition of the jizya (poll tax) on Hindus. Doctors of other schools allow no other alternative but 'Death or Islam.'"

The Sultan smiled at this answer of the Kazi's, and said, "I do not understand any of the statements thou hast made; but this I have discovered, that the khuts and mukaddims ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes, shoot with Persian bows, make war upon each other, and go out hunting; but of the kharaj (tribute), jizya (poll tax), kari (house tax), and chari (pasture tax), they do not pay one jital. They levy separately the Khuts (landowner's) share from the villages, give parties and drink wine, and many of them pay no revenue at all, either upon demand or without demand. Neither do they show any respect for my officers. This has excited my anger, and I have said to myself, 'Thou hast an ambition to conquer other lands, but thou hast hundreds of leagues of country under thy rule where proper obedience is not paid to thy authority. How, then, wilt thou make other lands submissive?' I have, therefore, taken my measures, and have made my subjects obedient, so that at my command they are ready to creep into holes like mice. Now you tell me that it is all in accordance with law that the Hindus should be reduced to the most abject obedience." Then the Sultan said, "Oh, doctor, thou art a learned man, but thou hast had no experience; I am an unlettered man, but I have seen a great deal; be assured then that the Hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. I have, therefore, given orders that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk, and curds, but that they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property."

Secondly. — The Sultan next put the following question: "Is there any reference made in the Law to revenue officers and clerks who are guilty of dishonesty, peculation, or receiving bribes?" The Kazi answered, "There is no mention made of this, nor have I read of it in any book; but if revenue officers are insufficiently paid,1 [Kadar i kifayat na-yaband. The negative seems superfluous, and it is rejected by Nizamu-d din and by Firishta.] and they appropriate the revenue belonging to the treasury, or receive bribes, then the ruler can inflict punishment upon them, either by fine or imprisonment; but it is not allowable to cut off hands for robbing the treasury." The Sultan said, "I have given orders to recover from the various revenue officers whatever they have misappropriated or received in excess, punishing them with sticks, pincers, the rack, imprisonment, and chains. I now hear that alienations of the revenue1 [Dihhai, lit: villages.] and bribery have diminished. I have ordered such stipends to be settled on the various revenue officers as will maintain them in respectability, and if, notwithstanding, they resort to dishonesty and reduce the revenue, I deal with them as thou hast seen."

Thirdly, The Sultan put this question, "That wealth which I acquired while I was a malik, with so much bloodshed at Deogir, does it belong to me or to the public treasury!" The Kazi replied, "I am bound to speak the truth to your Majesty. The treasure obtained at Deogir was won by the prowess of the army of Islam, and whatever treasure is so acquired belongs to the public treasury. If your Majesty had gained it yourself alone in a manner allowed by the law, then it would belong to you." The Sultan was angry with the Kazi and said, "What sayest thou? Let thy head beware of what thou utterest. That wealth which I won at the risk of my own life and of the lives of my servants, from Hindus whose names had never been heard of in Delhi, and before I became king, that wealth I have retained and have not brought it into the public treasury. How can treasure won like this belong to the state?" The Kazi answered, "Your Majesty has put to me a question of law; if I were not to say what I have read in the book, and your Majesty, to test my opinion, were to ask some other learned man, and his reply, being in opposition to mine, should show that I had given a false opinion, to suit your Majesty's pleasure, what confidence would you have in me, and would you ever afterwards consult me about the law?"

Fourthly, The Sultan asked the Kazi what rights he and his children had upon the public treasury. The Kazi replied, "The time of my death is at hand," and upon the Sultan inquiring what he meant, he said, "If I answer your question honestly you will slay me, and if I give an untrue reply I shall hereafter go to hell." The Sultan said, "State whatever the law decrees, I will not kill thee." The Kazi replied, "If your Majesty will follow the example of the most enlightened Khalifas, and will act upon the highest principle, then you will take for yourself and your establishment the same sum as you have allotted to each fighting man: two hundred and thirty-four tankas. If you would rather take a middle course and should think that you would be disgraced by putting yourself on a par with the army in general, then you may take for yourself and your establishment as much as you have assigned to your chief officers, such as Malik Kirin, etc. ** If your Majesty follows the opinions of politicians,1 ['Ulama-i dunya, wise-men of the world.] then you will draw from the treasury more than any other great man receives, so that you may maintain a greater expenditure than any other and not suffer your dignity to be lowered. I have put before your Majesty three courses, and all the krors of money and valuables which you take from the treasury and bestow upon your women you will have to answer for in the day of account." The Sultan was wroth, and said, ''Fearest thou not my sword when thou tellest me that all my great expenditure upon my harem is unlawful?" The Kazi replied, "I do fear your Majesty's sword, and I look upon this my turban as my winding-sheet; but your Majesty questions me about the law, and I answer to the best of my ability. If, however, you ask my advice in a political point of view, then I say that whatever your Majesty spends upon your harem no doubt tends to raise your dignity in the eyes of men; and the exaltation of the king's dignity is a requirement of good policy."

After all these questions and answers, the Sultan said to the Kazi, "You have declared my proceedings in these matters to be unlawful. Now see how I act. When troopers do not appear at the muster, I order three years pay to be taken from them.2 [[x]. Firishta's version of this is [x], which Briggs translates, "I am in the habit of stopping one month's pay for three successive years."] I place wine-drinkers and wine-sellers in the pits of incarceration. If a man debauches another man's wife, I effectually prevent him from again committing such an offence, and the woman I cause to be killed.1 [[x].] Rebels, good and bad, old hands or novices (tar 0 khusk), I slay; their wives and children I reduce to beggary and ruin. Extortion I punish with the torture of the pincers and the stick, and I keep the extortioner in prison, in chains and fetters, until every jital is restored. Political prisoners I confine and chastise. Wilt thou say all this is unlawful?" The Kazi rose and went to the entrance of the room, placed his forehead on the ground, and cried with a loud voice, "My liege! whether you send me, your wretched servant, to prison, or whether you order me to be cut in two, all this is unlawful, and finds no support in the sayings of the Prophet, or in the expositions of the learned."

The Sultan heard all this and said nothing, but put his slippers on and went into his harem. Kazi Mughisu-d din went home. Next day he took a last farewell of all his people, made a propitiatory offering, and performed his ablutions. Thus prepared for death he proceeded to the court. The Sultan called him forward, and showed him great kindness. He gave him the robe he was wearing, and presented him with a thousand tankas, saying, "Although I have not studied the Science or the Book, I am a Musulman of a Musulman stock. To prevent rebellion, in which thousands perish, I issue such orders as I conceive to be for the good of the State, and the benefit of the people. Men are heedless, disrespectful, and disobey my commands; I am then compelled to be severe to bring them into obedience. I do not know whether this is lawful or unlawful; whatever I think to be for the good of the State, or suitable for the emergency, that I decree. ***

After the Sultan returned from Rantambhor to Dehli, he dealt very harshly with the people, and mulcted [extract money from (someone) by fine or taxation.] them. Shortly afterwards Ulugh Khan died while on his journey to the city. Malik 'Azzu-d din Burkhan became wazir in the New City (shahr'i tnu), and the tribute of the New City was assessed by measurement at a certain rate per biswa, as in the environs of the capital. The Sultan then led forth an army and laid siege to Chitor, which he took in a short time, and returned home.
New troubles now arose on account of the Mughals in Mawarau-n nahr. T hey had learned that the Sultan had gone with his army to lay siege to a distant fort, and made but slow progress with the siege, while Dehli remained empty. Targhi assembled twelve tumans of cavalry, with which he marched with all speed to Dehli, and reached that neighbourhood very soon. At this time the Sultan was engaged in the siege of Chitor. Malik Fakhru-d din Juna, dadbak-i hazrat, and Malik Jhaju of Karra, nephew of Nusrat Khan, had been sent with all the officers and forces of Hindustan against Arangal. On their arrival there the rainy season began, and proved such a hindrance that the army could do nothing, and in the beginning of winter returned, greatly reduced in numbers, to Hindustan.

The Sultan now returned from the conquest of Chitor, where his army had suffered great loss in prosecuting the siege during the rainy season. They had not been in Dehli a month, no muster of the army had been held, and the losses had not been repaired, when the alarm arose of the approach of the Mughals. The accursed Targhi, with thirty or forty thousand horse,1 [[x]. Firishta says "120,000," and our author has above rated them at the same number, viz. "twelve tumans." Perhaps he here intended to say, "three times forty thousand."] came on ravaging, and encamped on the banks of the Jumna, preventing all ingress and egress of the city. Affairs were in this extraordinary position; the Sultan had just returned from Chitor, and had had no time to refit and recruit his army after his great losses in the siege; and the army of Hindustan had returned from Arangal to the districts of Hindustan dispirited and reduced in numbers. The Mughals had seized the roads, and were so encamped that no reinforcements could reach the city from the army of Hindustan. There were no forces in Multan, Samana, and Deopalpur sufficient to cope with the Mughals, and join the Sultan at Siri. The army of Hindustan was pressed to advance; but the enemy was too strong, and they remained in Kol and Baran. All the passages of the Jumna were in the hands of the enemy. The Sultan, with his small army of horse, left the capital and encamped at Siri, where the superior numbers and strength of the enemy compelled him to entrench his camp. Round the entrenchments he built block houses, and other erections, to prevent the enemy from forcing a way in, and he kept his forces constantly under arms and on the watch to guard against the dreaded attack, and to delay any great engagement. In every division of the army, and in each line of entrenchment, there were five elephants fully armed, supported by a body of infantry. The Mughals came up on every side, seeking opportunity to make a sudden onslaught and overpower the army. Such fear of the Mughals and anxiety as now prevailed in Dehli had never been known before. If Targhi had remained another month upon the Jumna, the panic would have reached to such a height that a general flight would have taken place, and Dehli would have been lost. It was difficult to procure water, fodder, and fuel from without, for the convoys of grain were prevented from reaching the city, and the utmost terror prevailed. The enemy's horse approached the suburbs, and quartered themselves in the neighbourhood, where they drank wine, and sold at a low price grain and other articles plundered from the royal stores, so that there was no great scarcity of grain.1 [[x].] Two or three times the advanced guards met and combats ensued, but without advantage to either party. By the mercy of God the Mughal was unable to find any means of forcing the camp, and overpowering the royal army. After two months the prayers of the wretched prevailed, and the accursed Targhi retreated towards his own country.

This escape of the royal army and the preservation of Dehli seemed, to wise men, one of the wonders of the age. The Mughals had sufficient forces to take it; they arrived at the most opportune time; they made themselves masters of the roads, and hemmed in the royal army and its appurtenances. The Sultan's army had not been replenished, and no reinforcements reached it. But for all this the Mughals did not prevail.1 [Barni was evidently impressed with the peril of Dehli, and is fond of recounting the odds against it. See D'Ohsson, iv. 561.]

After this very serious danger, 'Alau-d din awoke from his sleep of neglect. He gave up his ideas of campaigning and fort-taking, and built a palace at Siri. He took up his residence there, and made it his capital, so that it became a flourishing place. He ordered the fort of Dehli to be repaired, and he also ordered the restoration of the old forts which lay in the track of the Mughals. Additional forts were directed to be raised wherever they were required. To these forts he appointed veteran and prudent commandants. Orders were given for the manufacture of manjaniks and 'aradas (balistas), for the employment of skilful engineers, for a supply of arms of every kind, and for the laying in of stores of grain and fodder. Samana and Deobalpur were ordered to be garrisoned with strong selected forces, and to be kept in a state of defence; the fiefs in the track of the Mughals were placed under amirs of experience, and the whole route was secured by the appointment of tried and vigilant generals.
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

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Part 3 of 3

The Sultan next turned his attention to the increase of his forces, and consulted and debated with wise men by night and by day as to the best means of opposing and overcoming the Mughals. After much deliberation between the Sultan and his councillors, it was decided that a large army was necessary, and not only large, but choice, well armed, well mounted, with archers, and all ready for immediate service. This plan, and this only, seemed to recommend itself as feasible for opposing the Mughals. The Sultan then consulted his advisers as to the means of raising such a force, for it could not be maintained without heavy expenditure, and what was arranged for one year might not be continuous. On this point he said, ''If I settle a large amount of pay on the army, and desire to maintain the pay at the same rate every year, then, although the treasury is now full, five or six years will clear it out, and nothing will be left. Without money government is impossible. I am very desirous of having a large army, well horsed, well accoutred, picked men and archers, ready for service year after year. I would pay them 234 tankas regularly, and I would allow seventy-eight tankas to those who keep two horses, requiring in return the two horses, with all necessary appointments. So also as regards the men of one horse, I would require the horse and his accoutrements. Inform me, then, how this large army can be regularly maintained on the footing I desire." His sagacious advisers thought carefully over the matter, and after great deliberation made a unanimous report to the Sultan. "The ideas which have passed through your Majesty's mind as to maintaining a large and permanent army upon a low scale of pay are quite impracticable. Horses, arms, and accoutrements, and the support of the soldier and his wife and family, cannot be provided for a trifle. If the necessaries of life could be bought at a low rate, then the idea which your Majesty has entertained of maintaining a large army at a small expense might be carried out, and all apprehension of the great forces of the Mughals would be removed." The Sultan then consulted with his most experienced ministers as to the means of reducing the prices of provisions without resorting to severe and tyrannical punishments. His councillors replied that the necessaries of life would never become cheap until the price of grain was fixed by regulations and tariffs. Cheapness of grain is a universal benefit. So some regulations were issued, which kept down the price for some years.

Regulation I. — Fixing the price of grain.

Wheat, per man 7-l/2 jitals.
Barley, per man, 4 jitals.
Rice, per man, 5 jitals
Mash (a vetch), per man, 5 jitals
Nukhud (a vetch), per man, 5 jitals
Moth (a vetch), per man, 3 jitals

This scale of prices was maintained as long as 'Alau-d din lived, and grain never rose one dang, whether the rains were abundant or scanty. This unvarying price of grain in the markets was looked upon as one of the wonders of the time.

Regulation II. — To secure the cheapness of grain.1 ["To maintain the tariff." Tabakat-i Akbari.]

Malik Kabul Ulugh Khan, a wise and practical man, was appointed controller of the markets. He received a large territory and used to go round (the markets) in great state with many horse and foot. He had clever deputies, friends of his own, who were appointed by the crown. Intelligent spies also were sent into the markets.

Regulation III. — Accumulation of corn in the king's granaries.

— The Sultan gave orders that all the Khalsa villages of the Doab should pay the tribute in kind. The corn was brought into the granaries of the city (of Dehli). In the country dependent on the New City half the Sultan's portion (of the produce) was ordered to be taken in grain. In Jhain also, and in the villages of Jhain, stores were to be formed. These stores of grain were to be sent into the city in caravans. By these means so much royal grain came to Dehli that there never was a time when there were not two or three royal granaries full of grain in the city. When there was a deficiency of rain, or when for any reason the caravans did not arrive, and grain became scarce in the markets, then the royal stores were opened and the corn was sold at the tariff price, according to the wants of the people. Grain was also consigned to the caravans from New City. Through these two rules, grain never was deficient in the markets, and never rose one dang above the fixed price.  

Regulation IV. — The Caravans.

— The Sultan placed all the carriers2 [Karawaniyan, here used as the Persian equivalent of the Hindustani banjara, corn dealers and carriers.] of his kingdom under the controller of the markets. Orders were given for arresting the head carriers and for bringing them in chains before the controller of the markets, who was directed to detain them until they agreed upon one common mode of action and gave bail for each other. Nor were they to be released until they brought their wives and children, beasts of burden and cattle, and all their property, and fixed their abodes in the villages along the banks of the Jumna. An overseer was to be placed over the carriers and their families, on behalf of the controller of the markets, to whom the carriers were to submit. Until all this was done the chiefs were to be kept in chains. Under the operation of this rule, so much grain found its way into the markets that it was unnecessary to open the royal stores, and grain did not rise a dang above the standard.1 [The Tabakat-i Akbari gibes these rules bery succinctly and clearly. This fourth Regulation is thus given: — "Malik Kabul was commanded to summon all the grain-sellers of the kingdom and to settle them in the villages on the banks of the Jumna, so that they might convey grain to Dehli from all parts of the country, and prevent the price rising above the royal standard."]

Regulation V. — Regrating.

— The fifth provision for the cheapness of grain was against regrating. This rigidly enforced that no merchant, farmer, corn-chandler, or one else, could hold back secretly a man or half a man of grain and sell it at his shop for a dang or a diram above the regulated price. If regrated grain were discovered, it was forfeited to the Sultan, and the regrater was fined. Engagements were taken from the governors and other revenue officers in the Doab that no one under their authority should be allowed to regrate, and if any man was discovered to have regrated, the deputy and his officers were fined, and had to make their defence to the throne.

Regulation VI. — Engagements were taken from the provincial revenue officers and their assistants, that they would provide that the corn-carriers should be supplied with corn by the raiyats on the field at a fixed price.

The Sultan also gave orders that engagements should be taken from the chief diwan, and from the overseers and other revenue officers in the countries of the Doab, near the capital, that they should so vigorously collect the tribute that the cultivators should be unable to carry away any corn from the fields into their houses and to regrate. They were to be compelled to sell their corn in the fields to the corn-carriers at a low price, so that the dealers should have no excuse for neglecting to bring the corn into the markets. A constant supply was thus secured. To give the villagers a chance of profit, they were permitted to carry their corn into the market and sell it at the regulation price.

Regulation VII. — Reports used to be made daily to the Sultan of the market rate and of the market transactions from three distinct sources.

1st. The superintendent made a report of the market rate and of the market transactions. 2nd. The barids, or reporters, made a statement. 3rd. The manhis, or spies, made a report. If there was any variance in these reports, the superintendent received punishment. The various officials of the market were well aware that all the ins and outs of the market were reported to the Sultan through three different channels, and so there was no opportunity of their deviating from the market rules in the smallest particular.

All the wise men of the age were astonished at the evenness of the price in the markets. If the rains had fallen (regularly), and the seasons had been (always) favourable, there would have been nothing so wonderful in grain remaining at one price; but the extraordinary part of the matter was that during the reign of 'Alau-d din there were years in which the rains were deficient, but instead of the usual scarcity ensuing, there was no want of corn in Dehli, and there was no rise in the price either in the grain brought out of the royal granaries, or in that imported by the dealers. This was indeed the wonder of the age, and no other monarch was able to effect it. Once or twice when the rains were deficient a market overseer reported that the price had risen half a jital, and he received twenty blows with the stick. When the rains failed, a quantity of corn, sufficient for the daily supply of each quarter of the city, was consigned to the dealers every day from the market, and half a man used to be allowed to the ordinary purchasers in the markets. Thus the gentry and traders, who had no villages or lands, used to get grain from the markets. If in such a season any poor reduced person went to the market, and did not get assistance, the overseer received his punishment whenever the fact found its way to the king's ears.

For the purpose of securing low prices for piece goods, garments, sugar, vegetables, fruits, animal oil, and lamp oil, fiv Regulations were issued. ***

For securing a cheap rate for the purchase of horses, slaves, and cattle, four Regulations were issued. ***

Regulation IV.—* * * The price of a serving girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, of a concubine at 20, 30, or 40 tankas. The price for a male slave was 100 or 200 tankas, or less. If such a slave as could not in these days be bought for 1000 or 2000 tankas came into the market, he was sold for what he would fetch, in order to escape the reports of the informers. Handsome lads fetched from 20 to 30 tankas; the price of slave- labourers was 10 to 15 tankas, and of young domestic slaves 17 or 18 tankas. ****

Great pains were taken to secure low prices for all things sold at the stalls in the markets, from caps to shoes, from combs to needles, etc., etc. Although the articles were of the most trifling value, yet the Sultan took the greatest trouble to fix the prices and settle the profit of the vendors. Four Regulations were issued. ***

The fourth Regulation for securing cheapness provided severe punishments; blows, and cutting off flesh from the haunches of those who gave short weight. *** The market people, however, could not refrain from giving short weight. They sold their goods according to the established rate, but they cheated the purchasers in the weight, especially ignorant people and children. When the Sultan turned his attention to the subject, he discovered that the market people, as usual, were acting dishonestly *** He therefore used to send for some of the poor ignorant boys, who attended to his pigeon-houses, and to give them ten or twenty dirams to go into the market and buy bread and various other articles for him. *** When the boys had purchased the articles, and brought them to the Sultan, the inspector of the market was sent for, and he had to weigh the things in the presence of the Sultan. If the weight was less than required by the Sultan's scale of prices, the inspector took the lad and went to the shop of the dealer who had given short weight, and placed the purchased article before him. The inspector then took from his shop whatever was deficient, and afterwards cut from his haunches an equal weight of flesh, which was thrown down before his eyes. The certainty of this punishment kept the traders honest, and restrained them from giving short weight, and other knavish tricks. Nay, they gave such good weight that purchasers often got somewhat in excess.1 [Here the printed text differs from, and is inferior in accuracy to, the MSS. in several particulars.]

The various Regulations * * * of 'Alau-d din came to an end at his death, for his son, Kutbu-d din, was not able to maintain a thousandth part of them.

After the prices of goods and provisions were brought down, the pay of the soldier was fixed at the rate of 234 tankas, and the man of two horses at seventy-eight tankas more. All the men were inspected by the 'ariz-i mamalik (Muster-master); those who were skilled in archery and the use of arms passed, and they received the price for their horse, and the horse was branded according to rule.

When the tariffs had been settled and the army had been increased and newly organized, the Sultan was ready for the Mughals. Whenever they made an attack upon Dehli and its vicinity, they were defeated, driven back, and put to the sword. The arms of Islam were everywhere triumphant over them. Many thousands were taken prisoners, and were brought into Dehli with ropes round their necks, where they were cast under the feet of elephants. Their heads were piled up in pyramids, or built into towers. So many thousands were slain in battle and in the city that horrid stenches arose. Such was the superiority of the men of Islam over the Mughals, that one or two horsemen would tie by the neck and bring in ten Mughal prisoners, and one Musulman horseman would drive a hundred Mughals before him.

On one occasion 'Ali Beg and Tartak1 [The MSS. have "Taryak" and "Ziyak." In the text of Firishta he is called "Taryal," but in the translation "Khwaja Tash," which is in accordance with D'Ohsson (Hist. des Mongols, iv. 571). The Tabakat-i Akbari has "Rasmak."] were the leaders of the Mughal forces, men who had acquired some repute. 'Ali Beg was said to be a descendant of Changiz Khan, the accursed. With thirty or forty thousand horse they skirted the mountains and advanced into the territory of Amroha. The Sultan sent against them Malik Nayak Akhur-beg. The opposing forces met in the territory of Amroha, and God gave the victory to the army of Islam. 'Ali Beg and Tartak were both taken alive, and many thousand Mughals were put to the sword. The force was entirely routed, and the battle-field was covered with heaps of slain like shocks of corn. Ropes were fastened round the necks of 'Ali Beg and Tartak, and they were conducted to the Sultan with many other Mughal prisoners. Twenty thousand horses belonging to the slain Mughals were taken into the royal stables. A grand court was held by the Sultan in the Chautara Subhani. From the court at this place a double row of soldiers was formed as far as Indarpat. Such numbers of men were assembled on that day that a pitcher of water fetched twenty jitals to half a tanka. 'Ali Beg, Tartak, and other Mughal prisoners, were brought forward with their accoutrements. The prisoners were cast under the feet of elephants in the presence of the court, and streams of blood flowed.

In another year a battle was fought in Khikar between the army of Islam and the Mughals, under the accursed Kank. The Mughals were defeated, and Kank was brought prisoner to 'Alau'd din, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On another occasion great numbers of Mughals were slain, partly in battle, partly afterwards in the city. A tower was built of their heads in front of the gate of Badaun, and remains to this day a memento of 'Alad-d din. At another time three or four Mughal amirs, commanders of tumans, with thirty or forty thousand horse, broke into the Siwalik, and engaged in slaughter and plunder. An army was sent against them with orders to seize upon the road by which the Mughals must return to the river, and there to encamp, so that when the thirsty Mughals attempted to approach the river they would receive their punishment. These orders were carried out. The Mughals having wasted the Siwalik, had moved some distance off. When they and their horses returned weary and thirsty to the river, the army of Islam, which had been waiting for them some days, caught them as they expected. They begged for water, and they and all their wives and children were made prisoners. Islam gained a great victory, and brought several thousand prisoners with ropes on their necks to the fort of Naraniya. The women and children were taken to Dehli, and were sold as slaves in the market. Malik Khass-hajib was sent to Naraniya, and there put every Mughal prisoner to the sword. Streams ran with their foul blood.

In another year Ikbalmanda came with a Mughal army, and the Sultan sent an army against him from Dehli. The army of Islam was again victorious, and Ikbalmanda was slain with many thousands of his followers. The Mughal commanders of thousands and hundreds, who were taken prisoners, were brought to Dehli, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On the occasion when Ikbalmanda was slain no man returned alive, and the Mughals conceived such a fear and dread of the army of Islam, that all fancy for coming to Hindustan was washed clean out of their breasts. Till the end of the reign of Kutbu-d din the name of Hindustan was never mentioned among them, nor did they venture to approach it. Fear of the army of Islam prevented them from attaining their heart's desire, even in their dreams; for in their sleep they still saw the sword of Islam hanging over them. All fear of the Mughals entirely departed from Dehli and the neighbouring provinces. Perfect security was everywhere felt, and the raiyats of those territories, which had been exposed to the inroads of the Mughals, carried on their agriculture in peace.

Ghazi Malik, who afterwards became Sultan Tughlik Shah, had obtained great renown in Hindustan and Khurasan. He held the territories of Debalpur and Lahor, and, until the end of the reign of Kutbu-d din, he proved a barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, occupying, in fact, the position formerly held by Shir Khan. Every winter he led out a chosen force from Debalpur, and marching to the frontiers of the Mughals he challenged them to come forth. The Mughals were so dispirited that they dared not even make any military display upon their frontiers. No one now cared about them, or gave them the slightest thought. ***

Wherever Sultan 'Alau-d din looked around upon his territories, peace and order prevailed. His mind was free from all anxiety. The fort of Siri was finished, and it became a populous and flourishing place. Devoting his attention to political matters, he made ready his army for the destruction of the Rais and zamindars of other lands, and for the acquisition of elephants and treasure from the princes of the South. He withdrew several divisions of his army, which had been employed in guarding against the advance of the Mughals, and formed them into an army, which he sent against Deogir, under the command of Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dinari, accompanied by other maliks and amirs, and the red canopy. He also sent Khwaja Haji, deputy 'ariz-i mamalik, to attend to the administration of the army, the collection of supplies, and the securing of elephants and the spoil. No army had marched from Dehli to Deogir since the Sultan himself attacked it before he ascended the throne. Ramdeo had rebelled, and for several years had not sent his tribute to Dehli. Malik Naib Kafur reached Deogir and laid the country waste. He made Ramdeo and his sons prisoners, and took his treasures, as well as seventeen elephants. Great spoil fell into his hands, *** and he returned with it triumphant to Dehli, carrying with him Ramdeo. The Sultan showed great favour to the Rai, gave him a canopy, and the title of Rai-rayan (King of kings). He also gave him a lak of tankas, and sent him back in great honour, with his children, wives, and dependents to Deogir, which place he confirmed in his possession. The Rai was ever afterwards obedient, and sent his tribute regularly as long as he lived.

Next year, in the year 709 H. (1309 A.D.), the Sultan sent Malik Naib Kafur with a similar force against Arangal. The Sultan gave him instructions to do his utmost to capture the fort of Arangal, and to overthrow Rai Laddar Deo.1 [A whole line is here omitted from the printed text, and there are other minor errors. The date is given as 909 instead of 709.] If the Rai consented to surrender his treasure and jewels, elephants and horses, and also to send treasure and elephants in the following year, Malik Naib Kafur was to accept these terms and not press the Rai too hard. He was to come to an arrangement and retire, without pushing matters too far, lest Rai Laddar Deo should get the better of him. If he could not do this, he was, for the sake of his own name and fame, to bring the Rai with him to Dehli. ***

Malik Naib Kafur and Khwaja Haji took leave of the Sultan and marched to Rabari, a village in the fief of the Malik. There the army assembled, and marched towards Deogir and Arangal. The maliks and amirs of Hindustan, with their cavalry and infantry, joined at Chanderi, where a review was held. On approaching Deogir, Rai-rayan Ramdeo came forth to meet the army, with respectful offerings to the Sultan and presents to the generals. While the army was marching through the territories of Deogir, Ramdeo attended every day at head quarters. So long as it remained encamped in the suburbs of the city, he showed every mark of loyalty, and to the best of his ability supplied Naib Kafur and his officers with fodder, and the army with materiel. Every day he and his officers went out to the camp, rendering every assistance. He made the bazar people of Deogir attend the army, and gave them strict orders to supply the wants of the soldiers at cheap rates. The army remained in the suburbs of Deogir for some days, resting from its fatigues. When it marched, Ramdeo sent men forward to all the villages on the route, as far as the borders of Arangal, with orders for the collection of fodder and provisions for the army, and giving notice that if a bit of rope1 [[x] in the printed text. One MS. has for the latter word [x], and the other has [x].] was lost they would have to answer for it. He was as dutiful as any raiyat of Dehli. He sent on all stragglers to rejoin the army, and he added to it a force of Mahrattas, both horse and foot. He himself accompanied the march several stages, and then took leave and returned. All wise and experienced men noticed and applauded his devotion and attention.

When Malik Naib Kafur arrived in Tilang, he found the towns and villages in his way laid waste. The mukaddims and rais perceived the superiority of the army of Islam, and so they abandoned their forts and went and took refuge in Arangal.

The fort of Arangal was of mud, and tolerably large. All the active men of the country had assembled there. The Rai, with the mukaddims and (inferior) rais and connections,2 [[x]] went with their elephants and treasure into the stone fort. Malik Naib Kafur invested the mud fort, and there were fights every day between the besiegers and the besieged. The Maghribis (western manjaniks) were played on both sides, and on both sides many were wounded. This went on for some days, till the daring and adventurous men of the army of Islam planted their scaling ladders and fixed their ropes. Then, like birds, they escaladed the towers of the mud fort, which was stronger than the stone one, and, cutting down the defenders with their swords, spears, and axes, they made themselves masters of the fort. They next invested the stone fort most closely. Laddar Deo perceived that all hope was gone, and that the fort was tottering to its fall. He therefore sent some great brahman and distinguished basiths,3 [The printed text has "bhatan," but one of the MSS. has bhasithan, which agrees with Amir Khusru (supra p. 83). The other MS. omits the word.] with presents to Malik Kafur, to beg for quarter, promising to give up all the treasures and elephants and horses, jewels and valuables, that he had, and to send regularly every year a certain amount of treasure and a certain number of elephants to Dehli. Malik Kafur agreed to these terms, and raised the siege of the fort. He took from Laddar Deo all the treasure which he had accumulated in the course of many years, — a hundred elephants, seven thousand horse, and large quantities of jewels and valuables. He also took from him a writing, engaging to send annually treasure and elephants. In the early part of the year 710 he started to return, loaded with booty, and, passing through Deogir, Dhar and Jhain, he at length arrived in Dehli. ***

It was the practice of the Sultan, when he sent an army on an expedition, to establish posts on the road, wherever posts could be maintained, beginning from Tilpat, which is the first stage. At every post relays of horses were stationed, and at every half or quarter kos runners were posted, and in every town or place where horses were posted, officers and report writers were appointed. Every day, or every two or three days, news used to come to the Sultan reporting the progress of the army, and intelligence of the health of the sovereign was carried to the army. False news was thus prevented from being circulated in the city or in the army. The securing of accurate intelligence from the court on one side, and the army on the other, was a great public benefit. ***

Towards the end of the year 710 H. (1310 A.D.) the Sultan sent an army under Malik Naib Kafur against Dhur-samundar and Ma'bar. The Malik, with Khwaja Haji, Naib-i 'ariz, took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Rabari, where the army collected. They then proceeded to Deogir, where they found that Ramdeo was dead, and from Deogir to the confines of Dhur-samundar. At the first onslaught Billal Rai fell into the hands of the Muhammadans, and Dhur-samundar was captured. Thirty-six elephants, and all the treasures of the place, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was then sent to Dehli, and Malik Naib Kafur marched on to Ma'bar, which he also took. He destroyed the golden idol temple (but-khanai-i zarin) of Ma'bar, and the golden idols which for ages (karnha) had been worshipped by the Hindus of that country. The fragments of the golden temple, and of the broken idols of gold and gilt, became the rich spoil of the army. In Ma'bar there were two Rais, but all the elephants and treasure were taken from both, and the army turned homewards flushed with victory. A despatch of victory was sent to the Sultan, and in the early part of 711 H. (1311 A.D.) the army reached Dehli, bringing with it six hundred and twelve elephants, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and twenty thousand horses. Malik Naib Kafur presented the spoil to the Sultan in the palace at Siri on different occasions, and the Sultan made presents of four mans, or two mans, or one man, or half a man of gold to the maliks and amirs. The old inhabitants of Dehli remarked that so many elephants and so much gold had never before been brought into Dehli. No one could remember anything like it, nor was there anything like it recorded in history.

At the end of this same year twenty elephants arrived in Dehli from Laddar Deo Rai of Tilang, with a letter stating that he was ready to pay at Deogir, to any one whom the Sultan would commission to receive it, the treasure which he had engaged to pay, thus fulfilling the terms of the treaty made with Malik Kafur.

In the latter part of the reign of 'Alau-d din several important victories were gained, and the affairs of the State went on according to his heart's desire, but his fortune now became clouded and his prosperity waned. Cares assailed him on many sides. His sons left their places of instruction and fell into bad habits. He drove away his wise and experienced ministers from his presence, and sent his councillors into retirement. He was desirous that all the business of the State should be concentrated in one office, and under the officers of that office;1 [One MS. here omits about ten lines; the other differs a little from the printed text, and runs: [x]. it is evident that the Sultan sought to establish a centralizing system.] and that the control of all matters, general or special, should be in the charge of men of his own race (zat). Mistakes were now made in political matters; the Sultan had no Aristotle or Buzurjmihr to point out the pros and cons of any question, and to make the true course clear to him.

At the time when the Sultan so resolutely opposed himself to the inroads of the Mughals, several of the amirs of the "New Musulmans" who had no employ, and whose bread and grants of revenue had been resumed or curtailed by the revenue officers, grumbled, and conceived certain crude ideas. The Sultan heard that some of the chiefs of the New Musulmans were complaining of their poverty and wretchedness, and were talking about him with ill feeling, saying that he dealt harshly with his people, oppressing them with fines and exactions to fill his own treasury, that he had forbidden the use of wine, beer, and strong drinks, and that he had levied heavy tribute from the country, and reduced the people to distress. They thought, therefore, that if they raised a revolt all the New Musulmans, their countrymen, would join them, and that the prospect of escaping from the severity and oppression of 'Alau-d din would be pleasing to others as well. There had been no revolt for some time, and so none would be expected. Their plan was to seek an opportunity when the Sultan went out hawking in a light dress, and when he and his followers were eager in pursuit of the game, with their arms thrown aside. Two or three hundred New Musulmans in one compact band were then to rush upon the Sultan, and carry off him and his personal attendants. This conspiracy became known to the Sultan. He was by nature cruel and implacable, and his only care was the welfare of his kingdom. No consideration for religion, no regard for the ties of brotherhood or the filial relation, no care for the rights of others, ever troubled him. He disregarded the provisions of the law, even in the punishments which he awarded, and was unmoved by paternity or sonship. He now gave his commands that the race of "New Musulmans," who had settled in his territories, should be destroyed, and they were to be so slain that they all perished on the same day, and that not one of the stock should be left alive upon the face of the earth. Upon this command, worthy of a Pharaoh or a Nimrod, twenty or thirty thousand "New Musalmans" were killed, of whom probably only a few had any knowledge (of the intended revolt). Their houses were plundered, and their wives and children turned out. In most of the years which have been noticed disturbances (ibahatiyan) broke out in the city; but by the Sultan's command every rioter was most perseveringly pursued, and put to death with the most severe punishment. Their heads were sawn in two and their bodies divided. After these punishments breaches of the peace were never heard of in the city.

The generals and ministers of 'Alau-d din, by their courage, devotion, and ability, had secured the stability of the State during his reign, and had made themselves remarkable and brilliant in the political and administrative measures of that time, such as ***.

*** During the reign of 'Alau-d din, either through his agency or the beneficent ruling of Providence, there were several remarkable events and matters which had never been witnessed or heard of in any age or time, and probably never will again. 1. The cheapness of grain, clothes, and necessaries of life.*** 2. The constant succession of victories. *** 3. The destruction and rolling back of the Mughals. *** 4. The maintenance of a large army at a small cost. *** 5. The severe punishment and repression of rebels, and the general prevalence of loyalty. *** 6. The safety of the roads in all directions. *** 7. The honest dealings of the bazar people. *** 8. The erection and repair of mosques, minarets, and forts, and the excavation of tanks. *** 9. That during the last ten years of the reign the hearts of Musulmans in general were inclined to rectitude, truth, honesty, justice, and temperance. *** 10. That without the patronage of the Sultan many learned and great men flourished. *** [Notices of some of the most distinguished men; 26 pages.]

The prosperity of 'Alau-d din at length declined. Success no longer attended him. Fortune proved, as usual, fickle, and destiny drew her poniard to destroy him. The overthrow of his throne and family arose from certain acts of his own. First, He was jealous and violent in temper. He removed from his service the administrators of his kingdom, and filled the places of those wise and experienced men with young slaves who were ignorant and thoughtless, and with eunuchs without intelligence. He never reflected that eunuchs and worthless people cannot conduct the business of government. Having set aside his wise and able administrators, he turned his own attention to discharging t he duties of minister, a business distinct from that of royalty. His dignity and his ordinances hence fell into disrespect. Secondly, He brought his sons prematurely, before their intelligence was formed, out of their nursery.1 [Kabuk, dovecot.] To Khizr Khan he gave a canopy and a separate residence, and he caused a document to be drawn up, appointing Khizr Khan his heir apparent, and he obtained the signatures of the nobles thereto. He did not appoint any wise and experienced governors over him, so the young man gave himself up to pleasure and debauchery, and buffoons and strumpets obtained the mastery over him. In the case of this son, and of his other sons, the Sultan was precipitate, and they gave entertainments and had uproarious parties in his private apartments. Many improper proceedings thus became the practice under his rule. Thirdly, He was infatuated with Malik Naib Kafur, and made him commander of his army and wazir. He distinguished him above all his other helpers and friends, and this eunuch and minion held the chief place in his regards. A deadly enmity arose between this Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan,1 [Firishta gives the name as "Ulugh Khan" (Aluf Khan in the translation), but Alp Khan is right. See supra, p. 157.] the father-in-law and maternal uncle of Khizr Khan. Their feud involved the whole State, and day by day increased. Fourthly, The Regulations of the government were not enforced. His sons gave themselves up to dissipation and licentious habits. Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan struggled against each other; and the Sultan was seized with dropsy, that worst of diseases. Day by day his malady grew worse, and his sons plunged still deeper into dissipation. Under his mortal disorder the violence of his temper was increased tenfold. He summoned Malik Naib Kafur from Deogir, and Alp Khan from Gujarat. The traitor, Malik Naib Kafur, perceived that the feelings of the Sultan were turned against his wife and Khizr Khan. He acted craftily, and induced the Sultan to have Alp Khan killed, although he had committed no offence and had been guilty of no dishonesty. He caused Khizr Khan to be made prisoner and sent to the fort of Gwalior, and be had the mother of the prince turned out of the Red Palace. On the day that Alp Khan was slain and Khizr Khan was thrown into bonds, the house of 'Alau-d din fell. A serious revolt broke out in Gujarat, and Kamalu-d din Garg, who was sent to quell it, was slain by the rebels. Other risings occurred and were spreading, and the rule of the Sultan was tottering when death seized him. Some say that the infamous2 [The author's words are too explicit to be reproduced. The filthy practices alluded to are everywhere spoken of in plain terms, without the slightest attempt at disguise. They, or rather the perpetrators of them, are condemned, but the many familiar names for them, show that they were but too common.] Malik Naib Kafur helped his disease to a fatal termination. The reins of government fell into the hands of slaves and worthless people; no wise man remained to guide, and each one did as he listed. On the sixth Shawwal, towards morning, the corpse of 'Alau-d din was brought out of the Red Palace of Siri, and was buried in a tomb in front of the Jami' Masjid.

On the second day after the death of 'Alau-d din, Malik Naib Kafur assembled the principal nobles and officers in the palace, and produced a will of the late Sultan which he had caused to be executed in favour of Malik Shahabu-d din, removing Khizr Khan from being heir apparent. With the assent of the nobles he placed Shahabu-d din upon the throne, but as the new sovereign was a child of only five or six years old, he was a mere puppet in the hands of schemers. Malik Naib Kafur himself undertook the conduct of the government. * * * In the earliest days of his power he sent the traitor, Malik Sumbul, to put out the eyes of Khizr Khan at Gwalior, and he promoted this villain to be Bar-bak. He also sent his barber to blind Shadi Khan, full brother of Khizr Khan, in the palace of Siri, by cutting his eyes from their sockets with a razor, like slices of melon. He took possession of the palace of the heir apparent, Khizr Khan, and sent his mother, the Malika-i Jahan, into miserable retirement. Then he seized all her gold, silver, jewels and valuables, and exerted himself to put down the partisans of Khizr Khan, who were rather numerous. He ordered Mubarak Khan, afterwards Sultan Kutbu-d din, who was of the same age as Khizr Khan, to be confined to his room, and intended to have him blinded. It never occurred to this wretched man, nor did any one point out to him that his setting aside of the queen and princes would alienate all the old supporters of the throne, and that no one would put any trust in him. *** His great object was to remove all the children and wives of the late Sultan, all the nobles and slaves who had claims upon the throne, and to fill their places with creatures of his own. ***

While he was thus engaged in endeavouring to remove all the family of the late Sultan, he resolved that when the chief nobles of the throne came together from different parts of the country, he would seize them in their houses and kill them. But God be thanked that it entered into the hearts of some paiks, slaves of the late king, who had charge of the Hazar-sutun, that they ought to kill this wicked fellow. The officers had observed that every night after the company had retired, and the doors of the palace were shut, Malik Naib Kafar used to sit up all night, plotting with his creatures the destruction of the late Sultan's family; they therefore resolved that they would slay the rascal, and thus obtain an honourable name. So one night, when the people were gone, and the doors were locked, these paiks went with drawn swords to his sleeping room, and severed his wicked head from his foul body. They also killed all his confederates who were in concert with him. Thus thirty-five days after the death of 'Alau-d din, Malik Naib Kafur was decapitated, and Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan were avenged.

In the morning, when the nobles and officers attended at the palace and learned that the wretch was dead, and saw that be was mere clay, they gave thanks to God, and with a feeling of renewed life congratulated each other. The same paiks who had done the deed brought forth Mubarak Khan from the chamber in which Malik Kafur had confined him, and had intended to blind him, and placed him in the situation of director (naib) to Shahabu-d din, instead of Malik Kafur. They thought and boasted to themselves that they could remove and kill one of the two princes, and make the other one Sultan. Mubarak Khan acted as director for Shahabu-d din several months, and managed the government. He was seventeen or eighteen years old, and he made friends of many of the maliks and amirs. He then seated himself upon the throne with the title of Kutbu-d din, and sent Shahabu-d din a prisoner to Gwalior, where he had him deprived of sight. The paiks who had killed Malik Kafur now talked in vaunting tones at the door of the palace, boasting of having slain the Malik, and of having raised Kutbu-d din to the throne. They claimed to have seats below the maliks and amirs, and to receive robes before them. *** They collected at the door of the palace, and went in before all to the audience chamber. Sultan Kutbu-d din, at the very beginning of his reign, was therefore compelled to give orders that these paiks should be separated, and sent to different places, where they were killed, and an end put to their pretensions. ***
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Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni

Postby admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:29 am

Sultanu-s Shahid Kutbu-d Dunya Wau-d din.

Sultan Kutbu-d din, son of Sultan 'Alau-d din, ascended the throne in the year 717 1 [Note in the text. Amir Khusru, in his Masnawi Nuh sipihr, makes the year to be 716.] H. (1317 A.D.). He gave to Malik Dinar, the keeper of the elephants, the title Zafar Khan, to Muhammad Maulana, his maternal uncle, the title Sher Khan. * * * There was a young Parwari, named Hasan, who had been brought up by Malik Shadi, the Naib-hajib. The Sultan took an inordinate liking for this youth. In the very first year of his reign he raised him to distinction, and gave him the title of Khusru Khan. He was so infatuated and so heedless of consequences, that he placed the army of the late Malik Naib Kafur under this youth, and gave to him the fiefs held by that malik. His passion and temerity carried him so far that he raised the youth to the office of wazir, and he was so doting that he could never endure his absence for a moment. The trouble which had prevailed in the land, from the beginning of the sickness of 'Alau-d din to the death of Malik Naib Kafur, began to abate on the accession of Kutbu-d din. People felt secure, and were relieved from the apprehension of death, and the nobles were released from the dread of death and punishment.

When Kutbu-d din came to the throne he was much given to dissipation and pleasure. Still he was a man of some excellent qualities. When he escaped from the danger of death and blinding, and was delivered from evils of many kinds; when he was relieved from despair of the future and became ruler, on the day of his accession he gave orders that the (political) prisoners and exiles of the late reign, amounting to seventeen or eighteen thousand in number, should all be released in the city and in all parts of the country. The amnesty was circulated by couriers in every direction, and the miserable captives broke forth in praises of the new sovereign. Six months' pay was given to the army, and the allowances and grants to the nobles were increased. * * * The Sultan from his good nature relieved the people of the heavy tribute and oppressive demands; and penalties, extortion, beating, chains, fetters, and blows were set aside in revenue matters. Through his love of pleasure, and extravagance, and ease,1 ["Sahal-giri," lit. taking it easy.] all the regulations and arrangements of the late reign fell into disuse; and through his laxity in business matters all men took their ease, being saved from the harsh temper, severe treatment, and oppressive orders of the late king. Gold and gilt, silver and silver-gilt, again made their appearance indoors and out of doors in the streets. Men were no longer in doubt and fear of hearing, "Do this, but don't do that; say this, but don't say that; hide this, but don't hide that; eat this, but don't eat that; sell such as this, but don't sell things like that; act like this, but don't act like that." *** After the accession of Kutbu-d din all the old Regulations were disregarded, the world went on to the content of men of pleasure, and an entirely new order of things was established; all fear and awe of the royal authority vanished. *** The Sultan plunged into sensual indulgences openly and publicly, by night and by day, and the people followed his example. Beauties were not to be obtained. *** The price of a boy, or handsome eunuch, or beautiful damsel, varied from 500 to 1000 and 2000 tankas.

Of all the Regulations of the late Sultan, that prohibiting wine was the one maintained by the new sovereign. But such was the disregard of orders and contempt of restrictions that wine-shops were publicly opened, and vessels of wine by hundreds came into the city from the country. The necessaries of life and grain rose in price, the old regulations and tariffs were unheeded, and piece goods were sold at prices fixed by the vendors. The Multanis engaged in their own business, and in every house drums and tabors were beaten, for the bazar people rejoiced over the death of 'Alau-d din. They now sold their goods at their own price, and cheated and fleeced people as they listed. They reviled the late Sultan, and lauded the new one. The wages of labourers rose twenty-five per cent, and servants who had received ten or twelve tankas now got seventy, eighty, and a hundred tankas. The doors of bribery, extortion, and malversation were thrown open, and a good time for the revenue officers came round. Through the diminution of their tribute, the Hindus again found pleasure and happiness, and were beside themselves with joy. They who had plucked the green ears of corn because they could not get bread, who had not a decent garment, and who had been so harassed by corporal punishments that they had not even time to scratch their heads, now put on fine apparel, rode on horseback, and shot their arrows. Through all the reign of Kutbu-d din, not one of the old Rules and Regulations remained in force, no order was maintained, new practices sprung up, the doors were kept closed and spies were useless, and no regularity or authority was maintained in the revenue department. The people were delivered from their distress, and every man engaged in pleasure according to the extent of his means. ***

Through the indolence and liberality of Kutbu-d din, and through the abeyance of the old Regulations, licentiousness spread among the Musulmans, and disaffection and rebellion appeared among the Hindus. He plunged deeply into pleasure and debauchery; the world likewise sported in the same. *** During (his reign of) four years and four months, the Sultan attended to nothing but drinking, listening to music, debauchery and pleasure, scattering gifts, and gratifying his lusts. If the Mughals had come up during his reign; if a rival had made pretensions to the throne; if any serious rebellion or sedition had broken out in any quarter, no one can tell what might have happened to Dehli through the Sultan's negligence, heedlessness, and dissipation. But in his reign there was no deficiency in the crops, no alarm from the Mughals, no irreparable calamity from above visited the earth, no revolt or great disturbance arose in any quarter, not a hair of any one was injured, and the name of grief or sorrow never entered the breast, or passed from the tongue of any one. His whole life was passed in extreme dissipation and utter negligence: debauchery, drunkenness, and shamelessness proved his ruin. ***

In the first year of the reign a numerous army was sent to put down the revolt of Alp Khan, who had slain Kamalu-d din Garg, and had stirred up such a disturbance that Gujarat had shaken off its allegiance. 'Ainu-l Mulk Multani was sent with an army to Gujarat. This officer was a very intelligent, experienced, and practical man. He marched with the army of Dehli and several distinguished amirs to Gujarat, and defeated the forces of the revolters. They were entirely subdued, and the management of 'Ainu-l Mulk, and the valour of the army of Dehli, once more reduced Nahrwala and all the country of Gujarat to obedience. This army took the field again, and defeated several of the promoters and leaders of this revolt, who were compelled to flee to Hindus in distant parts.

Sultan Kutbu-d din married the daughter of Malik Dinar, to whom he had given the title of Zafar Khan. The Khan was one of the old servants (bandagan) of 'Alau-d din, an intelligent and prudent man, who had seen changes of fortune, and had drawn experience from them. He was now made governor (wali) of Gujarat, and proceeded thither with amirs, officers, and a veteran army. In four months he brought the country into such subjection, that the people forgot Alp Khan and his ascendancy. All the rais and mukaddims of the country waited upon him, much money was acquired, and a select army was maintained always ready for service.

Although the Sultan did not maintain the Rules and Regulations of the late reign, the old servants of the State continued in their various posts, and retained their great fiefs. Hence all the territories of the State were made secure in the first year of the reign, no sedition or rebellion occurred in any quarter, nor did any distress or anarchy make its appearance. The accession of the new king was universally accepted.

In the year 718 H. (1318 A.D.) the Sultan marched with his maliks and amirs at the head of an army against Deogir, which, upon the death of Malik Naib Kafur, had thrown off its subjection, and had been taken possession of by Harpal Deo and Ram Deo. In the heedlessness of youth he did not nominate a wise and experienced man to act as his vicegerent during his absence; but he selected a youthful slave, named Shahin, who had been called Barilda during the reign of 'Alau-d din, and whom he now entitled Wafa-e Mulk. In his extreme rashness and utter disregard of appearances, he placed Dehli and the treasures of Dehli under this lad, without giving a moment's thought to disturbances or other things that might happen in his absence. On arriving at Deogir, Harpal Deo and the other Hindus who had joined him were unable to withstand the army of Islam, and they and all the mukaddims dispersed, so that the Sultan recovered the fort without fighting and spilling of blood. The Sultan then sent some officers in pursuit of Harpal Deo, who was the leader of the rebels, and had excited the revolt. He was captured, and the Sultan ordered him to be flayed, and his skin to be hung over the gate of Deogir. The rains came on and the Sultan remained with the army for a time at Deogir. All the Mahrattas were once more brought into subjection. The Sultan selected as governor of Deogir, Malik Yak Lakhi, an old servant (banda) of 'Alau-d din, who for many years was naib of the barids (spies); and he appointed feudatories, rulers, and revenue-collectors over the territories of the Mahrattas.

When Canopus appeared the Sultan resolved upon returning to Dehli. He then granted a canopy to Khusru Khan, and raised him to a dignity and distinction higher than had ever been attained by Malik Naib Kafur. In fact, his infatuation for this infamous and traitorous Parwari exceeded that of 'Alau-d din for Malik Naib Kafur. He sent him at the head of an army with maliks and amirs into Ma'bar; and as 'Alau-d din gave full powers to Naib Kafur, sent him with an army into a distance, and placed in his hands the means of conquest, so, in like manner, Kutbu-d din sent the vile Malik Khusru into Ma'bar. Malik Khusru was a base, designing, treacherous, low-born fellow. * * He rose from one dignity to another, and received the title of Khusru Khan. He was also made commander-in-chief and all the affairs of the army were in his hands. *** But the vile wretch had often thought of cutting down the Sultan with his sword when they were alone together. *** When he marched from Deogir to Ma'bar, he used to hold secret councils at night with some of his fellow Hindus, and with several disaffected adherents of Malik Naib Kafur, whom he had taken as friends, about making a revolt; and thus intriguing, he arrived in Ma'bar. The Sultan himself returned towards Dehli, drinking and indulging in dissipation.

Malik Asadu-d din, son of Malik Yagharsh Khan, uncle of Sultan 'Alau-d din, was a brave and renowned warrior. He saw the king given up to debauchery, and utterly regardless of the affairs of his kingdom. Youths of new-made fortunes, without experience, and knowing nothing of the world, were chosen by the Sultan as his advisers, and men of wisdom and counsel were set aside. All alike were heedless, haughty, and unsuspicious. Malik Asad, seeing all this, conspired with some malcontents of Deogir, and formed a plot to seize the Sultan, at Ghati-sakun, when drinking in his harem, unattended by guards. Some horsemen with drawn swords were to rush in and kill him, and after that the royal canopy was to be raised over Malik Asad, as brother and heir of 'Alau-d din. It was presumed that after the death of the Sultan there would be no opposition to Malik Asad's elevation, but that all people would support him. This was the plot which the conspirators had conceived and matured. While on the march they saw that ten or twelve resolute horsemen might enter the harem and kill the Sultan, but his time was not yet come; * * * and one evening one of the conspirators came in to the Sultan and gave full information of the plot. The Sultan halted at Ghati-sakun, and there arrested Malik Asad and his brothers, with all the party of conspirators who were leagued with them. After some investigation, they were all beheaded, in front of the royal tent. Following the custom of his father, the Sultan, in his ruthlessness, ordered the arrest at Dehli of twenty-nine individuals, sons of Yagharsh Khan. These were all of tender years, and had never left their homes. They had no knowledge whatever of the conspiracy, but they were all seized and slaughtered like sheep. Their wealth, which their father, the uncle of the late Sultan, had amassed in a long course of time, was brought into the royal treasury, and the women and girls of the family were turned into the streets and left homeless.

The Sultan escaped from this plot by the decree of God; but he learned no wisdom from it, made no change in his conduct, and gave up none of his dissolute drunken habits. As he pursued his journey homewards, he arrived at Jhain, from whence he sent Shadi Kath, chief of his guards (silahdar), to the fort of Gwalior, with orders to put to death at one fell swoop Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan, and Malik Shahabu-d din, sons of the late 'Alau-d din, who had been deprived of sight, and were dependent on him for food and raiment. According to his orders Shadi Kath slew the poor blind wretches, and carried their mothers and wives to Dehli. Acts of violence and tyranny like this became the practice. *** The good qualities which the Sultan had possessed were now all perverted. He gave way to wrath and obscenity, to severity, revenge, and heartlessness. He dipped his hands in innocent blood, and he allowed his tongue to utter disgusting and abusive words to his companions and attendants. *** After he returned from Deogir, no human being, whether friend or stranger, dared to boldly advise him upon the affairs of his realm. The violent, vindictive spirit which possessed him led him to kill Zafarr Khan, the governor of Gujarat, who had committed no offence; and thus with his own hands to uproot the foundation of his own supremacy. A short time after, he caused to be decapitated Malik Shahin, one of his vile creatures, to whom he had given the title of Waf-e Mulk, and whom he had once made his vicegerent. * * He cast aside all regard for decency, and presented himself decked out in the trinkets and apparel of a female before his assembled company. He gave up attendance on public prayer, and publicly broke the fast of the month of Ramazan. Malik 'Ainu-l Mulk Multani was one of the greatest nobles of the time; but he caused him and Malik Karabg, who held no less than fourteen offices, to be assailed with such filthy and disgusting abuse, by low women, from the roof of the palace of the Hazar-sutun, aa the occupants of that palace had never heard before. In his recklessness he made a Gujarati, named Tauba, supreme in his palace, and this low-born bhand would call the nobles by the name of wife or mother, would defile and befoul their garments, and sometimes made his appearance in company stark naked, talking obscenity. ***

After the execution of Zafar Khan, he conferred the government of Gujarat upon his favourite Hisamu-d din,1 [Here he is called "baradar i madar," elsewhere "baradar," of Khusru.] maternal uncle of the traitor Khusru Khan, and sent him to Nahrwala with amirs, officers, and men of business. All the army and attendants of Zafar Khan were placed under this fellow, an ill-conditioned Parwari slave, whom the Sultan had often thrashed. This base-born upstart proceeded to Gujarat, and collecting his kindred and connections among the Parwaris, he stirred up a revolt. But the nobles of Gujarat collected their forces and adherents, made him prisoner, and sent him to Dehli. The Sultan, in his infatuation for his brother, gave him a slap on the face, but soon after set him at liberty, and made him one of his personal attendants. When the nobles of Gujarat heard of this they were confounded, and felt disgusted with the Sultan. After the removal of this brother of Khusru Khan, the government of Gujarat was given to Malik Wahidu-d din Kuraishi, who, in comparison, was a worthy and fit person; and he received the title of Sadaru-l Mulk. ***

Malik Yak Lakhi, governor of Deogir, revolted; but when the intelligence reached the Sultan, he sent a force against him, from Dehli, which made him and his confederates prisoners. When they were brought to the Sultan, he had the ears and nose of Yak Lakhi cut off, and publicly disgraced him. His confederates also received punishment. Malik 'Ainu-l Mulk, Taju-l Mulk, and Yamkhiru-l Mulk were sent as governor and assistants to Deoglr, and these being good men, their appointments excited surprise. They soon settled the district, regulated the forces, and made arrangements for the payment of the tribute. ***

When Khusru Khan marched from Deogir to Ma'bar, it was seen that he acted in the same way as Malik Naib Kafur had done. The Rais of Ma'bar fled with their treasures and valuables; but about a hundred elephants, which had been left in two cities, fell into the hands of Khusru Khan. On his arriving in Ma'bar the rains came on, and he was compelled to remain. There was in Ma'bar a merchant, named Taki Khan, a Sunni by profession, who had acquired great wealth, which he had purified by paying the alms prescribed by his religion. Relying on the fact of the invading army being Musulman, he did not flee. Khusru Khan, who had nothing in his heart but rapacity and villany, seized this Musulman, took his money from him by force, and put him to death, declaring the money to belong to the treasury. Whilst he remained in Ma'bar he did nothing but plot with his confidants as to the best means of seizing and putting to death those nobles who supported the reigning dynasty; and he consulted with them as to the course he should pursue, whom of the army he should make his friends, and whom he should get rid of. He fixed his attention upon certain of the old Maliks, such as Malik Tamar of Chanderi, Malik Afghan, and Malik Talbagha Yaghda of Karra, who had considerable forces at their command, and he made some advances to them. His treacherous designs and rebellious intentions reached the ears of the old nobles, and they perceived, from many other signs and appearances, that the flames of rebellion were about to break forth. So the loyal nobles Malik Tamar and Malik Talbagha Yaghda sent to tell him that they had heard of his doing his utmost to get up a rebellion, and that he wished to remain where he was, and not return to Dehli; but they added that they would not allow him to remain, and that, he had better make up his mind to return whilst there remained a show of amity between them, and without their having to seize him. By many devices and menaces they induced him to return, and did all they could think of and contrive to bring him and his army to Dehli. Their expectation was that the Sultan, on learning the facts, would show them great favour, and would punish Khusru Khan and his fellow-conspirators. The Sultan was so infatuated, and so strongly desired the presence of Khusru Khan, that he sent relays of bearers with a litter to bring him with all haste from Deogir in the course of seven or eight days. * * * Khusru Khan told the Sultan that some maliks, who were his enemies, had charged him with treason, and were weaving a tissue of lies against him. Then he insinuated some counter-charges into the ears of the Sultan, who was so deluded as to believe what he represented. * * * The army afterwards arrived, and Malik Tamar and Malik Talbagha made a report of the designs of the Khan. *** Fate blinded the Sultan, and he would not believe. * * * He grew angry with the accusers. He ordered Malik Tamar to be degraded, and not to be allowed to enter (the palace); and he took from him the territory of Chanderi, and gave it to the Parwari boy. Malik Talbagha Yaghda, who had spoken more plainly about the plans of the traitor, was deprived of sight, beaten on the mouth, stripped of his offices, territories, and retainers, and put in prison. Whoever spoke of their fidelity, or testified to the treachery of Khusru Khan, received condign punishment, and was imprisoned or banished. All the attendants of the court plainly perceived that to speak against him would be to court the same chastisement. The wise men of the court and city saw that the Sultan's end was approaching. ***

After Khusru Khan had crushed his accusers, he prosecuted his schemes with all his energy. The Sultan had quarrelled with Bahau-d din, his secretary, about a woman, and this man, eager for revenge, was won over by the traitor. Before proceeding further with his designs, Khusru represented to the Sultan that he had been made a great man by his Majesty's favour, and had been sent on an important command into a distant country. The maliks and amirs had their relations and friends and adherents around them, but he had none; he therefore begged that he might be allowed to send unto Bahlawal and the country of Gujarat for some of his own connections. The Sultan, in his doting and heedlessness, gave the permission. Khusru then brought some Gujaratis, called Parwaris,1 [Bardaran in the print, but Barawan and Barawan in the MSS.] and, pretending they were his kinsfolk, kept them near him, giving them horses and clothes, and entertaining them in grand state. The villain, in prosecution of his designs, used to call the chiefs of these Parwaris and some other conspirators round him every night, in the rooms of Malik Naib Kafur, to plot with him, and each of them used to propose the plan which his malignity suggested for killing the Sultan. Just at this time the Sultan went on a hunting excursion to Sarsawa, and the Parwaris proposed to execute their design in the field; but some of their leaders opposed this, arguing that if they slew the Sultan in the field, all his armed followers would collect and destroy the assassins. * * It seemed preferable to accomplish their purpose in the palace, and make that building their protection. They might then, after the deed was done, call the maliks and amirs together and make them accomplices, or kill them on their refusal. ***

After the Sultan returned from his excursion, the favourite made another request. He said that when he returned home from the palace at early dawn, the doors were locked, and those kinsfolk who had come from Gujarat to enjoy his society could not then see him. If some of his men were entrusted with the key of the postern gate (dar-i chak), he might bring his friends into the lower apartments and hold converse with them. The Sultan, in his infatuation, did not perceive the design, and the keys were given over. Every night, after the first or second watch, armed Parwaris, to the number of 300, used to enter by the postern, and assemble in the lower apartments. The guards of the palace saw the entry of armed men, and had their suspicions; and men of sense all perceived that this entry of the Parwaris boded evil. * * * But no human being dared to utter a word to the Sultan, even to save his life. * * * Kazi Ziau-d din, generally called Kazi Khan, * * venturing his life, spoke to the Sultan [acquainting him with the facts, and urging him to make an investigation]. The Sultan was incensed at the words of the Kazi, grossly abused him, and spurned his honest counsels. Just then Khusru came in, and the Sultan [told him what the Kazi had said]. The infamous wretch then began to weep and lament, saying, that the great kindness and distinction which the Sultan had bestowed upon him had made all the nobles and attendants of the Court his enemies, and they were eager to take his life. The Sultan * * * said that if all the world were turned upside down, and if all his companions were of one voice in accusing Khusru, he would sacrifice them all for one hair of his head. *** When a fourth of the night was past and the first watch had struck, * * Randhol, the maternal uncle (niya) of Khusru, and several Parwaris, entered the Hazar-sutu with their swords, which they hid under a sheet. * * * A Parwari named Jahariya, who had been appointed to kill the Sultan, approached Kazi Ziau-d din, and pierced him with a spear, which he drew from under the sheet. ** An outcry arose in the palace, and Jahariya hastened, with some other armed Parwaris, to the upper rooms. The whole palace was filled with Parwaris, and the uproar increased. The Sultan heard it, and asked Khusru what it was. * * He went and looked, and told the Sultan that his horses had broken loose, and were running about in the court-yard, where men were engaged in catching them. Just at this time Jahariya, with his followers, came to the upper story, and despatched the officers and door-keepers. The violent uproar convinced the Sultan that treason was at work, so he put on his slippers and ran towards the harem. The traitor saw that if the Sultan escaped to the women's apartments, it would be difficult to consummate the plot. Prompt in his villany, he rushed after the Sultan and seized him behind by the hair, which he twisted tightly round his hand. The Sultan threw him down and got upon his breast, but the rascal would not release his hold. They were in this position when Jahariya entered at the head of the conspirators. Khusru called out to him to be careful. The assassin stuck the Sultan in the breast with a spear, dragged him off Khusru, dashed him to the ground, and cut off his head. All persons that were in the palace or upon the roof were slain by the Parwaris, who filled all the upper story. The watchmen fled and hid themselves. The Parwaris lighted torches; they then cast the headless trunk of the Sultan into the court-yard. The people saw it, and knew what had happened. Every one retired to his home in fear. Randhol, Jahariya, and other of the assassins, proceeded to the harem. They killed the widow of 'Alau-d din, mother of Farid Khan and 'Umar Khan, and committed atrocities which had never been paralleled among infidels and heathens. *** After killing all there were to kill, the whole palace was in the hands of the Parwaris. Lamps and torches were lighted in great numbers, and a Court was held. Though it was midnight, Malik 'Ainu-d din Multani, Malik Wahidu-d din Kuraishi, Malik Fakhru-d din Juna afterwards Sultan Muhammad Tughlik, and other nobles and great men were sent for, and were brought into the palace and made accomplices in what passed. When day broke the palace was full inside and out with Parwaris and Hindus. Khusru Khan had prevailed, the face of the world assumed a new complexion, a new order of things sprung up, and the basis of the dynasty of 'Alau-d din was utterly razed. ***

As morning broke, Khusru, in the presence of those nobles whom he had brought into the palace, mounted the throne under the title of Sultan Nasiru-d din. *** He had no sooner begun to reign, than he ordered all the personal attendants of the late Sultan, many of whom were of high rank, to be slain. Some were despatched in their houses, others were brought to the palace and were beheaded in private. Their wives, women, children, and handmaids were all given to the Parwaris and Hindus. The house of Kazi Ziau-d din, with all that it contained, was given to Randhol, the maternal uncle of Khusru.
The wife and children of the Kazi had fled in the early part of the night. The brother of Khusru received the title of Khan-i Khanan, Randhol was made Rai-rayan, * * * and Bahau-d din received the title of 'Azamu-l Mulk. To keep up a delusive show, and to implicate the great men of the preceding reigns, 'Aina-l Mulk Multani, who had no kind of connection with the usurper, was entitled 'Alam Khan; the office of diwan was conferred on Taju-l Mulk. * * * In the course of four or five days preparations were made for idol worship in the palace. Jahariya, the murderer of Kutbu-d din was decked out in jewels and pearls; and horrid Parwaris sported in the royal harem. Khusru married the wife of the late Sultan Kutbu-d din; and the Parwaris, having gained the upper hand, took to themselves the wives and handmaids of the nobles and great men. The flames of violence and cruelty reached to the skies. Copies of the Holy Book were used as seats, and idols were set up in the pulpits of the mosques. * * * It was Khusru's design to increase the power and importance of the Parwaris and Hindus, and that their party should grow; he therefore opened the treasury and scattered money about. *** Calling himself Sultan Nasiru-d din, the base-born slave had his title repeated in the khutba, and impressed upon coins. For the few months (that he reigned) he and his satellites thought only of overthrowing the adherents of the late Sultans, and they had no awe of any malik or amir except of Ghazi Malik, afterwards Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah.

This nobleman held the territory of Deobalpur, and dwelt there in his palace. When he heard of the overthrow of the dynasty of 'Alau-d din, he writhed like a snake. To induce him to come into the city and into their toils, they tried every art with his son (Muhammad Fakhru-d din Juna, afterwards) Sultan Muhammad Tughlik. They made Juna master of the horse, and gave him in'ams and robes of honour. But he had been a friend of the late Sultan, and was deeply wounded by his death. He was also sorely annoyed by the ascendancy of the Parwaris, and by having to meet Hindus who patronized him. But he could do nothing, for Khusru had deluded the people, and had made them his own by scattering his gold. Ghiyasu-d din in Deobalpur *** deplored the fate of the sons and ladies of his patron, 'Alau-d din, and pondered night and day over the means of exacting vengeance from the Parwaris and Hindus. But he was afraid of the Hindus hurting his son Fakhru-d din Juna, and so could not move out of Deobalpur to destroy them. In those dreadful days the infidel rites of the Hindus were highly exalted, the dignity and the importance of the Parwaris were increased, and through all the territory of Islam the Hindus rejoiced greatly, boasting that Dehli had once more come under Hindu rule, and that the Musulmans had been driven away and dispersed. ***

When more than two months had passed after the overthrow of the house of 'Alau-d din, and the degradation of all its connections and dependents before the eyes of several of its great nobles, Malik Fakhru-d din began to take heart, and courageously to resolve upon exacting vengeance. One afternoon he mounted his horse, and, with a few slaves, confiding himself to God, he fled from Khusru. *** At evening his flight became known, * * * and filled Khusru and his followers with dismay. * * * A body of horse was sent after him, but Fakhru-d din, the hero of Iran and Turan, reached Sarsuti, and his pursuers, not being able to overtake him, returned dispirited to Dehli. Before he reached Sarsuti,1 ["Sarbarhindh" in one MS.; "Narainah" in the other— perhaps for Tabarhindh.] his father, Ghazi Malik (afterwards Sultan Ghiyasu-d din), sent Muhammad Sartaba with two hundred horse, and he had taken possession of the fort of Sarsuti. With these horsemen Fakhru-d din proceeded to his father, whom, to his great joy, he reached in safety at Deobalpur. Malik Ghazi's hands were now free to wreak vengeance on the Parwaris and Hindus for the murder of his patron, and he immediately prepared to march against the enemy. Khusru appointed his brother, whom he had made Khan-i Khanan, and Yusuf Sufi, now Yusuf Khan, to command his army. He gave his brother a royal canopy, and sent them with elephants and treasure towards Deobalpur. So these two foolish ignorant lads went forth, like newly-hatched chickens just beginning to fly, to fight with a veteran warrior like Malik Ghazi, whose sword had made Khurasan and the land of the Mughals to tremble. * * * They reached Sarsuti; but such was their inexperience and want of energy, that they could not drive out Malik Ghazi's horse. So they turned their backs upon the place, and in their folly, * * * marched to encounter the hero, who twenty times had routed the Mughals. Like children in their parents' laps, they went on helplessly all in confusion. * * *

On the other hand, Ghazi Malik had called in the assistance of Malik Bahram Abiya of Uch, one of the faithful, and he arrived at Deobalpur with his horse and foot, and joined Ghazi. When intelligence of the enemy's march from Sarsuti reached them, * * * Ghazi drew his forces out of Deobalpur, and passing the town of Daliya,1 ["Dalili" in the print.] he left the river behind, and came face to face with the enemy. Next day he gave battle. *** The enemy broke at the first charge, and was thrown into utter confusion. The canopy and baton of Khusru's brother, and the elephants and horses and treasure, fell into the hands of the victors. Many chiefs and officers were killed, and many were wounded and made prisoners. The two lads who called themselves Khans * * * fled, without stopping, to Khusru. This defeat so terrified Khusru and his followers that hardly any life was left in their bodies. ***

For a week after the victory Malik Ghazi remained on the field of victory, and after collecting the spoils and arranging his forces, he proceeded towards Dehli. * * * Khusru Khan and his followers, in dismay, left Siri, and marched out into the field to the Hauz-i 'Alai, where he posted himself opposite Lahrawat, with gardens in front and the citadel in his rear. He brought out all the royal treasures from Kilughari and Dehli, making a clean sweep of the whole, like one spurned by fortune or worsted in gambling. The records and accounts he caused to be burned, * * * and everything in the public treasury he distributed as pay or gifts to his forces. Furious at the thought of anything valuable falling into the hands of the chief of Islam, he did not leave a dang or diram behind. *** The soldiers, who were faithful to their creed, and had no thought of drawing a sword against Malik Ghazi and the army of Islam, took the money of the wretched fellow, heaped hundreds of curses upon him, and then went to their homes. *** Ghazi Malik, with his army and friends, arrived near Dehli, and encamped in the suburb of Indarpat. On the night preceding the expected battle, 'Ainu-l Mulk Multani deserted Khusru Khan, and went towards Ujjain and Dhar. This defection quite broke down the spirits of Khusru and his followers.

On Friday, a day of joy and victory to the Musulmans, but of woe to the Hindus and infidels, Ghazi Malik led forth his forces from Indarpat against the foe. Khusru, on the other side, sent forward his elephants, and, with his Parwaris, Hindus, and the Musulmans who stood by him, advanced to the plain of Lahrawat, where both armies drew up in order of battle. Skirmishes ensued, in which the side of Ghazi Malik had the advantage. Malik Talbagha Nagori, who had attached himself heart and soul to Khusru Khan, and drew his sword against the army of Islam, was overthrown, and his severed head was brought to Ghazi Malik. Shayista Khan, formerly known as the son of Karrat Kimar, and now 'ariz-i mamalik, seeing all was over, led away his force towards the desert, but plundered the baggage of Ghazi Malik at Indarpat as he pursued his flight. The main armies still confronted each other, but in the afternoon * * * Ghazi Malik advanced against the centre of Khusru's force. The effeminate wretch could not bear the attack of men. He fled, and, leaving his army, he took the road to Tilpat. * * * His Parwaris were separated from him, and not one remained with him when he reached that place. He fell back from thence and concealed himself for the night in a garden which formerly belonged to Malik Shadi, his patron. After the defeat and dispersion of the Parwaris and Hindus, they were cut down wherever they were found, and their arms and horses were seized. Those who, in parties of three or four, fled from the city towards Gujarat, were likewise slain and plundered. On the day after the battle Khusru was brought out of the garden of Malik Shadi and was beheaded.

That night, while Ghazi Malik was at Indarpat, most of the nobles and chief men and officers came forth from the city to pay their respects, and the keys of the palace and of the city gates were brought to him. On the second day after the battle he proceeded with a great following from Indarpat to the palace of Siri. He seated himself in the Hazar-sutun, and, in the presence of the assembled nobles, wept over the unhappy fate which had befallen Kutbu-d din and the other sons of 'Alau-d din, his patron, * * and gave thanks to God for the victory he had gained. Then he cried with a loud voice, "I am one of those who have been brought up under 'Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din, and the loyalty of my nature has roused me up against their enemies and destroyers. I have drawn my sword, and have taken revenge to the best of my power. Ye are the noblest of the State! If ye know of any son of our patron's blood, bring him forth immediately, and I will seat him on the throne, and will be the first to tender him my service and devotion. If the whole stock has been clean cut off, then do ye bring forward some worthy and proper person and raise him to the throne; I will pay my allegiance to him. I have drawn my sword to avenge my patrons, not to gain power and ascend a throne." *** The assembled nobles unanimously replied that the usurpers had left no scion of the royal stock in existence. The murder of Kutbu-d din and the supremacy of Khusru and the Parwaris had caused disturbances, and had stirred up rebels in every direction. Affairs were all in confusion. They then added, ''Thou, Ghazi Malik, hast claims upon us. For many years thou hast been a banner to the Mughals and hast prevented their coming into Hindustan. Now thou hast done a faithful work, which will be recorded in history; thou hast delivered the Musulmans from the yoke of Hindus and Parwaris; thou hast avenged our benefactors, and hast laid every one, rich and poor, under obligation. *** All we who are here present know no one besides thee who is worthy of royalty and fit to rule." All who were present agreed with one acclaim, and, taking him by the hand, they conducted him to the throne. He then took the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din, * * * and every one paid him due homage. ***
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