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Sultanu-L Halim Jalalu-d Dunya Wau-d din Firoz Shah Khilji.
Zia-Barni, the author of this history, declares that the events and affairs of the reign of Jalalu-d din, and the other matters about which he has written from that period unto the end of his work, all occurred under his own eyes and observation.
Sultan Jalalu-d din Firoz Khilji ascended the throne in the palace of Kilu-ghari, in the year 688 H.1 [The editors of the text again correct the date by quoting the Miftahu-l Futuh of Amir Khusru, which makes the year to be 689. Firishta gives it 687.] (1289 A.D.). The people of the city (of Dehli) had for eighty years been governed by sovereigns of Turk extraction, and were averse to the succession of the Khiljis; for this reason the new Sultan did not go into the capital. The great men and nobles, the learned men, the officials, and the celebrities with whom the city was then filled, went out to pay their respects to the new Sultan, and to receive robes. In the course of the first year of the reign the citizens and soldiers and traders, of all degrees and classes, went to Kilu-ghari, where the Sultan held a public darbar. They were struck with admiration and amazement at seeing the Khiljis occupying the throne of the Turks, and wondered how the throne had passed from the one to the other.
The Sultan, not being able to go into Dehli, made Kilu-ghari his capital, and fixed his abode there. He ordered the palace, which Kai-Kubad had begun, to be completed and embellished with paintings; and he directed the formation of a splendid garden in front of it on the banks of the Jumna. The princes and nobles and officers, and the principal men of the city, were commanded to build houses at Kilu-ghari. Several of the traders were also brought from Dehli, and bazars were established. Kilu-ghari then obtained the name of "New-town." A lofty stone fort was commenced, and the erection of its defences was allotted to the nobes, who divided the work of building among them. The great men and citizens were averse to building houses there, but as the Sultan made it his residence, in three or four years houses sprung up on every side, and the markets became well supplied.
Some time passed, and still the Sultan did not go into the city, but the authority of his government acquired strength. The excellence of his character, his justice, generosity, and devotion, gradually removed the aversion of the people, and hopes of grants of land assisted in conciliating, though grudgingly and unwillingly, the affections of his people.
The eldest son of the Sultan was styled Khan-i Khanan, the second son Arkali Khan, and the youngest Kadar Khan. For each of these a palace was provided. The Sultan's brother was entitled Yaghrish Khan, and he was made 'Ariz'i mamalik (Muster-master-general); 'Alau-d din and Ulugh Khan, brother's sons and sons in law of the Sultan, were made, one Amir Tuzak, and the other Akhur-baki (master of the horse). * * * Khwaja Khatir, the best of ministers, was made prime minister, and Malikul-l umara, of long standing renown, was confirmed as kotwal. The populace was appeased and gratified, and the Sultan, with great pomp and a fine retinue, went into the city and alighted at the palace (daulat-khana). He offered up his thanksgivings and took his seat upon the throne of his predecessors. He then called his nobles and friends around him and addressed them [in terms of thanksgiving and gratulation.] * * *
In the second year of the reign, Malik Chhaju, nephew of Balban, raised the white canopy in Karra, and had the khutba read in his name. Malik 'Ali, sar-jandar, son of a slave (maula-zada) of Sultan Balban, who held the grant of Oudh, joined him. Several other old adherents of Balban, who held territories towards Hindustan, also supported him. He assumed the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, and the khutba was read in his name throughout Hindustan. Assembling an army, he marched towards Dehli to claim the throne of his uncle, with the expectation that the people of the city would join him. Many of the inhabitants of Dehli and the environs, mindful of the benefits they had received from his ancestors, heard of his approach with satisfaction and joy, and recognized him as the rightful heir to the throne; for they said that no Khilji had ever been a king, and that the race had no right or title to Dehli.
The Sultan marched from Kilu-ghari, attended by his adherents and the Khilji nobles, who rallied thick around him. Taking with him an army in whose fidelity he had confidence, he advanced towards Chhaju. When he approached Badaun, he deputed his eldest son, Khan-i Jahan, to be his deputy in Dehli during his absence; and he placed his second son, Arkali Khan, one of the most renowned warriors of the time, at the head of a force, and sent him on in advance against the insurgents. Arkali Khan marched ten or twelve kos before the Sultan and crossed the river of Kulaibnagar(?)1 [So in the print— "ab-Kulab (Gulab?) tagar" in one MS., and "Kulaik" in the other.] The Sultan remained at Badaun. Malik Chhaju continued to advance. The rawats and paiks of Hindustan flocked around him like ants or locusts, and the most noted of them received betel from him, and promised to fight against the standards of the Sultan. When the two armies came in sight, the royal forces discharged their arrows. The spiritless rice-eating Hindustanis made a great noise, but lost all their powers; and the valiant soldiers of the royal army drew their swords and rushed upon them. Malik Chhaju, his nobles and all the Hindustanis, took to flight and dispersed. There was a mawas2 [A natural stronghold or fortress. See Thornton "Mewassee;" and vol. ii. of this work, p. 362.] in the neighbourhood into which Chhaju crept, and a few days after the chief of that mawas sent him to Sultan Jalalu-d din. The chiefs, adherents, and officers of Chhaju, and the paiks who had been the leaven of his army, were all taken prisoners. Arkali Khan put yokes upon their necks and sent them bound to the Sultan. I, the author of this Tarikh-i Firoz-Shahi, heard from Amir Khusru, who was an attendant of the Court, that when the rebellious maliks and amirs were brought before the Sultan, he held a public darbar. Malik Amir 'Ali, sar-jandar, Malik Ulughchi, and other nobles were conducted into his presence, riding upon camels, with yokes upon their shoulders, their hands tied behind their necks, covered with dust and dirt, and their garments all soiled. It was expected that the Sultan would have them paraded in this state all through the army as examples, but as soon as he saw them he pat his handkerchief before his eyes and cried with a loud voice, "What is this!" He ordered them to be dismounted and unfastened immediately. Those among them who had held offices in former reigns were separated from the rest, and were conducted into an empty tent, where they were washed, perfumed, and dressed in clean garments by the Sultan's attendants. The Sultan went into his private apartments and orders wine to be set out. He then called these captive nobles in as his guests, and they were so overwhelmed with shame that they kept their eyes fixed on the ground and did not speak a word. The Sultan spoke kindly to them and endeavoured to console them, telling them that, in drawing their swords to support the heir of their old benefactor, they had taken an honest rather than a dishonest course.
This leniency of the Sultan towards the captive nobles did not please the Khilji nobles, and they whispered to each other that the Sultan did not know how to rule, for instead of slaying the rebels he had made them his companions. Malik Ahmad Chap, deputy lord chamberlain, a personal attendant and counsellor of the Sultan, told him that a King should reign and observe the rules of government, or else be content to relinquish the throne. He had shown great attention to those prisoners who deserved death, and had made them his guests. He had removed the fetters of rebels who all deserved punishment, and had set them free. Malik Chhaju, who for several months had caused the khutba to be read in his name in Hindustan, and who had struck coins, he had sent in a litter to Multan, with orders to keep him secluded, but to supply him with wine, fruit, food, and garments, and whatever he required. When such an offence, the worst of all political offences, had been passed over without punishment, how could it be expected but that other rebellions would break out and disturbances arise. The punishments awarded by kings are warnings to men. Sultan Balban, who never forgot his dignity and power, visited rebellious and political offences with the greatest severity, and how much blood did he shed? If the Sultan and his followers were to fall into their hands, no name or trace of the Khiljis would be left in Hindustan.
The Sultan replied, "Oh Ahmad, I am aware of what you say. I have seen the punishment of rebellion before you saw it, but what can I do? I have grown old among Musulmans, and am not accustomed to spill their blood. My age exceeds seventy, and I have never caused one to be killed; shall I now, in my old days, for the short life that remains, which has never continued to others and will not be prolonged for me, act against the principles of the law and bring Muhammadans to the block? * * * As regards these nobles who have been made prisoners, I have reflected, and have come to the conclusion that if I look over their rebellion and spare their lives, they are men, and will be ashamed before God and man for the course they have pursued. I am sure they will feel their obligation to me, and will never again form designs against my throne or excite rebellion. ** * If I go to Multan, I will, like Sher Khan, fight against and give a good account of the Mughals, because they have invaded Musulman territory; but if I cannot reign without shedding the blood of Musulmans, I renounce the throne, for I could not endure the wrath of God.''
When the Sultan returned from Badaun after the suppression of the rebellion of Malik Chhaju, he bestowed Karra on 'Alau-d din his nephew (brother's son) and son in law, whom he had brought up. 'Alau-d din proceeded to his territory, and in the same year he found there many of the officers and friends of Malik Chhaju who had taken part in his rebellion. Them he set free and took into his service. These disaffected persons began at once to suggest to 'Alau-d din, that it was quite possible to raise and equip a large force in Karra, and through Karra to obtain Dehli. Money only was needed: but for want of that Malik Chhaju would have succeeded. Get only plenty of money, and the acquisition of Dehli would be easy. 'Alau-d din was at variance with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife at Sultan Jalalu-d din, and also with his wife, so he was anxious to get away from them. The crafty suggestions of the Karra rebels made a lodgment in his brain, and, from the very first year of his occupation of that territory, he began to follow up his design of proceeding to some distant quarter and amassing money. To this end he was constantly making inquiries about other countries from travellers and men of experience.
On the Sultan's returning to Kilu-ghari, public rejoicings were held * * * after which he devoted himself assiduously to the business of his kingdom. * * * But the nobles and great men spoke of him with disparagement, saying that he knew not how to rule, and had none of the awe and majesty of kings. * * * His business was to fight against the Mughals, and such work would suit him, for he was not wanting in courage and warlike accomplishments. But he knew nothing about government. *** Two things were required in kings. 1. Princely expenditure and boundless liberality. * * 2. Dignity, awe, and severity, by which enemies are repulsed and rebels put down. * * * These two qualities were wanting in him. *** Thieves were often brought before him, from whom he took an oath that they would never steal again, and he then set them free, observing to those around him that he could not slay a bound man, and although he could do it in battle, it was against his feelings. * * * In his reign some thags were taken in the city, and a man belonging to that fraternity was the means of about a thousand being captured. But not one of these did the Sultan have killed. He gave orders for them to be put into boats and to be conveyed into the Lower country to the neighbourhood of Lakhnauti, where they were to be set free. The thags would thus have to dwell about Lakhnauti, and would not trouble the neighbourhood (of Dehli) any more. ***
Men complained of the clemency and humanity of the Sultan * * * and a party of wicked, ungrateful nobles used to talk over their cups of killing him and setting him aside. This was all reported to the Sultan, but he sometimes dismissed it lightly, and at others used to say, "Men often drink too much, and then say foolish things; do not report drunken stories to me." One day a party was held in the house of Malik Taju-d din Kuchi, a nobleman of some distinction. When the wine had got into the heads of the guests and they were intoxicated, they said to Taju-d din: "You are fit to be a king, but the Sultan is not. If there is any Khilji fit to be a king, it is Ahmad Chap, not Jalalu-d din." This and similar absurdities they uttered. All who were present promised to aid Taju-d din in acquiring the crown. One of them said he would finish the Sultan with a hunting knife,1 ["Nim-shikari." Tir is sometimes substituted for nim, as in the next place where it is mentioned.] and another drew his sword and said he would make mince-meat of him. Many other foolish vaunts were uttered, all of which were duly reported to the Sultan. He had heard a good deal of these proceedings before, and had made light of them; but on the present occasion, when he learned the extravagant boasts which had been uttered at Taju-d din's party, he could endure no longer, and had all the topers brought before him. He upbraided them severely, and while men were wondering where it would end, he grew hot, and, drawing a sword, threw it down before them, and exclaimed, "Ah drunken negroes, who brag together, and talk, one of killing me with an arrow, and another of slaying me with a sword! Is there one among you who is man enough to take this sword and fight it out fairly with me? See! here I sit ready for him, let him come on!" Malik Nusrat Sabah, principal inkstand bearer, a witty nobleman, was among them, who had uttered many absurd things. He now replied, and said, "Your Majesty knows that topers in their cups utter ridiculous sayings. We can never kill a Sultan who cherishes us like sons, as you do, nor shall we ever find so kind and gracious a master; neither will you kill us for our absurd drunken ravings, because you will never find other nobles and gentlemen like us." The Sultan himself had been drinking wine. His eyes filled with tears at these words of Nusrat Sabah, and he pardoned them all. He gave Nusrat Sabah a cup of wine and made him his guest. The other evil-minded and evil-speaking nobles he dismissed to their estates, commanding them to stay there for a year and not to enter the city. *** Jalalu-d din always treated his nobles, officers, and subjects, with the greatest kindness and tenderness. He never visited their offences with blows, confinement, or other severity, but treated them as a parent does his children. If he got angry with any of them, he threatened them with his second son, Arkali Khan, who was a hot-tempered man. *** In the reign of Balban, while Jalalu-d din was Sar-jandar, he held the territory, of Kaithal1 [Here written "Kathal."] and the deputyship of Samana. His officers in Samana demanded revenue from a village belonging to Maulana Siraju-d din Sawi. ***The Maulana was very angry, and wrote a work which he called Khilji-nama^ in which he lampooned Jalalu-d din. * * * On the latter becoming sovereign, the Maulana ***came to court with a rope round his neck, despairing of his life, *** but the Sultan called him forward, embraced him, gave him a robe, enrolled him among his personal attendants, restored his village, a nd added another, confirming them both to him and his descendants. ***
After he became Sultan, he reflected that he had warred many years against the Mughals, and so he might be appropriately called in the khutba "al Mujahid fi sabil-allah." He accordingly instructed Malika-i Jahan, the mother of his children, to suggest to the Kazis and heads of religion, when they came to pay their respects to her, that they should ask the Sultan to allow this title to be used. *** Soon after they came to offer congratulations * * * and Malika-i Jahan sent a message to the heads of religion. *** Shortly afterwards they made the proposition to the Sultan. His eyes filled with tears, and he acknowledged that he had directed Malika-i Jahan to make the suggestion, but he had since reflected that he was not worthy of the title * * * as he had fought for his own gratification and vanity; * * * and so he refused to accept it.
Jalala-d din was a great appreciator and patron of talent. * * * On the day that he was made 'A'riz-i mamalik, he presented Amir Khusru with twelve hundred tankas * * * and when he became Sultan, he made the amir one of his chosen attendants, and appointed him keeper of the Kuran. He invested him with such robes as are given to great nobles, and girded him with a white sash.
But for all the gentleness and kindness and mercy of Sultan Jalalu-d din, in his reign Sidi Maula was cast under the feet of an elephant: after which event the Jalali throne and family began to decline. Sidi Maula was a darwesh from the Upper country (wilayat-i mulk-i bala), who came to Dehli in the reign of Balban. He had peculiar notions about religion, and was remarkable for his expenditure and for his food. He did not go to public prayers in the mosque, though he offered prayers. * * * He kept no servant or handmaid, and indulged no passion. He took nothing from any one, but yet he expended so much that people were amazed, and used to say that he dealt in magic. On the open ground in front of his door he built a magnificent khankah, and expended thousands upon it. There great quantities of food were distributed, and travellers resorted thither. Twice a day, such bounteous and various meals were provided as no khan or malik could furnish. * * * He went to pay a visit to Shaikh Farid at Ajodhan * * * and when he was about to leave, the Shaikh said, "I give thee a bit of advice, which it will be well for thee to observe. Have nothing to do with maliks and amirs, and beware of their intimacy as dangerous; no darwesh ever kept up such an intimacy, but in the end found it disastrous." * * * In the reign of Jalalu-d din, his expenditure and his society grew larger. The Sultan's eldest son, Khan-i Khanan, was his friend and follower, and called himself the Sidi's son. * * * Kazi Jalal Kashani, a Kazi of some repute, but a mischievous man, used to stay for two or three nights together at the khankah, and converse in private with the Sidi. * * * It at length became known that this Kazi and several (discontented and needy) nobles used to go to the khankah and sit with the Sidi in the evening and talk sedition. They resolved that when the Sultan went in state to the mosque on the Sabbath he should be killed, and that Sidi Maula should then be proclaimed khalifa, and should marry the daughter of Sultan Nasiru-d din. Kazi Jalal Kashani was to have the territory of Multan [and the other conspirators were to be provided for]. One of the persons present carried information to the Sultan. The Sidi and all the other conspirators were arrested and brought before the Sultan. They strenuously denied the charge, and it was not the custom in those days to extort confession by beating. The Sultan and the people were satisfied of their guilt, but they denied it, and so nothing could be done. Orders were given for the preparation of a large fire in the plain of Bahar-pur. * * * The Sultan (with a large following) went there, and orders were given for placing the accused upon the pile, so that fire might elicit the truth. Before carrying out the order the opinion of the learned lawyers was asked, and they replied that the ordeal by fire was against the law * * * and that the evidence of one man was not sufficient to convict any one of treason. The Sultan accordingly set aside the ordeal. Kazi Kashani, the chief of the conspiracy, was sent as Kazi to Badaun. The nobles were banished to different countries, and their properties were confiscated. Hatya Paik, the destined assassin, was sentenced to suitable punishment, and Sidi Maula was carried bound to the front of the palace, where the Sultan expostulated with him. Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi was present with a number of his followers, and the king turned to them and said, ''Oh darweshes avenge me of the Maula." One of them fell upon the Sidi and cut him several times with a razor. Arkali Khan was on the top of the palace, and he made a sign to an elephant driver, who drove his elephant over the Sidi and killed him. This most humane King could not endure the plotting of a darwesh, and gave an order which broke through their prestige and sanctity. I, the author, well remember that on the day of the Sidi's death, a black storm arose which made the world dark. Troubles afterwards arose in the State. * * * In the same year there was a scarcity of rain, there was dearth in Dehli, and grain rose to a jital per sir. In the Siwalik also the dearth was greatly felt. The Hindus of that country came into Dehli with their families, twenty or thirty of them together, and in the extremity of hunger drowned themselves in the Jumna. The Sultan and nobles did all they could to help them. In the following year such rain fell as but few people could remember.
I now return to my narrative of the events of Jalalu-d din's reign. In the year 689 H. (1290 A.D.), the Sultan led an army to Rantambhor. Khan-i Jahan his eldest son was then dead, and he appointed his second son Arkali Khan to be his vicegerent at Kilu-ghari in his absence. He took the [BLANK]1 [It ss difficult to say what is here intended. The printed text has [x]. One MS. says [x], and the other [x]. Jhain must be Ujjain.] of Jhain, destroyed the idol temples, and broke and burned the idols. He plundered Jhain and Malwa, and obtained great booty, after which his army rested. The Rai of Rantambhor, with his Rawats and followers, together with their wives and children, all took refuge in the fort of Rantambhor. The Sultan wished to invest and take the fort. He ordered manjaniks2 [The word used is "maghribiha" western (engines).] to be erected, tunnels (sabat) to be sunk, and redoubts (gargach) to be constructed, and the siege to be pressed. He arrived from Jhain, carefully reconnoitred the fort, and on the same day returned to Jhain. Next day he called together his ministers and officers, and said that he had intended to invest the fort, to bring up another army, and to levy forces from Hindustan. But after reconnoitring the fort, he found that it could not be taken without sacrificing the lives of many Musulmans * * * and that he did not value the fort so much as the hair of one Musalman. If he took the place and plundered it after the fall of many Muhammadans, the widows and orphans of the slain would stand before him and turn its spoils into bitterness. So he raised the siege, and next day departed for Dehli. When he announced his intention of retreating, Ahmad Chap protested and said. **** The Sultan replied at length. *** He concluded by saying "I am an old man. I have reached the age of eighty years, and ought to prepare for death. My only concern should be with matters that may be beneficial after my decease.'' ***
In the year 691 H. (1292 A.D.), 'Abdu-llah, grandson of the accursed Halu (Hulaku), invaded Hindustan with fifteen tumans of Mughals (150,000!). The Sultan assembled his forces, and marched from Dehli to meet them, with a large and splendid army. When he reached Bar-ram,1 [Briggs says "Beiram," but thinks it an error.] the outposts of the Mughals were descried, and the two armies drew up in face of each other with a river between them. Some few days were passed in arraying their forces, and the advanced parties of the opposing forces had several skirmishes in which the Musulmans were victorious, and made some prisoners, who were conducted to the Sultan. Shortly after the van of the Mughal army crossed the river. The van of the Musulmans hastened to meet them, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which the Musulman forces were victorious. Many Mughals were put to the sword, and one or two commanders of thousands, and several centurions were made prisoners. Negotiations followed, and it was agreed that war was a great evil, and that hostilities should cease. The Sultan and 'Abdu-llah, grandson of Halu the accursed, had an interview. The Sultan called him son, and he addressed the Sultan as father. Presents were exchanged, and after hostilities had ceased, buying and selling went on between the two armies. 'Abdu'llah departed with the Mughal army, but Ulghu, grandson of Changiz Khan, the accursed, with several nobles, commanders of thousands and centurions, resolved to stay in India. They said the creed and became Muhammadans, and a daughter of the Sultan was given in marriage to Ulghu. The Mughals who followed Ulghu, were brought into the city with their wives and children. Provision was made for their support, and houses were provided for them in Kilu-ghari, Ghiyaspur, Indarpat, and Taluka. Their abodes were called Mughalpur. The Sultan continued their allowances for a year or two, but the climate and their city homes did not please them, so they departed with their families to their own country. Some of their principal men remained in India, and received allowances and villages. They mixed with and formed alliances with the Musulmans, and were called "New Musulmans."
Towards the end of the year, the Sultan went to Mandur, reduced it to subjection, plundered the neighbourhood, and returned home. Afterwards he marched a second time to Jhain, and after once more plundering the country, he returned in triumph.
'Alau-d din at this time held the territory of Karra, and with permission of the Sultan he marched to Bhailasan (Bhilsa). He captured some bronze idols which the Hindus worshipped, and sent them on cars with a variety of rich booty as presents to the Sultan. The idols were laid down before the Badaun gate for true believers to tread upon. 'Alau-d din, nephew and son in-law of the Sultan, had been brought up by him. After sending the spoils of Bhailasan to the Sultan, he was made 'Ariz'i mamalik, and received the territory of Oudh in addition to that of Karra. When 'Alau-d din went to Bhailasan (Bhilsa), he heard much of the wealth and elephants of Deogir. He inquired about the approaches to that place, and resolved upon marching thither from Karra with a large force, but without informing the Sultan. He proceeded to Dehli and found the Sultan more kind and generous than ever. He asked for some delay in the payment of the tribute for his territories of Karra and Oudh, saying that he had heard there were countries about Chanderi where peace and security reigned, and where no apprehension of the forces of Dehli was felt. If the Sultan would grant him permission he would march thither, and would acquire great spoil, which he would pay into the royal exchequer, together with the revenues of his territories. The Sultan, in the innocence and trust of his heart, thought that 'Alau-d din was so troubled by his wife and mother-in-law that he wanted to conquer some country wherein he might stay and never return home. In the hope of receiving a rich booty, the Sultan granted the required permission, and postponed the time for the payment of the revenues of Karra and Oudh.
'Alau-d din was on bad terms with his mother in law, Malika-i Jahan, wife of the Sultan, and with his wife, the daughter of the Sultan. He was afraid of the intrigues of the Malika-i Jahan, who had a great ascendancy over her father. He was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife before the Sultan, and he could not brook the disgrace which would arise from his derogatory position being made public. It greatly distressed him, and he often consulted with his intimates at Karra about going out into the world to make a position for himself. When he made the campaign to Bhailasan, he heard much about the wealth of Deogir. *** He collected three or four thousand horse, and two thousand infantry, whom he fitted out from the revenues of Karra, which had been remitted for a time by the Sultan, and with this force he marched for Deogir. Though he had secretly resolved upon attacking Deogir, he studiously concealed the fact, and represented that he intended to attack Chanderi. Malik 'Alau-l mulk, uncle of the author, and one of the favoured followers of 'Alau-d din, was made deputy of Karra and Oudh in his absence.
'Alau-d din marched to Elichpur, and thence to Ghatilajaura. Here all intelligence of him was lost. Accounts were sent regularly from Karra to the Sultan with vague statements,1 ["Arajif" -- "false rumours,'' but here and elsewhere it seems to rather mean, vague unsatisfactory news.] saying that he was engaged in chastising and plundering rebels, and that circumstantial accounts would be forwarded in a day or two. The Sultan never suspected him of any evil designs, and the great men and wise men of the city thought that the dissensions with his wife had driven him to seek his fortune in a distant land. This opinion soon spread. When 'Alau-d din arrived at Ghati-lajaura, the army of Ram-deo, under the command of his son, had gone to a distance. The people of that country had never heard of the Musulmans; the Mahratta land had never been punished by their armies; no Musulman king or prince had penetrated so far. Deogir was exceedingly rich in gold and silver, jewels and pearls, and other valuables. When Ram-deo heard of the approach of the Muhammadans, he collected what forces he could, and sent them under one of his ranas to Ghati-lajaura. They were defeated and dispersed by 'Alau-d din, who then entered Deogir. On the first day he took thirty elephants and some thousand horses. Ram deo came in and made his submission. 'Alau-d din carried off an unprecedented amount of booty. * * *
In the year 695 H. (1296 A.D.), the Sultan proceeded with an army to the neighbourhood of Gwalior, and stayed there some time. Rumours (ardaif) here reached him that 'Alau-d din had plundered Deogir and obtained elephants and an immense booty, with which he was returning to Karra. The Sultan was greatly pleased, for in the simplicity of his heart he thought that whatsoever his son and nephew had captured, he would joyfully bring to him. To celebrate this success, the Sultan gave entertainments, and drank wine. The news of 'Alau-d din's victory was confirmed by successive arrivals, and it was said that never had so rich a spoil reached the treasury of Dehli. Afterwards the Sultan held a private council, to which he called some of his most trusty advisers * * * and consulted whether it would be advisable to go to meet 'Alau-d din or to return to Dehli. Ahmad Chap, Naib-barbak, one of the wisest men of the day, spoke before any one else, and said, "Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the cause of much strife. Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. 'Alau-d din is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhaju. He has gone into a foreign land without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said 'Money and strife; strife and money' — that is the two things are allied to each other. * * * My opinion is that we should march with all haste towards Chanderi to meet 'Alau-d din and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan's army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultan may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories also should be increased, and he should be carried in honour to Dehli." *** The Sultan was in the grasp of his evil angel, so he heeded not the advice of Ahmad Chap * * * but said "what have I done to 'Alau-d din that he should turn away from me, and not present his spoils?" The Sultan also consulted Malik Fakhru-d din Kuchi (and other nobles). The Malik was a bad man; he knew that what Ahmad Chap had said was right, but he saw that his advice was displeasing to the Sultan, so he advised * * * that the Sultan should return to Dehli to keep the Ramazan. * * *
The guileless heart of the Sultan relied upon the fidelity of 'Alau-d din, so he followed the advice of Fakhru-d din Kuchi, and returned to Kilu-ghari. A few days after intelligence arrived that 'Alau-d din had returned with his booty to Karra. 'Alau-d din addressed a letter to the Sultan announcing his return with so much treasure and jewels and pearls, and thirty-one elephants, and horses, to be presented to his majesty, but that he had been absent on campaign without leave more than a twelve- month, during which no communications had passed between him and the Sultan, and he did not know, though he feared the machinations of his enemies during his absence. If the Sultan would write to reassure him, he would present himself with his brave officers and spoils before the throne. Having despatched this deceitful letter, he immediately prepared for an attack upon Lakhnauti. He sent Zafar Khan into Oudh to collect boats for the passage of the Saru, and, in consultation with his adherents, he declared that as soon as he should hear that the Sultan had marched towards Karra, he would leave it with his elephants and treasure, with his soldiers and all their families, and would cross the Saru and march to Lakhnauti, which he would seize upon, being sure that no army from Dehli would follow him there. * * * No one could speak plainly to the Sultan, for if any one of his confidants mentioned the subject he grew angry, and said they wanted to set him against his son. He wrote a most gracious and affectionate letter with his own hand, and sent it by the hands of some of his most trusted officers. When these messengers arrived at Karra, they saw that all was in vain, for that 'Alau-d din and all his army were alienated from the Sultan. They endeavoured to send letters informing the Sultan, but they were unable to do so in any way. Meanwhile the rains came on, and the roads were all stopped by the waters. Almas Beg, brother of 'Alau-d din, and like him a son-in-law of the Sultan, held the office of Akhur-bak (Master of the horse). He often said to the Sultan "People frighten my brother, and I am afraid that in his shame and fear of your majesty he will poison or drown himself." A few days afterwards 'Alau-d din wrote to Almas Beg, saying that he had committed an act of disobedience, and always carried poison in his handkerchief. If the Sultan would travel jarida (i.e. speedily, with only a small retinue), to meet him, and would take his hand, he should feel re-assured; if not, he would either take poison or would march forth with his elephants and treasures to seek his fortune in the world. His expectation was that the Sultan would desire to obtain the treasure, and would come with a scanty following to Karra, when it would be easy to get rid of him.*** Almas Beg showed to the Sultan the letter which he had received from his brother, and the Sultan was so infatuated that he believed this deceitful and treacherous letter. Without further consideration he ordered Almas Khan to hasten to Karra, and not to let his brother depart, promising to follow with all speed. Almas Beg took a boat and reached Karra in seven or eight days. When he arrived, 'Alau-d din ordered drums of joy to be beaten, saying that now all his apprehensions and fears were removed.
The crafty counsellors of 'Alau-d din, whom he had promoted to honours, advised the abandonment of his designs upon Lakhnauti, saying that the Sultan, coveting the treasure and elephants, had become blind and deaf, and had set forth to see him in the midst of the rainy season — adding, "after he comes, you know what you ought to do." The destroying angel was close behind the Sultan, he had no apprehension, and would listen to no advice. He treated his advisers with haughty disdain, and set forth with a few personal attendants, and a thousand horse from Kilu-ghari. He embarked in a boat at Dhamai, and proceeded towards Karra. Ahmad Chap, who commanded the army, was ordered to proceed by land. It was the rainy season, and the waters were out. On the 15th Ramazan, the Sultan, arrived at Karra, on the hither side of the Ganges.
'Alau-d din and his followers had determined on the course to be adopted before the Sultan arrived. He had crossed the river with the elephants and treasure, and had taken post with his forces between Manikpur and Karra, the Ganges being very high. When the royal ensign came in sight he was all prepared, the men were armed, and the elephants and horses were harnessed. 'Alau-d din sent Almas Beg in a small boat to the Sultan, with directions to use every device to induce him to leave behind the thousand men he had brought with him, and to come with only a few personal attendants. The traitor Almas Beg, hastened to the Sultan, and perceived several boats full of horsemen around him. He told the Sultan that his brother had left the city, and God only knew where he would have gone to if he, Almas Beg, had not been sent to him. If the Sultan did not make more haste to meet him he would kill himself, and his treasure would be plundered. If his brother were to see these armed men with the Sultan he would destroy himself. The Sultan accordingly directed that the horsemen and boats should remain by the side of the river, whilst he, with two boats and a few personal attendants and friends, passed over to the other side. When the two boats had started, and the angel of destiny had come still nearer, the traitor, Almas Beg, desired the Sultan to direct his attendants to lay aside their arms, lest his brother should see them as they approached nearer, and be frightened. The Sultan, about to become a martyr, did not detect the drift of this insidious proposition, but directed his followers to disarm. As the boats reached mid-stream, the army of 'Alau-d din was perceived all under arms, the elephants and horses harnessed, and in several places troops of horsemen ready for action. When the nobles who accompanied the Sultan saw this, they knew that Almas Beg had by his plausibility brought his patron into a snare, and they gave themselves up for lost. * * * Malik Khuram wakildar asked * * * what is the meaning of all this? and Almas Beg, perceiving that his treachery was detected, said his brother was anxious that his army should pay homage to his master.
The Sultan was so blinded by his destiny, that although his own eyes saw the treachery, he would not return; but he said to Almas Beg, "I have come so far in a little boat to meet your brother, cannot he, and does not his heart induce him to advance to meet me with due respect." The traitor replied, "My brother's intention is to await your majesty at the landing place, with the elephants and treasure and jewels, and there to present his officers." *** The Sultan trusting implicitly in them who were his nephews, sons-in-law, and foster-children, did not awake and detect the obvious intention. He took the Kuran and read it, and proceeded fearless and confiding as a father to his sons. All the people who were in the boat with him saw death plainly before them, and began to repeat the chapter appropriate to men in sight of death. The Sultan reached the shore before afternoon prayer, and disembarked with a few followers. 'Alau-d din advanced to receive him, he and all his officers showing due respect. When he reached the Sultan he fell at his feet, and the Sultan treating him as a son, kissed his eyes and cheeks, stroked his beard, gave him two loving taps upon the cheek, and said "I have brought thee up from infancy,1 [The Sultan's exact words are expressive enough, but are somewhat too precise and familiar for European taste.[!!!]] why art thou afraid of me?" **** The Sultan took 'Alau-d din's hand, and at that moment the stony-hearted traitor gave the fatal signal. Muhammad Salim, of Samana, a bad fellow of a bad family, struck at the Sultan with a sword, but the blow fell short and cut his own hand. He again struck and wounded the Sultan, who ran towards the river, crying, "Ah thou villian, 'Alau-d din! what hast thou done?" Ikhtiyaru-d din Hud ran after the betrayed monarch, threw him down, and cut off his head, and bore it dripping with blood to 'Alau-d din. **** Some of those persons who accompanied the Sultan had landed, and others remained in the boats, but all were slain. Villainy and treachery, and murderous feelings, covetousness and desire of riches, thus did their work.2 [The writer goes on condemning the murder in strong terms.] ****
The murder was perpetrated on the 17th Ramazan, and the venerable head of the Sultan was placed on a spear and paraded about. When the rebels returned to Karra-Manikpur it was also paraded there, and was afterwards sent to be exhibited in Oudh. **** While the head of the murdered sovereign was yet dripping with blood, the ferocious conspirators brought the royal canopy and elevated it over the head of 'Alau-d din. Casting aside all shame, the perfidious and graceless wretches caused him to be proclaimed king by men who rode about on elephants. Although these villains were spared for a short time, and 'Alau-d din for some years, still they were not forgotten, and their punishments were only suspended. At the end of three or four years Ulugh Khan (Almas Beg), the deceiver, was gone, so was Nusrat Khan, the giver of the signal, so also was Zafar Khan, the breeder of the mischief, my uncle, 'Alau-l Mulk, kotwal, and *** and ***. The hell-hound Salim, who struck the first blow, was a year or two afterwards eaten up with leprosy. Ikhtiyaru-d din, who cut off the head, very soon went mad, and in his dying ravings cried that Sultan Jalalu-d din stood over him with a naked sword, ready to cut off his head. Although 'Alau-d din reigned successfully for some years, and all things prospered to his wish, and though he had wives and children, family and adherents, wealth and grandeur, still he did not escape retribution for the blood of his patron. He shed more innocent blood than ever Pharaoh was guilty of. Fate at length placed a betrayer in his path, by whom his family was destroyed, *** and the retribution which fell upon it never had a parallel even in any infidel land. ***
When intelligence of the murder of Sultan Jalalu-d din reached Ahmad Chap, the commander of the army, he returned to Dehli. The march through the rain and dirt had greatly depressed and shaken the spirits of the men, and they went to their homes. The Malika-i Jahan, wife of the late Sultan, was a woman of determination, but she was foolish and acted very imprudently. She would not await the arrival from Multan of Arkali Khan, who was a soldier of repute, nor did she send for him. Hastily and rashly, and without consultation with any one, she placed the late Sultan's youngest son, Ruknu-d din Ibrahim, on the throne. He was a mere lad, and had no knowledge of the world. With the nobles, great men, and officers she proceeded from Kilu-ghari to Dehli, and, taking possession of the green palace, she distributed offices and fiefs among the maliks and amirs who were at Dehli, and began to carry on the government, receiving petitions and issuing orders. When Arkali Khan heard of his mother's unkind and improper proceedings, he was so much hurt that he remained at Multan, and did not go to Dehli. During the life of the late Sultan there had been dissensions between mother and son, and when 'Alau-d din, who remained at Karra, was informed of Arkali Khan's not coming to Dehli, and of the opposition of the Malika-i Jahan, he saw the opportunity which this family quarrel presented. He rejoiced over the absence of Arkali Khan, and set off for Dehli at once, in the midst of the rains, although they were more heavy than any one could remember. Scattering gold and collecting followers, he reached the Jumna. He then won over the maliks and amirs by a large outlay of money, and those unworthy men, greedy for the gold of the deceased, and caring nothing for loyalty or treachery, deserted the Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din and joined 'Alau-d din. Five months after starting, 'Alau-d din arrived with an enormous following within two or three kos of Dehli. The Malika-i Jahan and Ruknu-d din Ibrahim then left Dehli and took the road to Multan. A few nobles, faithful to their allegiance, left their wives and families and followed them to Multan. Five months after the death of Jalalu-d din at Karra, 'Alau-d din arrived at Dehli and ascended the throne. He scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the murder of the late Sultan, and rejoiced over his accession. His gold also induced the nobles to desert the sons of their late benefactor, and to support him. * * *