The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Mon Jan 28, 2019 9:52 pm

Part 1 of 2

CHAPTER I: The far right in the German and Russian Empires

National Socialism with its intensely anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic ideology arose primarily as a synthesis of radical right German and Russian movements and ideas. This chapter illuminates the background of National Socialism's genesis by examining the development of the far right in Imperial Germany and the Russian Empire up to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. During a dynamic period of increasing industrialization and democratization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Imperial German and Russian radical rightists feared for their elevated societal positions, and they developed intensely anti-Western, anti-socialist, and anti-Semitic views. These beliefs later found prominent expression in Hitler's National Socialist movement, which fought against what it perceived to be an insidious international Jewish alliance between ravenous finance capitalism and murderous Bolshevism.

Volkisch German ideology increasingly represented Jews as racial parasites, but it also regarded the Jewish essence metaphysically as the manifestation of shallow materialism. In the spirit of the "denial of the will to live," a concept that the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer championed, volkisch theorists such as the composer Richard Wagner and the author Houston Stewart Chamberlain sought German religious redemption. This German struggle against the perceived worldly Jewish nature primarily took place on the spiritual plane and not on the political stage. While volkisch ideologues in Imperial Germany developed a substantial ideology based on hopes for German inner redemption as racially and spiritually superior beings, they could not achieve anything approaching the modest political success of Imperial Russian far rightists in the years leading up to the Russian Revolution of 1917.

In the Russian Empire, "conservative revolutionaries," to borrow a phrase from one of their leading members, the author Fedor Dostoevskii, demonstrated more vitality than their right-wing German counterparts. They used religiously inspired notions of Orthodox Christian superiority and the apocalyptic battle for Russia's salvation from scheming Jews in a moderately successful political struggle against perceived materialistic, westernizing, and socialist Jewish elements. At the height of their powers immediately following the 1905 Revolution, Imperial Russian far rightists, most notably members of the Soiuz russkago naroda (Union of the Russian People), disseminated their anti-Western, anti-socialist, and anti-Semitic message to the broad masses far more effectively than pre-World War I volkisch Germans ever did.

I read the news about Kelsiyev [1] with much emotion. That's the right way, that's truth and reason! But be you very sure of this that (of course excepting the Poles) all our Liberals of socialistic leanings will rage like wild beasts. It will thrill them to the marrow. They'll hate it worse than if all their noses had been cut off. What are they to say now, whom now shall they bespatter? The most they can do is to gnash their teeth; and everyone at home quite understands that. Have you ever yet heard a sensible idea from any of our Liberals? They can but gnash their teeth, at any time; and indeed it mightily impresses school-boys. Of Kelsiyev, it will now be maintained that he has denounced them all. By God, you'll see that I am right. But can anyone "denounce" them, I ask you? In the first place, they have themselves compromised themselves; in the second who takes the slightest interest in them? They're not worth denouncing! . . .

_______________

Notes:

1 V. Kelsiyev, a political emigre, and collaborator with Herzen. He came back to Russia penitent, and became a collaborator on the extremely conservative Roussky Viestnik.

-- Letters of Fyodor Michailovitch Dostoevsky to his Family and Friends, translated by Ethel Colburn Mayne


Ultimately, far right alignments in Imperial Germany and the Russian Empire failed to develop into powerful societal forces. Volkisch German political activities culminated in "national opposition" efforts to replace Kaiser Wilhelm Hohenzollern II, seen as a weak leader, with a military dictatorship under the volkisch General Erich von Ludendorff in 1917. These endeavors miscarried. After a brief period of moderate success, Imperial Russian radical rightists faded into relative political insignificance. While they sought to uphold the autocratic prerogatives of Tsar Nikolai Romanov II, they could not thwart either the Tsar's abdication or the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917. German and Russian far right movements only came into vogue after the outbreak of the Russian Revolution and the defeat of Imperial Germany in World War I. Volkisch Germans, including National Socialists, and White emigres blamed both of these catastrophes primarily on sinister international Jewish conspirators.

THE VOLKISCH RIGHT IN IMPERIAL GERMANY

In order to understand the rise of volkisch ideology in Germany, one must examine the political development of the German state. The German Empire became a political entity only in 1871, and even then it failed to include millions of ethnic Germans. Late and incomplete German unification spurred a substantial volkisch ideology in the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that Hitler ultimately drew upon. The adjective "volkisch" derives from the word "Volk" (people). Proponents of volkisch thought believed the German people to be an autonomous agent above the state largely because of its transcendental essence. [1] Volkisch ideas developed from German Romanticism, which opposed parliamentarianism, Westernism, and the Jewish spirit. Volkisch theorists rejected the modern, liberal, and capitalist world they associated with soulless Western Zivilisation (civilization) in favor of an organic and spiritual Gemeinschaft (community). Volkisch ideologues equated Jews with an essentially pernicious materialism. [2]

The historian Saul Friedlander has termed one current of volkisch ideology "redemptive anti-Semitism." This spiritual aspect of the volkisch movement conceived the "sacredness of Aryan blood" and fused this belief "with a decidedly religious vision, that of the need for a German (or Aryan) Christianity." [3] The transcendental ideas of the German philosopher Schopenhauer helped to crystallize the redemptive features of volkisch thought. In his 1844 magnum opus, The World as Will and Idea, Schopenhauer expressed a concept that developed into an important component of later volkisch beliefs, namely that the denial of the will to live led to salvation.

In The World as Will and Idea, Schopenhauer argued that most people strove to affirm their "will to live" with "sufficient success to keep them from despair, and sufficient failure to keep them from ennui and its consequences." The enlightened few, however, realized: "Existence is certainly to be regarded as an erring, to return from which is salvation." He found this belief to play a central role in Christianity. He maintained, "The doctrine of original sin (assertion of the will) and of salvation (denial of the will) is the great truth which constitutes the essence of Christianity." Thus true Christians had to deny their worldly desires in order to achieve spiritual purity.

Schopenhauer did not explicitly attribute the ability to deny the will to live to Germans or Aryans, but he did argue that Jews lacked this capacity. He stressed, "Christianity belongs to the ancient, true, and sublime faith of mankind, which is opposed to the false, shallow, and injurious optimism which exhibits itself in ... Judaism." He further asserted that the Old Testament was "foreign to true Christianity; for in the New Testament the world is always spoken of as something to which one does not belong, which one does not love, nay, whose lord is the devil." [4] Schopenhauer upheld Christian idealism as the opposite of Jewish materialism.


What is opposed to this really Christian fundamental view is everywhere and always only the Old Testament, with its [x]. [21] This appears with particular distinctness from that important third book of the Stromata of Clement. Arguing against the above-mentioned Encratite heretics, he there always confronts them merely with Judaism and its optimistic history of creation, with which the world-denying tendency of the New Testament is most certainly in contradiction. But the connexion of the New Testament with the Old is at bottom only an external, accidental, and in fact forced one; and, as I have said, this offered a sole point of contact for the Christian teaching only in the story of the Fall, which, moreover, in the Old Testament is isolated, and is not further utilized. Yet according to the Gospel account, it is just the orthodox followers of the Old Testament who bring about the crucifixion of the Founder, because they consider his teachings to be in contradiction with their own. In the above-mentioned third book of the Stromata of Clement the antagonism between optimism together with theism on the one hand, and pessimism together with asceticism on the other, comes out with surprising distinctness. This book is directed against the Gnostics, who taught precisely pessimism and asceticism, particularly (abstinence of every kind, but especially from all sexual satisfaction); for this reason, Clement vigorously censures them. But at the same time it becomes apparent that the spirit of the Old Testament stands in this antagonism with that of the New. For, apart from the Fall which appears in the Old Testament like an hors d'oeuvre, the spirit of the Old Testament is diametrically opposed to that of the New; the former is optimistic, and the latter pessimistic. This contradiction is brought out by Clement himself at the end of the eleventh chapter ( ), [22] although he will not admit it, but declares it to be apparent, like the good Jew that he is. In general, it is interesting to see how for Clement the New and Old Testaments always get mixed up, and how he strives to reconcile them, yet often drives out the New Testament with the Old. At the very beginning of the third chapter he objects to the Marcionites for having found fault with the creation, after the manner of Plato and Pythagoras, since Marcion teaches that nature is bad and made of bad material ( ); hence this world should not be populated, but man should abstain from marriage ( ). Now Clement, to whom the Old Testament is generally much more congenial and convincing than the New, takes this very much amiss. He sees in this their flagrant ingratitude, enmity, and resentment towards him who made the world, towards the just demiurge, whose work they themselves are. In godless rebellion "forsaking the natural disposition," they nevertheless disdained to make use of his creatures ( ). [23] Here in his holy ardour he will not allow the Marcionites even the honour of originality, but, armed with his well-known erudition, he reproaches them and supports his case with the finest quotations, that the ancient philosophers, that Heraclitus and Empedocles, Pythagoras and Plato, Orpheus and Pindar, Herodotus and Euripides, and in addition the Sibyls, already deeply deplored the wretched nature of the world, and thus taught pessimism. Now he does not notice in this scholarly enthusiasm that precisely in this way he is providing grist to the mill of the Marcionites, for he shows indeed that "All the wisest of all the ages" have taught and sung the same thing as they. On the contrary, he confidently and boldly quotes the most decided and emphatic utterances of the ancients in that sense. Of course, he is not put out by them; sages may lament the melancholy nature of existence, poets may pour out the most affecting lamentations about it, nature and experience may cry out ever so loudly against optimism; all this does not disturb our Church Father; he still holds his Jewish revelation in his hand, and remains confident. The demiurge has made the world; from this it is a priori certain that it is excellent, no matter what it looks like. It is then just the same with the second point, with the [x], by which, according to his view, the Marcionites reveal their ingratitude to the demiurge ( ), and the stubbornness with which they reject his gifts ( ). The tragic poets had already paved the way for the Encratites (to the detriment of their originality), and had said the same thing. Thus they lamented the infinite misery of existence, and added that it is better to bring no children into such a world. Again he supports this with the finest passages, and at the same time accuses the Pythagoreans of having renounced sexual pleasure for this reason. All this, however, does not worry him at all; he sticks to his principle that through their abstinence all these sin against the demiurge, since they teach that one should not marry, should not beget children, should not bring into the world new miserable beings, should not produce fresh fodder for death ( [x] c. 6). [24] Since the learned Church Father thus denounces, he does not appear to have foreseen that, just after his time, the celibacy of the Christian priesthood would be introduced more and more, and finally in the eleventh century would be passed into law, because it is in keeping with the spirit of the New Testament. It is precisely this spirit that the Gnostics grasped more profoundly and understood better than did our Church Father, who was more of a Jew than a Christian. The point of view of the Gnostics stands out very clearly at the beginning of the ninth chapter, where the following is quoted from the Gospel of the Egyptians: (Aiunt enim dixisse Servatorem: "Veni ad dissolvendum opera feminae": feminae quidem, cupiditatis,' opera autem, generationem et interitum); [25] but particularly at the end of the thirteenth chapter and at the beginning of the fourteenth. The Church, of course, had to consider how to set on its feet a religion that could also walk and stand in the world as it is, and among men; she therefore declared these men to be heretics. At the conclusion of the seventh chapter, our Church Father sets up Indian asceticism as bad in opposition to the Christian-Jewish; here is clearly brought out the fundamental difference in the spirit of the two religions. In Judaism and Christianity, everything runs back to obedience or disobedience to God's command, as befits us creatures, (nobis qui ab Omnipotentis voluntate effecti sumus) [26] c. 14. Then comes, as a second duty, to serve the Lord, to praise his works, and to overflow with thankfulness. In Brahmanism and Buddhism, of course, the matter has quite a different aspect, since in the latter all improvement, conversion, and salvation to be hoped for from this world of suffering, from this Samsara, proceed from knowledge of the four fundamental truths: (1) dolor, (2) doloris ortus, (3) doloris interitus, (4) octopartita via ad doloris sedationem. [27] Dhammapada, ed. Fausboll, pp. 35 and 347. The explanation of these four truths is found in Burnouf, Introduction a l'histoire du Buddhisme, p. 629, and in all descriptions of Buddhism.

In truth it is not Judaism with its [x], [28] but Brahmanism and Buddhism that in spirit and ethical tendency are akin to Christianity. The spirit and ethical tendency, however, are the essentials of a religion, not the myths in which it clothes them. Therefore I do not abandon the belief that the teachings of Christianity are to be derived in some way from those first and original religions. I have already pointed out some traces of this in the second volume of the Parerga, § 179. In addition to these is the statement of Epiphanius (Haereses, xviii) that the first Jewish Christians of Jerusalem, who called themselves Nazarenes, abstained from all animal food. By virtue of this origin (or at any rate of this agreement), Christianity belongs to the ancient, true, and sublime faith of mankind. This faith stands in contrast to the false, shallow, and pernicious optimism that manifests itself in Greek paganism, Judaism, and Islam. To a certain extent the Zend religion holds the mean, since it opposes to Ormuzd a pessimistic counterpoise in Ahriman. The Jewish religion resulted from this Zend religion, as J. G. Rhode has thoroughly demonstrated in his book Die heilige Sage des Zendvolks; Jehovah came from Ormuzd, and Satan from Ahriman. The latter, however, plays only a very subordinate role in Judaism, in fact almost entirely disappears. In this way optimism gains the upper hand, and there is left only the myth of the Fall as a pessimistic element, which (as the fable of Meshian and Meshiane) is also taken from the Zend-Avesta, but nevertheless falls into oblivion until it, as well as Satan, is again taken up by Christianity. But Ormuzd himself is derived from Brahmanism, although from a lower region thereof; he is no other than Indra, that subordinate god of the firmament and the atmosphere, who is frequently in competition with men. This has been very clearly shown by the eminent scholar I. J. Schmidt in his work Ueber die Verwandtschaft der gnostisch-theosophischen Lehren mit den Religionssystemen des Orients, vorzuglich dem Buddhismus. This Indra-Ormuzd-Jehovah afterwards had to pass into Christianity, as that religion arose in Judaea. But in consequence of the cosmopolitan character of Christianity, he laid aside his proper name, in order to be described in the language of each converted nation by the appellative of the superhuman individuals he supplanted, as , Deus, which comes from the Sanskrit Deva (from which also devil, Teufel is derived), or among the Gothic-Germanic nations by the word God, Gott, which comes from Odin, or Wodan, Guodan, Godan. In just the same way he assumed in Islam, which also springs from Judaism, the name of Allah, which existed previously in Arabia. Analogously to this, when the gods of the Greek Olympus were transplanted to Italy in prehistoric times, they assumed the names of the gods who reigned there previously; hence among the Romans Zeus is called Jupiter, Hera Juno, Hermes Mercury, and so on. In China the first embarrassment of the missionaries arose from the fact that the Chinese language has absolutely no appellative of the kind, and also no word for creating; [29] for the three religions of China know of no gods either in the plural or in the singular.

However it may be in other respects, that [x] [30] of the Old Testament is really foreign to Christianity proper; for in the New Testament the world is generally spoken of as something to which we do not belong, which we do not love, the ruler of which, in fact, is the devil. [31] This agrees with the ascetic spirit of the denial of one's self and the overcoming of the world. Like boundless love of one's neighbour, even of one's enemy, this spirit is the fundamental characteristic which Christianity has in common with Brahmanism and Buddhism, and which is evidence of their relationship. There is nothing in which we have to distinguish the kernel from the shell so much as in Christianity. Just because I value this kernel highly, I sometimes treat the shell with little ceremony; yet it is thicker than is often supposed.

-- The World As Will and Representation, by Arthur Schopenhauer


As cited by Dietrich Eckart, Hitler's early volkisch mentor, Schopenhauer elaborated on Judaism's overwhelmingly materialistic nature in his work Parerga. He asserted, "The true Jewish religion ... is the crudest of all religions, since it is the only one that has absolutely no doctrine of immortality, nor even any trace of it." He also maintained: "Judaism ... is a religion without any metaphysical tendency." This argument corresponded with his claim that what passed for the Jewish religion merely represented a "war-cry in the subjugation of foreign peoples." [5] According to Schopenhauer, Jews focused on shallow worldly gain and could not negate the will to live in order to achieve salvation.

The real religion of the Jews, as presented and taught in Genesis and all the historical books up to the end of Chronicles, is the crudest of all religions because it is the only one that has absolutely no doctrine of immortality, not even a trace thereof. When he dies, each king, each hero or prophet, is buried with his fathers and with this everything is finished. There is no trace of any existence after death; indeed every idea of this kind seems to be purposely dismissed. For example, Jehovah delivers a long eulogy to King Josiah and ends it with the promise of a reward. It says: [x] ['Behold, I will gather thee to thy fathers, and thou shalt be gathered to thy grave in peace.' 2 Chronicles 34: 28); thus he shall not live to see Nebuchadnezzar. But there is no idea of another existence after death and with it of a positive reward instead of the merely negative one of dying and of suffering no further sorrows. On the contrary, when Jehovah has sufficiently used up and tormented his handiwork and plaything, he throws it away into the ditch; that is the reward for it. Just because the religion of the Jews knows no immortality and consequently no punishments after death, Jehovah can threaten the sinner, the one who prospers on earth, only with punishing his misdeeds in the persons of his children and children's children unto the fourth generation, as may be seen in Exodus 34:7, and Numbers 14: 18. This proves the absence of any doctrine of immortality. Likewise the passage in Tobias, 3: 6, where the latter begs Jehovah to let him die, [x] ['that I may be saved, and return to dust']; nothing more, no notion of an existence after death. In the Old Testament the reward promised to virtue is to live a really long time on earth (e.g. Deuteronomy 5:16 and 33); in the Veda, on the other hand, it is not to be born again. The contempt in which the Jews were always held by contemporary peoples may have been due in great measure to the poor character of their religion. What is said in Ecclesiastes 3:19, 20 is the true sentiment of the Jews' religion. If immortality is alluded to, as in Daniel 12:2, it is as an imported foreign doctrine, as is evident from Daniel, :4 and 6. In the second book of Maccabees, chapter 7, the doctrine of immortality appears clearly to be of Babylonian origin. All other religions, those of the Indians, both Brahmans and Buddhists, of the Egyptians, Persians, and even of the Druids, teach immortality and, with the exception of the Persians in the Zendavesta, metempsychosis as well. D. G. v. Ekendahl establishes in his review of the Svenska Siare och Skalder of Atterbom, in the Blatter fur litter. Unterhaltung, 25 August 1843, that the Edda, especially the Voluspa, teaches transmigration of souls. Even Greeks and Romans had something post letum ['after death'], namely Tartarus and Elysium, and said:

unt aliquid manes, letum non omnia finit:
Luridaque evictos effugit umbra rogos.
Propertius, IV. 7.

['The shades of the departed are still something, death does not end all: the lurid shadow rises triumphant from the fiery flames.']


Speaking generally, the really essential element in a religion as such consists in the conviction it gives that our existence proper is not limited to our life, but is infinite. Now this wretched religion of the Jews does not do this at all, in fact it does not even attempt it. It is, therefore, the crudest and poorest of all religions and consists merely in an absurd and revolting theism. It amounts to this that the [x] ['Lord'], who has created the world, desires to be worshipped and adored; and so above all he is jealous, is envious of his colleagues, of all the other gods; if sacrifices are made to them he is furious and his Jews have a bad time. All these other religions and their gods are stigmatized in the Septuagint as [x] ['abomination']; but it is crude Judaism without any immortality that really merits this description. [/b]It is most deplorable that this religion has become the basis of the prevailing religion of Europe; for it is a religion without any metaphysical tendency. While all other religions endeavour to explain to the people by symbols and parables the metaphysical significance of life, the religion of the Jews is entirely immanent and furnishes nothing but a mere war-cry in the struggle with other nations.[/b] Lessing's Erziehung des Menschmgeschlechts should be called education of the Jewish race, for the whole of the human race with the exception of these elect of God was convinced of that truth. The Jews are the chosen people of their God and he is the chosen God of his people. And this need not trouble anyone else. [x] ['I will be their God, and they shall be my people'] is a passage from one of the prophets, according to Clement of Alexandria. But when I observe that the present nations of Europe to a certain extent regard themselves as the heirs to that chosen people of God, I cannot conceal my regret. On the other hand, Judaism cannot be denied the reputation of being the only really monotheistic religion on earth; for no other religion can boast of an objective God, creator of heaven and earth.

-- Parerga and Paralipomena: Short Philosophical Essays, by Arthur Schopenhauer


In constructing his Weltanschauung of Germanic redemption through self-negation, the German composer Richard Wagner borrowed extensively from Schopenhauer's philosophy of achieving salvation by repudiating the will to live. Wagner read Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Idea four times in 1854 and 1855. He enthused of the philosopher: "His cardinal idea, the ultimate negation of the will to live, is terribly solemn but uniquely redeeming. It was not new to me, of course, and cannot be entertained at all by anyone in whom it does not already reside." [6] Wagner ultimately claimed that the only path to "true hope" meant establishing "the Schopenhauerian philosophy as the basis of all further intellectual and moral culture.'' [7]

Wagner expressed anti-Semitic views in his schema of attaining salvation by negating the will to live. He ended his notorious essay, "Judaism in Music," which he originally wrote in 1850 and revised in 1869, by urging "the Jew" to attain redemption along with the German, for which he would have "to cease being a Jew." Wagner named a Jewish author, Ludwig Borne, who had achieved this transformation after realizing that the Jews could only find salvation with their "redemption into true men." Wagner stressed, "Borne of all people teaches us as well that this redemption ... costs sweat, affliction, anxieties, and an abundance of pain and suffering." He then exhorted the Jews:


Take part in this regenerative work of redemption through self-destruction. and then we will be united and undifferentiated! But consider that only one thing can be your redemption from the curse that weighs heavily upon you: the redemption of Ahasuerus: downfall! [8]


In this passage, Wagner referred to the myth of Ahasuerus, or the Wandering Jew, a cobbler who, according to seventeenth-century legend, had mocked Jesus and had thereby brought a curse upon himself to live until the second coming of Christ. Only then would he be granted the release of death. [9] Wagner called upon the Jews to join the Germans in effecting regenerative redemption through self-negation. By admonishing them that only their downfall would redeem them, however, he seems to have thought that this in itself would daunt them. For Wagner, the Jews remained too attached to their own worldly interests to renounce their materialism, and thus they would by and large remain beyond the bounds of redemption.

Ahasuerus, the wandering Jew, is nothing but the personification of the whole Jewish race. Since he sinned grievously against the Saviour and World-Redeemer, he shall never be delivered from earthly existence and its burden and moreover shall wander homeless in foreign lands. This is just the flight and fate of the small Jewish race which, strange to relate, was driven from its native land some two thousand years ago and has ever since existed and wandered homeless. On the other hand, many great and illustrious nations with which this pettifogging little nation cannot possibly be compared, such as the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Phoenicians, Egyptians, Etruscans and others have passed to eternal rest and entirely disappeared. And so even today, this gens extorris, [26] this John Lackland among the nations, is to be found all over the globe, nowhere at home and nowhere strangers. Moreover, it asserts its nationality with unprecedented obstinacy and, mindful of Abraham who dwelt in Canaan as a stranger but who gradually became master of the whole land, as his God had promised him (Genesis 17: 8), it would also like to set foot somewhere and take root in order to arrive once more at a country, without which, of course, a people is like a ball floating in air.* Till then, it lives parasitically on other nations and their soil; but yet it is inspired with the liveliest patriotism for its own nation. This is seen in the very firm way in which Jews stick together on the principle of each for all and all for each, so that this patriotism sine patria inspires greater enthusiasm than does any other. The rest of the Jews are the fatherland of the Jew; and so he fights for them as he would pro ara et focis, [27] and no community on earth sticks so firmly together as does this. It follows from this that it is absurd to want to concede to them a share in the government or administration of any country. Originally amalgamated and one with their state, their religion is by no means the main issue here, but rather merely the bond that holds them together, the point de ralliement, [28] and the banner whereby they recognize one another. This is also seen in the fact that even the converted Jew who has been baptized does not by any means bring upon himself the hatred and loathing of all the rest, as do all other apostates. On the contrary, he continues as a rule to be their friend and companion and to regard them as his true countrymen, naturally with a few orthodox exceptions. Even in the case of the regular and solemn Jewish prayer for which ten must be present, a Jew turned Christian, but no other Christian, may be present if one of the ten is missing. The same holds good of all the other religious acts. The case would be even clearer if Christianity were to decline and cease altogether; for then the Jews would not on that account cease to exist and to hang together as Jews, separately and by themselves. Accordingly, it is an extremely superficial and false view to regard the Jews merely as a religious sect. But if, in order to countenance this error, Judaism is described by an expression borrowed from the Christian Church as 'Jewish Confession', then this is a fundamentally false expression which is deliberately calculated to mislead and should not be allowed at all. On the contrary, 'Jewish Nation' is the correct expression. The Jews have absolutely no confession; monotheism is part of their nationality and political constitution and is with them a matter of course. Indeed it is quite clear that monotheism and Judaism are convertible terms. The fact that the well-known faults attaching to the Jewish national character, of which a surprising absence of all that is expressed by the word verecundia [29] is the most conspicuous, although this fault is far more useful in the world than is perhaps any positive quality; the fact, I say, that such faults are to be attributed mainly to the long and unjust oppression they have suffered, excuses them, it is true, but does not do away with them. I am bound to praise absolutely the rational Jew who, on giving up old myths, humbug, and prejudices by being baptized, quits an association that brings him neither honour nor advantage (although the latter occurs in exceptional cases), even if he should not take the Christian faith very seriously. For is this not the case with every young Christian who repeats his credo at his confirmation? To save him even this step, however, and to bring to an end in the gentlest manner the whole tragi-comic state of affairs, the best way is certainly for marriages to be permitted and even encouraged between Jews and Gentiles. The Church cannot object to this for there is the authority of the apostle himself (1 Corinthians 7: 12-16). Then in the course of a hundred years, there will be only a very few Jews left and soon the ghost will be exorcized. Ahasuerus will be buried and the chosen people will not know where their abode was. This desirable result, however, will be frustrated if the emancipation of the Jews is carried to the point of their obtaining political rights, and thus an interest in the administration and government of Christian countries. For then they will be and remain Jews really only con amore. Justice demands that they should enjoy with others equal civil rights; but to concede to them a share in the running of the State is absurd. They are and remain a foreign oriental race, and so must always be regarded merely as domiciled foreigners. When some twenty-five years ago the emancipation of the Jews was debated in the English Parliament, a speaker put forward the following hypothetical case. An English Jew comes to Lisbon where he meets two men in extreme want and distress; yet it is only in his power to save one of them. Personally to him they are both strangers. Yet if one of them is an Englishman but a Christian, and the other a Portuguese but a Jew, whom will he save? I do not think that any sensible Christian and any sincere Jew will be in doubt as to the answer. But it gives us some indication of the rights to be conceded to the Jews.

-- Parerga and Paralipomena: Short Philosophical Essays, by Arthur Schopenhauer


Wagner's magnum opus, the four-part opera cycle based on Teutonic mythology and legend, Der Ring des Nibelungen (The Ring of the Nibelung), powerfully expresses the alleged Germanic capacity to negate the will to live heroically as compared to the Jewish drive for earthly power. Wagner wrote of his work, "Here everything is tragic through and through, and the will that wanted to shape a world according to its plan can in the end attain nothing more satisfying than to break itself through a dignified downfall." [10] In the Ring, Wotan, the chief god, seeks to transcend "divine splendor's boasting ignominy." He exclaims: "I renounce my work. I only want one thing more: the end, the end!" [11]

In his quest for a "dignified downfall," Wotan arranges for his daughter, the Valkyrie Brunnhilde, to work a "world-redeeming deed." She carries out this mission by riding into the funeral pyre of her dead lover, Wotan's heroic grandson Siegfried, while wearing the ring of the Nibelung, which grants earthly power. Brunnhilde's heroic self-negation purifies the ring of its dread curse and allows Wotan to destroy Valhalla, his splendid castle in the sky, with its assembled gods and heroes. [12] After this conflagration, a purified new world arises from out of the old order's destruction. [13]

Wagner's Ring portrays heroic Germanic self-abnegation in contrast to the Jewish lust for earthly power. The Germanic deities Wotan and Brunnhilde destroy themselves to redeem the world. The fiendish Alberich, on the other hand, who crafts the accursed ring in the first place, and his son Hagen, who dastardly stabs Siegfried in the back, remain slaves to their material desires. They exhibit no redemptive spiritual tendencies. Hagen meets his doom in an ignominious manner. He leaps to his death in a final grab for the ring "as if insane." [14] Wagner intended Alberich and Hagen to represent what he regarded as the worldly and corrupting Jewish essence. Alberich symbolized the menace of purebred Jews and his son Hagen embodied the threat inherent in the bastardized offspring of Germans and Jews. [15]



-- Der Ring Des Nibelungen (The Ring of the Nibelung), by Richard Wagner


In his later prose writings and in his final opera, Parsifal, Wagner advocated a "true religion" for Germans as opposed to Jews in which compassion arose from suffering. [16] He drew heavily upon Schopenhauerian thought in advocating this "true religion" based on the "annulment of the will" that could effect a "great regeneration." He stressed that Jews were incapable of attaining this "true religion." He even asserted that Jesus had not been a Jew. [17] In formulating his ideas, Wagner borrowed from the racist notions of the French author Count Arthur de Gobineau, who had released his Essai sur l'inegalite des races humaines (Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races) [The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races, With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind] in 1855. [18] Gobineau conceived an "Aryan ruling race." [19] Wagner, for his part, argued that the "so-called white race" manifested the "ability of deliberate suffering to an exceptional degree." [20] "The Jew," on the other hand, possessed

no religion whatsoever, but rather only a belief in certain promises of his God that by no means extends to an atemporal life beyond ... , but solely to precisely this present life on earth, on which power over everything alive and lifeless ... remains promised to his tribe. [21]


Wagner thus upheld a strict racist divide between idealistic Germans and materialistic Jews. Subsequent volkisch theorists drew upon this dichotomy.

Wagner tended to avoid concrete proposals for combating the Jewish menace, though he did address this topic on at least two occasions. He wrote in a revised version of "Judaism in Music" in 1869 that he was "unable to decide" whether the "downfall of our culture can be arrested by a violent ejection of the destructive foreign element," meaning the Jews. [22] In his 1881 essay, "Know Thyself," he prophesied that when the "demon of suffering humanity" no longer had a place to lurk among the Germans, "there will also no longer be -- any Jew." He then asserted that the "current movement that has only just become conceivable among us again could make this great solution possible for us Germans sooner than for every other nation as soon as we carry out that 'know thyself' into the innermost core of our existence." [23] While imprecise in his language, Wagner clearly displayed a menacing attitude towards Jews.

After Wagner's death in 1883, the volkisch ideologue Houston Stewart Chamberlain disseminated Wagnerian ideas to a large audience. Chamberlain was a born Englishman who married Wagner's daughter Eva and moved into Wagner's former villa Wahnfried in Bayreuth, Bavaria. [24] Chamberlain asserted in 1883: "I must confess I doubt whether humanity ever produced a greater, perhaps as great a genius as Richard Wagner." [25] His first book dealt with Wagner, the "great German Meister." In his work Richard Wagner, Chamberlain summarized many of Wagner's somewhat abstruse views. He asserted that Wagner had traced the fundamental causes of human decadence to the "deterioration of the blood" and to the "demoralizing influence of the Jews." He summed up Wagner's doctrine of regeneration as the belief, "Out of the inner negation of the world the affirmation of redemption will be born." [26]

With his major work, Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, which was first published in 1899 and went through twenty-four German editions by 1938, Chamberlain wished to establish himself as a great volkisch thinker in his own right. [27] He clearly owed a great debt to Wagnerian thought, however. In Foundations, Chamberlain continued in the vein of Wagner's racist dichotomy between idealistic Germans and materialistic Jews. With regard to the "Teutons," he asserted: ''A race so profoundly and inwardly religious is unknown to history." The Jewish people, on the other hand, remained "quite stunted in its religious growth."

In Chamberlain's view, the profound Germanic religious nature as opposed to the Jewish lack of deep spiritual feeling also manifested itself when one compared German and Jewish heroes. Chamberlain argued that the "Germanic" character possessed the notion of "victory in downfall (in other words, the true heroism centered in the inner motive, not in the outward distress)." This self-negating aspect as well as "loyalty" distinguished "a Siegfried, a Tristan, a Parzival" from a "Semitic Samson whose heroism lies in his hair." Chamberlain thus argued that while Jewish heroes perhaps defied death, they did not transcend it as Germanic ones did.

Chamberlain used Schopenhauerian philosophy in maintaining a spiritual gulf between Germanics and Jews. He praised the "unworldly, speculative, ideal tendency of mind" that had "received monumental expression in the nineteenth century in Schopenhauer's doctrine of the negation of the will to live." He noted: "The will is here in a way directed inwardly. This is quite different in the case of the Jew. His will at all times took an outward direction; it was the unconditional will to live." Chamberlain further argued that in opposition to the ''Aryan negation of the will," the Jews displayed the "enormous predominance of will." He asserted, "For while the Indian taught the negation of the will, and Christ its 'conversion,' religion is for the Semite the idolization of his will, its most glowing, immoderate and fanatical assertion."

Chamberlain used ominous language when he described the battle between Germanics and Jews. He emphasized: "To this day these two powers -- Jews and Teutonic races -- stand, wherever the recent spread of the Chaos has not blurred their features, now as friendly, now as hostile, but always as alien forces face to face." He warned, "No arguing about 'humanity' can alter the fact that this means a struggle. Where the struggle is not waged with cannon balls, it goes on silently in the heart of society .... But this struggle, silent though it be, is above all others a struggle for life and death." [28] Chamberlain, the leading volkisch theorist around the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, thus believed that an unbridgeable chasm divided will-denying Germans from will-affirming Jews.

While German far rightists who drew inspiration from the ideas of Chamberlain, Schopenhauer, and Wagner possessed a coherent volkisch ideology that asserted German racial and spiritual superiority over the materialistic Jews through the German ability to negate the will to live, the Imperial German volkisch right could not establish a politically successful movement. After the founding of the German Empire in 1871, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck focused on a "domestic preventive war" against what he perceived as dangerous internal enemies: not Jews, but Catholics, in what became known as the Kulturkampf (Culture Struggle). [29] The modest acme of anti-Semitic volkisch political success in Imperial Germany arrived in the early 1890s. In 1892, the Conservative Party adopted the Tivoli Program, which asserted: "We combat the widely obtruding and decomposing Jewish influence on our popular life." Ardent anti-Semitic parties won 2.9 percent of the parliamentary vote in 1893. After this slight victory, however, German political parties specifically devoted to anti-Semitism declined to insignificance. [30]

The most noteworthy twentieth-century Imperial German volkisch manifestation began when Heinrich Class gave the then little-known Alldeutscher Verband (Pan-German League) with approximately 14,000 members a pronounced anti-Semitic character when he became chairman in February 1908. [31] Class had familiarized himself with the racist ideas of Count Arthur de Gobineau and Houston Stewart Chamberlain. He honored both thinkers as "great men." As the leader of the Pan-German League, he required the regional branches of the organization to acquaint themselves with Gobineau's work on the inequality of the races and to hold discussion sessions on it. [32] In 1909, Class released a work influenced by Chamberlain that he intended to serve as a popular history, Deutsche Geschichte (German History). He treated what he deemed the heroic struggles of Germanic peoples and also warned of the "Jewish peril." [33] He ultimately received personal praise from Chamberlain himself for his book. [34]

While the "Jewish question" had remained relatively dormant in German politics from 1894 on, it flared up again after the so-called "Jewish elections" of 1912, when the Social Democratic vote rose from 53 to 110 seats in the Reichstag, the German parliament." In response to the elections, Class wrote an anti-Semitic book, Wenn ich der Kaiser war (If I Were the Kaiser), in March and April 1912 under the pseudonym Daniel Frymann. [36] He noted: "Today the entire people is dissatisfied with the way it is governed." After remarking that the Kaiser had expressed admiration of Chamberlain and had expedited the printing of thousands of copies of Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, Class asked, "Has the Kaiser read and understood the book? How is it then possible that directly afterwards he became a patron of the Jews ... ?" Class further called for the rebirth of "German idealism," and he asserted, "The Jews are the upholders and teachers of the materialism that reigns today."

In his Kaiser work, Class proposed drastically curtailing Jewish rights. He advocated halting all future Jewish immigration into Germany, expelling all Jews who had not become German citizens, and subjecting remaining Jews in Germany to alien status. All those who had belonged to the Hebraic religion in January 1871 along with the descendents of such people, even if only from one parent, were to be classified as Jews. Jews would be forbidden to serve as civil servants, officers, enlisted men, lawyers, teachers, and theater directors, and they would possess neither the right to vote nor to own land. They would only be allowed to write for "Jewish" newspapers, and they would have to pay twice as many taxes as German citizens. Class concluded his work with the appeal that the National Socialists subsequently stressed: "Germany to the Germans!"
[37] Class' Kaiser book went through five editions of 5,000 copies each before World War I. Class later lamented, however, that while his work had found many readers and was generally considered "interesting," Germany's political elite had disregarded his anti-Semitic warnings and proposals. [38]

Class' Kaiser book was not the only manifestation of increased anti-Semitic activity in Germany in 1912. In February of that year, Ludwig Muller von Hausen, a fervent admirer of Schopenhauer, founded the Verband gegen Uberhebung des Judentumes (Association against the Presumption of Jewry) in Berlin. [39] The association's statutes asserted that the organization sought "to waken racial pride, to boost volkisch consciousness, and to work against any Jewish presumption." Only Germans of ''Aryan descent" could serve as regular members, while certain foreigners could become extraordinary ones. [40]

Hausen sought to gain Class' favor. He soon established that the latter had written the Kaiser book that he esteemed, and he joined Class' Pan-German League. Hausen sought to impress Class with the influence of his Association against the Presumption of Jewry. Hausen wrote Class that while his organization possessed only a few hundred members, they included large landowners, important industrialists, high-ranking governmental officials, and leading officers. [41] Incidentally, the future National Socialist Party secretary, Martin Bormann, joined Hausen's Association in July 1920. [42]

Class and Hausen established a personal relationship that thrived for a while but then deteriorated. They met for the first time in September 1913 in Berlin and then met again in October and November of that year. Class gave Hausen 1,500 marks to support the work of the Association against the Presumption of Jewry, followed by another 1,000 marks later on. [43] Class and Hausen later had a serious falling out, however, in one of the many examples of Class' pronounced weakness at maintaining amicable relations with other important volkisch leaders, ultimately including Hitler. [44] Hausen developed derogatory views of Class. He claimed in 1922, "I have never had a high opinion of Class, holding him to be a conceited, cowardly person of very mediocre education." [45]

Despite the efforts of Class and Hausen to alert the Germans to the supposed Jewish peril, anti-Semitism remained much less extreme in Imperial Germany than in France, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Imperial Russia on the Eve of World War I. [46] Neither Class' Pan-German League nor Hausen's Association against the Presumption of Jewry gained mass followings. Moreover, after modest successes in the late nineteenth century, the fortunes of German parties specifically devoted to anti-Semitism declined in the prewar period. [47] German volkisch-redemptive anti-Semitism did not flourish until after the catastrophic outcome of World War I.

During World War I, Kaiser Wilhelm Hohenzollern II managed to weather national opposition intrigues from the right. The Kaiser surmounted rightist opposition stemming primarily from Heinrich Class' Pan-German League and the Deutsche Vaterlandspartei (German Fatherland Party) under Wolfgang Kapp, the Generallandschaftsdirektor (General Countryside Director) of East Prussia. [48] In late August 1917, Kapp invited his close comrade General Count Rudiger von der Goltz to collaborate in the official formation of the German Fatherland Party. [49] Kapp served as the chairman of the German Fatherland Party, and Goltz acted as the second chairman of the East Prussian branch of the organization. [50] Goltz went on to coordinate an anti-Bolshevik intervention of German/White Russian forces in Latvia in 1919 with Kapp's backing. The German Fatherland Party collected nationalist forces into a powerful behind-the-scenes force. The organization secretly planned to place Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz at the head of a nationalist German government as a "strong man" with Kapp as his advisor. [51]

The volkisch leaders Kapp and Class cooperated with one another in their national opposition undertakings. Kapp valued the right-wing activities of Class' Pan-German League. In order to gain support for his own conspiratorial alliance, Kapp asked Class to serve on the German Fatherland Party's Advisory Committee. Class agreed. By this time, membership in Class' Pan-German League had reached 37,000. The volkisch theorist Houston Stewart Chamberlain, who had been granted German citizenship in August 1916, played a leading role in the association. [52] Kapp, Class, and Chamberlain collaborated on the editorial staff of a volkisch newspaper in 1917: Deutschlands Erneuerung: Monatsschrift for das deutsche Volk (Germanys Renewal: Monthly for the German People). This publication provided a theoretical underpinning for the German Fatherland Party's bid for power. [53]

In addition to receiving assistance for his nationalist schemes from Class and Chamberlain, Kapp obtained the support of Ludwig Muller von Hausen, the leader of the Association against the Presumption of Jewry, in 1917. Hausen had curtailed his political activities during the first half of World War I before becoming more politically active again in the war's later years. Despite his advanced age, he had served as an artillery captain on both the Eastern and Western Fronts. He had received the Iron Cross, First Class, for his efforts. He had corresponded with General Erich von Ludendorff, the chief of the Army General Staff. In fact, he had served the general in an advisory capacity. In 1917, Hausen worked to increase the membership of Kapp's German Fatherland Party. [54]

Hausen's volkisch colleague General Ludendorff played an important role in right-wing intrigues against the Kaiser. Ludendorff was Germany's most valuable military strategist as well as a leading volkisch activist who later allied himself closely with Hitler. He supported Kapp's German Fatherland Party. He regarded the organization as a means of strengthening the German will to win the war." He also followed the activities of Class' Pan-German League with great interest. He admired the association's determination to fight on until final victory. Class visited Ludendorff at Army Headquarters in October 1917 with the backing of both his Pan-German League and Kapp's German Fatherland Party. Working in the vein of what he termed "national opposition," Class tried to convince the influential general to seize dictatorial powers.

Class stressed that the Kaiser had long since lost the trust of the people, whereas the Army High Command enjoyed widespread popular support. Ludendorff should therefore inaugurate a military dictatorship to see the German people through to victory. Ludendorff replied that this plan was not realistic, since he was fully occupied with directing military affairs and could not run the country politically as well. Class and Kapp's collaboration deteriorated in the face of this setback. Frictions developed between them. Kapp jettisoned the Advisory Committee of the German Fatherland Party in which Class played a prominent role at the end of 1917. [56] The Kaiser was spared removal in a putsch from the right and instead fled to the Netherlands under the pressure of revolution from the left in November 1918.

RUSSIAN CONSERVATIVE REVOLUTIONARIES UP TO THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION

In a manner similar to anti-Semitic volkisch German theorists who argued that the Germans possessed the heroic capability to achieve redemption by denying the will to live. Imperial Russian conservative revolutionaries used concepts of superior Russian or Slavic spirituality to further their anti-Western, anti-socialist, and anti-Semitic arguments. Russian far rightists also propagated apocalyptic notions of Europe's imminent demise largely through the agency of the Jews. Many conservative revolutionaries associated the Jews with the Antichrist, the foe of Jesus who is written of in the biblical Book of Revelation.

While they failed to reshape Imperial Russian society according to their desires, Imperial Russian far rightists nonetheless managed to transcend mere theoretical musings to achieve a concrete political dimension superior to that of their German counterparts. Russian conservative revolutionaries better implemented their ideas in the political sphere than politically weak volkisch leaders in Germany. Imperial Russian revolutionary nationalists urged the Russian Empire to lead the entire Slavic world in launching a determined political action to escape allegedly decadent Europe's imminent demise.

The author and journalist Fedor Dostoevskii crystallized conservative revolutionary ideology in Imperial Russia much like Wagner shaped volkisch views in Germany.
Like Wagner, Dostoevskii failed at socialist revolutionary undertakings in his youth. He was even sentenced to death before receiving a last-minute reprieve. He subsequently refocused his energies into joining those whom he termed "revolutionaries ... out of conservatism." [57] Dostoevskii's intellectual development resembled that of one of his greatest literary creations, Radian Raskolnikov, the protagonist of Crime and Punishment. Raskolnikov commits a brutal double homicide in pursuit of utopian revolutionary ideals before ultimately embracing Orthodox Christianity with its emphasis on the redemptive powers of suffering.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

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While he is best known for his psychologically insightful novels, Dostoevskii expressed his ideological views most clearly in his Diary of a Writer, which he published in 1873, 1876, 1877, 1880, and January 1881 immediately before his death. [58] As we will see in Chapter Eight, this work greatly influenced White emigre views. Dostoevskii supported the altar and the throne in Diary of a Writer. He argued that the Russians possessed "two awful strengths," namely their "spiritual indivisibility" and their "closest unity with the monarch." He placed the "idea of the Russian people" squarely within Orthodox Christianity. [59] Here he clearly demonstrated the conservative aspect of his conservative revolutionary outlook. Dostoevskii described himself as a member of the particularly fervent wing of Slavophilism that believed: "Our great Russia, at the head of the united Slavs, will speak its own new, wholesome, and as yet unheard of word ... to the entire world." His Slavophile beliefs contained strong apocalyptic overtones. Writing in January 1877, he stressed that the time had arrived for something "eternal, millenary." He heralded the approach of a final confrontation between the "Catholic idea," meant in political as well as religious terms, its opponent Protestantism, an "only negative" belief, and "the third world idea, the Slavic idea, an idea coming into being." He noted that the resolution of these great world-views could not be submitted to "petty, Judaizing, third-rate considerations." He remained vague on what the "Slavic idea" represented in this passage. In an earlier section of Diary of a Writer, however, he wrote of "our world purpose" to become the "servants of all, for universal reconciliation" to bring about the "final unification of humanity." [60]

Dostoevskii exhibited pronounced anti-Semitic beliefs, which he expressed most clearly in Chapter Two of the March 1877 section of Diary of a Writer, "The Jewish Question." He blamed the Jews for perennially forming a "status in statu" (state within the state). He accused them of exhibiting "estrangement and alienation." He blamed them for believing, "Only one true people exists on the earth, the Jewish one, and ... although there are others, it is nevertheless necessary to regard them as non-existent." He lamented that Jews controlled the stock market, capital, credit, and international politics. He warned of them: "Their kingdom is approaching, their entire kingdom! The triumph of ideas is coming before which feelings of philanthropy, thirst for the truth, Christian feelings, national and even folk pride of the European peoples will flag" in the face of "materialism, the blind, lustful craving for personal material security."

While Dostoevskii attributed a salvational role to the Russian people at the head of the united Slavs, he apocalyptically foretold Europe's imminent demise, largely because of Jewish machinations. Writing in August 1877, he stressed that "Europe" faced a "general, common, and terrible fall." He prophesied: ''All these parliamentarisms, all currently prevailing civil theories, all accumulated riches, banks, sciences, Jews, all of these will tumble down in an instant without leaving a trace, except perhaps the Jews, who even then will not be at a loss to profit from the situation." He claimed that this collapse stood '''near, in the doorway,'" referring to Revelation 3:20, a passage of the last book of the Bible that foretells the destruction of the sinful world in great upheaval and chaos, after which the Kingdom of God will appear on earth. [61]

In the vein of Dostoevskii, many Imperial Russian far rightists around the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries believed that the Kingdom of God would only come after the destruction of Western civilization. [61] Most notably, the author Vladimir Solovev treated this theme in 1900 by releasing ''A Short Tale of the Anti-Christ" as part of his Three Conversations. He dealt with the "man of the future," the Anti-Christ, in order "to reveal in advance the deceptive mask behind which the abyss of evil is hiding." In Solovev's tale, the Anti-Christ gains power with the help of Freemasons and the Comite permanent universe! (Standing Universal Committee). This conspiratorial organization could easily be interpreted in an anti-Semitic manner as the Alliance israelite universelle (Universal Jewish Alliance). [63]

Solovev's Anti-Christ story deeply impressed Sergei Nilus, who became famous for disseminating the infamous anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Nilus regarded Solovev's story as a prophetic warning, and he related it to contemporary political conditions in the Russian Empire. [64] He rejected modern Western civilization and regarded Jews and Freemasons as the forerunners of the Anti-Christ. [65] He anticipated the Anti-Christ's imminent arrival and the destruction of Western civilization, after which the Kingdom of God would appear. [66] The Imperial Russian radical right in general tended to view the Orthodox Christian struggle against Jewry and Freemasonry as the final battle between Christ and Anti-Christ along the lines of the last book of the Bible, Revelation. [67] Apocalyptic anti-Semitism formed an integral component of the Imperial Russian far right.

On a more practical level, Imperial Russian far rightists drew material for their anti-Semitic arguments from the societal segregation of the Russian Empire's 5,215,800 Jews (as of 1897) from Gentiles. [68] Whereas large numbers of Jews in Germany desired to assimilate into German society, Russian Jews as a whole maintained their own distinct culture, religion, and literary language. Largely because of restrictive laws, as of the 1880s, only 0.7 percent of Russian Jews worked in agriculture, while 38.7 percent participated in commerce. [69] Jews often faced harsh conditions in the Russian Empire. Large-scale anti-Semitic pogroms erupted in 1871, and the Imperial Russian government expelled many Jews in 1881. [70]

Jews, who composed approximately 4 percent of the population in the Russian Empire overall but 12 percent in the Pale of Settlement where they were concentrated, participated disproportionately in revolutionary activities. In some areas of the Pale of Settlement during the period from 1901 to 1904, the proportion of political prisoners who were Jewish reached nearly 2/3. The figure was 48.2 percent in the Kiev region, and in the Odessa district the ratio of Jewish political prisoners reached 55 percent. From 1892 to 1902, Jews made up 23.4 percent of the members of the Social Democrats. At the time of the 1905 Revolution, Jews constituted 18.9 percent of the membership of the Bolsheviks, the "majority" faction of the Social Democrats. [71]

Concerned with the rising number of Jewish (and Gentile) revolutionaries in Imperial Russia, a group of writers and publicists under the leadership of Prince D. P. Golitsyn founded the Russkoe Sobranie (Russian Assembly) in January 1901. Other leaders of the right-wing organization included Vladimir Purishkevich, an official in the Interior Ministry, and Prince Mikhail Volkonskii, an author. The Russian Assembly warned of the "danger" of the "cosmopolitanism of the upper levels of our society," and it sought to uphold "Orthodoxy, autocracy, and national character." The association's statutes urged members to conduct the "study of the phenomenon of Russian and Slavic folk life in its present and past" with the special task of "safeguarding . . . the purity and correctness of Russian speech." The Russian Assembly thus cast itself as a defender of imperiled Russian values.

The Russian Assembly distinctly represented upper-class interests. The great majority of the organization's members came from the nobility, and the association received the explicit support of Tsar Nikolai Romanov II. The Russian Assembly adopted a rather exclusivist membership policy. The Assembly had approximately 120 members at first, though the number of members increased significantly thereafter. The outbreak of the 1905 Revolution soon demonstrated the need for greater mass support of rightwing endeavors.

In October 1905, in the midst of socialist revolutionary upheaval, members of the Russian Assembly gathered like-minded conservative reformers in Saint Petersburg to form a new right-wing organization. The small assembly elected Aleksandr Dubrovin, a Saint Petersburg physician and a leading figure in the Russian Assembly, to lead the new organization, the Soiuz russkago naroda (Union of the Russian People). Dubrovin possessed a strong will and a coarse personality. His associate Purishkevich, the second man in the Union who also played a leading role in the Russian Assembly, exhibited a far more refined demeanor. He came from a noble landed family, had graduated with honors from the Historical-Philological Department of Novorossiisk Universiyy, and possessed formidable speaking abilities. [72]

Early anti-Semitic Union ideology drew from the Slavophile legacy in the vein of Dostoevskii to protest against the increasing westernization of Russian society, and it also exhibited racist tendencies. The Union opposed liberal bourgeois sentiments and idealized the old order that had existed up until the time of the westernizer Tsar Peter the Great, who had ruled Imperial Russia from 1689 to 1725. [73] The goals of the Union resembled those of its parent organization the Russian Assembly. The Union statutes stressed that the organization worked for the "preservation of Orthodoxy, absolute Russian autocracy, and national character." The Union statutes further demonstrated racist thinking similar to that of volkisch German thought. The statutes stipulated that only "born Russian people" could join the Union, with "Great Russians'" "Belorussians," and "Little Russians" (Ukrainians) all considered "Russians." Jews, on the other hand, could not enter the Union "even in the case that they adopt Christianity." [74]

The Union established conservative revolutionary squads popularly known as "Black Hundreds." These fearsome groups gave their name to the Russian far right from 1905 to 1917. Black Hundreds carried out anti-revolutionary pogroms in October 1905 in which they killed a total of I,622 people, 711 of whom were Jews. The pogroms of October 1905 proved the worst manifestation of Black Hundred violence. [75]


Despite the Union's use of illegal Black Hundred squads to terrorize and assassinate Jewish and socialist opponents, Imperial authorities supported the Union. Piotr Rachkovskii, the head of the Okhrana (Tsarist Secret Police) abroad, supported the Union's activities. [76] He even acted as Union leader Dubrovin's advisor. [77] Representatives of the Union received even greater official recognition when they met with Tsar Nikolai Romanov II in December 1905. The Tsar assured them: "I am counting on you." [78]

Mikhail Kommissarov, a prominent member of the Saint Petersburg Okhrana, provided the Union with additional support. Kommissarov proved a most colorful adventurer who underwent many permutations in his career of intrigue and deceit. He ultimately helped to establish Aufbau, the Munich-based volkisch German/White emigre organization that greatly influenced the National Socialist movement, in 1920 as a double agent before he openly joined the Soviet cause. After the outbreak of socialist revolution in the Russian Empire in 1905, he established a clandestine printing press in the basement of Okhrana headquarters. He used this press to print anti-Semitic leaflets calling for pogroms. He lost his position because of his unauthorized dissemination of pogrom literature, but his writings galvanized Black Hundred violence against Jews and socialist revolutionaries. [79]

At the time of elections for the first Duma (Parliament) in 1906, intense anti-Semitism and fear of popular unrest marked Union ideology. An early Union campaign poster urged voters to elect the

best Russian people .... in order that the Orthodox faith is not trampled upon in Russia, in order that Russia is for the Russians, in order that non-Russians, Jews and Jewified traitor-plotters do not seize power and enslave the Russian people, and in order that the volition of the autocratic Tsar does not become lower than the decisions of various parties in the State Duma and does not become distorted by careless and mercenary bureaucrats. [80]


Virulent anti-Semitism found a central place in the Union election platform that Purishkevich, a prominent Union member and an official in the Interior Ministry, drew up in 1906. Purishkevich dedicated the longest section of the text to the "Jewish question," the "fateful question for all civilized peoples alike." The document accused the Jews of manifesting "unbelievable misanthropy" and "irreconcilable hatred of Russia and everything Russian." The election platform further claimed that the "revolutionary movement in Russia" represented "business almost exclusively in the hands of Jews."

The Imperial Russian government already greatly limited Jews' rights, forbidding them from governmental service, for instance, and severely restricting where they could live. Purishkevich went further. In his election platform, he called for all Jews residing within Imperial Russian borders to be "deemed foreigners immediately, but without the rights and privileges granted to all other foreigners." This would mean that Jews could not serve in the armed forces or in the civil service, would be subject to even stricter residency regulations, would be forbidden to attend institutions of learning with Gentiles, and would be excluded from several professions, notably those in the fields of medicine and the press. Russian trade and industry were to be taken from the hands of "foreigners and Jews." [81] Purishkevich's anti-Semitic election platform helped him to become elected to the Duma as a representative from Bessarabia. [82] He went on to serve in the second, third, and fourth Dumas. [83]

Black Hundred parties including the Union of the Russian People received 6.1 percent of the vote in the first Duma elections of 1906. These electoral results proved considerably more impressive than those of any comparable volkisch groupings in Germany, but they were much less than anticipated. Black Hundred organizations achieved their best electoral results in the Pale of Settlement where the Jewish population was the greatest. They faired more poorly in the Great Russian heartland. Nonetheless, the Union in particular influenced the Imperial Russian government beyond what its modest electoral standing suggested.

The Union of the Russian People grew rapidly. It soon overshadowed all other more elitist Black Hundred organizations such as its parent organization, the Russian Assembly, and the Monarchical Party. The Union appealed to a wide population base since members of the intelligentsia played the leading roles in the organization. Of the forty-seven members of the Union's Head Council, only fifteen belonged to the nobility. The Union also included substantial contingents of farmers and workers. The Union established local divisions in every major Imperial Russian city and in the countryside as well. It comprised over 900 branches throughout Imperial Russia by April 1907. Membership in the Union peaked in the first half of 1908 at over 100,000 of the approximately 400,000 members of all Black Hundred organizations. [84]

The Union propagated its anti-Semitic far right views through its newspaper, Russkoe Znamia (The Russian Banner). The Union leader Dubrovin edited the paper. The Russian Banner had approximately 14,500 readers, including the Tsar. [85] A July 1907 article, "The 'Peaceful' Conquest of Russia," argued that Zionism was an "illusion." In reality, Imperial Russia's Jews intended to create their own state "in Russia itself." The piece warned that in less than a decade, the country would only appear to be Russian, while "as a matter of fact, the state will be Jewish." Jews would rule as "masters" whereas Russians would serve as the Jews' "labor force," would suppress internal discord, meaning "the remnants of Russian national consciousness," and would protect the borders of the "Jewish state" from foreign enemies. [86]

Largely because of internal strife, the Union of the Russian People failed to spread its warnings of an insidious Jewish conspiracy to the degree it desired. In the fall of 1907, the talented Union leader Putishkevich vehemently criticized Dubrovin's authoritarianism and left the Union. He grouped together others dissatisfied with Dubrovin's leadership and formed the Russkii narodnyi soiuz imeni Mikhaila Arkhangela (Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union). The new organization's March 1908 statutes approved of the Duma, but noted: "In all other respects, the program of the Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union concurs with the program of the Union of the Russian People." With the split of the Union of the Russian People, the Black Hundred movement in the Russian Empire entered a period of decline.

Black Hundred fortunes only briefly improved beginning in March 1911, when a twelve-year-old boy was butchered in Kiev and the belief spread among the populace that Jews had killed him as part of a ritual. A member of the Union of the Russian People in Kiev wrote an appeal that appeared throughout the city: “Russian People! If you value your children, then kill the Yids! Kill them until there is not even a single Yid in Russia!” In April 1911, Purishkevich and Nikolai Markov II, the influential leader of the Kursk branch of the Union of the Russian People, argued before the Duma that Jews had murdered the boy in Kiev as part of a demonic ritual. [87] An article in a July 1911 edition of the Union newspaper The Russian Banner warned, “Our poor dear children, fear and be afraid of your primordial enemy, tormenter and infanticide, accursed of God and man – the Yid!” The article further admonished Russian children to avoid “the Yid” as if he were a “plague-stricken pest.” [88]

A front-page article in an August 1913 edition of The Russian Banner asserted: “The guilt of the Kiev Jewish Kahal in this matter is established,” no matter what verdict the court would pronounce in the ritual murder case (the accused were found not guilty). Moreover, Jewry deserved to be “expelled from Russia to a country where the use of human blood is not considered a crime.” The article argued that the Russian government had to adopt severe measures against this “accursed people,” the Jews. The piece stressed, “The Yids must be placed artificially in conditions such that they continually die out.” [89] The Union thus served as the first European political group seriously to propose physically exterminating Jews.


While the public uproar over the supposed Jewish ritual murder in Kiev aided the far right’s cause in Imperial Russia, a new split weakened the Black Hundred movement in 1911. At the All-Russian Congress of the Union of the Russian People in Moscow in November 1911, Markov II challenged Union leader Dubrovin’s authority. Other members of the Union’s Head Council backed Markov II, and he received the outside support of Purishkevich, who had already left the Union. Dubrovin reacted by dismissing the offending members from the Union’s Head Council and reconstituting it with reliable supporters. [90] In August 1912, Dubrovin renamed the organization the Vserossiiskogo Dubrinskogo soiuzza russkoga naroda (All-Russian Dubrovin Union of the Russian People) with himself as lifetime leader. Markov II formed another faction of the Union of the Russian People in November 1912. [91]

Dubrovin struggled to maintain his authority in far right Russian circles. Two close colleagues and friends, Aleksandr Bork, who belonged to the Union’s Head Council, and his wife Elsa Shabelskii-Bork, who regularly attended Head Council meetings in an advisory capacity, aided him in his efforts to maintain control of the Union. The couple submitted articles to The Russian Banner in accordance with Dubrovin’s wishes. [92] The pair also began publishing a newspaper, Svoboda I poriadok (Freedom and Order), with police money in December 1913. [93] The Tsar himself avidly read this paper. [94]


In his opening editorial from December 1913, Bork struck an apocalyptic tone. He quoted from Revelation 3:16 in castigating “superficial servants of Christ’s church” who were “neither cold nor hot.” He further warned that “dark forces” were leading humanity to “ruin.” He called for struggle against “Jewish Freemasonry,” which was preparing a “violent … anti-Christian revolution” in Imperial Russia along the lines of those that had “already succeeded in so many countries.” [95] Bork thus viewed Jewry as an apocalyptic force bent on destruction.

In the Russian Empire on the outbreak of World War I, anti-Semitism was relatively widespread, but the Black Hundred movement remained in a disorganized state. As war with Germany loomed, the predominantly pro-German attitude of the Black Hundred movement exacerbated its political weakness. Union of the Russian People leadership tended quite early towards a pro-German stance, largely because of Imperial Russia’s continuing rivalry with Great Britain in Central Asia. [96] In May 1914, the Union faction leader Nikolai Markov II asserted in the Russian Duma that a “small alliance with Germany” was superior to a “great friendship with England.” [97] The majority of rightist monarchists in Imperial Russia favored a German-Russian alliance along the lines that Markov II proposed. [98]

The generally positive attitude towards the German Empire in the Black Hundred movement also applied to the Baltic German population of the Russian Empire. While Union of the Russian People ideology generally disapproved of minority nationalities in Imperial Russia, Baltic Germans proved an exception. In fact, Baltic Germans generally enjoyed a favorable reputation in the Russian radical right. Point 17 of the statutes of Purishkevich’s Michael the Archangel Russian People’s Union expressed “particular trust in the German population of the Empire.” This point had to be removed after the outbreak of World War I, but a generally pro-Baltic German attitude remained among members of the Imperial Russian far right. [99]


The activities and views of right-wing Baltic German subjects of the Russian Empire deserve greater attention than they have received because of the key role that some Baltic Germans subsequently played in the National Socialist movement. The Rubonia Fraternity at the Riga Polytechnic Institute (named after the Rubon, the Roman term for the Duna River that flows through Riga) spurred Baltic German pride. The majority of the Rubonia Fraternity members came from upper-class Baltic German families in the Russian Baltic provinces. [100] Four members of the Rubonia Fraternity eventually immigrated to Germany and played important roles in Aufbau and the National Socialist Party: Max von Scheubner-Richter, Otto von Kursell, Arno Schickedanz, and Alfred Rosenberg.

Scheubner-Richter was born Richter in Riga in 1884 to an Imperial German father and a Baltic German mother. He received his double name in the course of a love affair with Mathilde von Scheubner, the noble wife of a prominent member of Riga society. He absconded from Riga to Munich with Mathilde, who was almost thirty years his senior, and married her in 1911. A relative of Richter’s wife adopted him and granted him her noble name von Scheubner in 1912, entitling him to the name von Scheubner-Richter. [101]

While he was still known as Richter, Scheubner-Richter became friends with Kursell, who had been born into a noble Estonian Baltic Germany family in Saint Petersburg in 1884. [102] Scheubner-Richter and Kursell had first met at the Petri High School in Reval, in what became Estonia. The two Baltic Germans began studying together at the Riga Polytechnic Institute as members of the Rubonia Fraternity in 1905. Scheubner-Richter specialized in chemistry and Kursell studied architecture. Kursell valued Scheubner-Richter as a “popular, cheerful comrade” who held a variety of leadership positions in the Rubonia Fraternity. [103] Kursell was himself a charismatic person and, like Scheubner-Richter, a ladies’ man. [104]

While he was legally considered a subject of Imperial Germany, Scheubner-Richter spoke fluent Russian from his early Russian schooling, and he regarded himself as a Baltic German since he had spent his entire youth in the Imperial Russian Baltic ports Riga and Reval and had risked his life for Baltic German interests in 1905. During the Revolution of 1905, nationalist Latvians and Estonians had joined forces with socialist revolutionaries to overthrow Baltic German landowners who held the leading societal role in the Baltic provinces. Scheubner-Richter had been shot in the knee while serving in the Baltic German Selbstschutz (Self-Protection) forces that had combated this anti-Baltic German alliance. [105]  

The two other Rubonia Fraternity members who went on to play important roles in Aufbau and the National Socialist movement, Rosenberg and Schickedanz, entered Rubonia in 1910 and studied there together until 1917. Rosenberg had been born in 1893 in Reval to merchant Baltic German parents. His colleague Schickedanz had been born into a Riga merchant family in 1893. Rosenberg majored in architecture and Schickedanz studied chemistry. [106] Rosenberg admired volkisch ideology. As a young man, he read German mythology, Schopenhauer, and Houston Stewart Chamberlain. He characterized the last as “the strongest positive influence in my youth.” Russian literature also strongly affected him, most notably the works of Dostoevskii. [107] Rosenberg later helped to shape National Socialist ideology by synthesizing volkisch German ideas with White émigré views.

Unlike the Rubonia Fraternity members Scheubner-Richter, Kursell, Schickedanz, and Rosenberg, a man of noble Baltic German ancestry who went on to influence the National Socialist movement, Fedor Vinberg, regarded himself unequivocally as a Russian. [108] Vinberg grew up in Saint Petersburg as the son of a general who eventually served as a member of the Highest Russian Military Council. He studied at the Classical Gymnasium in Kiev in his youth and subsequently joined the army, reaching the rank of colonel in 1913.

Vinberg attained a high status in Imperial Russia. In 1913, the Tsar named him to serve as his court equerry, meaning that he frequently participated in important ceremonies at the Tsar’s court. With the outbreak of World War I, Colonel Vinberg was assigned command of an infantry regiment. He used his connections to receive an audience with Tsaritsa Aleksandra Romanov, with whom he developed an intense personal relationship if not an outright affair.
He pleaded to be allowed to serve in a cavalry regiment. The Tsaritsa saw to it that he received a position in the staff headquarters of the Second Russian Army as he desired. [109]

Vinberg participated in the Black Hundred movement. He belonged to Purishkevich’s Michael of the Archangel Russian People’s Union. Purishkevich “especially impressed” Vinberg early on, though they became somewhat alienated from each other as World War I progressed. [110] After the Tsar’s abdication during the February Revolution of 1917, Vinberg refused to serve the Provisional Government under Aleksandr Kerenskii. Kerenskii’s regime suppressed Black Hundred organizations before any other political groupings. In May 1917, Vinberg launched a counter-revolutionary initiative by founding a secret alliance, Officer’s Duty, which included both members of the officer corps and a few hundred men from outside it. [111] Vinberg remained a staunch supporter of the monarchy in the face of revolutionary upheaval.

Counter-revolutionary activities in which Vinberg participated during the period of Kerenskii’s Provisional Government culminated in the unsuccessful Kornilov Putsch of August 27-30, 1917 under the leadership of General Lavr Kornilov. Vinberg and members of his conspiratorial Officer’s Duty organization took part in this undertaking. [112] Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, the son of the couple who had published the Union of the Russian People newspaper Freedom and Order and a member of both the Union of the Russian People and Purishkevich's Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union, also supported the Kornilov Putsch. Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, Shabelskii-Bork's comrade from the Cavalry Regiment of the Caucasian Division, also took part in this counter-revolutionary endeavor. [113] Like Vinberg, both Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii went on to serve Aufbau and the National Socialist cause.

In the summer of 1917, Lieutenants Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii formed an organization of officers loyal to the Tsar. They traveled to the front at the end of June 1917 to assess which cavalry regiments would best serve for a monarchical coup in the capital Petrograd, as Saint Petersburg was then known. Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii planned to assist General Kornilov by using loyal Tsarist cavalry officers to storm the Winter Palace and to arrest Kerenskii's Provisional Government in August 1917, but their preparations were discovered and thwarted beforehand. [114] The Failed Kornilov Putsch increased public fears of repressive right wing counterrevolution. The unsuccessful undertaking undermined remaining public confidence in Russian army officers, and it helped to bring Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks out of the isolation that they had engendered through their own armed protest in July 1917. [115]

After the Kornilov Putsch collapsed, Colonel Vinberg continued to oppose leftist force in Russia. He collaborated with Purishkevich, who formed an underground monarchical organization in September 1917 that included many former members of the now dissolved Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union. [116] Vinberg contributed articles to the "non-socialist" newspaper Narodnyi Tribun (The People's Tribune), which Purishkevich began publishing in September 1917. [117] In an October 1917 essay, "Fighting Value," Vinberg lamented that the 'Revolution" had "torn out" the "lofty religious, public, and civil ideals" from the "souls of the soldiers" in Russia. [118] At this time, he was primarily concerned with the dissolution of the Russian Army as a potent fighting force.

Vinberg wrote an article for The People's Tribune a few days later in which he again lamented the current state of affairs in Russia. In his essay, "Contrasts," he claimed that while the Italian Army was fighting bravely against an overwhelming German force, soldiers of the numerically far superior Russian Army were running "unrestrained" from German troops. Moreover, "Native fields and settlements have been pillaged and destroyed by our own soldiers and peasants." Vinberg used the language of a disappointed lover in expressing his woe: "My poor people! ... I loved and believed in you so! ... What they have done to you!" [119] The spread of revolution and the dissolution of the army devastated Vinberg.

Vinberg's impotent frustration as expressed in Purishkevich's The People's Tribune underscored the inability of the Black Hundred movement to thwart the Bolshevik seizure of power. [120] The Bolsheviks closed The People's Tribune after they had overthrown Kerenskii's Provisional Government in October 1917 (according to the Julian calendar then used in Russia). [121] Vinberg was suddenly faced with the rule of what he termed the "Jewish Bolsheviks." [122] The success of the "October Revolution," as the Bolshevik seizure of power became known, forced Black Hundred activities in Russia to become strictly conspiratorial. [123]

After the Bolsheviks came to power, Vinberg's co-conspirator in the Kornilov Putsch, Shabelskii-Bork, retreated to his estate near Petrograd, where he researched the causes of the February and October Revolutions for Purishkevich's underground monarchical organization. Shabelskii-Bork concluded that the Entente (Britain and France) had fomented revolution in Imperial Russia since it had feared the "Russian peril" as much as the German one. He decided that the restoration of the Russian monarchy could not be achieved with Entente aid, but only through the "reestablishment of the traditional friendship between Russia and Germany." [124]

Bolshevik leaders broke up Purishkevich's underground monarchical organization and imprisoned Purishkevich, Vinberg, and Shabelskii-Bork, among others, in December 1917.
Bolshevik authorities charged the three comrades with organizing a monarchical conspiracy against the fledgling Soviet regime. [125] At their trial that began in late December, Shabelskii-Bork impressed Vinberg with his fervent monarchism. [126] Vinberg moved Shabelskii-Bork by assuring the tribunal. “My head can roll off of your execution block, but it will never bow to the Revolution.” [127] The Bolshevik court convicted and imprisoned Purishkevich, Vinberg, and Shabelskii-Bork. [128] Vinberg and Shabelskii-Bork shared the same prison cell, where Vinberg received the thanks of the similarly incarcerated former Tsar for working on his behalf. [129] Vinberg and Shabelskii-Bork began a close friendship in this cell that later led to the transfer of Black Hundred ideology to the early National Socialist movement, most notably in the form of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

CONCLUSION

Far rightests in Imperial Germany and the Russian Empire established detailed anti-Western, anti-socialist, and anti-semitic ideologies in the period leading up to the 1917 Russian Revolution. Largely internally orientated volkisch German thought drew on the idealistic views of Arthur Schopenhauer, Richard Wagner, and Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Volkisch ideology conceived a pernicious materialistic Jewish essence that the spiritually and racially superior Germans needed to transcend by negating the will to live, thereby redeeming the world. More externally fixated Russian radical right beliefs, which were associated with the Slavophiles in general and the authors Fedor Dostoevskii and Vladimir Solovev in particular, expressed apocalyptic visions of Jewish world conspirators who threatened to ruin Imperial Russia and eventually the world. Russians needed to lead all Slavs to combat this menace in a concrete political struggle. Anti-Semitic National Socialist ideology later arose largely as a synthesis of German volkisch-redemptive and Russian conspiratorial-apocalyptic thought.

While the Black Hundred movement in Imperial Russia, of which the Union of the Russian People formed the most important component, managed to disseminate its anti-Semitic ideology to a considerably broader audience than any comparable volkisch German alliance, far right movements in both Imperial Russia and the German Empire nonetheless failed to achieve their political aspirations. Russian conservative revolutionaries fiercely defended the Tsar, but after initial moderate successes, the Black Hundred movement’s influence declined dramatically. Far rightists could not prevent the Tsar’s abdication, nor could they thwart the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917. The Russian far right only regained a powerful drive and coherence that had been lacking of late after the Bolshevik Revolution. The Bolshevik “Reds” provided an insidious political foe for “Whites” that fit earlier apocalyptic Black Hundred warnings.

No powerful political volkisch movement developed in Imperial Germany up to the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917. Heinrich Class’ Pan-German League, Ludwig Muller von Haussen’s Association against the Presumption of Jewry, and Wolfgang Kapp’s German Fatherland Party all failed to attract mass followings. Numerically slight volkisch elements that grouped around Kapp and Class ultimately concluded that a military dictatorship under the volkisch General Erich von Ludendorff represented a superior option to the rule of the ineffectual Kaiser. Volkisch Germans could not establish such a dictatorship, however.

In any case, although the days of the Kaiser were numbered, German prospects for victory in World War I improved considerably when the Russian Empire collapsed in 1917. German forces advanced deep into former Imperial Russian territory in 1918, most notably into the Ukraine, where right-wing German officers interacted with their monarchical Russian or Ukrainian counterparts on a large scale for the first time. German-White cooperation in the Ukraine set a precedent for further international right-wing alliances after Imperial Germany lost World War I, notably as seen in the Baltic region in 1919. Hitler’s National Socialists subsequently drew upon the tradition of German-White collaboration that had been established in the Ukraine.

_______________

Notes:

1 Max Hildebert Boehm, Das eigenstandige Volk in der Krise der Gegenwart (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumuller, 1971), I.
  
2 Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany & Austria (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 31; George Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York: Howard Fertig, 1964), 4-7.
 
3 Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews: Volume I: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939 (New York: HarperCollins, 1997), 86, 87.
 
4 Arthur Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Idea, vols. I and III, trans. R. B, Haldane and J, Kemp (London: Kegan Paul, Trench. Trubner and Co., 1909), vol. I, 422, 524; vol. III. 423, 447.
 
5 Quoted from Dietrich Eckart, "Das Judentum in und ausser uns: Grundsatzliche Betrachtungen von  Dietrich Eckart: I," Aufgut deutsch: Wochenschrift for Ordnung und Recht, January 10, 1919, 12; quoted  from Eckart, "Das ist der Jude! Laienpredigt uber Juden- und Christentum von Dietrich Eckart," Auf  gut deutsch, [August/September], 1920, 55; quoted from Eckart, "Der Baccalaureus," Auf gut deutsch,  October 23, 1919, 7.
 
6 Cited from Martin Gregor-Dellin, Richard Wagner: His Life, His Work, His Century (New York:  Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983), 257.
 
7 Richard Wagner, "Was nutzt diese Erkenntniss?" Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. X  (Leipzig: C. F. W. Siegel, 1907), 257.
 
8 Wagner, "Das Judenthum in der Musik," Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. V, 85.
 
9 "Wandering Jew," The Jewish Encyclopedia, 1916, 462.
 
10 Wagner, "Uber Staat und Religion," Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. VIII, 220.
 
11 Wagner, Die Walkure, Act Two, Scene Two, Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. III, III.
 
12 Wagner, Siegfried, Act Three, Scene One, Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. III, 222; Wagner, Gotterdammerung, Act Three, Scene Three, Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. 3, 311-313.
 
13 William O. Cord, The Teutonic Mythology of Richard Wagner’s "The Ring of the Nibelungen" (Queenston, Ont.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 84.
 
14 Wagner, Das Rheingoid, Scene Four, Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. III, 59; Wagner, Gotterdammerung, &'t Three, Scene Three, Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. III, 311-313.
 
15 Marc A. Weiner, Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 310, 311.
 
16 Friedlander, "Hitler und Wagner," Richard Wagner im Dritten Reich: Ein Schloss Elmau-Symposium, eds. Friedlander and Jorn Rusen (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 2000), 172.
 
17 Wagner, "Religion und Kunst," Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. X, 232, 243, 245.
 
18 Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington, DC: The Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996), 264.
 
19 Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wippermann, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 28.
 
20 Wagner, "Heldenthum und Christenthum," Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. X, 281.
 
21 Wagner, "Erkenne dich selbst," Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, vol. X, 271.
 
22 Wagner, ''Appendix to 'Judaism in Music,'" Richard Wagner’s Prose Works, vol. III, trans. William  Ashton Ellis (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1894), 121.
 
23 Wagner, "Erkenne dich selbst," 274.
 
24 Geoffrey G. Field, Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain (New  York: Columbia University Press, 1981), 15, 347-349.
 
25 Winfried Schuler, Der Bayreuther Kreis von seiner Entstehung bis zum Ausgang der Wilhelminischen  Ara (Munster: Verlag Aschendorff; 1971), 74, 113.
 
26 Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Richard Wagner, trans. G. Ainslie Hight (Philadelphia: J. B.  Lippincott Co., 1900), 171, 182, 387.
 
27 Field, Evangelist of Race, 225; Schuler, Der Bayreuther Kreis, 117.
 
28 Chamberlain, Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, vols. I and II, trans. John Lees (New York:  Howard Fertig, 1968), vol. I, 213, 214, 226, 246, 256, 257, 419, 507, 578; vol. II, 43, 259.
 
29 David Blackbourn, Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in a Nineteenth-Century German Village (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 85, 86.
 
30 Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany &Austria, 112, 114, 119.
 
31 Protocol from a meeting of the Alldeutscher Verband leadership on March 2, 1918, BAB, 8048, number 117, 6; Heinrich Class, Wider den Strom: Vom werden und Wachsen der nationalen Opposition im alten Reich, vol. I (Leipzig: Koehler, 1932), 33, 88, 128.
 
32 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. I, 87, 88,131.
 
33 Einhart [Class], Deutsche Geschichte, second edn. (Leipzig: Dietrich'schen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1909), V, 290.
 
34 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. II, BAK, Kleine Erwerbung 499, 331.
 
35 Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, 75.
 
36 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. I, 233.
 
37 Daniel Frymann [Class], Wenn ich der Kaiser war - Politische Wahrheiten und Notwendigkeiten, fifth edn. (Leipzig: Dietrich'schen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1914), 3, 32, 35, 74-76, 132, 135.
 
38 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. I, 236; vol. II, 373, 374.
 
39 Letter from Ludwig Muller von Hausen to Maria Groener from June 25, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, dew 221, 54.
 
40 Statutes of the Verband gegen Uberhebung des Judentumes, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis 1, delo 6, 1, 4.
 
41 Letters from Hausen to Class from November 11 and December 11, 1912; Hausen's 1912 membership  card for the Alldeutscher Verband, Ortsgruppe Berlin, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis I, delo 218,  3, 5, 218.
 
42 Martin Bormann's Verband gegen Uberhebung des Judentumes membership card number 1086  from July 7, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis 1, delo 27, 24.
 
43 Letters from Hausen to Class from October 8, 1913 and December 21, 1916; letters from Class to  Hausen from October 10 and November 4, 1913, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis I, delo 218, 17,  19, 22, 86.
 
44 Class, essay fragment, 1936, BAK, Kleine Erwerbung 499, 12.
 
45 Letter from Hausen to K. Duncker from April 21, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo  213, 8.
 
46 Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, 81.
 
47 Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany & Austria, 119, 292.
 
48 Elisabeth Schwarze, "Einleitung," Nachlass Wolfgang Kapp (Berlin: GSAPKB, 1997), VI.
 
49 Letter from Wolfgang Kapp to Rudiger von def Goltz from August 28, 1917, GSAPKB, Repasitur 92, number 455, 3.
 
50 Foundational Protocol of the Deutsche Vaterlandspartei on September 3, 1917, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 460, 4.
 
51 Schwarze, "Einleitung,” VII.
 
52 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. II, 66, 209, 214; protocols of the Alldeutscher Verband meeting in Berlin on June 29 and 30, 1918, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, dela 844, 110.
 
53 Erich Kuhn, "Werbung fur Mitarbeit” (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, June 1916), GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 792, 12, 35.
 
54 Letter from Hausen to Kapp from October 17, 1917, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 219, 2; letter from Hausen to the RA/ZSS from March 23, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis 1, delo 2, 2-4; Hausen's note on a letter from E. Rumpler Luftfahrzeugbau from August 25, 1914, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fimd 577, opis I, delo 1, 2.
 
55 Walther Nicolai, Tagebuch (Diary), August 17, 1917, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis U, delo 15, 12.
 
56 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. I, 22; vol. II, 226, 233, 234, 237.
 
57 Fedor Dostoevskii, Dnevnik pisatelia, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii E M Dostoevskago, vol. X (Saint  Petersburg: A. F. Marks, 1895), 221.
 
58 Dostoevskii. Tagebuch eines Schriftstellers, trans. E. K. Rahsin (Munich: Piper, 1992), 641.
 
59 Dostoevskii, Dnevnik pisatelia, vol. X, 440; vol. XI, 8.
 
60 Dostoevskii, Dnevnik pisatelia, vol. X, 225, 226; vol. XI, 5, 6, 8, 240, 241.
 
61 Dostoevskii, Dnevnik pisatelia, vol. XI, 94, 98, 114, 495.
 
62 Otto-Ernst Schuddekopf, Linke Leute von rechts: Die nationalrevolutioniiren Minderheiten und der  Kommunismus in der Weimarer Republik (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 1960), 33.
 
63 Michael Hagemeister, “Vladimir Solov'ev: Reconciler and Polemicist," Eastern Christian Studies 2:  Selected Papers of the International Vladimir Solovev Conference held at the University of Nijmegen,  the Netherlands, in September 1998 (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 287, 289, 290.
 
64 S. A. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii 1905-1914 (Moscow: IzdateIstvo Vsesoiuznogo zaochnogo  politekhnicheskogo instituta, 1992), 28; Hagemeister, “Vladimir Solov'ev," 288.
 
65 Hagemeister, "Die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion' und der Basler Zionistenkongress von 1897,"  Der Traum von Israel: Die Ursprunge des modernen Zionismus, ed. Heiko Haumann (Weinheim:  Beltz Atheniium Verlag, 1998), 257.
 
66 James Webb, The Occult Establishment (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1976), 260; Schuddekopf, Linke  Leute von rechts, 33.
 
67 D. I. Raskin, "Ideologiia russkogo pravogo radikalizma v kontse XIX nachale:XX vv," Natsionalnaia  pravaia prezhde i teper, lstoriko-sotsiologicheskie ocherki, chast I: Rossiia i russkoe zarubezhe (Saint  Petersburg: Institut Sotsiologii rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 1992), 39.
 
68 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii 1905-1914, 23.
 
69 Mosse, German Jews Beyond Judaism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 6; Stepanov,  Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 25, 26.
 
70 Hannaford, Race, 318.
 
71 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 23, 27.
 
72 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossi;, 32, 33, 90, 91, 110; Spisok chlenov Russkogo Sobraniia s prilozheniem  istoricheskogo ocherky sobraniia (Saint Petersburg: Tip. Spb. Gradonachalstva, 1906), 1, 21, 27, 55.
 
73 Raskin, "Ideologiia russkogo pravogo radikalizma," 5.
 
74 "Ustav Obschestva pod nazvaniem 'Soiuz Russkago Naroda,’" GARF, fond 116, opis I, delo 6, 14-17.
 
75 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 57, 142.
 
76 Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905: Russia in Disarray (Stanford: Stanford University Press,  1988), 238-242.
 
77 Rafael Ganelin, "Chernosotennye organizatsii, politicheskaia politsiia i gosudarstvennaia vlast v  tsarskoi Rossii," Natsionalnaia pravaia, 78.
 
78 Vladimir Purishkevich, "Izbiratdnaia programma Soiuza Russkago Naroda, Russkomu Narodu,"  Russkoe Znamia, September 19, 1906, 2.
 
79 RKUoO report from January 29, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 33; LGPO  report to the RKUoO from August 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 17.
 
80 "Obedinennyi russkii narod." GARF, fond 116, opis I, delo I, 14.

81 Purishkevich, "Izbiratelnaia programma Soiuza Russkago Naroda," 2, 3.
 
82. MG report to the QB/SO from January 12, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 198, opis 17, delo 414,  reel I, 24.
 
83 Ganelin, "Chernosotennye organizatsii," 87.
 
84 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 93, 95. 105, 109, 111, 112, 123, 167; LGPO report to the RKOaO  from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 46, 47.
 
85 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 104, 266.
 
86 Andrei Chernyi, "'Mirnoe' zavoevanie Rossii," Russkoe Znamia, July 19, 1907, 2.
 
87. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 168, 174, 175, 266, 270.

88. U. Soiuznik, “Russkim detiam,” Russkoe Znamia, July 7, 1911, 2.

89. “Istoriia ubiistva Iuschinskago,” Russkoe Znamia, August 9, 1913, 1.

90. Aleksandr Dubrovin, “Gorechovskomu Otdelu Soiuza russkago Naroda,” March 1912, GARF, fond 116, opis I, delo 1, 32.  

91. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 192.

92. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 189; letters from Aleksandr Bork and E.A. Shabelskii-Bork to Dubrovin from September 3, 1903, and in the period from 1905 to 1910, GARF, fond 116, opis I, delo 807, 1, 2, 14, 18, 34.

93. Ganelin, “Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo I germanskii national-sotsializm,” Natsionalnaia pravaia, 142.

94. Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, “Uber Mein Leben,” March 1926, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 91.

95. Bork, editorial, Svoboda I poriadok, December 1, 1913, 1.

96. Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, The European Right: A Historical Profile (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 495.

97. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 322.

98. LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 56.

99 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 22, 323.

100. Woldemar Helb, Album Rubonorum, 1875-1972, fourth edn. (Neustadt an der Aisch: Verlag Degener & Co., 1972), 7.

101. Helb, Album Rubonorum, 148; Karsten Bruggemann, “Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter (1884-1923) – der ‘Fuhrer der Fuhrers’?” Deutschbalten, Weimarer Republic und Drittes Reich, ed. Michael Garlef (Koln: Bohlau Verlag, 2001), 124; Boehm, “Baltische Einflusse auf die Anfangte des Nationalsozialismus,” Jahrbuch des baltischen Duetschtums, 1967, 59.

102. RKUoO report from May 7, 1925, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 4, delo 52, 145.

103. Otto von Kursell, “Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis,” ed Henrik Fischer (Munich, 1969), Helb, Album Rubonorum, 141, 148.

104. Julia Hass (Otto von Kursell’s daughter), personal interview, January 21, 2003.

105. Aleksandr von Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, November 21, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis I, delo 13, reel 2, 5860; Kursell, “Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis,” 3, 9.

106. Helb, Album Rubonorum, 164, 165.

107. Robert Cecil, The Myth of the Master Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd., 1972), 12, 14, 17.

108. Ganelin, “Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo I germanskii national-sotsializm,” 139.

109. Fedor Vinberg’s testimony included in a PDM report to the BSMI from March 30, 1922, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 3, 92, 93.

110. Vinberg, Der Kreuzesweg Russlands: Teil I: Die Ursachen des Ubels, trans. K. von Jarmersted (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1922), 59.

111. Vinberg’s March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 3, 93; Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 327.

112. Vinberg, Der Kreuzesweg Russlands, 59; Vinberg’s March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 3, 93; fiche 4, 1; Stephanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 327.

113 Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth of the Jewish World Conspiracy and the "Protocols of the  Elders of Zion," (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1981), 127; JM charge against Shabelskii-Bork and Sergei Taboritskii from May 29, 1922, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a number 14953.16.

114 Shabelskii-Bork, "Uber Mein Leben," GSAPKB, Repositur 843, number 14953, 99.

115 Rogger, Russia in the Age of Modernization and Revolution 1881-1917 (New York: Longman, 1983), 284.

116 Stepanov, Chernaia Stonia v Rossii, 328.

117 Purishkevich, editorial, Narodnyi Tribun: Organ Purishkevicha, September 5, 1917. I.

118 Vinberg, "Voesposobnost," Narodnyi Tribun, October 19, 1917, 3.

119 Vinberg, "Kontrasty," Narodnyi Tribun, October 22, 1917, 2.

120 Raskin, "Ideologiia russkogo pravogo radikalizma." 12.

121 Narodnyi Tribun, October 24, 1917.

122 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 1.

123 LGPO report to the RKUoO from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 47.

124 Shabelskii-Bark, "Uber Mein Leben," GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 95, 96, 98.

125 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnila v Rosii, 329

126. Vinberg’s March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 1 3.

127. Shabelskii-Bork, “Uber Mein Leben,” GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 99, 103.

128. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 329; Vinberg’s March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 1.

129. Shabelskii-Bork, “Uber Mein Leben,” GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 101, 103.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Tue Jan 29, 2019 2:57 am

 Part 1 of 2

CHAPTER 2: At the extreme in the Ukraine and in Germany

The term "Ukraine" derives from the meaning "at the extremity," referring to the area's early location at the periphery of the Russian and Polish spheres of influence. During the final stages of World War I and in the immediate postwar period, the semi-autonomous Ukraine served as a seedbed of extremist movements and ideas, as right-wing Germans interacted with anti-Bolshevik Whites on a large scale for the first time. After the Imperial Russian Army collapsed because of military reverses and internal revolution, Imperial German occupying forces in the Ukraine formed a largely clandestine common front with Whites against the fledgling Bolshevik regime to the north.

Although Imperial German efforts to establish a stable Ukrainian satellite state ultimately failed because of German military reverses on the distant Western Front and revolution at home, the alliance between right-wing Germans and Whites in the Ukraine strengthened pro-German sentiments throughout the White movement. The German Ukrainian Intervention established a precedent for further large-scale nationalist German-Russian military collaboration, notably as conducted along the Baltic Sea in Latvia during 1919. The international anti-Bolshevik cooperation that began in the Ukraine ultimately fostered close National Socialist collaboration with White emigres.

German military personnel retreating from the Ukraine around the turn of the year 1918/1919 took thousands of pro-nationalist German White officers with them, and many other Whites who had participated in anti-Bolshevik operations in or just outside the Ukraine traveled to Germany through other means. Several of these White officers went on to join Aufbau and to serve the National Socialist cause, notably General Vladimir Biskupskii, Colonel Fedor Vinberg, Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, and Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork.

Shabelskii-Bork arrived in Berlin on a German troop train in early 1919 with a fateful copy of the rabble-rousing anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. He gave the Protocols to the volkisch publicist Ludwig Muller von Hausen for translation and publication in German. After Hausen published the Protocols, they greatly affected the volkisch German/White emigre milieu from which the National Socialist Party emerged. Hitler's early mentor Dietrich Eckart, who worked closely with the White emigre Alfred Rosenberg, recoiled in horror at the contents of the Protocols and most likely made Hitler aware of them. The Protocols influenced Hitler's views of an international Jewish conspiracy that manipulated liberal capitalism, fomented revolutionary movements, and used starvation to subdue opponents in order to achieve world domination.


GERMAN-WHITE COOPERATION IN THE UKRAINIAN INTERVENTION

In late 1917, the German General Staff supported Vladimir Lenin and Lev Trotskii's Bolsheviks not because it approved of them ideologically, but in order to weaken the Russian Army. Following the Bolshevik Revolution in October 1917, the German Empire's tactical pro-Bolshevik foreign policy led to extensive negotiations between Imperial German and Soviet representatives in the city of Brest-Litovsk. General Max Hoffmann led the German side of the talks in Brest-Litovsk despite his inner disgust at the Soviet delegation under the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Trotskii. [1] Trotskii noted the artificial cordiality with which Hoffmann treated him at the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk. [2]

Generals Hoffman and Erich von Ludendorff, the chief of the Imperial German Army General Staff, wished to keep the strategically and agriculturally valuable Ukraine out of the control of advancing Bolshevik forces. Nonetheless, Bolshevik troops captured Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, in late January 1918. Working-class Jews there warmly welcomed the occupying Bolshevik forces, and many of them enthusiastically collaborated with the Bolsheviks. These acts inflamed anti-Semitic resentments among the local population. [3] In early February 1918, Hoffmann called for German measures to stop the Bolshevik drive southwards. He stressed that the Ukraine represented the "most vital element in Russia." Ludendorff argued that if the Germans did not intercede more forcefully, then the Bolsheviks would "beat the Ukraine to death," thereby rendering it useless to Germany. [4]

The German Army High Command refused to let the Soviets consolidate their power in the Ukraine. While German and Austro-Hungarian troops officially marched into the Ukraine on February 9, 1918 at the request of the marginally independent Ukrainian government, the Rada, historians write of a de facto Central Power occupation of the Ukraine. [5] With the advance of German and Austro-Hungarian forces, Bolshevik troops evacuated Kiev at the end of February 1918. Primarily German occupying forces officially took control there at the beginning of March 1918. [6] Generals Ludendorff and Hoffmann saw their wishes to gain the Ukraine for Germany fulfilled.


A leading Ukrainian anti-Bolshevik, General Pavel Skoropadskii, who went on to lead the Ukraine under German occupation, displayed ambivalence towards the German advance into his homeland. He resented outside help in the struggle against Bolshevism, but given his own losing battle against the Red Army as commander of the 34th Corps, he knew that the Ukrainians needed foreign assistance to rid themselves of the Bolsheviks. [7] Skoropadskii was descended from Hetman Ivan Skoropadskii, who had ruled an autonomous Ukraine at the beginning of the eighteenth century. He owned two estates in the Ukraine. When Bolshevik forces had captured Kiev, Skoropadskii had hid in the countryside. Politics had followed him there, as he had ironically lodged with a Jew, who had angered him by asserting that the Bolsheviks would inevitably triumph in the Ukraine, and that this turn of events would help the Jews.

Skoropadskii watched German troops march into Kiev at the end of February 1918 with mixed emotions. On the one hand, he was pleased to be back in the Ukrainian capital. On the other hand, he acutely felt the "disgrace" of the situation in which the Ukrainian spectators of the German advance not only acquiesced to this occupation, but were also "secretly happy" because the Germans had liberated them from the "hated yoke of the Bolsheviks." Skoropadskii estimated that Bolshevik forces had killed at least three thousand officers and tortured countless others during their brief rule in Kiev, a time of "pure hell." [8] While he approved of the German defeat of Bolshevism in the Ukraine, he resented having to bow to German authority.

Around the time that German forces marched into the Ukraine to the mixed feelings of Skoropadskii, German military leaders feared and distrusted the new Soviet regime even while German representatives negotiated with it. As of early March 1918, Walther Nicolai, the head of the German Army High Command Intelligence Service who went on to supply intelligence to the National Socialist Party, believed that Bolshevism now represented the true danger to Germany's Eastern Security. He regarded Lenin as a threat to emerge as the "Napoleon of this epoch" who would endanger the power of the established elites in Germany and beyond. General Ludendorff agreed with Nicolai. [9]

Despite the reservations that many Imperial German military leaders felt towards negotiating with the Bolsheviks, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was concluded between the German Empire and Bolshevik Russia on March 10, 1918. The pact granted Germany control of considerable formerly Russian territories, including the Ukraine, and it allowed the German General Staff to transfer approximately one million soldiers from the Eastern Front to the Western Front. [10] German military authorities began playing a double game. They officially respected the peace between Imperial Germany and the Bolshevik regime, but at the same time they clandestinely fostered anti-Bolshevik operations in the Ukraine.

After establishing themselves in the Ukraine in the course of March 1918, the leaders of Army Group Eichhorn, as the German occupying force in the Ukraine was termed, worked to undermine the existing Ukrainian government, the Rada.
Army Group Eichhorn leaders dismissed the Rada as a "debate club" and desired a more reliable pro-German regime. [11] The Rada lacked authority with the masses, and it proved too leftist and too intellectual to win the support of the landowners and to collaborate smoothly with German occupying forces. [12] German occupying authorities desired a government that better represented Ukrainian large landowners and capitalists, who were grateful to the Germans for returning the property that the Bolsheviks had appropriated during their brief period of rule in the Ukraine. [13]

Ukrainian Cossacks, the descendents of frontiersmen who had been organized as cavalry units in the Tsarist Army, played an important role in the German scheme to topple the Rada. The ataman, or leader, of the Ukrainian Cossacks who called himself Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa quickly established contact with the German and Austro-Hungarian General Staffs in Kiev. [14] He would later lead a Ukrainian Cossack National Socialist movement in tandem with Hitler. Poltavets-Ostranitsa fit the description of the term "Cossack," which derives from a Turkish word meaning "adventurer."
He claimed, without basis, to be descended from a Ukrainian hetman, or ruler, Ostranitsa, on his mother's side. [15] He actually did not come from the nobility. He had changed the spelling of his given name from "Poltavtzev" and added the noble title "Ostranitsa." [16]

Whatever deceptions he employed regarding his ancestry, Poltavets-Ostranitsa had served admirably as a soldier during World War I, and he aroused the interest of German occupying authorities in the Ukraine since he had become a staunch opponent of the Rada. As a cavalry officer in the Imperial Russian Army, he had been wounded twice and had received several decorations for bravery. After Aleksandr Kerenskii had established the Provisional Government in early 1917, Poltavets-Ostranitsa had traveled to Kiev, where he had been elected to serve in the Military Committee of the Rada. [17] He had acted as the leading organizer of anti-Bolshevik forces on the Rada's behalf. [18] He had soon come into conflict with the socialist leadership in the Ukrainian government, however, and had had to leave the body. [19]

Poltavets-Ostranitsa had begun his own bid for power in the Ukraine. According to one source, he had financed his anti-Rada activities by using men loyal to him to plunder and then burn the estate of a Polish countess that they had been hired to protect. [20] Poltavets-Ostranitsa had led a small and yet efficient force that had defeated a punitive expedition from the Rada. The charismatic Cossack leader had established a new Cossack governing body. He had called a Ukrainian National Cossack Assembly for October 1917. He later claimed that 60,000 Cossacks had attended. He had been elected hetman, or leader, but he had refused the title, claiming that he was too young, only twenty-eight. He had recommended General Skoropadskii as honorary hetman.

In the course of March 1918, Army Group Eichhorn authorities decided that Poltavets-Ostranitsa and the Ukrainian Cossacks he represented could be used to overthrow the Rada. German military leaders approved of the Ukrainian National Cossack Organization that Poltavets-Ostranitsa de facto led. This association sought to create an independent Ukraine, defeat Bolshevism, and maintain close relations with the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Central Power occupational authorities held a large conference at the end of March 1918, and they decided to give Poltavets-Ostranitsa one million marks to overthrow the Rada. [21]

Largely because of Poltavets-Ostranitsa's German-backed intrigues, the days of the unpopular Rada were numbered. Poltavets-Ostranitsa joined forces with the older Skoropadskii to overthrow the Rada. Poltavets-Ostranitsa supported Skoropadskii's Party of the Ukrainian People's Union, which declared that while Jewry opposed the "Ukrainian idea," the Germans would "kill the parasitical tendencies of Jewry with their creative work." [22] Poltavets-Ostranitsa arranged a congress at the end of April 1918 that included Cossacks loyal to him as well as members of Skoropadskii's Party of the Ukrainian People's Union. [23] The assembly chose Poltavets-Ostranitsa to serve as Cossack Chancellor of the Ukraine, and Skoropadskii was declared the Hetman of the Ukraine, thereby nullifying the Rada's rule. [24] German occupying authorities officially adopted a neutral policy in the Ukrainian power struggle, but they secretly helped Poltavets-Ostranitsa and Skoropadskii to overthrow the Rada. [25]

After the successful coup against the Rada, Poltavets-Ostranitsa strengthened his Ukrainian National Cossack Organization. This league formed the only significant military basis of Skoropadskii's regime besides occupying Central Power troops. Poltavets-Ostranitsa submitted a program to Hetman Skoropadskii calling for a close alliance with Germany, the "liberation" of the Caucasus region, and the inclusion of the Caucasus in a Black Sea League in which the Ukraine would play the leading role. Poltavets-Ostranitsa's idea of a pro-German Black Sea League later influenced National Socialist Eastern policies. In his drive to create a pro-German Black Sea League, Poltavets-Ostranitsa increasingly experienced problems with his nominal superior, Skoropadskii, who doubted the Central Powers' prospects for victory and increasingly sided with the Entente in a clandestine manner. [26]


In addition to supporting Poltavets-Ostranitsa, German military leaders fostered the creation of White armies in and just outside the Ukraine after initial reservations. Despite generally smooth relations between Army Group Eichhorn and Skoropadskii's Hetmanate, in which Poltavets-Ostranitsa played a leading role, German military leaders initially feared a Ukrainian revolt and therefore did not arm Ukrainian forces. At the end of May 1918, however, German military authorities in the Ukraine agreed to implement a plan that the Rada had drafted to create an army composed of eight corps. [27] The Imperial German Army funded what became known as the Ukrainian Volunteer Army, and the members of this force wore old German officer uniforms. The Ukrainian Volunteer Army contained large numbers of Tsarist officers, including many who had taken refuge in Kiev after fleeing from the Bolsheviks to the north. [28]

In a June 1918 situation report, General Ludendorff expressed strong anti-Bolshevik and pro-White views. He stressed that he utterly distrusted "dishonest" Soviet machinations. He argued: "We cannot expect anything from this Soviet government although it only lives through our mercy. It is a perpetual danger for us." He emphasized that while the German government could officially only deal with the Bolshevik regime, it should nonetheless "establish contact with rightist, more monarchical groups in someway and influence them so that the monarchical movement will march in full accordance with our wishes when it has established its position." [29] Members of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army gave good grounds for Ludendorff's optimistic expectations of them. They thanked the Germans for saving their property from Bolshevik confiscation and for protecting their lives. [30]

General Vladimir Biskupskii played a prominent role in the Ukrainian Volunteer Army. He was a prince from a noble landed Ukrainian family in the Kharkov region. [31] He had belonged to the far right Union of the Russian People. He later claimed to have collaborated closely with Aleksandr Dubrovin, the leader of the Union, and he proudly asserted that the Union had represented the world's first manifestation of "Fascism/National Socialism." [32] The White general had displayed considerable military competence and bravery. He had graduated with top honors from a military academy and had received several decorations for courage and initiative during World War I. He had belonged to the pro-German faction of the Tsarist Army. After the Russian Empire had collapsed, he had made his way to the Ukraine. Skoropadskii named him the commander of the 1st Cavalry Division of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army in June 1918. [33] Biskupskii went on to cooperate closely with Hitler in the context of Aufbau.

A far right monarchical grouping in the Great Russian heartland to the north of the Ukraine where Biskupskii served Skoropadskii exerted increasing influence over Ukrainian matters. This group helped to create a new military formation, the Southern Army. From Petrograd, Nikolai Markov II, the former leader of a faction of the Union of the Russian People, led the Soiuz vernych (Union of the Faithful). This association sought to restore the Russian monarchy. Markov II directed the Union as a highly conspiratorial organization. The Union had a southern branch that increased its right-wing activities in the Ukraine in the summer of 1918.

In July 1918, the southern branch of the Union of the Faithful formed the Monarchical Bloc in Kiev. The Bloc supported Hetman Skoropadskii and guided his policies towards a Great Russian stance and a firm German-Russian alliance. [34] Fedor Evaldt served as a prominent member of the Bloc. [35] Evaldt went on to join Aufbau in postwar Munich. Other leading members of the Monarchical Bloc included Boris Pelikan, a former member of the far right Russian Assembly, and Konstantin Scheglovitov, a former member of the Union of the Russian People and the son of the former Imperial Russian Minister of Justice. [36] In 1920, both Pelikan and Scheglovitov helped to form Aufbau.

Beginning in July 1918, the Monarchical Bloc collaborated with Army Group Eichhorn, notably through Scheglovitov, to organize the Southern Army under the leadership of Bloc member Count P. Keller. [37] German military authorities could not back the Southern Army openly because of the official German alliance with the Bolshevik regime, but they clandestinely supported the White army by supplying it with weapons, munitions, and money. [38] Right-wing German circles approved of the creation of the Southern Army. [39] This force served as the primary anti-Bolshevik grouping in the southern regions of the former Russian Empire. It based its operations just outside the Ukraine in the city of Voronezh on the Don River.
Despite its impressive name, the Southern Army only reached a strength of approximately 16,000 volunteers, of which a disproportionately high 30 percent were officers. [40]

The adventurer who became known as the dashing Caucasian noble Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov first played a leading role in White affairs in the Southern Army under the simple name of Bermondt. [41] Bermondt had belonged to the Black Hundred movement in Imperial Russia. [42] He had reached the rank of lieutenant by the end of 1915. When the Imperial Russian Army had collapsed in 1917, he had commanded a unit in the Ukraine. He had subsequently joined Skoropadskii and Poltavets-Ostranitsa's White cause. Skoropadskii promoted him to the rank of colonel and named him the leader of the counter-intelligence agency of the nascent Southern Army. [43] Bermondt later became famous under the name Bermondt-Avalov in the 1919 Latvian Intervention, where he commanded a joint German-Russian anti-Bolshevik force.

The Southern Army in which Bermondt made a name for himself was to cooperate with the Cossack General Piotr Krasnov's Vsevelikoe Voisko Donskoe (Great Don Host), which promulgated the vitriolic tract known in English as the The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Like the Southern Army, the Great Don Host received considerable German material support through secret channels.
[44] Krasnov expressed his anti-Semitism by permitting Ivan Rodionov, a Ukrainian Cossack who had been active in the Black Hundred movement, to print the Protocols in Chasovoi (The Sentinel), the official newspaper of the Great Don Host. [45]

The Protocols ultimately influenced National Socialists and other anti-Semites around the world. It is worth noting that the Protocols had not been widely distributed in pre-Revolutionary Russian society, even in far right circles. They only drew considerable attention during the Russian Civil War. The Protocols depict an alleged conspiratorial international organization dedicated to establishing Jewish world rule. Jewish power is to be achieved primarily through liberal capitalism, which the Jews use to foment revolt and chaos so that they can establish a Jewish despot to rule over the world. The Protocols also describe the monstrous world state that the Jews allegedly strive to create. [46]

The Protocols' origins remain the subject of controversy. In his work Warrant for Genocide, Norman Cohn presents an ultimately unfounded version of the Protocols' genesis. Cohn argues that Piotr Rachkovskii, the head of the foreign section of the Okhrana (Tsarist Secret Police), wrote the Protocols in French in Paris and then sent them to an Imperial Russian monk, Sergei Nilus, for translation. This supposedly took place as part of an intrigue to eliminate the Tsar's favorite holy man in favor of Nilus. [47] A German expert on the Protocols, Michael Hagemeister, has recently noted that the holy man in question, Monsieur Philippe, had already died in France when Nilus, who was not a monk, though he wrote widely on religious topics, published the Protocols during the revolutionary year 1905 in the appendix of one of his devotional books, The Great in the Small and the Anti-Christ as an Imminent Political Possibility: Notes of an Orthodox Believer. [48]

Cohn based his version of the Protocols' origins primarily on filtered information that the Russian emigre historian Boris Nikolaevskii had given him, as seen in correspondence between Cohn's Russian wife Vera and Nikolaevskii. Nikolaevskii wrote Vera Cohn that already at the beginning of the 1930s he had privately concluded that Rachkovskii had not had anything to do with the fabrication of the Protocols nor even could have. Nikolaevskii admitted that he had decided not to present his research findings since this would have damaged the case of anti-Hitler authorities at the Bern Trial of 1934-1935 who sought to prove that the Imperial Russian Okhrana had forged the Protocols.

The Slavist Cesare G. De Michelis has recently carried out a detailed textual analysis of early versions of the Protocols which demonstrates that the Protocols were not fabricated in Paris, but within Imperial Russian borders between April 1902 and August 1903. The earliest versions of the Protocols contain pronounced Ukrainian features, whereas later ones were given French overtones to lend them the appearance of a credible foreign account. [49] The fabricator or fabricators of the Protocols may well have been influenced by Vladimir Solovev's 1900 story, "A Short Tale of the Anti-Christ," which was included in his Three Conversations. This cannot be proven, however, since the author or authors of the Protocols remain unknown. [50] As we shall see, despite their suspect origins, the Protocols found great credence in right-wing circles.

Traveling to Germany proved the politic action for anti-Semitic White leaders in and just outside the Ukraine to undertake in the summer of 1918. The Great Don Host leader General Krasnov dispatched his representative, Duke Georgii Leuchrenbergskii, a member of the Russian nobility who possessed an estate in Germany, to Berlin in July 1918. [51] Leuchtenbergskii met with the Kaiser and other Imperial German leaders, including General Ludendorff, with whom he held extensive consultations at the Army High Command in Belgium in August 1918. Leuchtenbergskii secured a trade agreement with the German government whereby the Great Don Host would provide agricultural products in return for German machinery and chemicals. [52] The complementary nature of German industrial production and southern Russian, or Ukrainian, agricultural richness fostered German-White collaboration in the time of the Kaiser's rule and beyond, including during the period of Hitler's Third Reich.

Other Whites left the Ukraine for Germany in the summer of 1918. General Biskupskii of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army journeyed to Berlin to demonstrate his fidelity to Germany. [53] Hetman Skoropadskii arrived in Berlin in early September 1918. The Kaiser assured him that he wished an independent Ukraine. Skoropadskii then met with General Ludendorff at the Army High Command Headquarters in Spa, Belgium. Ludendorff suggested coordinating the Ukrainian Volunteer Army with the Southern Army and Krasnov's Don Cossacks to attack the Bolsheviks. He promised to release Russian prisoners of war to serve in the Ukrainian Volunteer and Southern Armies. He urged this combined anti-Bolshevik force to attack from the south while the German Army marched against the Bolsheviks from the west. [54] With Imperial Germany's deteriorating military position on the Western Front and in the Balkans, however, this strategy of coordinated anti-Bolshevik action ultimately had to be abandoned.


As a sidelight to the major German-backed White endeavors that were focused in and just outside the Ukraine, in September 1918, the former Black Hundred member Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, who had been released from a Bolshevik prison through a May 1, 1918 amnesty, undertook a dangerous undercover mission to help the Tsar and his family, whom he believed to be still alive in Bolshevik captivity. He disguised himself as a Bolshevik and traveled to Ekaterinburg in the Urals while it was still under Bolshevik control. After White troops captured the city later in the month, he participated in the official investigation of the Bolshevik murder of the Tsarist family. [55]

The White investigators discovered that the Tsaritsa had possessed Black Hundred member Sergei Nilus' The Great in the Small and the Anti-Christ as an Imminent Political Possibility with a copy of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. They also noted that she had drawn a swastika in her room. [56] The report that the White commission, which included Shabelskii-Bork, compiled eventually appeared in the Volkischer Beobachter (Volkisch Observer). An article in a September 1920 edition of the newspaper, soon before the paper became the official newspaper of the National Socialist Party, claimed that Jews had murdered the Tsar and his family. The paper concluded this from information in the White commission's report that the walls in which the assassination of the Tsar and his family had taken place had been covered with graffiti in German, Hungarian, and Hebrew. [57]

Shabelskii-Bork had arrived too late to save the Tsar and his family, and time began running out for the Southern Army and Skoropadskii's Hetmanate as well. Count Keller found himself unable to carry out his mission of leading the Southern Army against the Bolsheviks. In September and October 1918, he had to refocus his energies on leading the weak Ukrainian Volunteer Army against an internal revolt under the Ukrainian socialist Simon Petliura, who sought to overthrow Skoropadskii's Hetmanate. [58] Colonel Bermondt was likewise forced to leave his organizational activities for the Southern Army to form a machine-gun unit, which he then deployed in the defense of Kiev under Keller. [59] General Biskupskii also served under Keller against Petliura. Skoropadskii named him the commander of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army's Third Corps. [60]

In his new defensive role, Keller also made use of the services of Shabelskii-Bork's colleague Colonel Fedor Vinberg, who had journeyed to Kiev in the face of considerable danger after being released from Bolshevik incarceration on May 1, 1918. Vinberg commanded a unit composed of approximately 5,000 former Tsarist officers with only 400 to 500 ordinary soldiers. This extremely lopsided ratio demonstrated an acute lack of peasant and worker support for White forces in the Ukraine. Keller and Vinberg realized that they could only function with considerable German material assistance, which initially came in abundance. [61]

Vinberg became acquainted with Shabelskii-Bork's comrade Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii in the fall of 1918, when the latter likewise operated under Keller's command to suppress Petliura's uprising. Taboritskii had earlier fled Bolshevik rule and had journeyed into the "sun[light] of the German occupation." Already in January 1918, he had concluded: "Not Germany, but the Entente is the worst enemy of Russia and ... only Germany can save Russia. It became clear to me that Russia's future lay in an alliance with Germany, as Germany's future did in an alliance with Russia." In addition to opposing Petliura's troops, Keller ordered Taboritskii to form command units that were to fight in the Baltic region as a counterpart to the Southern Army. Parts of the forces that Taboritskii helped to organize later fought in the 1919 Latvian Intervention under the command of Colonel Bermondt-Avalov. [62]

The outbreak of revolution in Germany on November 9, 1918 overthrew the rule of the Kaiser and undermined German-White collaboration in the Ukraine. Vinberg later claimed that the revolutionary German government's discontinuation of support for the Ukrainian Volunteer Army had led to the defeat of Keller's forces and to the death of Keller himself. [63] Hetman Skoropadskii openly broke with a pro-German policy at the time of the German Revolution. He symbolized his new pro-Entente orientation by ostentatiously replacing a medal that the Kaiser had given him with a French decoration. [64] Skoropadskii subsequently attributed his downfall to the Entente's "gross error" in not sending a representative to Kiev and providing military assistance to demonstrate de facto support. [65] Skoropadskii's nominal subordinate Poltavets-Ostranitsa wished to continue a German-Ukrainian alliance. The pro-Entente Skoropadskii ordered him to be arrested, a fate that the Cossack leader avoided by fleeing the Ukraine. He eventually made his way to Germany. [66]

Shabelskii-Bork suffered as well under the chaotic conditions in the Ukraine during the fall of 1918. After discovering the murder of the Tsarist family in September, he had carried out conspiratorial counterrevolutionary activities in Bolshevik-controlled Russia for two months. As the Chrezvychainaia Komissia po Borbe s Kontr-revolutsiei (Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle with Counter-revolution, commonly known as the Cheka) had arrested more and more of his accomplices inside Soviet territory, he had traveled to the Ukraine to serve in the Ukrainian Volunteer Army. Troops loyal to Petliura arrested him in late November before he could make it to Kiev, however. [67]

Signs of the approaching collapse of Skoropadskii's Hetmanate appeared, as when Fedor Evaldt became the military commander of Kiev despite the open knowledge that he had embezzled funds intended for the Ukrainian Volunteer Army. [68] Petliura's forces captured the final remnants of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army, only about 2,000 men, on December 17, 1918 and entered Kiev. In addition to Shabelskii-Bork, Petliura's forces in Kiev incarcerated the White officers Keller, Vinberg, Taboritskii, and Bermondt. [69] Some of Petliura's soldiers shot Keller, who had been assigned to take command of the Northern Army in the Baltic region, on the night of December 20/21, 1918. [70] Executions of other White officers, including Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii, were scheduled for the beginning of January. [71]

German forces rescued the remaining White officers that Petliura's forces had incarcerated. On December 29, 1918, General Bronsart von Schellendorf negotiated the White officers' release. German forces transported the officers to Germany beginning on December 31, 1918. [72] The Germans took approximately 3,000 intensely anti-Bolshevik White officers and soldiers with them when they withdrew from the Ukraine. [73]
Despite his turn from Germany to the Entente, retreating German forces even took Skoropadskii to Germany by disguising him as a wounded German military surgeon. [74] Vinberg and Shabelskii-Bork met each other once again on the way to the main train station in Kiev, and from that point on they remained inseparable "true friends" in me words of Vinberg. Taboritskii joined them during the train ride to Germany, and the three colleagues began an intense period of anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic collaboration in Germany in which they soon supported Hitler's National Socialist cause. [75]

WHITE EMIGRE IDEOLOGY'S TRANSFER FROM THE UKRAINE TO GERMANY

After the end of military collaboration between Germans and Whites, primarily officers, in the Ukraine in 1918, the transfer of White emigre ideology westwards, most notably in the form of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, gained crucial significance in internal German affairs. According to a previously unknown Gestapo report from April 1935 that is currently housed in Moscow, Lieutenant Shabelskii-Bork fled the Ukraine under German protection around the turn of the year 1918/1919 with a copy of the 1911 edition of Nilus' The Great in the Small and the Anti-Christ as an Imminent Political Possibility that contained the Protocols. [76] The Protocols soon became known throughout Germany and the world.

After being transported by train from Kiev to Berlin in a three-week journey, Shabelskii-Bork and his comrades Colonel Vinberg and Lieutenant Taboritskii established themselves in the German capital towards the end of January 1919, where they began disseminating anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic views. [77] Berlin represented the logical destination for the White officer trio. The number of White emigres in Germany as a whole reached 600,000 by 1920, and the largest White emigre community in Germany developed in Berlin as the fortunes of the White armies declined. [78] Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii were only three of the approximately two million former citizens of Imperial Russia who had fled Bolshevik rule or who had earlier been held as prisoners of war and did not wish to go to Bolshevik Russia. [79]

Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii propagated anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic propaganda in Berlin. Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii moved into the same quarters and developed a close friendship while coordinating their activities with Vinberg, who founded the monarchist exile newspaper Prizyv (The Call) in August 1919. The Call sought to foster "close friendly relations between Germany and Russia," meaning between these states as restored monarchies. Taboritskii acted as The Call's technical editor. Shabelskii-Bork drafted the primarily Russian news that The Call dealt with. [80] He also ran the newspaper's feuilleton section. [81] Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii appealed for nationalist Germans and Russians to combine forces against the supposed Judeo-Masonic-Bolshevik world conspiracy. [82] Hitler's early mentor Dietrich Eckart urged nationalist Germans to pay greater attention to The Call in a March 1920 edition of his newspaper Auf gut deutsch: Wochenschrift fur Ordnung und Recht (In Plain German: Weekly for Law and Order). [83]

In addition to editing The Call, which served as the mouthpiece of the anti-Semitic far right wing of Germany's White emigre population, Vinberg integrated White emigres with volkisch Germans in Berlin. [84] He soon achieved what the French military intelligence agency the Deuxieme Bureau (Second Section) described as a "preponderant influence" among White emigre and volkisch German circles in the German capital. [85] Vinberg's most important volkisch German contact was Ludwig Muller von Hausen, the leader of the Association against the Presumption of Jewry.


Hausen, who could read Russian, read Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii's The Call regularly. [86] He marked off articles that he found valuable and sometimes had them translated into German, such as a piece from a November 1919 edition of The Call, "Satanists of the Twentieth Century." This essay claimed that the Soviet Commissar for War, the Jew Trotskii, and other high-ranking Soviet leaders had held a black mass within the walls of the Kremlin in Moscow in which they had prayed to the devil for help in defeating their White enemies. The article claimed that the Latvian member of the Red Army who had reported this satanic ritual was executed the next day upon Trotskii's orders. [87]

Hausen also circled an article from the February 6, 1920 edition of The Call, ''An Interesting Document." [88] This piece dealt with the Zunder Document, a prominent piece of spurious anti-Semitic literature that circulated among White forces during the Russian Civil War. The Zunder Document was purportedly a letter from the Central Committee of the Israelite International League that had been found on the corpse of Zunder, a Jewish Bolshevik leader. This forged letter stressed, "We," the "Sons of Israel," stood "on the threshold of the command of the world" after bringing "the Russian people under the yoke of Jewish power." The supposed Jewish authors stressed that now "we must make an end of the best and leading elements of the Russian people, so that ... vanquished Russia may not find any leader!" [89] Hausen printed the Zunder Document in his newspaper Auf Vorposten (On Outpost Duty).

Before it became the official National Socialist newspaper, the Volkisch Observer printed the Zunder Document. The paper's editors had perhaps become aware of the letter through Hausen. The newspaper's editors printed the document in the February 25, 1920 edition of the paper under the title, "A Jewish Secret Document." The piece on the spurious text noted that the source of its information was the February 6, 1920 edition of Vinberg's The Call. The commentary on the Zunder Document in the Volkisch Observer asserted: "Judaism's most secret goals emerge undisguised in this secret circular of the Jews in Russia." [90] For many far rightists, the Zunder Document demonstrated that the Jews had launched the Bolshevik Revolution and sought to eradicate nationalist Russian leaders.

Hausen is best known not for publicizing the Zunder Document, but for publishing The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. He printed the Protocols for the first time in German in 1919. The precise manner in which the Protocols reached Germany from the East earlier remained unknown. [91] As we have seen, Vinberg's colleague Shabelskii-Bork carried a copy of Sergei Nilus' The Great in the Small and the Anti-Christ as an Imminent Political Possibility that included the Protocols from the Ukraine to Berlin. In February 1919, Shabelskii-Bork gave the Protocols to Hausen. [92] Hausen hired someone to translate the Protocols from Russian into German. [93]

Shabelskii-Bork's comrade Vinberg took the Protocols very seriously. In his 1922 book translated from Russian into German as Der Kreuzesweg Russlands (Russia, Via Dolorosa), he warned against "Jewish imperialism" with its goal of "the foundation of Jewish world rule." He argued that the Protocols and "other secret documents that have fallen into the hands of Christians by chance" demonstrated that the Jews strove for a "purely Jewish despotic monarchy." [94] In a letter published in a May 1923 edition of the National Socialist newspaper the Volkisch Observer, Vinberg stressed that the Protocols had "revealed the secret plans of Jewry." [95] Like many other far rightists, Vinberg erroneously believed in the Protocols' authenticity as an accurate blueprint of nefarious Jewish designs for world domination.

Hausen received information on Nilus' personality and on the provenance of the Protocols from an intelligence agency in Berlin under General Kurlov, who had earlier served as the head of the Imperial Russian Okhrana. Kurlov had abused his post of Assistant to the Interior Minister in the Russian Empire by making unauthorized use of secret funds. He had managed to be expelled from Pavel Skoropadskii's Hetmanate in the Ukraine in 1918 before resurfacing in Berlin and establishing his intelligence organization. [96] Citing a "high official" in the former Tsarist Interior Ministry, almost certainly Kurlov, Hausen claimed that the Protocols had originally been drafted in Hebrew and then translated into French. Then the Russian Interior Ministry had received a copy of them and transferred them to Nilus for translation into Russian and publication. [97] While false, Hausen's version of the Protocols' origins lent the document a certain allure.

One of Kurlov's collaborators, Lientenant Iurii Kartsov, also provided Hausen with information on Nilus. While Aufbau's leading personality Max von Scheubner-Richter later praised him as one of many fine "Russian patriots," Kartsov had a reputation as an "utterly undependable" person. He possessed significant connections in Berlin through his work for the German intelligence agency in the Ukraine in 1918. [98] He had dealings with Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii, who were close to Hausen. [99] According to an April 1920 report that he submitted to Hausen, Kartsov had known Nilus personally, and he believed that the mystical Russian had already translated the Protocols in 1898. Nilus had sent the Protocols to Imperial Russian authorities. He had only received the reply that they proved "most interesting," but that it was too late to publish the information.

Of Nilus personally, Kartsov noted in his report to Hausen that the Russian author was approximately seventy-five years old and "completely un-statesmanlike." Nilus was "not concerned with the racial question, regarding the Jewish plague rather from a mere religious standpoint as the wrath of God for sinful humanity. He sees in the rule of the Jews the rule of Satan, which will later be followed by redemption through God." [100] While Kartsov's information on the origins of the Protocols was mistaken, his description of Nilus' personal beliefs was accurate.

Hausen was in a good position to spread White emigre ideology, most notably in the form of the Protocols, from Berlin to Munich, where the National Socialist movement arose. He served as a prominent leader of the Germanenorden (German Order), a secretive organization dedicated to protecting "Aryan blood." [101] The German Order had founded an extension in Munich in August 1918, the Thule Gesellschaft (Thule Society). The Thule Society sought to serve as the "guardian and reviver of the volkisch spirit." [102] The secretive association was named after an old term for Iceland, where Germanic peoples had found refuge from Christianity. The organization used a swastika with a sword as its symbol. [103] The Thule Society possessed around 200 members in 1919, but those who belonged to the association possessed connections that made the organization more powerful than its numbers suggested. [104]

The Thule Society purchased a volkisch newspaper, the Munchener Beobachter (Munich Observer). [105] The Munich Observer possessed a circulation of approximately 1,000 readers as of October 1918. A version of the paper was distributed throughout Germany under the title the Volkisch Observer for the first time in August 1919, while the Munich Observer continued to be distributed locally. As of the beginning of October 1919, the Munich Observer had gained 9,000 subscribers, while the Volkisch Observer possessed a circulation of 8,800. [106]

Hausen corresponded regularly with the editors of the Volkisch Observer in 1919. [107] He sent The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which ultimately found great resonance in Germany and around the world, to the Volkisch Observer in November 1919.
He mailed the Protocols for the immediate purpose of helping the newspaper's editors in a lawsuit that the Jewish United Order Benai Brith Lodge had filed against them. [108] After suggesting some stalling tactics, Hausen noted that he had sent his soon-to-be released work, Die Geheimnisse der Weisen von Zion (The Secrets of the Wise Men of Zion). He asserted that with the help of this book, "You can probably gather so much material that the judge will need a year to work through it."

Anticipating difficulties, Hausen noted: "The Minutes would make a devastating judgment possible, but we unfortunately do not have the original text, and the Jews will dispute its authenticity." He stressed, "We have therefore provided indirect evidence in the introduction that the Jews have acted according to the same guidelines that we find in the reports of the 'Wise Men of Zion' throughout time and in the most varied lands." [109] Hausen thus harbored misgivings about the Protocols' authenticity, but he did believe that they revealed what he regarded as the quintessentially pernicious Jewish essence.

Catholicism has no more fear of a well-sharpened stiletto than monarchies have, but these two bases of social order can fall by corruption. Let us then never cease to corrupt. Tertullian was right in saying, that the blood of martyrs was the seed of Christians. Let us, then, not make martyrs, but let us popularise vice amongst the multitudes. Let us cause them to draw it in by their five senses; to drink it in; to be saturated with it; and that land which Aretinus has sown is always disposed to receive lewd teachings. Make vicious hearts, and you will have no more Catholics. Keep the priest away from labour, from the altar, from virtue. Seek adroitly to otherwise occupy his thoughts and his hours. Make him lazy, a gourmand, and a patriot. He will become ambitious, intriguing, and perverse. You will thus have a thousand times better accomplished your task, than if you had blunted the point of your stiletto upon the bones of some poor wretches. I do not wish, nor do you any more, my friend Nubius, to devote my life to conspiracies, in order to be dragged along in the old ruts.

"It is corruption en masse that we have undertaken: the corruption of the people by the clergy, and the corruption of the clergy by ourselves; the corruption which ought, one day to enable us to put the Church in her tomb. I have recently heard one of our friends, laughing in a philosophic manner at our projects, say to us: 'in order to destroy Catholicism it is necessary to commence by suppressing woman.' The words are true in a sense; but since we cannot suppress woman, let us corrupt her with the Church, corruptio optimi pessima. The object we have in view is sufficiently good to tempt men such as we are; let us not separate ourselves from it for some miserable personal satisfaction of vengeance. The best poniard with which to strike the Church is corruption. To work, then, even to the very end."


... The Alta Vendita, then, sat down calmly to consider the best means to accomplish this design. Satan and his fallen angels could devise no more efficacious methods than they found out. They resolved to spread impurity by every method used in the past by demons to tempt men to sin, to make the practice of sin habitual, and to keep the unhappy victim in the state of sin to the end. They had, being living men, means to accomplish this purpose, which devils could not use without the aid of men. Christian civilization established upon the ruins of the licentiousness of Paganism had kept European society pure. Vice, when it did appear, had to hide its head for shame. Public decency, supported by public opinion, kept it down. So long as morality existed as a recognized virtue, the Revolution had no chance of permanent success; and so the men of the Alta Vendita resolved to bring back the world to a state of brutal licentiousness not only as bad as that of Paganism, but to a state at which even the morality of the Pagans would shudder.

-- Grand Orient Freemasonry Unmasked As the Secret Power Behind Communism, by Monsignor George F. Dillon DD.


And when we see that the methods which were practised by this Association for the express purpose of breaking all the bands of society, were employed solely in order that the leaders might rule the world with uncontroulable power, while all the rest, even of the associated, will be degraded in their own estimation, corrupted in their principles, and employed as mere tools of the ambition of their unknown superiors; surely a free-born Briton will not hesitate to reject at once, and without any farther examination, a plan so big with mischief, so disgraceful to its underling adherents, and so uncertain in its issue.

-- Proofs of a Conspiracy Against All the Religions and Governments of Europe, Carried on In the Secret Meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies, Collected from Good Authorities, by John Robison, A.M.


All four gospels suggest either implicitly or explicitly that because the Jews were not allowed to punish other Jews who were guilty of blasphemy, they had to prevail on the reluctant Romans to kill Jesus. Pontius Pilate, the Roman governor of Judea, is described as basically sympathetic to Jesus but unable to withstand the pressure from the Jews who demanded Jesus’ execution. This idea is expressed most clearly in the gospel of John: “Pilate said, ‘Take him yourselves and judge him according to your own law.’ The Jews replied, ‘We are not permitted to put anyone to death'” (18:31).

-- Who Killed Jesus? From the Gospels to Nostra Aetate, how Jews were accused of deicide, by Martin I. Lockshin


The editors of the Volkisch Observer thanked Hausen for his assistance and pledged with regard to the Protocols, "We will study them immediately." [110] An April 1920 edition of the Volkisch Observer ran a large front-page article, "The Secrets of the Wise Men of Zion." This piece "emphatically" recommended the book on the Protocols released by Hausen's On Outpost Duty publishing house in 1919. The essay claimed: "There is no book which demonstrates the spirit of Jewry the same way." The editorial stressed that despite the "enormous significance" of Hausen's work, space constraints necessitated the newspaper to print only some key sections to give a "faint picture" of the work as a whole.

The Volkisch Observer printed some sections of Hausen's work that alleged to expose sinister Jewish strivings for world domination. "The end justifies the means," the newspaper quoted Hausen's book. In accordance with this motto, Jewish leaders supposedly carried out their evil plans with less attention to "the good and the moral than with the necessary and the useful." Further, the "wise men of Zion" are supposed to have stressed, "Our motto is: power and cunning!" Moreover: "We must not shy away from bribery, deceit, and betrayal as soon as they serve the attainment of our plans." Another passage from Hausen's work printed in the newspaper had Jews claim that they had come "to influence through the press and yet remained in the shadows; thanks to it we have brought mountains of gold into our hands without concerning ourselves that we had to scoop [them] out of streams of blood and tears."
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Tue Jan 29, 2019 2:57 am

Part 2 of 2

Another section of the Volkisch Observer that quoted Hausen's Protocols book treated other dastardly means that the "wise men of Zion" used in their drive for world domination. For instance, Jews supposedly only placed bureaucrats with "slavish abilities" in leading positions. These officials could thus be used as "pawns" in the hands of Jewish "schooled and talented advisors, who have been brought up from youth for rule over the entire world." Moreover, the Jews allegedly "alone" controlled "the rule of money," which they upheld through artificial poverty: "Hunger provides the financial power with ... the rights to the workers .... We move the masses through need and the envy and hatred that arise from it and eliminate those who are in our way with their help." When the time was ripe, the Jews were to switch over from cunning and deceit to brutal force: "Our empire ... must establish a reign of terror ... in order to force blind and unconditional obedience." [111] The Volkisch Observer took the warnings contained in the Protocols very seriously.

The Volkisch Observer received severe criticism for printing parts of the Protocols. A June 1920 article in the newspaper noted that Jews vehemently denied the authenticity of the Protocols. Admitting that the origins of the Protocols remained suspicious, the piece followed Hausen's tactics, claiming:

Even if the accounts are not historical in the sense of this term, the history books of Jewish authors as well as serious and impartial German researchers prove nothing else than that the contents of the controversial book are a true to life ... reflection of Jewish lust for power, avarice, and spirit of subversion. [112]


The Protocols were a vicious forgery, but they expressed the fears that anti-Semites felt when faced with rapid societal flux in the form of increasing democratization and industrialization. Since they spoke so well to the insecurities of former privileged groups who feared that they were slipping down the social ladder, the Protocols possessed an intense immediacy for many far rightists. By presenting a dastardly meta-historical enemy of all peoples, the Jew, the Protocols clearly explained the turmoil and upheavals of the modern world that so upset radical right Germans and Russians in particular.

Hitler's most important early mentors, the volkisch publicist Dietrich Eckart and his White emigre colleague Alfred Rosenberg, both attended meetings of the Thule Society in Munich as guests, and they became aware of Hausen's translation of the Protocols in late 1919, even before sections of it appeared in the Volkisch Observer. [113] They were outraged at what they read, the former more than the latter. Through his collaboration with Eckart and Rosenberg beginning in late 1919, Hitler received his most sustained volkisch indoctrination as well as his introduction to apocalyptic and anti-Semitic White emigre thought, which warned in the vein of the Protocols that a sinister international Jewish conspiracy controlled both finance capitalism and Bolshevism as tools to achieve world rule.

Eckart has been largely overlooked in the historical literature. The only work in English that examines his career in any detail is a doctoral dissertation, Ralph Engelmann's Dietrich Eckart and the Genesis of Nazism. [114] The only non-National Socialist German book that concentrates on Eckart's anti-Semitic ideology is Margarete Plewnia's Auf dem Weg zu Hitler: Der "volkische" Publizist Dietrich Eckart (On the Wey to Hitler: The "Volkisch" Publicist Dietrich Eckart). [115] The Protocols significantly shaped Eckart's outlook, and Eckart's role in influencing Hitler's anti-Bolshevik, anti-Semitic ideas in league with Rosenberg warrants greater attention.

Eckart enjoyed moderate influence as a publicist. He had worked as a journalist in Berlin before co-publishing a nationalist wartime newspaper in Munich, Unser Vaterland (Our Fatherland), which had opposed defeatist elements in Germany. He had solicited articles for this paper from the volkisch theorist Houston Stewart Chamberlain. [116] In December 1918, Eckart used funds from the Thule Society to launch an attack against Jewish left-wing revolutionary forces in Germany by founding the right-wing political newspaper In Plain German. [117] He sent 2,500 copies throughout Germany in accordance with an address list that he had drawn up. [118]

Eckart propounded volkisch ideology in the pages of In Plain German. He called upon the Germans to negate Jewish world-affirmation. In formulating his views, he borrowed from the volkisch theories of Arthur Schopenhauer, Richard Wagner, and Chamberlain, in which the primarily world-denying Germans needed to transcend the corrupting influence of the materialistic and world-affirming Jews. [119] Eckart argued that the "true German ... lives between the two worlds" of world-affirmation and world-negation. [120] On the other hand: "World-affirmation ... shows itself totally pure in the Jewish people, without any addition of world-negation."  [121] Hitler echoed Eckart's reasoning in a November 1922 speech. He asserted, "The purely earthly is Jewish; among us it is an inner distortion ... The struggle between both poles has been going on for a long time already." [122]

Eckart met Rosenberg through the Thule Society in late 1918. [123] The two men soon became close collaborators. Rosenberg offered his services to Eckart by asking: "Can you use a fighter against Jerusalem?" Eckart responded, "Certainly!" [124] When Eckart repeatedly sank into periods of lethargy in 1919 and 1920, Rosenberg ran In Plain German for considerable stretches at a time. [125] Eckart greatly valued Rosenberg. He referred to him in an early edition of In Plain German as his "tireless friend." [126] Eckart and Rosenberg began corresponding with Hausen at some point, but he maintained a rather condescending attitude towards them. He noted: "Both have thoroughly attached themselves to the Jewish/Masonic question, but both are newcomers in it after all." [127]

When Hitler met Eckart and Rosenberg in late 1919, he was an obscure agitator for the fledgling Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Worker's Party), a subsidiary organization of the Thule Society and the forerunner of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Worker's Party, or NSDAP), which was founded in February 1920. [128] According to Eckart's secretary, Hitler met Eckart in a small Munich pub in the fall of 1919. [129] Rosenberg later recalled meeting Hitler in the company of Eckart in a small Munich bar in the fall of 1919 as well. At the time of their meeting, Hitler already knew of the writings of both Eckart and Rosenberg in In Plain German. [130]

Hitler and Eckart quickly developed a relationship of mutual respect, and Hitler and Rosenberg soon admired each other as well. Hitler electrified Eckart with his persuasive power and intensity so that Eckart remarked early on: "That is Germany's coming man, of whom the world will one day speak." The two men began meeting with each other regularly. [131] Hitler later praised Eckart in glowing terms. He dedicated his autobiographical work Mein Kampf (My Struggle) in part to "that man, one of the best, who devoted his life to the awakening of his, our people, in his writings and his thoughts and finally in his deeds: Dietrich Eckart." [132]The Fuhrer asserted in January 1942 that Eckart had shone for him "like the polar star." [133] Like Eckart, Rosenberg was extremely impressed with Hitler early on. [134] He joined the German Worker's Party as one of its earliest members. [135] Hitler valued Rosenberg's views greatly, once remarking that Rosenberg was the only man whose ideas he would always listen to. [136]


Eckart and Rosenberg helped to synthesize volkisch-redemptive views of German spiritual and racial superiority with conspiratorial-apocalyptic White emigre conceptions of international Jewry as a malevolent force that strove for world domination through dastardly means. In so doing, they greatly influenced early National Socialist ideology. From November 1919 until the summer of 1920, the scope of Hitler's anti-Semitic arguments broadened considerably. Hitler's increasingly virulent anti-Semitism can largely be attributed to his early ideological apprenticeship under Eckart and Rosenberg, both of whom the The Protocols of the Elders of Zion influenced. [137]

The precise manner in which Hitler became aware of the Protocols remains unknown, but Eckart most likely introduced them to him in late 1919. Eckart first dealt with the Protocols in an October 10, 1919 edition of In Plain German. He cited what a Protestant British publication printed in Jerusalem had mistakenly termed a "publicity leaflet" proclaiming "Jewish world rule" that the "Jewish lodge 'The Wise Men of Zion'" had distributed in Imperial Russia in 1911. Eckart claimed that the "wise men of Zion" had already announced the destruction of the German and Russian Empires in 1911. He noted that he had seen a map before the war with Germany truncated along the lines of the borders that it currently possessed according to the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, while the Russian Empire had been labeled a "desert." He lamented that the "Jew Trotskii" presided over a "field of corpses" that had once been Imperial Russia. He bitterly remarked: "Oh, how wise you wise men from Zion are!" [138]

Eckart treated Hausen's translation of the Protocols in a December 1919 article in In Plain German, "The Midgard Serpent." He asserted that one read Hausen's work on the Protocols "again and again and yet does not get to the end of it since with almost every paragraph one lets the book fall as if paralyzed with unspeakable horror." He claimed that Hausen's translation of the Protocols and the "publicity leaflet" of the "Jewish lodge 'The Wise Men of Zion'" in Imperial Russia (which he had referred to in October) undoubtedly originated from the same source. Thus, he emphasized: "The Russian Jews already knew in advance of the collapse of the Tsarist Empire as well as the German monarchy in 1911 and just as surely already at that time announced Bolshevik chaos with Jewish world domination as background." Eckart then cited some sections of Hausen's Protocols translation, noting that these segments "suffice to attest to the authenticity of the entirety." [139]

In a November 1920 essay in In Plain German, '''Jewry uber alles'" ('"Jewry above Everything"'), Eckart demonstrated the intense impression that the Protocols had made on him by quoting a passage from them that had not appeared in his December 1919 article on the Protocols or in the Volkisch Observer. He reprinted the supposed words of Jewish conspirators: "The world ruler who will take the place of the currently existing governments has the duty to remove such societies even if he has to drown them in their own blood." For Eckart, this assertion represented a dire and legitimate warning of what the peoples of the world faced unless they took decisive anti-Semitic action.

Eckart upheld the Protocols as a genuine document. In his '''Jewry above Everything'" article, he noted that the "entire Jewish press" had labeled the Protocols a forgery, but he dismissed this as "the usual tactic of the Hebrews. That which one cannot refute, one chalks up as a forgery." Referring to the spread of the Protocols around the world, Eckart argued that despite Jewish protests, "In all peoples, in England, France, Greece, Romania, Poland, Hungary, and so on, the scales are beginning to fall from [people's] eyes: everywhere forces are stirring and engaging in the work of the liberation from humanity's mortal enemy." [140] Eckart thus sounded a call to arms for all anti-Semites of the world.

While Eckart unequivocally believed in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion as an authentic warning for Gentiles around the world, his White emigre colleague Rosenberg adopted a considerably more skeptical attitude towards the Protocols. Konrad Heiden argued in his 1944 book Der Fuhrer that Rosenberg received the Protocols from a mysterious stranger in Moscow in 1917. [141] Michael Hagemeister, a German expert on the Protocols, has stressed that Heiden's undocumented assertion that someone gave Rosenberg a copy of the Protocols in Moscow and that he then brought them to Germany belongs in the "realm of legend." [142] After Rosenberg became aware of the Protocols in postwar Munich, he maintained a far more critical attitude towards them than historians have often suggested. In his first major work, which was released early in 1920, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (The Trail of the Jew through the Ages), he did not refer directly to the Protocols. [143]

Rosenberg examined the Protocols in his 1923 book Die Protokolle der Weisen von Zion und die judische Weltpolitik (The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and Jewish World Politics), which, according to the Volkisch Observer, was the first work to make a "critical" examination of the "problem of the 'Protocols.'" [144] In his work, Rosenberg remained more skeptical towards the Protocols than Eckart. He claimed that the Zionist author Asher Ginsburg could very well have written the Protocols, but no "conclusive" proof of this existed, so the question of the authorship of the Protocols remained "open." He further noted that no "juridicially conclusive proof" existed for the Protocols either as absolutely genuine or as a forgery.

In a manner similar to Hausen, the publisher of the first German version of the Protocols, Rosenberg noted that in any case, documents from "ancient times as well as from the most recent past" demonstrated "precisely the same sense" as the Protocols, from "the Talmud to the Frankforter Zeitung [Frankfort Times] and the Rote Fahne [Red Flag]." Rosenberg further asserted that the Protocols stated that which the "Jewish leaders of Bolshevism themselves openly describe as their plan." While he harbored doubts of the Protocols' authenticity, Rosenberg agreed with a central point of the Protocols: "First subversion, then dictatorship." [145] The belief that the Jews undermined existing state authorities to form a new Jewish-controlled international tyranny found wide credence among White emigre circles and in the ranks of the early National Socialists.

Hitler referred to the Protocols as evidence of Jewish plans for world rule. The first indication of Hitler's internalization of the sinister message of the Protocols came in his notes for an August 1921 speech:

Starvation as power -- (Russia) ... Starvation in the service of Jewry[.] "Wise Men of Zion[.]" Objection "not every Jew will know this," What the wise man comprehends intellectually the ordinary one does out of instinct... Starvation in Russia[:] charitably, 40 mill[ion] are dying. [146]


In an oration a few days later, he cited the Protocols as evidence of the age-old and continuing Jewish goal of "the extraction of rule, no matter through which means." [147] In an April 1923 speech, he stressed that the Jews sought "to extend their invisible state as a supreme dictatorial tyranny over the entire world." [148] This was the basic warning contained in the Protocols. Hitler again treated the theme of the Jewish use of starvation as a weapon in an August 1923 oration. He asserted, "In the books of the wise men of Zion it is written: 'Hunger must wear down the broad masses and drive them spinelessly into our arms!"' [149]

Finally, in Mein Kampf, Hitler stressed the crucial importance of the Protocols in both revealing and undermining diabolical Jewish plans for ruthless world domination:

To what an extent the whole existence of this people is based on a continuous lie is shown incomparably by the Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion, so infinitely hated by the Jews. They are based on a forgery, the Frankfurter Zeitung moans and screams once every week: the best proof that they are authentic. What many Jews may do unconsciously is here consciously exposed. And that is what matters. It is completely indifferent from what Jewish brain these disclosures originate; the important thing is that with positively terrifying certainty they reveal the nature and activity of the Jewish people and expose their inner contexts as well as their ultimate final aims. The best criticism applied to them, however, is reality. Anyone who examines the historical development of the last hundred years from the standpoint of this book will at once understand the screaming of the Jewish press. For once this book has become the property of a people, the Jewish menace may be considered as broken. [150]


In her seminal 1979 work The Origins of Totalitarianism, political theorist Hannah Arendt quoted Heinrich Himmler, the head of the Schutzstaffel (SS), as asserting, "We owe the art of government to the Jews," referring primarily to the Protocols, which "the Fuhrer [had] learned by heart." [151] While this is an exaggeration, the Protocols did provide terrifying visions of an all-encompassing Jewish world conspiracy. The warnings in the Protocols greatly influenced the ideology of the National Socialist movement. The Protocols went through thirty-three editions by the time Hitler came to power in 1933, and they became the most widely distributed work in the world after the Bible. [152]

CONCLUSION

The 1918 Imperial German intervention in the Ukraine, the land "at the extremity," led to the transfer of extremist anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic White views to postwar volkisch German circles in Berlin and Munich, including the immediate milieu from which the National Socialist movement arose. Most notably, Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork carried The Protocols of the Elders of Zion from the Ukraine to Berlin and then gave them to Ludwig Muller von Hausen, a volkisch publicist, for translation and publication in German. Hitler's early mentors Dietrich Eckart and Alfred Rosenberg internalized the warnings of looming Jewish world rule contained in the Protocols. The Protocols in turn influenced Hitler's Weltanschauung through their graphic portrayal of ruthless Jewish plans to take over the world through insidious means, notably starving resisting peoples. Hitler used the Protocols as a powerful weapon against what he perceived as the menace of international Jewry.

As well as facilitating the cross-cultural transfer of dangerous right-wing views, the German Ukrainian Intervention forged enduring pro-nationalist German sentiments among leading White officers who served under Germany's aegis in the Ukraine. Germany's occupation of the Ukraine began a process of right-wing German-White/White emigre collaboration, as it brought together men who shared common enemies: the Entente, the Bolsheviks, and the Jews. Several White officers who had played prominent roles in the Ukraine under German occupation went on to serve the National Socialist movement in Germany, notably General Vladimir Biskupskii, Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, Colonel Fedor Vinberg, Lieutenant Shabelskii-Bork, Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, and Colonel Pavel Bermondt, later known as Bermondt-Avalov.

Germany's Ukrainian adventure set a precedent for further nationalist German-White anti-Bolshevik military cooperation, as German officers learned to value their White officer counterparts as loyal pro-Germans and anti-Bolsheviks. In particular, the German/White alliance established in and just outside the Ukraine in 1918 served as a precedent for the 1919 Latvian Intervention under the leadership of Bermondt-Avalov. In this campaign, German Freikorps (volunteer corps) fought shoulder to shoulder with White formations in an anti-Bolshevik crusade from which many future National Socialists emerged.

_______________

Notes:

1 MR report to the BSMA from January 14, 1918, BHSAM, BsMA 33, number 97676, 116.
 
2 Leon Trotsky, My Life: The Rise and Fall of a Dictator (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1930), 312.
 
3 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel I, 48.
 
4 Protocol of an RK conference on February 5, 1918, BAB, 43, number 2448/4, 111, 130.
 
5  Wlodzimierz Medrzecki, "Bayerische Truppenteile in der Ukraine im Jahr 1918," Bayern und  Osteuropa: Au; der Geschichte der Beziehungen Bayerns, Frankens und Schwabens mit Russland, der  Ukraine, und Weissrussland, ed. Hermann Beyer-Thoma (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000),  441.
 
6 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 198, opis 9, dela 4474, reel I, 47.
 
7 Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  105b, 9.
 
8  Pavel Skoropadskii, Erinnerungen von Pavlo Skoropadsky aufgeschrieben in Bertin in der Zeit von  Januar bis Mai 1918, trans. Helene Ott-Skoropadskii (Berlin, 1918), IZG, Ms 584, 51, 102, 113, 116.
 
9 Walther Nicolai, Tagebuch (Diary), March 6, 1918, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis I, delo 16, 77.
 
10 Letter from Max Hoffmann to his wife from August 15, 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 37, number 2, 231.
 
11 Wilhelm Groener report from March 23, 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 46, number 172, 4.
 
12 Interrogation of Ambassador Herbert von Dirksen from October 1945, The National Archives,  Records of the Department of State, Special Interrogation Mission to Germany, 1945-46, IZG,  number 679, roll I, 411.
 
13 Wilhelm Groener report from March 23, 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 46, number 172, 6.
 
14 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I,  delo 105b, 9.
 
15 DB report from August 11, 1933, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 954, reel 5, 355.
 
16 RKUoO report from July 26, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 101, 5.
 
17 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I,  delo 105b, 9.
 
18 SGOD report from December 22, 1928, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 308, opis 7, delo 265, 5.
 
19 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I,  delo 105b, 9.
 
20 RKUoO report from July 26, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 101, 6.
 
21 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  105b, 9; 1926 memorandum on behalf of Poltavets-Ostranitsa; RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond  772, opis I, delo 105b, 7.
 
22 Proclamation from Skoropadskii from April 20, 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 46, number 172, 57.
 
23 1926 memorandum on behalf of Poltavets-Ostranitsa, RKUo0, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, Opis 1,  delo 105b, 7.
 
24 Letter from Poltavets-Ostranitsa to Adolf Hitler from March 25, 1929, PKAH, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 1355, opis I, delo 3, 57; Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUo0, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 772, opis I, delo 105b, 9.
 
25 Skoropadskii, Erinnerungen, 173.
 
26 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I,  delo 105b, 9.
 
27 Skoropadskii, Erinnerungen, 222.
 
28 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel 1, 47; interrogation  of Ambassador Herbert von Dirksen from October 1945, The National Archives, IZG, number 679,  roll I, 412.
 
29 Letter from Erich von Ludendorff to the Reichskanzler, June 9, 1918, BNMF, Nachlass 46, number  173, 35-37.
 
30 OHLHGE report from June 14, 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 46, number 173, 60.
 
31 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 20, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 8ta,  19, 24.
 
32 Translation of Vladimir Biskupskii's September 7, 1939 comments, APA, BAB, NS 43, number  35, 49.
 
33 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 20, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a,  19, 24, 35; DB report from May 22, 1936, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 4, delo 168, reel 1, 1.
 
34 LGPO reports to the RKUoO from November 28 and December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 48, 57.
 
35 MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 2, 134.
 
36 Spisak chlenov Russkogo Sobraniia s prilozkeniem istoricheskogo ocherky sobraniia (Saint Petersburg:  Tip. Spb. Gradonachalstva, 1906), 52; RKUoO report from June 17, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond  772, opis 3, delo 539, 21a, 21V.
 
37 LGPO report from June 3, 1921, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1813, number 2, 7; LGPO report to  the RKUoO from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 49.
 
38 Telegram from HGE/1a to OKO from July 1918, BA/MF, Nachlass 46, number 173, 115.
 
39 Letter from Pavel Bermondt-Avalov to Wolfgang Kapp from November 9, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur  92, number 815, 88.
 
40 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus: Erinnerungen von General Furst Awaloff,  Oberbefehlshaber der Deutsch-Russischen Westarmee im Baltikum (Hamburg: Von J. J. Augustin,  1925), 45.
 
41 Letter from Baron von Delingshausen to the RKUoO from January 18, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 88.
 
42 Letter to the editorial staff of Volia Rossii from February 28, 1921, ATsVO, GARF, fond 5893, opis I,  delo 201, 87.
 
43 LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 71,  16, 17.
 
44 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 45.
 
45 ATsVO report from August 1921, GARF, fond 5893, opis I, delo 39, 4.
 
46 Michael Hagemeister, "Die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion' und der Basler Zionistenkongress  von 1897," Der Traum von Israel: Die Ursprunge des modernen Zionismus, ed. Heiko Haumann  (Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1998), 259; Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth  of the Jewish World-Conspiracy and the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" (Chico, CA: Scholars Press,  1981), 61, 62.
 
47 Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, 83-87.
 
48 Hagemeister, "Der Mythos der 'Protokolle dec Weisen von Zion,'" Verschworungstheorien: Anthropologische  Konstanten - historische Varianten, eds. Ute Caumanns and Matthias Niendorf (Osnabruck:  Fibre Verlag, 2001), 97; Hagemeister, "Vladimir Solov'ev: Reconciler and Polemicist," Eastern Christian  Studies 2: Selected Papers of the International Vladimir Solov'ev Conference held at the University  of Nijmegen, the Netherlands, in September 1998 (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 288.
 
49 Hagemeister, "Der Mythos der 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion," 96, 99.
 
50 Hagemeister, "Vladimir Solov'ev," 293.
 
51 Robert Williams, Culture in Exile: Russian Emigres in Germany, 1881-1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), 76.
 
52 Vsevelikoe Voisko Donskoe, Embassy in Berlin reports from July), 1918 and another time in 1918, GARF, fond 1261, opis I, delo 40, 2, 27; letter from Georgii Leuchtenbergskii to Piotr Krasnov from August 22, 1918, GARF, fond 1261, delo 40, 24, 25.
 
53 DB report from May 22, 1936, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opls 4, delo 168, reel I, I.
 
54 Skoropadskii, Erinnerungen, 346, 348, 351, 378.
 
55 Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, "Ober Mein Leben," March 1926, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953,  103-105.
 
56 Henri Rollin, L 'Apocalypse de notre temps: Les dessous de In propagande allemande d'apres des documents  inedits (Paris: Gallimard, 1939), 480, 481.
 
57 "Wer waren die Morder des Zaren?” Volkischer Beobachter. September 9, 1920, 2.
 
58 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel I, 48; Fedor  Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, I.
 
59 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, 47.
 
60 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 20, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 35.
 
61 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 1.
 
62 Letter from Sergei Taboritskii to Mrs. Shabelskii-Bork from March 18, 1926, GSAPKB, Repositur  84a, number 14953, 78, 79.
 
63 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 1.
 
64 Gestapo report from May 2, 1934, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 501, opis 3, delo 496a, 44.
 
65 Skoropadskii, Erinnerungen, I, 2.
 
66 Poltavets-Ostranitsa's 1926 curriculum vitae, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo  105b, 9.
 
67 Shabelskii-Bork, "Uber Mein Leben," GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 109.
 
68 MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 2, 134.
 
69 Letter from Taboritskii to Mrs. Shabelskii-Bork from March 18, 1926, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number  14953, 81; LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772,  opis 3, delo 71, 17.
 
70 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 488.
 
71 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 2, 25.
 
72 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel I, 47.
 
73 A. V. Smolin, Beloe dvizhenie na Severo-Zapade Ross 1918-1920 (Saint Petersburg, Dmitrii Bulanin,  1999), 335.
 
74 Interrogation of Ambassador Herbert von Dirksen from October 1945, The National Archives, IZG,  number 679, roll I, 415.
 
75 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 4, 25.
 
76 Gestapo report from April 13, 1935. RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 501, opis 3, delo 496a, 208.
 
77 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 3, 92; fiche 4, 2, 5.
 
78 Letter from Ludwig von Knorring to the RMI from September 20, 1921, BAB, 1501, number 14139,  47; L. K. Skarenkov, "Eine Chronik def russischen Emigration in Deutschland: Die Materialien  des General Aleksej A. von Lampe," Russische Emigration in Deutschland 1918 bis 1941: Leben im  europaischen Burgerkrieg, ed. Karl Schlogel (Berlin: Akademie, 1995), 48.
 
79 Schlogel, "Russische Emigration in Deutschland 1918-1941: Fragen und Thesen," Russische Emigration  in Deutschland, 11; RMI report from December 15, 1921, BAB, 1501, number 14139, 58.
 
80 Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 2, 4, 5, 25.
 
81 Shabelskii-Bork, “Uber Mein Leben," GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 110.
 
82 Rollin, L'Apocalypse de notre temps, 153.
 
83 Dietrich Eckart, "Die Schlacht auf den Katalaunischen Feldern," Auf gut deutsch: Wochenschrift fur  Ordnung und Recht, February 20, 1920.
 
84 Rafael Ganelin, "Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo i germanskii natsional-sotsializm," Natsionalnaia  pravaia prezhde i teper, lstoriko-sotsiologicheskie ocherki, chast I: Rossiia i russkoe zarubezhe (Saint  Petersburg: Institut Sotsiologii rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 1992), 137.
 
85 DB report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel 1, 48.

86 Handwritten note from Muller von Hausen in Cyrillic letters, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis 2,  delo 131, 200.
 
87 "Satanisten des XX. Jahrhunderts," translated article from November 5, 1919 edition of Prizyv in  Hausen's possession, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis I, delo 541, 3.
 
88 "Liubopytnyi Dokument," Prizyv, February 6, 1920, 2, in Hausen's possession, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 577, opis 1, delo 541.
 
89 Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, 119-121, 139.
 
90 "Ein judisches Geheimdokument," Volkischer Beobachter, February 25, 1920, 1.
 
91 Hagemeister, "Die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion,'" 261.
 
92 Gestapo report from April 13, 1935, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 501, opis 3, delo 496a, 208.
 
93 Letter from Hausen to Carl Marz from March 26, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo  853, 32.
 
94 Vinberg, Der Kreuzesweg Russlands: Teil I: Die Ursachen des Ubels, trans. K. von Jarmersted (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1922), 28, 35.
 
95 Vinberg, “Der wackere Zentralverein," Volkischer Beobachter, May 9, 1923, 3.
 
96 LGPO reports to the RKUoO from June 2 and August 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 15; delo 539, 17. 20.
 
97 Letter from Hausen to Marz from March 26, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 853, 33.
 
98 Iurii Kartsov, "Existiert die Schuldfrage uberhaupt?" Aufbau-Korrespondenz, October 4, 1922, 3; LGPO report to the RKUoO from June 2, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a,16.
 
99 Hagemeister, "Sergej Nilus und die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion,''' Jahrbuch fur Antisemitismusforschung der  Technischen Universitat Berlin, ed. Wolfgang Benz (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag,  1996), 137.
 
100 Kartsov's report to Hausen from April 30, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis 2, delo 9, 36.
 
101 Hagemeister, "Die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion,'" 262; Martin Sabrow, Der Rathenaumord:  Rekonstruktion einer Verschworung gegen die Republik Von Weimar (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1994), 45.
 
102 Rudolf von Sebottendorff, "Aus der Geschichte der Thule Gesellschaft," Thule-Bote, Gilbhart  (October) 31, 1933, I, BSAM, SAM, number 7716, 9.
 
103 Detlev Rose, Die Thule Gesellschaft: Legende-Mythos- Wirklichkeit (Tubingen: Grabert-Verlag,  1994), 35.
 
104 Interview with Johann Hering on August 29, 1951, IZG, ZS 67, 2.
 
105 Sebottendorff, "Aus der Geschichte der Thule Gesellschaft," Thule-Bote, Gilbhart (October) 31,  1933, I, BSAM, SAM, number 7716, 9.
 
106 Sebottendorff, "Die Thule Gesellschaft," Thule-Bote, Gilbhart (October) 31, 1933, 2, BSAM, SAM, number 7716, 10.
 
107 Hausen's correspondence with the Volkischer Beobachter RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 479.
 
108 Letter from Hanns Muller to Hausen from November 26, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 479, 32.
 
109 Letter from Hausen to Muller from November 29, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 479, 35.
 
110 Letter from Muller to Hausen from December 10, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis I, delo 479, 37.
 
111 "Die Geheimnisse der Weisen von Zion," Volkischer Beobachter, April 22, 1920, I.
 
112 "Die Geheimnisse der Weisen von Zion," Volkischer Beobachter, June 27, 1920, 2.
 
113 Rose, Die Thule Gesellschaft, 79.
 
114 Ralph Engelmann, Dietrich Eckart and the Genesis of Nazism, diss. Washington University (Ann  Arbor: University Microfilms, 1971).
 
115 Margarete Plewnia, Auf dem weg zu Hitler: Der "volkische" Publizist Dietrich Eckart (Bremen:  Schunemann Universitatsverlag, 1970).
 
116 Geoffrey G. Field, Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain (New  York: Columbia University Press, 1981), 390.
 
117 Werner Maser, Der Sturm auf die Republik: Fruhgeschichte der NSDAP (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-  Anstalt, 1973), 179; Plewnia, Auf dem Weg zu Hitler, 29.
 
118 Alfred Rosenberg, Memoirs, KR, BAB, NS S, number 20, 2.
 
119 Eckart, "Das ist der Jude! Laienpredigt Uber Juden- und Christentum von Dietrich Eckart," Auf  gut deutsch, [August/September], 1920, 44; Eckart, “In letzter Stunde," Auf gut deutsch, March 15,  1921, 7; Eckart, "Das Judentum in und ausser uns: Grundsatzliche Betrachtungen von Dietrich  Eckart: 1," Auf gut deutsch, January 10, 1919, 14, 15.
 
120 Eckart, "Theorie und Praxis,” Auf gut deutsch, September 12, 1919, 2.
 
121 Eckart, "Das Judentum in und ausser uns: IV.," Auf gut deutsch, January 31, 1919, 15, 16.
 
122 "Positiver Antisemitismus," Volkischer Beobachter, November 4, 1922, I.
 
123 Maser, Der Sturm auf die Republik,181, 182.
 
124 Robert Cecil, The Myth of the Master Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology (London: B. T.  Batsford Ltd., 1972), 24.
 
125 Rosenberg, Memoirs, KR, BAB, NS 8, number 20, 2.
 
126 Eckart, "Das fressende Feuer," Auf gut deutsch, August 22, 1919.
 
127 Letter from Hausen to Marz from April 6, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 577, opis I, delo 853, 41.
 
128 Maser, Der Sturm auf die Republik, 150; Rose, Die Thule Gesellschaft, 79.
 
129 Interview with Walburga Reicheneder on January 11, 1952, IZG, ZS 119, 1.
 
130 Rosenberg, Memoirs, KR, BAB, NS 8, number 20, 16.
 
131 Plewnia, Auf dem Weg zu Hitler, 66, 67.
 
132 Hitler, Mein Kampf trans. Ralph Mannheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943), 687.
 
133 Hitler, Hitler's Table Talk 194Z-44: His Private Conversations, trans. Norman Cameron and R. H. Stevens, second edn. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), 217.
 
134 Rosenberg, "Meine erste Begegnung mit dem Fuhrer," The National Archives, Records of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1941-45, IZG, number 454, roll 63, 578.
 
135 Walter Laqueur, Russia and Germany: A Century of Conflict (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), 56.
 
136 Christine Pajouh, "Die Ostpolitik Rosenbergs 1941-1944," Deutschbalten, Weimarer Republik und  Drittes Reich, ed. Michael Garleff (Koln: Bohlau Verlag, 2001), 167.
 
137 Plewnia, Auf dem weg zu Hitler, 95.
 
138 Eckart, "Tagebuch," Auf gut deutsch, October 10, 1919.
 
139 Eckart, "Die Midgardschlange," Auf gut deutsch, December 30, 1919.
 
140 Eckart, '''Jewry uber alles,’” Auf gut deutsch, November 26, 1920.
 
141 Konrad Heiden, Der Fuhrer: Hitler's Rise to Power, trans, Ralph Mannheim (Boston: Houghton  Mifflin, 1944), 1.
 
142 Hagemeister, “Sergej Nilus und die 'Protokolle der Weisen von Zion," 136.
 
143 Rosenberg, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (Munich: Deutscher Volks-Verlag, 1920).
 
144 "Die Protokolle der Weisen von Zion und die judische Weltpolitik,” Volkischer Beobachter, August  21, 1923, 3.
 
145 Rosenberg, Die Protokolle der weisen von Zion und die Judische Weltpolitik (Munich: Deutscher  Volks-Verlag, 1923), 8, 9, 32, 45.
 
146 Hitler, notes for a speech on August 12, 1921, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen 1905-1924, eds. Eberhard  Jackel and Axel Kuhn (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1980), 451-453.
 
147 Hitler, speech on August 19, 1921, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 458.
 
148 ''Adolf Hitler’s Ehrentag," Volkischer Beobachter, April 22/23, 1923, I.
 
149 Hitler, speech on August 1, 1923, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 955.
 
150 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 306, 307.
 
151 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Hardcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979),  360.
 
152 Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, 128, 138; Rollin, L 'Apocalypse de notre temps, 40.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Tue Jan 29, 2019 11:37 pm

Part 1 of 2

CHAPTER 3: "Hand in hand with Germany"

The 1919 Latvian Intervention of a combined anti-Bolshevik German/White force built upon the international right-wing collaboration that had been established during the German occupation of the Ukraine in 1918. The German/White crusade against Bolshevik forces in the Baltic region is more well known than the German Ukrainian Intervention, notably due to the German author Klaus Theweleit's detailed study of the German Freikorps (volunteer corps) in the Baltic area, Male Fantasies. [1] Freikorps in Latvia fought side by side with Whites, including many veterans of previous anti-Bolshevik operations directed from inside and just outside the Ukraine under Germany's aegis. White emigres played key leadership roles in the Latvian Intervention. Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, who had earlier helped to establish the Southern Army near the Ukraine in 1918, rose to lead the German/White expeditionary force in Latvia. General Vladimir Biskupskii, who had played a leading role in Hetman Pavel Skoropadskii's Ukrainian Volunteer Army, represented Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army politically in Berlin.

In addition to spurring the pro-nationalist German careers of Bermondt-Avalov and Biskupskii (both White officers went on to serve Hitler's National Socialist movement), the Latvian Intervention solidified the Baltic German "Rubonia clique" of four determined anti-Bolsheviks from the same Riga fraternity in Imperial Russia. This right-wing quartet consisted of Max von Scheubner-Richter, who had aided the Imperial German advance into the Baltic region during World War I, Otto von Kursell, Arno Schickedanz, and Alfred Rosenberg. All four comrades went on to play important roles in Aufbau, the Munich-based conspiratorial organization that integrated volkisch German and White emigre efforts to overthrow both the Weimar Republic and the Soviet Union. All four colleagues likewise joined the National Socialist Party early on.

Like Germany's Ukrainian occupation, the Latvian Intervention failed militarily after some early successes. It nonetheless engendered solidarity between alienated volkisch Germans and resentful Whites who regarded themselves as trapped by Bolshevism to the East, the Entente to the West, and Germany's perfidious left-wing regime in the middle. Moreover, the Latvian Intervention significantly affected international rightwing collaboration against the Weimar Republic. The Baltic adventure served not only as an anti-Bolshevik crusade abroad, but also as a means of supporting national revolutionary strivings to overthrow the Weimar Republic. German and White soldiers in Latvia backed the nationalist German conspiracy to establish a right-wing German regime under Wolfgang Kapp, who had sought to replace the Kaiser with a military-dictatorship under General Erich von Ludendorff, the Chief of the Army General Staff, during World War I.

Kapp and his co-conspirators, most notably General Ludendorff, counted on support for their intended putsch from combined German/White forces after these had defeated the Bolsheviks in Latvia and Russia. After the failure of Latvian Intervention, Kapp and his allies used demobilized German Baltikumkampfer (Baltic fighters) and the remnants of White units to undermine the largely socialist German government. Nationalist German/White emigre counter-revolutionary efforts culminated in the Kapp Putsch of March 1920. While this undertaking failed overall, it succeeded in Bavaria, and it set a precedent for combined volkisch German/White emigre action to reconstitute the German state through violent means. The National Socialist Party under Hitler's leadership subsequently drew from this legacy of international right-wing intrigue.


THE LATVIAN INTERVENTION AND PREPARATIONS FOR NATIONAL RENEWAL

The Latvian Intervention of 1919 came after German wartime successes in the Baltic region. During World War I, Imperial German armed forces made significant advances along the east coast of the Baltic Sea before the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917. German troops captured Riga, the largest and most important city of the Baltic provinces of the former Russian Empire, in early September 1917. [2] The Riga native First Lieutenant Max von Scheubner-Richter played a leading role in the German occupation of Baltic lands, which many Baltic Germans regarded as an act of liberation. He served as the deputy leader of the Army High Command East VIII Press Office in Riga. More importantly, the Political Section of the German Army General Staff in Riga assigned him to solve political and military problems relating to the planned German advance into Livonia and Estonia.

The German Political Section considered Scheubner-Richter to be an appropriate choice for such important strategic responsibilities because of his upbringing in the Russian Empire along with his studies to become a lecturer in Russian history. Scheubner-Richter had also gathered valuable wartime experience in Eastern matters. He had served as the German vice consul in the Ottoman Empire with the mission of fostering Caucasian and Ukrainian independence movements within the Russian Empire. He had also unsuccessfully pressured the Ottoman government to stop its wartime massacre of Christian Armenians. The Political Section of the Army Chief of Staff had sent him to Stockholm in July 1917, where he had used the haven of neutral territory to initiate contacts with various anti-Bolshevik groups in Russia, most notably with Ukrainians and Georgians. [3] Scheubner-Richter had come to the attention of General Ludendorff, the chief of the Army General Staff, through his daring and initiative. He had subsequently enjoyed the general's patronage. [4]

With the Bolshevik seizure of power in early November 1917, Scheubner-Richter worried that the Baltic Germans still under Bolshevik rule must have it the worst in Bolshevik Russia. He tirelessly planned the German advance into Livonia and Estonia. [5] His commanding officer in Riga, Major General Buchfink, found Scheubner-Richter to possess great intelligence, courage, and initiative. Buchfink later stressed that his operations in the Baltic region would not have been possible without Scheubner-Richter's knowledge of Russian and Baltic conditions. Buchfink further stressed that Scheubner-Richter was well known and appreciated in the German Officer Corps and was one of the most beloved figures in Riga society. [6]

Scheubner-Richter's efforts to bring the Baltic region under German control succeeded initially, but he soon experienced frustration. Imperial German troops captured Reval, Estonia's principal city, in late February 1918. [7] Scheubner-Richter earned the Iron Cross, First Class, for his contributions to the German advance into Livonia and Estonia. Aware that the fledgling Bolshevik regime could not offer serious military resistance, he pressed for German forces to advance on Petrograd, then the Soviet capital, to overthrow the Bolshevik regime and to establish a nationalist Russian government friendly to Imperial Germany. The German negotiations with Bolshevik representatives in Brest-Litovsk precluded this course of action, however. Rebuffed in his efforts to convince the German Army High Command to capture Petrograd, the most Scheubner-Richter could do to undermine Bolshevik rule in early 1918 was to establish an anti-Bolshevik secret service that extracted information from sources within Bolshevik Russia. [8]

Years later, Scheubner-Richter wrote articles in the National Socialist newspaper the Volkisch Observer that criticized Imperial Germany's failure to overthrow the Bolshevik regime in 1918. In a March 1923 commentary, "The Red Army," he argued that the German High Command's failure to march on Petrograd in 1918 to end the "Bolshevik specter" had allowed the Bolsheviks to consolidate their power in Russia and had led to the outbreak of socialist revolution in Imperial Germany on November 9, 1918.
[9] In a September 1923 essay, "Germany's Bolshevization," Scheubner-Richter stressed that despite his advice to capture Petrograd and to install "a Russian national government friendly towards us," the German High Command, under pressure from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Reichstag (Parliament), had agreed to the "insanity" of negotiations in Brest-Litovsk. [10]

Two of Scheubner-Richter's colleagues from the Rubonia Fraternity at the Riga Polytechnic Institute, Alfred Rosenberg and Otto von Kursell, began collaborating with Scheubner-Richter in late 1918. Like Scheubner-Richter, Rosenberg favored a German advance on Petrograd. [11] He had learned to hate Bolshevism through firsthand experience. He had witnessed the Bolshevik Revolution towards the end of his studies at the Polytechnic Institute that had been relocated from Riga to Moscow, and he had received his degree in architecture early in 1918 under Bolshevik rule. He had left Moscow for Reval as a convinced opponent of Bolshevism. [12]

German occupying forces in Estonia hired Rosenberg as a German teacher in October 1918, thereby beginning his extensive career in German service. [13] Like Scheubner-Richter, Rosenberg warned of the Bolshevik peril in the rightist newspaper Das neue Deutschland (The New Germany). [14] He gave his first public speech in the Reval City Hall on "Marxism and Jewry." [15] Even at this early stage of his career, Rosenberg had formed the basis for his later assertions of the menace of "Jewish Bolshevism."

In addition to working with Rosenberg, Scheubner-Richter joined up with his old Rubonia brother Otto von Kursell in late 1918 to help rebuild Baltic German cultural life after the depredations of war. Kursell had served in the Tsarist Army in the Reval Engineering Battalion before the Bolshevik Revolution, and he considered himself lucky to have survived the Bolshevik seizure of power. [16] After German troops had occupied Reval, Kursell had joined the Baltic German Selbstschutz, or Self-Defense League, in that city. [17] He subsequently worked for Scheubner-Richter in the Political Section of Army High Command East VIII. Both colleagues collaborated to rebuild their alma mater, the Riga Polytechnic Institute. [18]

In October 1918, the German Army High Command East VIII centered in Riga, for which Scheubner-Richter and Kursell worked, established partially and entirely White military formations. The High Command set up the Baltische Landeswehr (Baltic Defense Force) under Major Alfred Fletcher. Fletcher maintained close relations with Wolfgang Kapp, who led the right-wing German Fatherland Party, which wished to institute a military dictatorship to replace the Kaiser. The High Command organized four formations of the Baltic Defense Force. The first unit comprised Baltic Germans who had fought in the Imperial German Army, the second and third formations were made up of Baltic Germans who had served in the Imperial Russian Army, and the fourth detachment was composed of men who had not fought in any armed forces.

The Baltic Defense Force initially contained approximately 1,000 soldiers. Arno Schickedanz, the fourth member of the Rubonia clique after Scheubner-Richter, Kursell, and Rosenberg, played a prominent role in the formation. [19] Like Rosenberg, Schickedanz had experienced the Bolshevik Revolution firsthand. He had earned his degree in chemistry at the Polytechnic Institute in Moscow early in 1918 under Bolshevik rule before disassociating himself from the Bolsheviks. He left Bolshevik Russia and then volunteered for service in the cavalry of the Baltic Defense Force in the fall of 1918. [20]

As well as establishing the Baltic Defense Force in October 1918, the German Army High Command East VIII began organizing a White volunteer force called the Northern Army as a complement to the Southern Army based just outside the Ukraine that German authorities supported. The Northern Army was based in northwestern Russia, including the Baltic region. The necessary funds, weapons, clothing, and rations came from the Imperial German government. The Northern Army was to be combat ready in two-and-a-half months and was to swear an oath of loyalty to the Tsar. Finally having agreed to strike directly at the heart of Bolshevism, the German Army High Command charged the Northern Army with capturing Petrograd, overthrowing the Bolshevik regime, and proclaiming a military dictatorship until the monarchy could be reestablished in Russia. [21]

German Fatherland Party leader Kapp supported the Northern Army, which was soon overwhelmed because of worsening political and military circumstances. He believed that German forces had to support monarchists in Russia to bring about a nationalist Russian state that would serve as Germany's ally against the Entente. Kapp personally wrote the chief of staff of the Northern Army, Colonel Heye, and stressed that German troops had to support the Russian monarchists. [22] The outbreak of revolution in Germany in early November severely weakened the position of German occupying forces in the Baltic as well as in the Ukraine. A grand nationalist German-Russian rapprochement in the Baltic region along the lines that Kapp desired did not materialize in 1918. By the end of November 1918, the Northern Army faced rout at the hand of the advancing Red Army. [23]


Scheubner-Richter had played an important role in German successes in the Baltic region, and he led a rearguard action when faced with a rapidly deteriorating situation in Latvia. He transferred from his recently acquired position as leader of the Press Office of the Army High Command East VIII to the German Embassy in Riga in December 1918. [24] High Command East personnel left Riga on the night of December 29/30, 1918, but Scheubner-Richter volunteered to stay behind as the acting head of the German Embassy in Riga. He negotiated with primarily Latvian Bolshevik forces, which captured the city on January 3, 1919. He secured the evacuation of 2,400 Reich Germans and a number of Baltic Germans to Germany before Bolshevik officers arrested him. Bolshevik leaders wished to execute him as a dangerous counter-revolutionary agent, but the German Foreign Office brought sufficient pressure to bear on Latvian Bolshevik leaders to release him.

After his brush with death at the hands of Bolsheviks in Riga, Scheubner-Richter traveled to Konigsberg in East Prussia as an even more fiercely determined anti-Bolshevik. [25] He acted as the political advisor of August Winnig, the socialist German government's charge who served as Reichskommissar (State Commissioner) of the narrow Eastern territories still under German occupation. [26] Scheubner-Richter sent reports of the Bolshevik peril to the new socialist government in Berlin, which distrusted Bolshevism and fostered the formation of German Freikorps to fight against Bolshevik forces in the Baltic region. [27]

Scheubner-Richter's superior Winnig concluded an agreement with the fledgling non-Bolshevik exile Latvian government under Minister President Karlis Ulmanis whereby German volunteers for military service in Latvia would gain the right to receive Latvian citizenship and with it the ability to acquire land.
[28] Entente representatives undertook a delicate balancing act at this time. They were wary of granting the new socialist German government too much leeway, yet they feared the spread of Bolshevism into Germany. Entente authorities ultimately decided to cast a blind eye on the establishment of significant German forces in the Baltic region though this was specifically forbidden according to the terms of the November 11, 1918 Armistice. [29]

[bUnder Winnig's overall supervision, Scheubner-Richter performed organizational and propaganda tasks to further the establishment of Freikorps to fight in Latvia.[/b] [30] To intensify anti-Bolshevik propaganda, he founded the Zentralausschuss fur den ostpreussischen Heimatdienst (Central Committee for the East Prussian Home Service) in February 1919. [31] This organization was subordinated to the Reichszentrale fur Heimatdienst (Central Office for Home Service), which worked for "reconstruction" through the means of disseminating "indisputable facts" about Bolshevism that would lead to the "people's enlightenment." [32] Scheubner-Richter proved one of Bolshevism's greatest opponents.

Hoping to regain the initiative in the Baltic region, where Scheubner-Richter directed his energies, General Rudiger von der Goltz, the former leader in Wolfgang Kapp's now outlawed German Fatherland Party, set about creating a powerful anti-Bolshevik force in Latvia. Goltz officially took command of German Freikorps in the Baltic region, primarily in the southern portion of Latvia, in the middle of February 1919. [33] He enjoyed great popularity among opponents of Bolshevism in the Baltic region, largely because he had led the German military expedition that had secured Finnish independence from Bolshevik Russia in the spring of 1918. [34] Like Scheubner-Richter and Rosenberg, Goltz had unsuccessfully lobbied the German Army High Command to advance on Petrograd to overthrow the fledgling Bolshevik regime in 1918. [35]

Goltz viewed his struggle against the Bolsheviks in the Baltic region as a fight against a plague that threatened all of Europe. In his 1920 memoirs, Goltz asserted that he had fought against the "Bolshevik Weltanschauung of Asiatic bondage" in the Latvian Intervention in an effort to prevent the "downfall of the West." [36] A sense of Goltz's missionary spirit can be gained from his 1921 novel The Guilt, which is set in the immediate postwar period. The protagonist, Pastor Lange, concludes:

The guilt of our people is that it did not want to fight out this necessary struggle because of its love of peace. Now, for its own good, it is being forced to do so through its irreconcilable enemies, for God Himself wishes this struggle ... And we clergymen must not stop preaching this holy war ... Thus let us go forward with God! We follow the cross that shines radiantly before us through terrible struggle, through darkness and affliction ... We march to the East, from whence the radiance dawns over the West and the entire world -- ex oriente lux (from the East -- light)! [37]


Goltz thus employed religiously inspired crusading zeal in his anti-Bolshevik efforts.

In his political views, Goltz favored Ostpolitik (Eastern policy) in the form of German-White anti-Bolshevik collaboration on land as a counterweight to the Entente, which primarily demonstrated its power at sea. He advocated an "economic and political rapprochement with the coming Russia." By this he meant that he wished to help overthrow the Bolshevik regime and then "open up broad economic regions and win a new friend in an alliance against the English world empire in the form of the coming bourgeois Russia." [38] Goltz's Ostpolitik sought to tip the balance of power into Germany's favor once again through a German-White Russian alliance.

German-sponsored anti-Bolshevik forces in Latvia under Goltz's overall leadership in early 1919 consisted of the Iron Division under Major Josef Bischoff near the Baltic Sea and the Baltic Defense Force under Kapp's colleague Major Fletcher inland. The Baltic Defense Force included a Russian detachment under Prince Anatol Levin composed of infantry and cavalry units. Levin's force consisted entirely of officers at the beginning, but it added common soldiers from Russian prisoner of war camps in Germany. Levin's unit reached a combat strength of 600 men. [39] Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, the comrade of Colonel Fedor Vinberg and Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, recruited interned Russian soldiers for the Latvian Intervention and organized them into effective combat units from Berlin. [40]

Baltic Defense Force commander Fletcher kept his ultra-nationalist colleague Wolfgang Kapp updated on events in Latvia. Kapp and Fletcher corresponded regularly. [41] In a letter from early March 1919, Fletcher emphasized that he enjoyed good relations with the Baltic Germans under his command as well as the Russian and Latvian formations that served under him. He noted that these units were "composed almost completely of former Russian (Tsarist) officers." He boasted to Kapp, "You can believe that I am creating order with my dazzling 'White Guard' ... (hated by all Reds in Russia and Germany)." He further stressed:

We have somewhat urgently sent some masters of the "proletariat of all countries" out of the castles and cities and into the Beyond. This is a matter of life and death. There are no prisoners, and that is why these criminals sometimes fight desperately when surrounded. [42]


Fletcher regarded his Baltic Defense Force to be engaged in an all-or-nothing struggle against Bolshevism.

Kapp placed high hopes on Goltz's military formations to which Fletcher's Baltic Defense Force belonged, not only as determined anti-Bolshevik units that were proving their mettle abroad, but also as a source of armed support in his bid to establish a nationalist German regime under his leadership. At the same time that he cultivated ties with forces in the Baltic region that he ultimately hoped to use in a nationalist putsch in Germany, Kapp oversaw the creation of sympathetic nationalist cells inside Germany that would support his bid for power at an auspicious time. [43] In the early months of 1919, Kapp established the Ostpreussischer Heimatbund (East Prussian Home League) to work towards his goal of national renewal. The League officially sought the "repulse of Bolshevism" and the "strengthening of the national idea." [44] Behind the scenes, Kapp planned to overthrow the despised primarily socialist German government. [45]

In addition to counting on support from General Goltz, Kapp placed considerable hopes on General Max Hoffmann, who had led the German negotiations with Bolshevik representatives in Brest-Litovsk but had later supported anti-Bolshevik formations in the Ukraine. Kapp and Hoffmann had begun collaborating closely during World War I. [46] In 1919, Hoffmann helped to create dependable military units inside of Germany that Goltz's troops could collaborate with to topple the primarily socialist German government.
The overthrow of the German government was to spread from Kapp's East Elbian stronghold to less well-developed western regions with the assistance of power bases in Stuttgart, Darmstadt, and Munich. [47]

Munich, the birthplace of National Socialism, served as the most significant western outpost of Kapp's support. In addition to organizing paramilitary forces under sympathetic officers there, Kapp supported the anti-governmental activities of Dietrich Eckart, Hitler's early mentor. Eckart had seized Kapp's attention through his volkisch play Heinrich der Hohenstaufe (Heinrich the Hohenstaufe) in August 1916. [48] Already at this time, Kapp had argued that Eckart's work needed to be disseminated to "broad circles" to bring about the "awakening of national life." [49] Kapp had subscribed to Eckart's anti-Semitic publication Auf gut deutsch (In Plain German), immediately upon its appearance in late 1918. Pleased with Eckart's endeavor, Kapp had given him 1,000 marks to further his work. [50]

Eckart thanked Kapp profusely in February 1919 for his considerable financial and moral support, which had come as a "miracle" when he had needed it most. He asserted, "That which lifts me up the most is the certainty you give me that I am running my paper in the right spirit, that I am running it in your spirit." [51] After Eckart received Kapp's moral and financial backing, the number of subscribers to In Plain German grew continually yet modestly, reaching 500 by February 1919 and eventually peaking at approximately 5,000. [52]

During the time of his editorship of In Plain German, Eckart cooperated with anti-Bolshevik, anti-Semitic members of the Rubonia clique from Riga. We have already noted that Eckart collaborated closely with Rosenberg, who wrote articles for In Plain German. Rosenberg's colleague Scheubner-Richter traveled to Munich in 1919 on the urging of the fellow Rubonia Fraternity member Arno Schickedanz, who had already settled in Munich. Once in the Bavarian capital, Scheubner-Richter assessed Rosenberg's efforts to gain financial backing for White forces still fighting in Russia. Rosenberg introduced Scheubner-Richter to industrial circles and White emigres in Munich society. [53] Scheubner-Richter met Eckart, most likely through Rosenberg, and he in turn introduced Eckart to the former Rubonia member Otto von Kursell, who had settled in Munich earlier in 1919. [54]

Scheubner-Richter soon returned to northern Germany to lead anti-Bolshevik activities there, and Schickedanz seems not to have collaborated closely with Eckart, but Kursell assisted Eckart with In Plain German. He specialized in portraying Jewish figures in a sinister manner. In one joint venture, Eckart wrote caustic verses to each of Kursell's drawings of Jewish leaders in Germany. A special edition of In Plain German with Kursell's drawings and Eckart's commentary circulated throughout Germany. It provoked a visceral anti-Semitic reaction. [55] In addition to assisting Eckart and Rosenberg with In Plain German, Kursell held anti-Bolshevik speeches in Munich. He warned that the propaganda and recruiting methods of revolutionary leaders in Germany followed the pattern set earlier by the Bolsheviks in Russia. [56]

In addition to supporting the anti-Bolshevik, anti-Semitic propaganda activities of Eckart and the largely White emigre circle around him in Munich, Kapp kept in contact with his colleague Ludwig Muller von Hausen, who had published the influential anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in German. Hausen played a shadowy role in the Latvian Intervention. He proved extremely well informed on secret far right German/White plans for closer collaboration. He possessed a detailed outline for an anti-Bolshevik alliance of nationalist Germans and Whites marked "Strictly confidential," and dated from Berlin, March 16, 1919: "Draft of a Program for the Activity of an Organization for an Economic Rapprochement between Germany and Russia."

This secretive organization was to provide a "unified direction" and a "headquarters" to the "Russian circles inside as well as outside of Russia who are striving for a close economic-political alliance with Germany." It was also to direct "careful, clever propaganda" towards these Russian elements to prepare them for "energetic action against the Entente." The international organization was to establish a "secret intelligence apparatus" to monitor the mood among the Russian populace and to determine the intentions of the Entente. Moreover, it was to direct "anti-Bolshevik front propaganda" from Germany eastwards in collaboration with the largely anti-governmental Grenzschutz Ost (Frontier Guards East). This conspiratorial German/White association was to establish contacts with White emigre colonies throughout the world and to supervise Russian prisoner of war camps in Germany.

Finally, with regard to organization, the German/Russian entity was to possess both a German and a Russian office in Berlin, with a German representative in the Russian bureau and a Russian representative in the German one. These two offices were to keep in close contact with each other. The central leadership of the entire organization was to be composed of a secret committee of three Germans and two Russians. [57] With further evidence lacking, the degree to which this conspiratorial organization of nationalist Germans and Whites progressed beyond the planning stage remains unclear


In any case, prospects for a successful German/White anti-Bolshevik campaign in Latvia that could be used as a springboard to establish nationalist regimes in Germany and Russia reached a high point on May 22, 1919. On this date, the roughly 14,000 Baltic and Reich Germans and approximately 2,000 Russians and Latvians of Major Fletcher's Baltic Defense Force captured Riga. [58] The Baltic Defense Force's capture of Riga proved the greatest single success of the German-backed Latvian Intervention of 1919. The coup offered White circles throughout the former Russian Empire and abroad the hope of witnessing the overthrow of hated Bolshevik rule.

Baltic Defense Force cavalry officer Arno Schickedanz participated in the capture of Riga. He subsequently submitted a report of conditions in the former hanseatic city to his Rubonia brother Scheubner-Richter, who was in Danzig serving as the leader of the Central Committee of the Ostdeutscher Heimatdienst (East German Home Service). [59] Schickedanz related how the Baltic Defense Force had successfully stormed the city, but regrettably too late to stop Bolshevik authorities from shooting thirty hostages. He noted that the city's dazed citizens at first had seemed unable to grasp that they had been freed from the "brutality and atrocities of the criminal, bestial Commissars." After the shock of recent events had worn off, however, Riga's population had embraced the Baltic Defense Force for ending Bolshevik terror and accompanying starvation.

Schickedanz asserted that Bolshevik Commissars in Riga had represented "the most depraved criminals one can think of." They had plundered shamelessly. Bolshevik forced labor policies particularly outraged Schickedanz. Bolshevik leaders had collected members of the intelligentsia and the middle class who had become "unemployed" with the "nationalization, that is, closing" of stores and businesses, and "out of pure pleasure in torturing" had forced them to perform degrading tasks such as carrying manure, chopping wood, and cleaning toilets. Schickedanz wrote Scheubner-Richter that Bolsheviks had treated these forced laborers with great brutality, beating them, kicking them, and even dumping excrement over their heads. He asserted: "The Swedes during the 30 Years' War were lenient people in comparison with these beasts." [60] Schickedanz's report demonstrated an intense hatred of the Bolsheviks among White forces in Latvia, and it helped to inflame anti-Bolshevik passions in Germany.

While Arno Schickedanz received considerable credit for his participation in the capture of Riga, the most famous actor in the Baltic Intervention proved to be the White leader Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. Around the turn of the year 1918/1919, Bermondt, as he then still called himself, traveled to Germany in the third of four German Army convoys from the Ukraine that evacuated White officers and soldiers after Pavel Skoropadskii's Hetmanate had collapsed. Bermondt impressed White leaders with his bravery in volunteering to lead and to protect his particular troop transport. Bermondt arrived at Camp Salzwedel located between Berlin and Hamburg in late January 1919.

Once in Camp Salzwedel, Bermondt used his charisma to attract the attention of rightist German circles around Generals Ludendorff and Hoffmann. These men advocated using White officers from the Ukraine to organize the Russian prisoners of war housed in Germany into anti-Bolshevik combat units to be employed in Latvia. [61] Nationalist German military leaders involved in this scheme generally regarded White officers who had been evacuated from the Ukraine as dependable pro-Germans who intensely hated the Entente as well as the Bolsheviks. [62] With permission from above, Bermondt organized a mounted machine-gun unit from White internees at Camp Salzwedel in early February 1919.

Bermondt traveled to Berlin in the second half of February 1919 to raise support for his White detachment. Generals Ludendorff and Hoffmann approved Bermondt's proposal to raise an interventionary force of White soldiers for an anti-Bolshevik campaign in the Baltic region. The German generals believed that Bermondt's forces would counterbalance the army of General Nikolai Iudenich in Estonia, which they regarded as fully under the control of the British. The German War Minister Gustav Noske, acting on behalf of the socialist German government, approved using Bermondt's forces in the Baltic at the end of March 1919, thus demonstrating that not only German far rightists sought to drive back the Bolshevik threat from the East. [63]

After a period of organization, Bermondt's White soldiers began leaving Berlin for Latvia on May 30, 1919. British and French representatives learned of these troop movements and ordered them to stop, as they reared an increasing German-Russian rapprochement. Bermondt's men continued to move into the Baltic secretly nonetheless. Bermondt himself arrived in Mitau outside Riga in the middle of June 1919. At the time, his forces numbered approximately 3,500 pro-Tsarist officers and soldiers. [64]

Bermondt immediately held talks with General Goltz, the overall German commander in Latvia. He asked for and received German troops for his White contingent to counteract Entente propaganda that the Germans supported Bolshevism. He assessed relations between members of German Freikorps and the Baltic Defense Force on the one hand and his Whites on the other as the "very best." Bermondt observed that Russians and Germans fraternized on the streets and in cafes, thereby reestablishing bonds of friendship that had been severed during World War l. He noted that the Whites under his command were disappointed at the double-dealings of Britain and France and impressed with the willingness of the Germans to help to rebuild Russia despite the difficult situation that the Entente had placed them in. [65]

Although Bermondt had earlier agreed to serve under the Russian commander Prince Anatol Levin, when Entente representatives ordered Levin to subordinate his forces to General Iudenich in Estonia on July 18, 1919 and Levin complied, Bermondt remained stationed in Mitau, Latvia. [66] He even incorporated White officers traveling north to fight with General Iudenich into the ranks of his own forces. [67] On the whole, Bermondt's troops, both Russians and Germans, supported his decision to defy the Entente. In fact, his men idolized him as a charismatic leader. [68]

While Colonel Bermondt consolidated his power in Latvia in defiance of the Entente, Kapp intensified his putsch preparations. In July 1919, he founded the Nationale Vereinigung (National Union), a conglomeration of counter-revolutionary forces that coordinated preparations centered in Prussia and Bavaria to overthrow the Weimar Republic. [69] The German state was known this way because of the ongoing Constitutional Convention that had been convened in the idyllic Thuringian city of Weimar in February 1919. Kapp's National Union united nationalist German officers, established refuge for Baltic troops in Germany so that they could be mobilized for anti-Weimar Republic undertakings after they victoriously returned from abroad, and disseminated political propaganda against German socialists. [70]

Kapp's National Union included several prominent nationalist German leaders. General Ludendorff played a leading role in the conspiratorial organization. [71] Colonel Karl Bauer, Ludendorff's political representative during World War I and a future member of Aufbau, represented the "soul" of the organization. [72] Captain Waldemar Pabst, who had perceived Bolshevism as a "world danger" in November 1915 and had quashed revolutionary uprisings in such cities as Berlin, Munich, and Braunschweig, served as the secretary of the National Union. This meant that he supervised the organization's administrative affairs. [73] August Winnig, then the minister of East Prussia, worked with the National Union, as did the Riga native First Lieutenant Scheubner-Richter, who collaborated with Winnig. [74]

Kapp and his co-conspirators in the National Union faced a difficult military situation in Latvia, where Colonel Bermondt played an increasingly prominent role, largely because of Entente demands that the German government cease its support of anti-Bolshevik operations there. Latvian Intervention leader General Goltz obeyed the orders of the German government, which was itself under the increasing pressure of the perfidious Entente, by leaving Latvia in early August 1919. He nevertheless continued to play a key role in the Latvian Intervention from behind the scenes. [75]

Goltz favored creating a Russian volunteer army under Colonel Bermondt to direct combined German/White forces in Latvia, but Bermondt faced serious competition for leadership in Latvia from the former Black Hundred member General Vladimir Biskupskii. [76] Biskupskii had evaded French surveillance after the fall of Skoropadskii's Hetmanate in the Ukraine to travel to Berlin. He possessed staunch pro-German views. In a heated argument on the German-Lithuanian border, a French general accused him of being "more German than the Germans themselves." [77] The Deutsche Legion (German Legion), which now included all the Freikorps in Latvia, as a whole preferred Biskupskii to Bermondt. [78] General Iudenich in Estonia favored Biskupskii as well. He pressured General Goltz to name Biskupskii the leader of all anti-Bolshevik volunteer forces in Latvia. Goltz refused, however, stressing that he would only collaborate with Bermondt. [79]

Goltz formed a competent general staff around Colonel Bermondt to lead what was to be called the Western Volunteer Army. This combined German/White force was to advance into the heartland of Bolshevik Russia in defiance of both the Entente and the German government. Goltz wished Bermondt's forces to act in concert with the White armies of General Anton Denikin in the Ukraine and Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak in Siberia. With their combined strength, these forces were to overthrow the Bolshevik regime and to create a pro-German Russian state that the Germans could ally with against the Entente. On September 21, 1919, Goltz and Bermondt concluded an agreement with the approval of War Minister Noske, who increasingly opposed socialist political leadership in Berlin. This arrangement stipulated that all German forces in Latvia join Bermondt's Western Volunteer Army. This process was completed by October 3, 1919. The army numbered approximately 52,000 men, of which roughly 40,000 were Germans, while the rest came from the former Russian Empire.

Serving under the Imperial Russian flag represented the logical choice for German members of the German Legion and the Baltic Defense Force to make. They felt that the German government had betrayed them. Moreover, they wished to fight for their right to remain in Latvia and to receive land as they had been promised.
They were at present not granted the right to settle in Latvia after the cessation of hostilities. Ulmanis' Latvian government, which had established itself in Riga after the Baltic Defense Force's capture of the city the previous May, had reneged on its earlier pledges. [80] German soldiers in Latvia also realized that monarchical Russians represented some of their few allies. Major Josef Bischoff, the leader of the Iron Division in Latvia, told his troops: "We want to help the Russians to liberate their fatherland from the scourge of humanity." He stressed, "By helping our friends the Russians, we are acting for the benefit of Germany." [81]

The German soldiers of the Western Volunteer Army who viewed their interests to be tied in with those of Whites served under a shameless self-promoter. After officially taking control of the Western Volunteer Army in the early autumn of 1919, Colonel Bermondt began to call himself Prince Bermondt-Avalov. He claimed that he had earlier used the simple name Bermondt to protect his wife from Bolshevik reprisals. [82] According to an informant to the State Commissioner for the Supervision of Public Order, Bermondt paid a legitimate Prince Avalov to support his claim that he himself was a Prince Avalov. [83] Bermondt-Avalov's origins remain shrouded in mystery. In the middle of the 1920s, the State Commissioner concluded that it was unclear whether Bermondt-Avalov was justified in using his name and title. It remained possible that he was the illegitimate son of Prince Mikhail Avalov, as a member of the Avalov family had claimed. [84] In any case, the adventurer became famous under the name Bermondt-Avalov, sometimes shortened to Avalov.

Bermondt-Avalov later asserted that he had operated in Latvia under the motto that only "hand in hand with Germany" could White forces save the Russian fatherland. [85] He subsequently stressed of the Latvian Intervention under his leadership: "The foundation stone of the revival of Bismarck's policy was laid in the Baltic," meaning a return to friendship along the lines of the "Holy Alliance" that Imperial Germany and Tsarist Russia had belonged to in the late nineteenth century. [86] A general idea of Bermondt-Avalov's views as the popular commander of German and White forces in Latvia can be gained from his 1921 essay "The Legacy of the Revolution and Bolshevism."

In his treatise, Bermondt-Avalov called for an "army advance into the interior of Russia," followed by a military dictatorship in which "the rights of the military governors are unlimited." All Jews were to be treated as foreigners under the "self-determination of peoples, the motto which the Jews themselves preach." These measures were necessary "to reestablish the mighty, strong organism of a great Russia." [87] Bermondt-Avalov had gained inspiration for his political views from the Imperial Russian Black Hundred movement to which he had belonged. [88]

During the Latvian Intervention in which Colonel Bermondt-Avalov drew the most attention, General Biskupskii had to content himself with acting as Bermondt-Avalov's largely ineffective political representative in Berlin. [89] Biskupskii served as the president of the exile organization the Russian National Political Committee. [90] Kapp's associate Waldemar Pabst, the secretary of the National Union, had established this body. [91] Bermondt-Avalov officially recognized the Committee as the sole governing agency of Western Russia. [92] In practice, however, he circumvented its authority through his personal representative, Andreas Remmer. Remmer, a Baltic German businessman from Latvia who had once held a leading position in the Imperial Russian Interior Ministry, had a reputation for underhanded dealings. Bolsheviks had imprisoned him in the wake of the October Revolution of 1917, but he had managed to emerge from prison in June 1918 after paying a considerable bribe. [93] Bermondt-Avalov named this dubious character his foreign minister and used him to undercut Biskupskii's authority.

Remmer abused Bermondt-Avalov's trust. The Baltic German dissipated the majority of the funds that he received from German authorities for the Western Volunteer Army in pursuit of the high life in the expensive Hotel Continental in Berlin. [95] Despite his questionable morality, Remmer continued to serve as an important White agent. He maintained contacts with both anti-Bolshevik nationalist forces and Bolshevik authorities during the time of intense National Socialist cooperation with White emigre circles from 1920 to 1923.
We shall examine this theme in subsequent chapters.

The connected endeavors of Colonel Bermondt-Avalov's bid for victory in Latvia and Russia with political backing in Berlin and Kapp's drive for political leadership in Germany came to a crucial juncture in early October 1919. Bermondt-Avalov planned an assault on Riga, the seat of Latvian Minister President Karlis Ulmanis' government, for the night of October 7/8 to remove a despised political foe and to secure his rear for an advance into the Soviet heartland. [95] On the eve of this venture, Kapp, who presumably knew of Bermondt-Avalov's plans, called a conference of co-conspirators from the National Union. Colonel Bauer and Captain Pabst, among others, attended the meeting. Kapp suggested launching a putsch against the Weimar Republic in the near future. [96] Kapp held detailed discussions with General Ludendorff on a daily basis beginning in October. He allotted the general the post of military dictator in the planned nationalist government. [97]

Kapp's hopes for the military support of Bermondt-Avalov's German/White forces after their triumph in Latvia and beyond soon faded, however. After gaining some initial tactical victories outside Riga, Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army faced increasingly effective resistance from Ulmanis' Latvian troops. Moreover, the English fleet opened deadly fire on Bermondt-Avalov's army. [98] Bermondt-Avalov later claimed that English warships had released their salvos on his troops only minutes after one of his subordinates had given an English officer a friendly reception over tea. [99]

The fact that the English fleet had left General Iudenich's army in the lurch by leaving it to attack Bermondt-Avalov's forces in Latvia led to outrage among many Whites. For example, the White emigre and National Socialist ideologue Rosenberg later wrote angrily of the English fleet's assault on the Western Volunteer Army. In the pages of Eckart's newspaper In Plain German, Rosenberg claimed that England had wished to play the Whites against the Reds to weaken Russia as a whole while simultaneously protecting "Jewish world criminals" in Russia to obtain valuable economic concessions from them. [100] In a similar vein, he claimed in the pages of the National Socialist periodical the Volkisch Observer: "The Entente never seriously fought Bolshevism, but only ensured the starvation and the bleeding white of the Russian people." [101]

Helping to fuel right-wing discontent, the primarily socialist German government, which was under intense pressure from the Entente, acted on its threats to force the German Legion and the Baltic Defense Force to evacuate Latvia. The German government closed the East Prussian border, thereby severing Bermondt-Avalov's lines of communication, and it canceled troop wages and supplies. [102] Scheubner-Richter later claimed in the Volkisch Observer that the German government had cut off support for the Freikorps and the allied White Russian formations in Latvia under the pretense of threats from the Entente, "but in actuality because of the pressure of democratic, socialist, and above all Jewish circles" inside of Germany itself in the "sell-out of German honor." [103] He thus gave a sense of the betrayal that Freikorps members and White forces in Latvia felt in the autumn of 1919.

In this dire military situation, Colonel Bermondt-Avalov received some assistance from First Lieutenant Gerhard Rossbach, the commander of the first German Freikorps established after the November 11, 1918 Armistice. In October 1919, Rossbach ordered his battalion, the Sturmabteilung Rossbach (Storm Section Rossbach), to march from West Prussia to Latvia. [104] Upon arrival in Latvia in early November 1919, Rossbach placed himself and his approximately 1,500 men under Bermondt-Avalov's command. [105] The Storm Section Rossbach joined Major Bischoff"s Iron Division, where the German soldiers wore Russian cockades and received their wages in rubles. [106] While Rossbach's daring insubordination did little to alter the overall grim military and political situation that the Western Volunteer Army faced, Rossbach gained General Ludendorff's favor through his illegal march into Latvia. [107] Rossbach later became a prominent National Socialist who played an important role in the November 1923 Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch.

First Lieutenant Rossbach's insubordinate march into Latvia helped Bermondt-Avalov's cause somewhat, but disaster nonetheless struck the Western Volunteer Army on November 3, 1919. Latvian troops under Ulmanis' direction launched a powerful counterattack and broke through the front south of Riga. At the same time, Lithuanian forces attacked Bermondt-Avalov's troops from the rear and cur off their few remaining lines of communication with Germany. [108] Facing rout, Bermondt-Avalov wrote a letter to his colleague Kapp, the head of the conspiratorial National Union, on November 9, 1919, which was the one-year anniversary of Imperial Germany's collapse.

In his letter to Kapp, Bermondt-Avalov stressed that he was devoting all of his energies to the "merciless struggle against Bolshevism," and he asked for the "assistance that is so necessary for our common cause." He argued: "A lasting understanding between Russia and Germany is necessary in the interests of the common fight against Bolsheviks and Spartacists, quite apart from the fact that it is the natural consequence of the geographical situation." In stressing his pro-German credentials to Kapp, Bermondt-Avalov called the "Russo-German War" the "greatest misfortune of our century." He further argued, "In helping us in our struggle against Bolshevism, Germany combats its own Spartacism with ideas related to Russian Communism as well." He concluded:

I would like to emphasize my unshakeable intent to collaborate with those German circles that support our efforts ... I willingly commit myself to do everything that serves the common interests of Russia and Germany, which were friends for centuries and should have remained so. [109]


Whatever his faults as a charismatic military leader, Bermondt-Avalov remained committed to the idea of a nationalist German-Russian alliance, and he consistently worked to strengthen what he viewed as an eminently logical and necessary Central and Eastern European strategic partnership against the Entente.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

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Even in the face of defeat, Colonel Bermondt-Avalov continued to hope for a turnaround in the fortunes of his Western Volunteer Army. The primarily socialist German government, for its part, had tepidly supported and then increasingly outright opposed Bermondt-Avalov's army, yet it did not wish the force's destruction. Socialist leaders therefore arranged for Major General Eberhard to take command of the army and to lead it safely back to Germany. Colonel Bermondt-Avalov ceded command to Eberhard on November 19, 1919. The German government managed to persuade Latvian and Lithuanian forces to suspend major operations to allow for an orderly retreat of the so-called Baltikumkampfur (Baltic fighters).[110]

The Western Volunteer Army evacuated Mitau on the night of November 21/22, 1919. Many members of the force vented their rage at the situation by attacking Jews. [111] During the evacuation, many soldiers beat Jews as perceived enemies. Primarily Russian troops had earlier plundered Jewish stores since the Jews had refused to accept Bermondt-Avalov's currency. [112] The retreating army displayed intense anti-Weimar Republic sentiments as well. General Goltz even conceived a "Dolchstoss" or "stab in the back" on the part of the Weimar German government. [113]

Even in this desperate position, Bermondt-Avalov still hoped for an improvement in his fortunes through the assistance of Kapp and the powerful nationalist German collaborators around him. Bermondt-Avalov wrote a letter to Kapp in late November 1919. He noted that he had not achieved the "hoped-for success" in Latvia, but that this was inevitable given his army's lack of wages, clothing, and provisions. He stressed that as soon as his forces received the necessary support, they would again "take up the struggle for the culture and security of Europe" and stop the "wild Bolshevik horde" from "overflowing East Prussia." [114] Even at this late hour, Bermondt-Avalov still hoped for fruitful cooperation with Kapp and his co-conspirators to overthrow the Bolshevik regime.

Despite his fervent desire to continue an anti-Bolshevik struggle in the Baltic region and beyond, Bermondt-Avalov had to back down, at least publicly. He officially relinquished the leadership of the remnants of the White contingents of the Western Volunteer Army in late December 1919. In his last order, he told his men, "You were greeted as friends, not as foreign troops, and you must be grateful to the German people and keep this gratitude in your hearts for ever." [115] Bermondt-Avalov's rival, General Vladimir Biskupskii, sought to keep the Russian units of the Western Volunteer Army under arms as coherent military formations, but under pressure from the Entente, the White soldiers were disarmed and interned. [116]

Even after the disappointing end of the Latvian Intervention, White circles under Biskupskii and Bermondt-Avalov remained dedicated to defeating Bolshevism militarily, and they covertly built up German/Russian formations in Germany to achieve this goal. [117] In another development, General Goltz, the mastermind of the Latvian intervention, worked with Latvian Intervention supporter General Hoffmann behind the scenes to name General Biskupskii, whom they viewed as a strong leader, General-Inspector of the Russian Forces Interned in Germany. While the remnants of Bermondt-Avalov's army, which were interned in Camp Altengrabow not far from Berlin, officially passed under the control of Biskupskii and General Altvater, in fact the demobilized soldiers remained by and large intensely loyal to Bermondt-Avalov. [118]

With the internment of the White remnants of Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army, Kapp, General Ludendorff, and their nationalist backers lost significant military support for their political aspirations. They also could not count on the assistance of demobilized Freikorps from the Baltic region, as the primarily socialist German government dissolved such units in January 1920 in an act of self-protection. [119] Kapp's colleague General Goltz nevertheless placed significant numbers of Baltikumer, as the German veterans of the Latvian Intervention were known, in East-Elbian military colonies. Here they served as a reserve against Bolshevism in Germany and abroad. Goltz ensured that only politically dependable soldiers joined such establishments, most notably former members of the now legendary Storm Section Rossbach. [120]

NATIONALIST GERMAN-WHITE EMIGRE COLLABORATION IN THE KAPP PUTSCH

While Goltz placed dependable soldiers from the Baltic Intervention in safe locations throughout East Elbian Prussia so that they could be used in a putsch against the Weimar Republic, General Ludendorff intensified his preparations to establish a right-wing dictatorship in which he would play a leading role. Weimar Germany's secret political police later asserted that Ludendorff had been the "father of the Kapp Putsch." [121] As well as counting upon interned White soldiers, Ludendorff upheld relations with Whites inside the former Russian Empire itself. In particular, he kept in contact with the Narodno-gosudarstvennaia Partiia (People's State Party), a successor organization to Vladimir Purishkevich's Black Hundred association, Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union. [122]

Purishkevich had nationalist and pro-German views. While heading Hetman Pavel Skoropadskii's health service in the Ukraine, he had led a small and yet active group that had desired an autocratic Tsar for a reconstituted Russian state and had admired Germany as a champion of order. [123] He had established the pro-German, anti-Bolshevik, and anti-Semitic People's State Party in late 1918 in Rostov/Don under the aegis of General Piotr Krasnov's Cossack formation, the Great Don Host. Krasnov's Cossacks had continued to fight against Bolshevik forces after Skoropadskii's Hetmanate in the Ukraine had collapsed in December 1918. [124]

Purishkevich disseminated his nationalist and anti-Semitic views in his newspaper, Blagovest: Zhurnal russkoi monarkhicheskoi narodnogosudarstvennoi mysli (The Ringing of the Church Bells: Journal for Russian Monarchical Peoples-State Thought). He advocated a "national dictatorship." He further argued that the Jews opposed the "Russian national spirit," and he called for an "open fight against Jewry." [125] The Ringing of the Church Bells cited the Russian author Fedor Dostoevskii's assertions, "The Jew and his Kahal" formed a "conspiracy against Russians," and "The Jews are Russia's undoing." [126]

Purishkevich's People's State Party displayed intense anti-Semitism in other ways. The organization believed in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. [127] Moreover, the anti-Semitic Party Program stressed that the Jews had to be separated from Russian society through economic boycott, revocation of their citizenship rights, and severe limitation of their access to secondary education. The Party Program exhibited racist thought. It defined Jews as both those who practiced the Jewish religion and those who had converted to Christianity. The document ended with the assertion about the Jews: "Their role [in social and political life] is over once and for all." [128]

In January 1919, N. N. Fermot, the People's State Party's vice president, received one of General Ludendorff's emissaries while residing in Paris. Fermor left Paris for Berlin at the end of the month carrying a letter for Ludendorff. [129] The contents of this letter remain unknown, but Fermor's actions suggest significant collaboration between the nationalist circle around Kapp and Ludendorff and Purishkevich's People's State Party in the time leading up to the Kapp Putsch of March 1920. In any case, Purishkevich died of typhus in February 1920, and his death led to the decline of the People's State Party. [130]

While the conspiratorial clique around Kapp and General Ludendorff hoped for White assistance to overthrow the Weimar Republic, they relied most heavily upon Captain Hermann Ehrhardt's Second Marine Brigade (commonly known as the Ehrhardt Brigade) for armed support. Ehrhardt, a corvette captain, had founded his brigade in February 1919. The Ehrhardt Brigade had used 2,000 men to help overthrow the Soviet Bavarian Republic in May 1919 and had subsequently fought Polish invaders in Upper Silesia.
[131] Ehrhardt had also kept close tabs on the Latvian Intervention. In September 1919, he had written Kapp from Mitau, the site of Colonel Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army Headquarters. Ehrhardt had asked Kapp to use his influence with General Ludendorff on behalf of Captain Heinz Guderian, who later became famous as Hitler's greatest proponent of armored warfare. [132] In 1920, the Ehrhardt Brigade was stationed near Berlin.

The conspiratorial circle around Kapp and Ludendorff faced a critical situation on March 10, 1920, when War Minister Noske ordered the dissolution of the Ehrhardt Brigade. [133] Ehrhardt consulted with Kapp's colleague Captain Pabst at length the next day. Ehrhardt agreed to march his brigade on Berlin during the night of March 12 so that his soldiers would be at the Brandenburg Gate in the center of Berlin the next morning. [134] Ehrhardt appeared as promised on the morning of March 13 with roughly 3,000 men. Hermann Goring, who later became one of the leading figures of the Third Reich, played a key leadership role in the Ehrhardt Brigade's renegade occupation of the German capital on behalf of Kapp. [135] The primarily socialist German government fled Berlin at the appearance of Ehrhardt's troops. [136]

Kapp seized political control in Berlin. He used the specter of Bolshevism to justify his putsch.
He issued a proclamation, "To the German People!" in which he stressed that the Weimar Republic had proved unable to fend off the threat of "devastation and murder through belligerent Bolshevism." He stressed that Germany faced "external and internal collapse" and therefore needed a "strong state authority." [137] He established a militaristic regime in which General Ludendorff, Colonel Bauer, and Captain Pabst played important roles. [138] Kapp faced a serious weakness, however, in that he lacked broad popular backing for his undertaking. [139]

Kapp received support for his putsch from volkisch Bavarians, including the Munich publicist Eckart and his then little-known pupil Hitler. Eckart had mobilized his considerable social connections to assist Hitler, including tying him to Kapp. [140] Kapp had met with Eckart in Munich in early 1920. [141] Eckart had then traveled to Berlin to confer with Kapp in Berlin three weeks before the latter's putsch attempt. Eckart had warned Kapp of "Bolshevism," stressing that "the Jews" would use the "easily led masses" to seize power in Germany "as in Russia." To counter this danger, Eckart had proposed imprisoning the Jews, at least the most influential ones, while there was still time. [142] After launching his putsch, Kapp arranged for Eckart and Hitler to be flown up from Munich to Berlin. [143]

In Berlin, Eckart soon despaired of Kapp's chances of leading a successful national revolution. Kapp did not imprison Jews as Eckart had recommended. Instead, he merely confiscated flour for matzos. This insufficient action subsequently led Eckart to comment in In Plain German: "One does not provoke wild animals, one locks them up." Kapp had refused to implement such a radical policy, and Eckart later asserted that Kapp's "half measures" had ensured his downfall. The last straw for Eckart came when he witnessed three Jews at Kapp's headquarters, "not groveling, but provocatively impudent." [144] Eckart had wished to help Kapp's undertaking precisely to combat Jewish influence in Germany, and the presence of Jewish representatives in Kapp's vicinity disgusted him.

According to a report that Kapp's pupil Hitler wrote, when he had met with Kapp's press chief on March 17, 1920, he had realized, "This could not be a national revolution" and that the Kapp Putsch would fail, "for the press chief was a Jew." [145] Hitler referred to Ignatz Trebitsch-Lincoln, an adventurer born to Jewish parents in Hungary who had left for Canada at the age of twenty and converted to Christianity, adding the name Lincoln to his original name Trebitsch. After a three-year prison term in England for falsifying documents, he had traveled to Berlin in 1919 and had begun collaborating with Kapp's colleague Colonel Bauer to coordinate a putsch against the Weimar Republic. Trebitsch-Lincoln emerged from behind the scenes in March 1920 to serve as Kapp's press chief. [146] After the Kapp Putsch failed, he fled to Budapest and passed information about monarchical activities in Germany to French intelligence. [147]


While Eckart and Hitler despaired of Kapp's undertaking early on, leading White emigres supported the undertaking more enthusiastically. The Russian remnants of the Western Volunteer Army unequivocally supported the Kapp Putsch. These men under the official direction of General Biskupskii and the unofficial leadership of Colonel Bermondt-Avalov had long been preparing to support Kapp's bid for power. [148] Shortly before the Kapp Putsch, Bermondt-Avalov wrote General Altvater at the Altengrabow Camp, where most of the former Western Volunteer Army members were interned. Bermondt-Avalov assured Altvater that conditions appeared favorable. He asserted that money, clothing, and munitions would shortly arrive, and he urged Altvater to keep the officers and soldiers together and on alert. [149] Biskupskii, the nominal head of the White elements of Bermondt-Avalov's former army, also supported Kapp's brief seizure of power. [150]

Other White emigres supported the Kapp Putsch. First Lieutenant Scheubner-Richter appeared in Berlin to assist Kapp's cause. Because of his open support of the Kapp Putsch, he was subsequently forced to give up his position as the secretary of the Ostdeutscher Heimatdienst (East German Home Service). [151] Colonel Fedor Vinberg and his associates Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork and Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, who published the far right newspaper The Call, compromised their position in Berlin by supporting the Kapp Putsch. [152]

Despite the assistance of leading White emigres in league with key German military figures, Kapp's undertaking collapsed within a week because it lacked popular support.
[153] Years later, in an essay titled "Looks Back and Parallels," Scheubner-Richter regarded the Kapp Putsch as an endeavor that "fatherland-loving men" had carried out in the belief that the Germans had opened their eyes. He lamented that this calculation had proved false. He drew parallels between the Kapp Putsch and the Kornilov Putsch, in which General Lavr Kornilov and his co-conspirators, including the White trio of Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii, had attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government in Russia in August 1917. [154]

In his own post-putsch assessment of the situation, Kapp indicated the considerable degree to which he had placed his hopes on the assistance of White forces. He wrote a letter from exile in Sweden to a friend after the failure of his putsch. He remarked that East Prussia had lost its ability to serve as the focal point of an "uprising" in Germany. This condition of impotence would last for the foreseeable future unless the "restoration of a strong national Russia" took place. [155] Such a turn of events did not occur, and East Prussia did indeed recede as the center of conservative revolutionary conspiracies in Germany. Bavaria, the birthplace of National Socialism, subsequently assumed this mantle.

CONCLUSION

The intense German-White/White emigre collaboration in 1919 and early 1920 in Latvia and Germany failed to achieve its objectives. The year 1919 witnessed the rise and fall of Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army, which primarily consisted of German Freikorps and White Russian units. The Latvian Intervention under Bermondt-Avalov built upon the German-White cooperation that had been established in the Ukraine in 1918 as well as German successes in the Baltic region in World War I, in which the Baltic German First Lieutenant Max von Scheubner-Richter had played a prominent role. Bermondt-Avalov sought to work "hand in hand with Germany" to destroy Bolshevik rule. After some initial successes, Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army faced rout and had to retreat back to Germany, largely because of increasing pressure from the Entente as well as the Weimar Republic.

Early 1920 saw the ignominious defeat of the first large-scale German-White emigre political alliance in Germany when the far right Kapp Putsch collapsed. The nationalist German conspirators around Kapp used demobilized German and White emigre formations from the Latvian Intervention to support the preparation and execution of their putsch. Volkisch German participants in the Kapp Putsch included, in addition to Wolfgang Kapp, General Erich von Ludendorff, his advisor Colonel Karl Bauer, Captain Hermann Ehrhardt, whose troops deposed the largely socialist German government, as well as Adolf Hitler and his mentor Dietrich Eckart. White emigre supporters of the doomed undertaking included Bermondt-Avalov, General Vladimir Biskupskii, who had represented the Western Volunteer Army politically in Berlin, Scheubner-Richter, Colonel Fedor Vinberg, Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, and Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii. All of these officers went on to serve the National Socialist cause.

While the Latvian Intervention and the Kapp Putsch failed to achieve their immediate military and political objectives, they nevertheless fostered determined volkisch German-White/White emigre collaboration between men who viewed themselves as trapped between Bolshevik expansion from the East, Entente pressure from the West, and the opposition and betrayal of the left-wing political establishment in Germany. The Latvian Intervention in particular granted a powerful sense of anti-Bolshevik, anti-Entente, and anti-Weimar Republic solidarity to its right-wing German and White emigre participants. Many Baltikumer (Baltic fighters) went on to join the National Socialist Party. [156]

The collapse of the Kapp Putsch in Berlin following the failure of the Latvian Intervention brought about a low point in the fortunes of the German/White emigre far right. National revolutionary German and White emigre conspirators based in East Elbian Prussia undermined their political position by participating in the Kapp Putsch. They subsequently either had to maintain low profiles or to flee the region altogether. From late March 1920 on, Bavaria in general and Munich in particular, where the Kapp Putsch had succeeded, provided the leading haven for the collaboration of volkisch Germans (increasingly under National Socialist leadership) and pro-nationalist German White emigres. From their power base in Bavaria, National Socialists and their volkisch allies conspired with White emigres in various anti-Weimar Republic, anti-Semitic, and anti-Bolshevik schemes.

_______________

Notes:

1 Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies, 2 vols., trans. Erica Carter and Chris Turner (Minneapolis: University  of Minnesota Press, 1989).
 
2 Protocol of a Baltischer Vertrauensrat meeting on March 1, 1919, BAB, 8054, number 2, 138.
 
3 Max von Scheubner-Richter, "Abriss des Lebens- und Bildungsganges von Dr. Max Erwin von  Scheubner-Richter," sent to Walther Nicolai in April 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo  21, 230; Otto von Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," ed. Henrik  Fischer (Munich, 1969), 4, 5, 9, 24.
 
4 Max Hildebert Boehm, “Baltische Einflusse auf die Anfange des Nationalsozialismus," Jahrbuch des  baltischen Deutschtums, 1967, 59, 60.
 
5 Kursell, “Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 9.
 
6 Evaluation of Scheubner-Richter from Major-General Buchfink sent to Nicolai on March 20, 1923,  RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 21, 228.
 
7 Protocol of a Baltischer Vertrauensrat meeting on March 1, 1919, BAB, 8054, number 2, 138.
 
8 Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 10, 11.
 
9 Scheubner-Richter, "Die Rote Armee," Volkischer Beobachter, March 21, 1923, 3.
 
10 Scheubner-Richter, "Deutschlands Bolschewisierung," Volkischer Beobachter, September 21, 1923, I.
 
11 Alfred Rosenberg, "Von Brest-Litowsk nach Versailles," Volkischer Beobachter, May 8, 1921, 5.
 
12 Waldemar Helb, Album Rubonorum, 1875-1972, fourth edn. (Neustadt an def Aisch: Verlag Degener  & Co., 1972), 165.
 
13 PDM report from January 26, 1931, NSDAPHA, BAB, NS 26, number 1259, 8.
 
14 Walter Laqueur, Russia and Germany: A Century of Conflict (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson,  1965), 60; Seppo Kuusisto, Alfred Rosenberg in der nationalsozialistischen Aussenpolitik 1933-1939,  trans. Christian Krotzl (Helsinki: Finska Historiska Samfundet, 1984), 12, 13, 30.
 
15 "Der Kampfer Alfred Rosenberg: Zur Ernennung des Reichsleiters zum Reichsminister fur die  besetzten Gebiete," Parteipresse-Sonderdienst, Nr. 368, November 17, 1941, KR, BAB, NS 8, number  8, 8.
 
16 Wolfgang Frank, "Professor Otto v. Kursell: Wie ich den Fuhrer zeichnete," Hamburger Illustrierte,  March 6, 1934, BHSAM, Sammlung Personen, number 7440, 12.
 
17 Helb, Album Rubonorum, 141.
 
18 Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 9, 10.
 
19 Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus: Erinnerungen von General Furst Awaloff,  Oberbefehlshaber der Deutsch-Russischen Westarmee im Baltikum (Hamburg: Von J. J. Augustin, 1925),  251, 252.
 
20 Helb, Album Rubonorum, 165.
 
21 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, 68-70.
 
22 Bruno Thoss, Der Ludendorff-Kreis 1919-1923: Munchen als Zentrum der mitteleuropaischen Gegenrevolution  zwischen Revolution und Hitler-Putsch (Munich: Stadtarchiv Munchen, 1978), 372.
 
23 Myller-Leibnitz, “V. Der Ruckmarsch der 10. Armee im Winter 1918/19," [1937?], RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 1424, opis 1, delo 13, 39.
 
24 Scheubner-Richter, ''Abriss des Lebens- und Bildungsganges," April 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond  1414, opis I, delo 21, 230, 231.
 
25 Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 12, 24.
 
26 Robert Williams, Culture in Exile: Russian Emigres in Germany, 1881-1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University  Press, 1972), I65; Rudolf Klatt, Ostpreussen unter dem Reichskommissariat 1919/1920 (Heidelberg:  Quelle & Meyer, 1958), 82.
 
27 Scheubner-Richter, "Deutschlands Bolschewisierung," I; Muller-Leibnitz, "V. Der Ruckmarsch der  10. Armee im Winter 1918/19," RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1424, opis I, delo 13, 38.
 
28 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1918 bis Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM, Nachlass  247, number 91, 4.
 
29 A. V. Smolin, Beloe dvizhenie na Severo-Zapade Rossii 1918-1920 (Saint Petersburg, Dmitrii Bulanin,  1999), 334.
 
30 Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 13.
 
31 Williams, Culture in Exile, 164; Klatt, Ostpreussen unter dem Reichskommissariat, 139.
 
32 "Reichszentrale fur Heimatdienst," a booklet, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 23, 4.
 
33 Muller-Leibnitz, "II. Der Feldzug im Baltikum 1919," [1937?], RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 1255, opis 2,  delo, 48, 4.
 
34 "Hochwohlgeborener Herr Generalmajor Graf von der Goltz!", BA/MF, Nachlass 714, number I,  I; Eduard Freiherr von der Goltz, Kriegsgedachtnisbuch des Geschlechts der Grafen und Freiherrn von  der Goltz (Potsdam: Stiftungsverlag, 1919), 29.
 
35 Rosenberg, "Von Brest-Litowsk nach Versailles," 5.
 
36 Rudiger von der Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum (Leipzig: Koehler, 1920), V.
 
37 Goltz, Die Schuld (Greifswald: L. Bamberg, 1921), 288, 292.
 
38 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 127, 147.
 
39 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 124, 221; Muller-Leibnitz, "II. Der Feldzug im  Baltikum 1919," RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1255, opis 2, delo 48, 24.
 
40 JM charge against Piotr Shabeiskii-Bork and Sergei Taboritskii from May 29, 1922, GSAPKB,  Repositur 84a, number 14953, 16; letter from Taboritskii to Mrs. Shabelskii-Bork from March 18,  1926, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953, 80.
 
41 Wolfgang Kapp correspondence, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 801.
 
42 Letter from Alfred Fletcher to Kapp from March 11, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 801, 57.
 
43 Kapp, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Marz-Unternehmens," 1922, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7, 18.
 
44 DB report from October 12, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 878, reel 4, 331, 332.
 
45 Kapp, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Marz-Unternehmens," 1922, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7, 18.
 
46 Letter from Max Hoffmann to his wife from January 16, 1917, BA/MF, Nachlass 37, number 2, 155.
 
47 Kapp, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Marz-Unternehmens," 1922, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7, 18.
 
48 Letter from Karl Graf von Bothmer to Kapp from August 28, 1916, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 792, 55.
 
49 Letter from Kapp to Bothmer from September 8, 1916, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 792, 73.
 
50 Dietrich Eckart's examination at the AGM from July 10, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 567, opis 1, delo 2496, 17.
 
51 Letter from Eckart to Kapp from February 11, 1919, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7.
 
52 Margarete Plewnia, Auf dem Weg zu Hitler: Der "volkische" Publizist Dietrich Eckart (Bremen: Schunemann Universitatsverlag, 1970), 29.
 
53 Paul Leverkuhn, Posten auf ewiger Wache: Aus dem abenteurreichen Leben des Max von Scheubner-Richter  (Essen: Essener Verlagsanstalt, 1938), 184.
 
54 Johannes Baur, Die russische Kolonie in Munchen, 1900-1945: Deutsch-russische Beziehungen im 20.  Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998), 182, 185; Frank, "Professor Otto v. Kursell: Wie  ich den Fuhrer zeichnete," Hamburger Illustrierte, March 6, 1934 BHSAM, Sammlung Personen,  number 7440, 12.
 
55 Rosenberg, Memoirs, KR, BAB, NS 8, number 20, 3.
 
56 Frank, "Professor Otto v. Kursell: Wie ich den Fuhrer zeichnete," Hamburger Illustrierte, March 6,  1934, BHSAM, Sammlung Personen, number 7440, 12.
 
57 Draft in possession of Hausen, March 16, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 577, opis 2, delo 130, 1-5.
 
58 Georg Taube, "Der Esten Krieg," [1920], BAB, 8025, number 15, 3.
 
59 Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," 25.
 
60 Arno Schickedanz, [May] 1919 report to Scheubner-Richter. IZG, ZS 2368, 2-6, 8.
 
61 RKUo0 report from January 18, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 91, 92; DB  report from March 6, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 9, delo 4474, reel 1, 48.
 
62 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 221.
 
63 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 51, 52, 128; LGPO report to the RK050 from  September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 18.
 
64 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, 145, 146, 151; Smolin, Beloe dvizhenie na  Severo-Zapade Rossii, 337.
 
65 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 151, 152, 164.
 
66 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, 153, 156; Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland  und im Baltikum, 222, 223.
 
67 LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71,  18.
 
68 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 224.
 
69 Elisabeth Schwarze, "Einleitung," Nachlass Wolfgang Kapp (Berlin: GSAPKB, 1997), VIII.
 
70 Kapp, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Marz-Unternehmens," 1922, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7, 19.
 
71 Waldemar Pabst, "Das Kapp-Unternehmen," 1952, BA/MF, Nachlass 620, number 3, 6; Heinrich  Class, Wider den Strom, vol. 2, BAK, Kleine Erwerbung 499, 233.
 
72 RKUoO report from November 1920, BAB, 1507, number 208, 48.
 
73 Pabst, "Auszug aus meinem Lebenslauf, 1954, BA/MF, Nachlass 620, number I, 2; RKUoO report.  [1925?), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 781, 4.
 
74 Pabst, "Nachkriegserlebnisse als ra und Stahschef der Garde-Kav.- (Schu) Division," BA/MF, Nachlass 620, number 2, 136; Williams, Culture in Exile, 98, 165.
 
75 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 245.
 
76 Andreas Remmer's testimony from June 1, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 12.
 
77 RKUoO report from July 20, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 150, 151.
 
78 Captain Wagener, "Bericht uber die augenblickliche Lage in Mitau," Berlin, September 8, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 815, 40.
 
79 Remmer's testimony from June 1, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 12.
 
80 Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finnland und im Baltikum, 147, 225.
 
81 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 204.
 
82 LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3,  delo 71, 18.
 
83 RKUoO report from January 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 80, 81.
 
84 RKUoO report to the RMI from December 6, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3,  delo 71, 196.
 
85 Bermondt-Avalov, "Offener Brief an die Englander," Deutsches Abendblatt, May 8, 1921, included in an LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 3, delo 71,12.
 
86 Letter from Bermondt-Avalov to Karl Werkmann from September 27, 1925, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 603, opis 2, delo 30, 2.
 
87 Bermondt-Avalov, "Das Erbe der Revolution und des Bolschewismus," included in an RKUoO report from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 22-24, 30.
 
88 Letter to the editorial staff of Volia Rossii from February 28, 1921, ATsVO, GARF, fond 5893, opis I, delo 201, 87.
 
89 Remmer's testimony from June 1, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 12.
 
90 Vladimir Biskupskii's testimony included in a PDM report to the BSMA from June 2, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 7.
 
91 Thoss, Der Ludenendorff-Kreis, 372.
 
92 Smolin, Beloe dvizhenie na Severo-Zapade Rossii, 345.
 
93 RKUoO report to the PP/AIA from May 30, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 58; Remmer testimony from June 1, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 10.
 
94 RKUoO report from May 8, 1924 and RKUoO report to the PP/AIA from May 30, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 3, delo 81a, 52, 58.
 
95 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1918 bis Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM, Nachlass 247, number 91, 6.
 
96 Charge against Hermann Ehrhardt from May 5, 1923, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 339, 87/5.
 
97 RKUo0 report from March 18, 1920, BAB, 1507, number 214, 9, 12.
 
98 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1918 his Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM,  Nachlass 247, number 91, 7.
 
99 Bermondt-Avalov, "Offener Brief an die Englander," Deutsches Abendblatt, May 8, 1921, included  in an LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3,  delo 71, 14.
 
100 Eckart/Rosenberg, "Zwischen den Schachern," Auf gut deutsch: Wochenschrift fur Ordnung und  Recht, March 5, 1920.
 
101 Rosenberg, ''Antisemitismus: Eine wirtschaftliche, politische, nationale, religiose und sittliche  Notwendigkeit, (Schluss)," Volkischer Beobachter, August 21, 1921, 3.
 
102 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1918 bis Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM,  Nachlass 247, number 91, 6.
 
103 Scheubner-Richter, "Deutschlands Bolschewisierung," I.
 
104 Gerhard Rossbach's deposition from May 11, 1923, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 211, 149.
 
105 RKUoO report from January 2, 1923, BAB, 1507, number 345, 274.
 
106 Interview with Rossbach on December 13, 1951, IZG, ZS 128, 6.
 
107 Erich von Ludendorff's deposition from May 16, 1923, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 211, 136.
 
108 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1915 bis Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM,  Nachlass 247, number 91, 7.
 
109 Letter from Bermondt-Avalov to Kapp from November 9, 1919, GSAPK, Repositur92, number 815, 88.
 
110 "Die Ereignisse im Baltikum vom Herbst 1918 bis Ende 1919," January 1920, BA/MF, RWM, Nachlass 247, number 91, 7; Smolin, Beloe dvizhenie na Severo-Zapade Rossii, 349.
 
111 Bermondt-Avalov, Im Kampfgegen den Bolschewismus, 229.
 
112 LGPO report from December 1, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 2, 29, 31.
 
113 Johannes Erger, Der Kapp-Luttwitz-Putsch: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Innenpolitik 1919/20 (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1967), 54.
 
114 Letter from Bermondt-Avalov to Kapp from November 28, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 815, 93.
 
115 Bermondt-Avalov's order of resignation from December 24, 1919, RGVA, fond 40147, opis I, delo 18, 17.
 
116 "Tagebuchauszug von General der Infanterie a. D. Hasse," December 2, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1255, opis 2, delo 42, 10.
 
117 LGPOP report from March 9, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number I, 76.
 
118 OKL report from April 8, 1920, RGVA, fond 40147, opis I, delo 48, 1. 3, 4.
 
119 Interview with Rossbach on December 13, 1951, IZG, ZS 128, 6.
 
120 Goltz, "Erste Versuche," BA/MF, Nachlass 714, number 14, 1.
 
121 RKUo0 report to the BSMA from January 31, 1924, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103456, 7.
 
122 Rafael Ganelin, "Beloe dvizhenie i 'Protokoly sionskikh mudretsov,'" Natsionainaia pravaia prezhde  i teper: Istoriko-sotsiowgicheskie ocherki, chast I: Rossiia i russkoe zarubezhe (Saint Petersburg: Institut  Sotsiologii rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 1992), 127.
 
123 EMG report to the DB from October 22, 1919, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 953, reel 4,  313.
 
124 ATsVO report from September 27, 1921, GARF, fond 5893, opis 1, delo 46, 7.
 
125 Vladimir Purishkevich, "Bez zabrala," Blagovest: Zhurnal russkoi monarkhicheskoi narodno-gosudarst-vennoi mysli, December 1919, 1, 2. GARF.
 
126 Nikolai Ismailov, "Chudesnyi son," Blagovest, December 1919, 3.
 
127 "Sionskie Protokoly," Chasovoi, January 23, 1919, 1, GARF.
 
128 Henri Rollin, L 'Apocalypse de notre temps: Les dessous de de la propagande allemande d'apres des documents inedits (Paris: Gallimard, 1939), 169, 170.
 
129 SG report from January 28, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond I, opis 27, delo 12518, 2.
 
130 S. A. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii 1905-1914 (Moscow: Izdatelstvo Vsesoiuznogo zaochnogo politekhnicheskogo instituta, 1992), 329.
 
131 RKUoO report from September 2, 1921, BAB, 1507, number 568, 24; deposition of Manfred von Killinger from December 22, 1922, RKUoO, BAH, 1507. number 339, 412.
 
132 Letter from Ehrhardt to Kapp from September 12, 1919, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 815, 43.
 
133 Deposition of Killinger from December 22, 1922, RKUoO, BAH, 1507, number 339, 412.
 
134 Charge against Ehrhardt from May 5,1923, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 339, 8716, 7.
 
135 RKUoO report from July 13, 1923, BAH, 1507, number 442, 100; deposition of Killinger from December 22, 1922, RKUoO, BAB, 1507, number 339, 412.
 
136 RKUoO report, [1925?], RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 781, 4.
 
137 Kapp, ''An das deutsche Volk!" [March 1920], BAK, Nachlass 309, number 7.
 
138 RKUoO report, [1925?], RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond772, opis 3, delo 781, 4.
 
139 Erger, Der Kapp-Luttwitz-Putsch, 300.
 
140 Rosenberg, "Meine erste Begegnung mit dem Fuhrer,” The National Archives, Records of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1941-45, IZG, number 454, roll 63, 578.
 
141 Letter from Karl Mayr to Kapp from September 24, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 92, number 840/1, 4.
 
142 Eckart's examination at the AGM on July 10, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 567, opis 1, delo 2496, 17.
 
143 Letter from Wilhelm Kiefer to Anneliese Kapp from June 24, 1958, BAK, Nachlass 309, number 20.
 
144 Eckart, "Kapp," Auf gut deutsch, April 16, 1920, 4.
 
145 Adolf Hitler, March 29, 1920 report on the Kapp Putsch, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, eds. Eberhard Jackel and Axel Kuhn (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1980), 117.
 
146 AA report to the RKUoO from April 23, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 3, delo 927, 30, 32, 33.
 
147 RMI report to the RKUoO from July 16, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 927, 47;  PDB report to the RKUoO from May 28, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 927, 40.
 
148 DB report from July 23,1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 1255, reel 2, 209.
 
149 SKoO report to the AA from April 26, 1920, PAAA, 83377, 62.
 
150 Ganelin, "Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo i germanskii national-sotsializm," Natsionalnaia pravaia,  142.
 
151 Scheubner-Richter, ''Abriss des Lebens- und Bildungsganges," April 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond  1414, opis 1, delo 21, 231.
 
152 Aleksandr von Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, August 13, 1920, GARF, fond 5853, opis I, delo 3,  920.
 
153 Erger, Der Kapp-Luttwitz-Putsch, 300.
 
154 Scheubner-Richter, "Ruckblicke und Parallelen," Wirtschafts-politische Aufbau-Korrespondenz uber  Ostfragen und ihre Bedeutung fur Deutschland, July 19, 1922, 2.
 
155 Letter from Kapp to an East Prussian friend from September 22, 1920, BAK, Nachlass 309, number  7.
 
156 RKUoO report from November 24, 1922, BAB, 1507, number 345, 266.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Thu Jan 31, 2019 4:09 am

Part 1 of 2

CHAPTER 4: The international radical right's Aufbau (reconstruction)

Karl Schlogel, a German expert on White emigres, has noted that Munich ascended to the dynamic crux of volkisch German-White emigre collaboration after the Kapp Putsch collapsed in Berlin in March 1920. [1] Leading German and White emigre participants in the Kapp Putsch fled East Elbian Germany for Bavaria, where they quickly reorganized and found new means to further complementary right-wing German/White emigre interests. Former German and White emigre Kapp Putsch conspirators in Bavaria sent a mission under Max von Scheubner-Richter to establish clandestine military and economic relations with General Piotr Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces, which were based on the Crimean Peninsula in the Ukraine. To foster the common struggle against Bolshevism, Vrangel's regime pledged to deliver large amounts of agricultural goods in return for military personnel and supplies from right-wing Bavarian circles.

The cooperation between German and White emigre rightists based in Bavaria and Vrangel proved short-lived because of the Red Army's surprisingly rapid victory over Vrangel's forces. Nonetheless, this brief German-White emigre/White connection spurred the formation of Aufbau, a conspiratorial volkisch German/White emigre organization that opposed the Entente, the Weimar Republic, Jewry, and Bolshevism. Aufbau sought to overthrow the Bolshevik regime and to set Grand Prince Kirill Romanov at the head of a pro-German Russian monarchy.
Following the low point of right-wing fortunes in Germany that had been reached with the Kapp Putsch's failure, Aufbau demonstrated its resilience by rejuvenating the volkisch German/White emigre radical right on German soil in the course of late 1920 and the first half of 1921.

Aufbau maintained close ties with the National Socialist Party from the beginning. The German Max Amann served both as Aufbau's second secretary and as secretary of the National Socialist Party. Four Baltic German Aufbau colleagues from the same Riga fraternity in the Russian Empire played leading roles in the National Socialist Party: Aufbau's first secretary (and de faacto leader) Scheubner-Richter, Aufbau's deputy director Arno Schickedanz, and two collaborators with Hitler's early mentor Dietrich Eckart, Alfred Rosenberg and Otto von Kursell. Prominent White emigre members of Aufbau who did not belong to the NSDAP but who nevertheless served its cause included Aufbau's vice president Vladimir Biskupskii, the Ukrainian Cossack Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, who led Aufbau's Ukrainian section, and the close trio of Fedor Vinberg, Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, and Sergei Taboritskii. Scheubner-Richter also introduced Hitler to General Erich von Ludendorff in the context of Aufbau, thereby beginning a political collaboration that led to the disastrous Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch of November 1923.

THE BAVARIAN-CRIMEAN CONNECTION

While the Kapp Putsch failed ignominiously in East Elbian Germany, it succeeded in overthrowing the socialist government in Bavaria. As a result of the Kapp Pursch, a new right-wing regime was installed in Bavaria under Minister President Gustav Ritter von Kahr and Bavarian Police Chief Ernst Pohner. [2] The National Socialist Party headquartered in Munich in which Hitler played a key role (he only established dictatorial control over the Party in July 1921) began its dramatic rise in rightist German affairs in the favorable new political climate in Bavaria. [3] White emigre Aufbau member and prominent National Socialist Alfred Rosenberg later credited Pohner, a staunch opponent of the November 1918 Revolution in Germany, with holding a "protective hand" over the National Socialist Party. [4]

In addition to protecting the fledgling National Socialist movement, the new right-wing Bavarian government offered a haven for German nationalist revolutionary officers connected with the Kapp Putsch. Prussian officers implicated in the Kapp Putsch received a warm welcome in Bavaria. General Erich von Ludendorff established cordial relations with police Chief Pohner after fleeing Berlin for Bavaria. [5] Ludendorff's Kapp Putsch comrades Colonel Karl Bauer, Captain Waldemar Pabst, and Captain Hermann Ehrhardt, the last of whom had led the troops for the failed coup in Berlin, likewise received police protection in Munich and surrounding areas. [bIn general, Bavarian police officers and armed supporters guarded failed conservative revolutionaries from the north.[/b] [6] From exile in Sweden, Wolfgang Kapp approved of the move of so many of his former co-conspirators southwards. He noted in a letter to General Ludendorff: "At least in Bavaria there is a bourgeois government in power. The people have come to the correct conclusions from the March Undertaking." [7]

In general, the German Kapp Putsch conspirators who relocated from Prussia to Bavaria favored a monarchical state system. In an April 1921 booklet, "Germany's Future: Tasks and Goals," Captain Ehrhardt presented views that accorded with prevalent volkisch sympathy for monarchy as an institution, as opposed to its practice under the last, weak Kaiser. Ehrhardt stressed, "We declare our support for monarchy with pride as the constitution that is in principle the most suitable for us." He further called for the German people to unite with a common will. He noted, "We are a people, but still not a nation ... We are a people inwardly, among ourselves," but not a "nation outwardly, as a unified power ... We are a people, united in everything except for the will, and since we do not have a united will, we are not a nation. But this is just what we must become." [8] Ehrhardt thus argued that the inherently powerful German people lacked correspondingly forceful leadership to lead it to greatness.

Like many volkisch German officers such as Ehrhardt implicated in the Kapp Putsch, several leading White emigres who had supported the Kapp Putsch moved to Munich in the spring of 1920. The Kapp Putsch conspirators Scheubner-Richter, Fedor Vinberg, and Piotr Shabelskii-Bork fled Berlin for the Bavarian capital in March 1920. German governmental authorities promptly banned Vinberg's Berlin newspaper Prizyv (The Call) in the wake of the Kapp Putsch. Vinberg left behind considerable debts from the venture. [9] Once in Munich, Scheubner-Richter, Vinberg, and Shabelskii-Bork collaborated with other White emigres who had already established residency in Munich, including the former Rubonia Fraternity colleagues Rosenberg, Arno Schickedanz, and Otto von Kursell. [10]

In the spirit of The Call, Vinberg and Shabelskii-Bork edited a newspaper in Munich, Luch Sveta (A Ray of Light). [11] A Ray of Light argued that Jews and Freemasons sought to destroy Christianity and to take over the world. The White emigre colleagues wrote their paper from the point of view that no room remained for passive bystanders in the struggle against these forces of evil. [12] Vinberg and Shabelskii-Bork, eventually joined by their colleague Sergei Taboritskii, were extremely destitute in Munich. They only possessed some disposable income immediately after finishing a work for publication. Even then, however, they soon fell back into a state of poverty. [13]

White emigres who wished to reside in Munich under the Kahr government required the references of two members of the existing Russian refugee community there. The Munich Police under Pohner thus guarded against leftist Russian expatriates. Munich's White emigre community, which peaked at 1,105 in 1921, contained virtually no Constitutional Democrats, Social Revolutionaries, or Mensheviks. Munich's White emigre population thus differed markedly from Berlin's more leftist Russian refugee community. Nobles, high-level bureaucrats, and leading officers, who were right-wing by virtue of their background, dominated Munich's White emigre landscape. Many members of Munich's White emigre population had belonged to the radical right Black Hundred movement in Imperial Russia. The White exiles in Munich had greater contact with volkisch German circles than those Russian refugees who lived in Berlin. [14]

Some prominent White emigres managed to stay in Berlin after the Kapp Putsch, but Munich, as the rising center of right-wing activity in Germany, held increasing attraction for them. Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, the former leader of the Western Volunteer Army in the 1919 Latvian Intervention, kept a low profile in Berlin under constant surveillance. He also traveled regularly to Munich to collaborate with radical right colleagues there. [15] General Vladimir Biskupskii, who had cooperated with German occupying forces in the Ukraine in 1918, had served as the political representative of Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army, and had supported the Kapp Putsch, managed to maintain his primary residence in Berlin. He worked diligently behind the scenes to organize paramilitary forces dedicated to reestablishing monarchical regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. [16] He developed contacts with all leading pro-German, anti-Bolshevik White emigre groups in Germany. He spent increasing amounts of time in Bavaria, where he coordinated his activities with rightist German and White emigre circles there. [17]

General Biskupskii increasingly overshadowed his rival Colonel Bermondt-Avalov. After the Kapp Putsch, Bermondt-Avalov steadily lost authority and trust in leading White emigre circles. [18] German agents who shadowed him soon wrote of him derisively as an insignificant braggart. In one report, they asserted that Bermondt-Avalov's "most viable" option for increasing his support was marrying "a rich American," as he did undeniably possess a way with the ladies. [19]

A new destabilizing Russian emigre personage emerged in right-wing Munich society in early 1920. Despite his chronic duplicity and his collaboration with Bolshevik authorities, the former Black Hundred publicist Mikhail Kommissarov managed to gain a position of trust in rightist German and White emigre cliques in Bavaria. He eventually played an important role in the formation of Aufbau, which furthered anti-Entente, anti-Weimar Republic, anti-Semitic, and anti-Bolshevik collaboration between volkisch Germans and White emigres. Kommissarov wormed his way into conspiratorial rightist Munich circles as part of a convoluted career of intrigue and deceit in which he operated as a double agent.

Kommissarov had a dubious past. After losing his post in the Okhrana (Tsarist Secret Police) in Saint Petersburg because he had printed illegal pamphlets that encouraged anti-Semitic pogroms during the Revolution of 1905, he had managed to regain his position. He had demonstrated his lack of gratitude to his superior by starting an affair with his wife and then absconding with secret funds. He had subsequently used his drinking friendship with the court mystic Rasputin (whom the Black Hundred leader Vladimir Purishkevich subsequently shot) to acquire the Tsar's favor. Kommissarov had managed to become the mayor of Rostov/Don for three weeks before being removed for gross mismanagement and embezzlement. After disappearing from the landscape for a while, he had resurfaced in Kiev under German occupation in 1918. There he had offered to serve Hetman Pavel Skoropadskii. The Ukrainian leader had understandably replied that he could do without Kommissarov's assistance. [20]

Many Whites correctly suspected Kommissarov of collaborating with Bolshevik leaders. He had traveled through Bolshevik-controlled territory to the Terek Cossacks during the summer of 1919 with no problems, which had proved highly suspicious. He had been elected to the Krug, or leadership circle, of the Terek Cossacks. He had then traveled as an envoy to General Anton Denikin's Southern Army, a White force based in the Ukraine that was engaged in fighting the Bolsheviks with Entente support. Denikin had ordered Kommissarov's arrest as a Soviet agent. According to the French military intelligence agency the Second Section, after being rebuffed from Denikin's forces, Kommissarov had assisted the chief of the Chrezvychainaia Komissia po Borbe s Kontr-revolutsiei (Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle with Counter-revolution, the Cheka) in Petrograd. [21]

In April 1920, Kommissarov began working for the intelligence agency that his old protector in the Tsarist Secret Police, General Kurlov, had recently established in Berlin to provide anti-Bolshevik information to White emigres in Germany. Despite the mistrust that he had engendered among rightist circles in the past, Kommissarov used his considerable intellectual gifts and social adroitness to find his way quickly into high society wherever he went. He began circulating in right-wing monarchical circles in Munich. He worked especially diligently to gain General Ludendorff's favor. At the same time, however, he initiated contact with Bolshevik representatives in Germany and provided them with information on anti-Soviet activities in Germany. [22]

As one of his many lies, Kommissarov claimed to serve as the authorized representative of General Piotr Vrangel, a man of noble Estonian/Baltic German ancestry who had taken control of the weakening Southern Russian Armed Forces from General Denikin in April 1920. [23] On the basis of this spurious authority, Kommissarov began collaborating with White emigres who sought to wrest the Ukraine from Bolshevik rule. In particular, he teamed up with the extreme anti-Semitic right-wing monarchists and Germanophiles Boris Pelikan and Konstantin Scheglovitov.

Kommissarov's Ukrainian associates possessed solid right-wing credentials. Pelikan and Scheglovitov had belonged to the far right Monarchical Bloc in Kiev in 1918 under German occupation. [24] Pelikan, an extremely wealthy individual, had played a prominent role in the Black Hundred movement in Imperial Russia, and he had served as the mayor of Odessa with its large Jewish population. [25] Like Kommissarov, he belonged to the Southern Section of the monarchical Soiuz vernych (Union of the Faithful) under the overall leadership of the former Union of the Russian People faction leader Nikolai Markov II. [26] Scheglovitov had served as the Minister of Justice in Imperial Russia, and he subsequently engaged in shady business deals and acquired large sums of money from rightist organizations in the Ukraine. [27] In 1920, Pelikan and Scheglovitov led a Munich-based grouping that struggled for an independent Ukraine. [28]

Kommissarov, Pelikan, and Scheglovitov helped to form a commercial organization dedicated to fostering trade between rightist elements in Bavaria and General Vrangel's forces on the Crimean Peninsula. [29] A German named Wagner, a former aide de camp in the German Army High Command, officially led this venture. Wagner used his influence in the house of Wagner and Furter to foster the Society for Ukrainian-Bavarian Import and Export. This organization possessed 300,000 marks in venture capital from right-wing firms, most notably from the Munchner-Augsburger Maschinenfabrik (Munich-Augsburg Machine Factory). The Society for Ukrainian-Bavarian Import and Export proposed providing civilian industrial goods, war materials, and German officers for General Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces in return for Crimean agricultural goods. [30]

Germans and White emigres associated with the Society for Ukrainian-Bavarian Import and Export held May 1920 consultations in Munich and nearby Regensburg. German consultants at these talks included General Ludendorff, his advisor and Kapp Putsch co-conspirator Colonel Bauer, the aforementioned Wagner, and Major Josef Bischoff, the former commander of the Iron Division in the 1919 Latvian Intervention. Bischoff closely followed Ukrainian matters, and he had established a secret anti-Bolshevik propaganda center in Odessa. Kommissarov, Pelikan, and General Biskupskii represented the Russian (more properly Ukrainian) side of the talks. The Baltic Germans Scheubner-Richter and Rosenberg mediated between the German and Russian conspirators. [31]

The German and White emigre plotters adopted Colonel Bauer's program, which called for uniting all those who had fought against the Bolsheviks in the Russian Civil War under the slogan: "The end justifies the means." The Protocols of the Elders of Zion had leading Jews use this motto as well, further suggesting the influence of the fabrication on the views of members of the radical right. The conspirators schemed to annul the Paris Peace Treaties concluded after World War I and to overthrow the Bolshevik regime through an alliance of nationalist Germans, Russians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, and Turks. The plotters sought to reestablish monarchies in Central and Eastern Europe, after which an alliance between Germany, Russia, and Hungary would be declared and Poland would be partitioned once again. The rightist participants at these May conferences in Bavaria decided to send a White mission to General Vrangel's forces in the Crimea to specify the terms of mutual assistance. [32]


Although General Vrangel received material assistance from the Entente, most importantly from France, the German and White emigre conspirators based in Bavaria had reason to count on his sympathy with their cause. While he would subsequently lean increasingly towards the Entente, at this time, Vrangel wished to cooperate with a monarchical Germany to bring about what he regarded as Russia's renewal. Those who knew Vrangel personally verified that he held staunchly monarchical and pro-German views. His occasional Entente-friendly remarks, Vrangel's associates claimed, arose because of his dependence on French material aid. [33] Vrangel relied on French support largely since the primarily socialist German government had refused to recognize his delegation in order to appease the Soviet regime. Though they aided him, French authorities distrusted Vrangel. [34]

To maintain good relations with both the Entente and Jewish residents in the Crimea, General Vrangel curbed anti-Semitic agitation among his forces. [35] Some men under his command nevertheless campaigned vehemently against Jews, most notably Gregor Schwartz-Bostunich, who ultimately rose in the ranks of Heinrich Himmler's SS. [36] Schwartz-Bostunich had been born in Kiev to a Baltic German father and a mother with the maiden name Bostunich whose own mother had come from the Bavarian nobility. He had received degrees in law and theology in Kiev in 1908. He had traveled from Imperial Germany to the Russian Empire after the outbreak of World War I before acting as what he later described in an SS report as an "agitator and army speaker" for General Vrangel. [37] In the Crimea, Schwartz-Bostunich preached fanatically against Bolsheviks, Freemasons, and Jews. His inflammatory actions led the Soviet secret police, the Cheka, to issue a death warrant for him. The prominent National Socialist and Aufbau leader Scheubner-Richter later employed Schwartz-Bostunich as a speaker on behalf of the NSDAP and sent him to hold talks throughout Germany. [38]

Georgii Nemirovich-Danchenko also worked as a prominent anti-Semitic agitator under Vrangel's White regime on the Crimean Peninsula. Nemirovich-Danchenko had been born in Saint Petersburg in 1889, he had received his law degree as the top student of his class in 1910, and he had worked in the State Council under the Tsar. He had published his first article on the land question in 1917. [39] He became the press chief of Vrangel's regime. [40] Nemirovich-Danchenko managed to disseminate a significant amount of anti-Semitic propaganda in a largely clandestine manner during his service under General Vrangel. [41] Like Schwartz-Bostunich, Nemirovich-Danchenko went on to collaborate with Scheubner-Richter in Aufbau.

Nemirovich-Danchenko became increasingly disappointed with General Vrangel's leadership in the Crimea during the Russian Civil War. While he had hoped to exercise wide-ranging autonomy as Vrangel's press chief, in fact, Vrangel greatly restrained his activities. In September 1920, for example, the first edition of the planned weekly Russkaia Pravda (Russian Truth) appeared with two anti-Semitic articles based on the assessments of various philosophers and writers. Vrangel immediately banned the newspaper. According to Nemirovich-Danchenko, Vrangel did so because of pressure from the Crimea's Jewish population. Nemirovich-Danchenko strongly protested Vrangel's decision, but to no avail. [42]

The clandestine mission to General Vrangel's regime in which Nemirovich-Danchenko played a leading role, which had been decided upon during the rightist German/White emigre conferences in May 1920, left Munich under Scheubner-Richter's leadership in the middle of June 1920. [43] Other members of the delegation included the double agent Kommissarov, the former important Black Hundred member Pelikan, the economically well-connected German Wagner, and some Hungarian and Austrian representatives. The deputation traveled down the Danube River, first stopping in Austria's capital Vienna and then continuing on to the Hungarian capital Budapest. [44]

Scheubner-Richter's delegation benefited from advance support work in Budapest. The officers Bauer and Biskupskii had earlier left Munich for Budapest to coordinate the mission's activities with the de facto Hungarian leader Admiral Nicholas Horthy. Horthy acted as the regent for the Habsburg Dynasty, which the Hungarian parliament had pledged to return to Hungary (some day) in a May 1920 resolution. [45] General Ludendorff and the former Latvian Intervention mastermind General Count Rudiger von der Goltz, who resided in Budapest under a false name, had also conducted negotiations with members of Horthy's government on behalf of Scheubner-Richter's delegation to General Vrangel.

Scheubner-Richter's mission achieved considerable success in the Hungarian capital. The delegates to the Crimea under Scheubner-Richter's guidance emphasized the pronounced military component of their undertaking as well as the economic one. Admiral Horthy supported the deputation and its goals of German-White collaboration. Horthy's approval moved Scheubner-Richter to express his profound thanks. General Berzewicsky, the chief of the Hungarian Armed Forces, asserted that he had 70,000 soldiers at his disposal to further the German/White emigre plans to abolish the Paris Peace Treaties. [46]

After its successful layover in Budapest, Scheubner-Richter's mission arrived in the Yugoslavian capital Belgrade in the middle of July 1920. Troubles began there because of Kommissarov's deceit. Scheubner-Richter held talks with members of the local White emigre delegation in Belgrade. [47] Meanwhile, the swindler Kommissarov absconded. Soon afterwards, perhaps on the way to the next stopover in Varna, Bulgaria, the delegation members Wagner and Pelikan realized that Kommissarov had deceived them. [48] Kommissarov had received 115,000 marks for arranging the journey to the Crimea on the false basis of representing General Vrangel in Germany. [49] The Ukrainian nationalist Pelikan later wrote Kommissarov never to show himself in his sight again. In August 1920, Vrangel ordered that Kommissarov never be allowed to gain passage to the Crimea. [50] Kommissarov went on to join the Soviet cause openly as an agent in Bulgaria in March 1921. His reports led to the arrest of numerous White emigre officers throughout the Balkans. [51]

Despite Kommissarov's duplicity, the international right-wing mission under Scheubner-Richter's leadership managed to evade Bolshevik agents to arrive to a warm welcome in Sevastopol, the site of Vrangel's headquarters on the Crimean Peninsula, in July 1920. [52] The presence of Scheubner-Richter's delegation had to be kept as a diplomatic secret since French authorities in the Crimea had threatened to cut off Vrangel's supplies if he collaborated with Germans. [53] Scheubner-Richter ascertained the views of Vrangel's officers and soldiers. He presented himself as a Russian and engaged in numerous conversations with members of Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces. He concluded that whereas Vrangel's government contained a significant number of Constitutional Democrats, commonly known as "Kadets," who supported the French, Vrangel's armed forces primarily consisted of rightists who openly sympathized with Germany. Vrangel's soldiers and officers jeered at the French Military Mission whenever it appeared. [54]

The Entente proved very unpopular on the Crimean Peninsula. Scheubner-Richter later described the lasting resentments of the Crimean population against the French largely since French troops had fled pell-mell from Bolshevik forces and had abandoned White formations in nearby Odessa to grisly Bolshevik retribution earlier in the Russian Civil War. [55] Vrangel's press chief Nemirovich-Danchenko later noted in his memoirs (which Aufbau published in April 1923) that the residents of the Crimea had harbored considerable anti-English and anti-French sentiments. Inhabitants of the Crimea had blamed the English and French not only for halfheartedly resisting Bolshevik forces, but also for using their power to maintain unfair currency exchange rates. Nemirovich-Danchenko remarked that when word had circulated in Sevastopol that a delegation from Germany had evaded French intelligence agents to arrive in the city, Sevastopol society had greeted the news with "poorly concealed exultation." [56]

Scheubner-Richter's delegation achieved considerable successes in Sevastopol. Despite French anti-German countermeasures in the Crimea, Scheubner-Richter's colleague Wagner established a branch of the house of Wagner and Furter in General Vrangel's capital. [57] Scheubner-Richter, for his part, held extensive talks with Vrangel that progressed well. [58] Significant numbers of German technicians and traders subsequently traveled to the Crimea in accord with Scheubner-Richter's designs. [59] By the end of July 1920, Vrangel's approximately 75,000 soldiers included a sizeable number of White and German officers sent from Scheubner-Richter's associates in Bavaria. [60] The French Military Mission in Poland noted with dismay that Vrangel's officer entourage strongly approved of the growing Bavarian-Ukrainian cooperation under Scheubner-Richter's direction. [61]

Despite their increasing collaboration with Vrangel, Scheubner-Richter's financial backers in Bavaria distrusted the White general as too pro-French, largely because of his concessions to the French in including Constitutional Democrats in his government. In order to placate critics in right-wing Bavarian financial circles, Vrangel added far rightists to his regime. Most notably, he gave a post to the former Black Hundred writer Ivan Rodionov. [62] Rodionov was a Ukrainian Cossack who had published The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in The Sentinel, the official newspaper of General Piotr Krasnov's Great Don Host. [63] Rodionov later had his anti-Bolshevik work, "Victims of Insanity," serialized in the National Socialist newspaper the Volkischer Beobachter (Volkisch Observer) beginning in October 1923. [64] By including far rightists in his government and stressing that he had first gone to the German government for help in fighting the Bolsheviks, Vrangel stiffened the wavering support of leading White emigres and Bavarian industrialists by early October 1920. [65]

Another large German-Russian monarchical consultation with key players from the Kapp Putsch took place in Bavaria in early October 1920. The participants discussed fostering closer ties between right-wing Germans and White emigres based in Germany and Vrangel's regime. The Generals Ludendorff, Goltz of Latvian Intervention fame, and Max Hoffmann, who had negotiated with Soviet Foreign Minister Lev Trotskii in Brest-Litovsk but had subsequently turned against the Bolsheviks, represented the German side of the discussions. Latvian Intervention commander Colonel Bermondt-Avalov and General Biskupskii, the latter of whom actually did not possess a mandate to represent General Vrangel as he claimed, represented Russian interests. [66] General Goltz proposed sending 50,000 armed Germans, overwhelmingly officers, to Vrangel's forces in the Crimea via Hungary. [67] Goltz's former collaborator in the Latvian Intervention, Major Bischoff, subsequently recruited German and Austrian officers and soldiers for Vrangel's forces from his new base in Austria. [68]

French military personnel in Hungary noted the effects of increased collaboration between former Kapp Putsch conspirators and General Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces. French authorities soon rook action to stop this anti-French cooperation. A French military report from October 1920 complained that large numbers of German officers in possession of valid Russian passports were traveling to Vrangel's forces via Hungary to fulfill the agreement for closer military and economic collaboration that Scheubner-Richter and Vrangel had reached the previous July. Such German officers followed the directives of General Goltz in particular. Goltz operated on the margins of the German government to penetrate Vrangel's army with the goal of overthrowing Bolshevism and creating a right-wing Russian, more properly Ukrainian, state that would cooperate with a nationalist Germany. [69]

In light of the increasing threat that growing right-wing German-White collaboration posed to France's interests, French police in the Crimea supervising Vrangel's forces arrested Scheubner-Richter and the members of his delegation in the middle of October 1920. French authorities released the members of the mission after much wrangling and bribery, but the delegation could not leave the peninsula immediately because of a lack of transportation facilities. The mission remained under strict French police surveillance until it left the Crimea for Germany later in October 1920. [70]

AUFBAU'S GENESIS AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT

Upon his return to Munich from his dangerous mission to General Vrangel's forces in the Crimea in late October 1920, Scheubner-Richter, who was widely regarded as an authority on Russian matters among volkisch German circles, set about organizing Aufbau. [71] This conspiratorial organization developed into the center of cooperation between volkisch Germans, notably including Hitler and General Ludendorff, and pro-German White emigres. Despite Aufbau's crucial influence on the genesis and growth of National Socialism, historians have neglected to subject the secretive association to a thorough analysis. [72]

According to Aufbau's statutes, the organization fostered the "national interests of Germany and the Russian area of reconstruction." Aufbau sought the "promotion of an energetic national economic policy with regard to the Eastern states, especially those states that have formed on the territory of the former Russian Empire, for the reconstruction of the economic life of these states or the Russian Empire." [73] The imprecise language of Aufbau's statutes sidestepped the crucial issue of whether the Russian Empire was to be reconstructed as a unified whole, or whether the Ukraine and the Baltic regions, for instance, were to be granted autonomy. This lack of clarity was most likely intended to render the organization palatable both to Great Russians and to minorities, most notably Ukrainians and Baltic Germans who came from the margins of the former Russian Empire.

Aufbau closely controlled its membership, which tended to be wealthy, and the organization carried out its activities in a strictly conspiratorial manner. Aufbau sought fiercely determined anti-Bolshevik Germans and White emigres, notably Russians, Ukrainians, and Baltic Germans, as ordinary members. Interested people of other nationalities could join as extraordinary members if they could demonstrate their commitment to furthering Aufbau's goals of far right German-Russian collaboration. Ordinary members had to pay 100,000 marks upon admission into the association and 20,000 marks in annual dues, whereas extraordinary members had to disburse 10,000 marks to enter the organization and had to contribute 50,000 marks annually. Aufbau's leaders carefully checked the background of prospective associates and could accept or reject applicants without offering any explanation for their decision. Aufbau's organizational work was carried out in complete secrecy. [74]

The former Tsarist general Aleksandr von Lampe observed the genesis of Aufbau. As a moderate monarchist, a sympathizer with the Entente, and a man who disapproved of what he termed Fedor Vinberg's "hysterical cries," Lampe regarded the decidedly pro-German Aufbau suspiciously. [75] He noted in his extensive Russian diary that Aufbau professed the official goal of establishing waterway trading and industrial relations with southern Russia (the Ukraine) after the overthrow of Soviet power. He also wrote of Aufbau's unofficial goals, most notably to bring about the rapprochement of right-wing German and White emigre circles to reestablish monarchical regimes in Germany and Russia and to defeat "Jewish dominance." [76]

Hitler developed close ties with Scheubner-Richter's Aufbau early on. In the course of November 1920, Hitler met Scheubner-Richter through the agency of Rosenberg. This meeting initiated an intense period of collaboration between the volkisch leaders, both of whom came from outside Germany's borders. [77] Hitler demonstrated his agreement with Aufbau's anti-Bolshevik, anti-Semitic views in a November 19, 1920 speech. He argued that the Soviet Union was an agrarian state, but it could not even feed its own people "as long as the Bolsheviks govern under Jewish rule." He stressed that the Jews were in control in Moscow, Vienna, and Berlin, and he argued, '''There can be no talk of reconstruction" because of the fact that the Jews, as servants of international capital, "sell us Germans." [78] Scheubner-Richter heard Hitler speak publicly for the first time a few days later, on November 22, 1920, [79] Impressed with the experience, he joined the National Socialist Party soon after. [80] From this time on, the fortunes of Aufbau and the National Socialist movement become ever more closely entwined.

While alliance with Hitler's National Socialists furthered Aufbau's cause, Scheubner-Richter had to overcome a serious setback during his early direction of the conspiratorial right-wing organization. During the initial period of Aufbau's anti-Bolshevik activities, he placed significant hopes on General Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces. He counted on the complete fulfillment of the agreement that he had concluded with Vrangel for close military and economic cooperation. Expectations of sizeable support from Vrangel's forces in the Crimea nevertheless disappeared early on. The Red Army routed Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces in the course of late November 1920. Vrangel's men evacuated the Crimea in order to escape death or incarceration at the hands of the victorious Bolshevik forces. [81] After his defeat, Vrangel stressed that he had fought against the "fundamental causes of the destruction that threatens the entire world." [82]

In a November 1921 article in the Volkisch Observer, "Jewish Bolshevism," Aufbau member and National Socialist ideologue Rosenberg asserted: "Vrangel was left in the lurch by the French, just as Iudenich was by England." As we have seen, the English fleet had stopped covering General Nikolai Iudenich's advance on Petrograd in 1919 in order to fire on Colonel Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army. Rosenberg claimed that in the span of seven months, Vrangel's forces had only received three shipments of antiquated French military supplies. In return, the French had taken great amounts of grain. He also complained that the '''French' military mission" to Vrangel was composed of seven Jews and only three Gentiles. He concluded, "The Russian generals were supported only as long as they did not have dominance over the Red Army, just long enough to be able to pursue the process of tearing the Russian people to pieces with the greatest success." [83] Rosenberg's hatred of the Entente found great resonance in volkisch German and White emigre circles.

After Vrangel's anti-Bolshevik undertaking in the Crimea collapsed, Scheubner-Richter had to concentrate on using volkisch Germans and White emigres centered in Bavaria to build Aufbau into a powerful conspiratorial organization. He regarded White emigres in Germany from whom he drew support as "pro-German and pro-culture." [84] Through Aufbau, he sought to undermine socialists in Germany and the Bolshevik regime, both of which he regarded as under the control of Jews. He acted as the de facto leader of Aufbau, though officially he only held the post of first secretary of the organization. He could devote himself completely to directing right-wing German and White emigre elements for conspiratorial undertakings, for he possessed considerable personal wealth that he had acquired through his marriage into the German nobility.

Scheubner-Richter won over Baron Theodor von Cramer-Klett to serve as Aufbau's official president. Cramer-Klett was a fantastically wealthy individual with vast industrial enterprises and agricultural lands who possessed many connections to high places in Germany and abroad. [85] He proved Aufbau's most important German financial contributor. He placed large sums of money at the organization's disposal in return for future concessions in a planned independent nationalist Ukrainian state. He received particularly large funds for Aufbau from the German company Mannesmann. Cramer-Klett was allied with General Ludendorff through marriage. Moreover, he maintained a dose friendship with Prince Ruprecht von Wittelsbach of Bavaria, whom Scheubner-Richter initially envisioned as the future German Kaiser. [86]

While Cramer-Klett officially led Aufbau by virtue of his wealth and connections, General Biskupskii served as Scheubner-Richter's truly indispensable collaborator in the association. [87] Biskupskii held the post of vice president. He brought valuable military and financial clout to the organization. He used his proud martial bearing and his elegant military costumes to ingratiate himself in the higher echelons of Bavarian society. His considerable intellect, adroitness, versatility, and language abilities allowed him to secure a leading role in the White emigre community in Munich. He also used his social skills to establish relations between Aufbau and leading aristocrats, landowners, industrialists, and military officers in Bavaria. [88] Biskupskii gradually developed a dose relationship with Hitler himself. [89]

At the time of Aufbau's foundation in late 1920, Biskupskii led the Pan-Russian People's Military League, which sought to establish a popular federal monarchy on the territory of the former Russian Empire. Each segment of the confederation, such as the Ukraine and the Baltic region, was to enjoy substantial autonomy, initially under dictatorial military leaders. The organization used the mottos: "Federal monarchy," "The land to the people as property," "Power to the Tsar," and "Tsar and people." Biskupskii thus did not pursue purely "reactionary" political goals. He promised peripheral peoples substantial autonomy in a new Russian confederation. Moreover, realizing the popularity of Bolshevik land reforms among the peasants, he sought to win support for a new Russian monarchy by pledging to respect peasant land ownership.

Although the German Foreign Office consistently collaborated with the Bolshevik regime, a Foreign Office report from early November 1920 asserted that Biskupskii was

the right personality to lead the intended [anti-Bolshevik military] action to a fortunate solution. B[iskupskii] is clever, energetic, adroit, without political prejudices, and has a name that is in no way politically handicapped. For this last reason, B[iskupskii] also will not run into resistance on principle among any Russian group. A special advantage of General B[iskupskii]'s is the correct recognition of the ideas that always take root in the consciousness of the Russian people. At that time, Lenin also only attained victory since he correctly assessed the people's psyche at the given moment. [90]


Scheubner-Richter sought to transfer the German Foreign Office's positive assessment of Biskupskii personally into material support for Aufbau's anti-Bolshevik cause. He submitted a report to the Foreign Office in December 1920 which suggested that, while the agency's representatives officially had to deal with the Soviet Union, they should secretly support the White emigre activities that Aufbau coordinated. [91] The Foreign Office did not support Aufbau's endeavors, however. Instead, it maintained its fundamentally pro-Soviet stance. Scheubner-Richter became increasingly irate at the Foreign Office's close relations with Soviet leadership. [92]

While Aufbau failed to gain the support it desired from the German Foreign Office, the organization did attain considerable prestige by winning over General Ludendorff, who had been Germany's most valuable military strategist during World War I and a driving force behind the Kapp Putsch. Biskupskii established a close relationship with Ludendorff and helped to gain him for Aufbau's cause. [93] Scheubner-Richter had long enjoyed Ludendorff's patronage, and he also played an important role in winning the general for Aufbau. [94] Ludendorff found Aufbau with its marked anti-Bolshevism and bold solutions to the "Eastern question" appealing. Scheubner-Richter introduced Ludendorff to Hitler in the framework of Aufbau in March 1921. Aufbau's de facto leader thereby initiated a political collaboration that culminated in the Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch of November 1923. [95]

Ludendorff contributed significantly to Hitler's militaristic Weltanschauung. In 1921, the general released a book, Kriegsfohrung und Politik (War Leadership and Politics). In this work, he claimed along the lines of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion: "The supreme government of the Jewish people was working hand in hand with France and England. Perhaps it was leading them both." He further stressed that peace was only a period of preparation for war. War brought "front-line socialism" that stabilized a warrior community whose energies were directed outwards. [96] Hitler later claimed that Ludendorff's book "clearly pointed out where it was practical to search [for the mistakes of the past and the possibilities for the future] in Germany." [97]
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

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Part 2 of 2

Another important collaborator in Aufbau was Arno Schickedanz, Scheubner-Richter's former Rubonia Fraternity brother in Riga, a veteran of the 1919 Latvian Intervention, and an enthusiastic National Socialist. [98] Schickedanz served as Aufbau's deputy director and also acted as Vice President Biskupskii's secretary. [99] Scheubner-Richter, Biskupskii, and Schickedanz ran Aufbau's daily affairs as a triumvirate. They alone had desks in Aufbau's main office. [100] Schickedanz also helped Scheubner-Richter to publish the organization's official weekly, which was originally titled Aufbau: Zeitschrift fur wirtschafts-politische Fragen Ost-Europas (Reconstruction: Journal for Economic-Political Questions of Eastern Europe). Scheubner-Richter soon renamed the newspaper Wirtschafts-politische Aufbau-Korrespondenz uber Ostfragen und ihre Bedeutung for Deutschland (Economic-Political Reconstruction Correspondence on Eastern Questions and Their Significance for Germany). [101] Many Aufbau Correspondence editions were subsequently preserved in the NSDAP Archives. [102]

In addition to Schickedanz, Aufbau and Hitler's NSDAP shared several other common members. Hitler's close colleague from World War I, National Socialist Party Secretary Max Amann, also served as Aufbau's second secretary. [103] Amann worked in tandem with Scheubner-Richter to handle Aufbau's financial and organizational affairs. [104] Moreover, Scheubner-Richter and Schickedanz's Rubonia Fraternity colleagues Rosenberg and Otto von Kursell, who both collaborated with Hitler's early mentor Dietrich Eckart, served as prominent members of both Aufbau and the National Socialist Party. [105] In addition to participating in Aufbau's activities, Rosenberg acted as the primary National Socialist ideologue after Hitler himself.

Kursell worked closely with Scheubner-Richter in Aufbau, much as he had earlier collaborated with him during the German occupation of the Baltic region. In the early 1930s, Kursell stressed that while he had not officially joined the National Socialist Party until 1922, he had begun working in the vanguard of the movement in 1919 through his cooperation with Scheubner-Richter, Eckart, and Rosenberg. [106] Kursell also served as the vice president of the Munich branch of the Baltenverband {Baltic League). [107] The Baltic League's Munich subdivision originally had roughly forty-five members, but it achieved a membership of 530 by 1923. [108] The Baltic League possessed approximately 2,200 members nationally in 1920. [109] Baltic League leadership regarded Bolshevism as the "tyranny of a small clique consisting mostly of Jewish elements that wishes to prepare a springboard from which to extend its rule over Europe." [110] Kursell regarded Aufbau as a suitable tool for struggle against what he regarded as the Jewish Bolshevik threat.

While the virulently anti-Bolshevik Aufbau vaguely promoted the return of the monarchy to a future Russian confederation, the association strongly represented nationalist Ukrainian interests. As the Bolsheviks consolidated their power in the Ukraine during the Russian Civil War, the most important Ukrainian emigre community arose in Germany. [111] Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, who had collaborated with German armed forces during their occupation of the Ukraine during World War I, joined Aufbau in 1921 after coming to Munich from Berlin. [112] He led the Ukrainian faction of Aufbau, and he worked to expand his military league dedicated to Ukrainian independence, the Ukrainian Cossack Organization, [113] He even held detailed negotiations with rightist officers in Bavaria in March 1921. [114] Moreover, Nemirovich-Danchenko, General Piotr Vrangel's former press chief on the Crimean Peninsula, joined Aufbau, where he acted as an expert on Ukrainian affairs. [115]

Other prominent White emigre Aufbau members included the comrades Colonel Vinberg, Lieutenant Shabelskii-Bork, and Lieutenant Taboritskii. These exiles had collaborated on the far right newspaper The Call in Berlin, had transferred The Protocols of the Elders of Zion to Ludwig Muller von Hausen for translation into German in 1919, and had supported the Kapp Putsch in 1920. Vinberg served as a leading Aufbau ideologue. He ultimately engaged in lengthy theoretical discussions with Hitler himself. [116] Vinberg's close colleagues Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii became infamous for their attempted assassination of the exiled Russian Constitutional Democratic leader Pavel Miliukov. This Aufbau-led assassination attempt formed one of a string of acts of political terrorism that rocked the early Weimar Republic.

Some White emigre Aufbau members possessed valuable American connections. Colonel Boris Brazol resided in New York, where he played a leading role in the Russkoe natsionalnoe obschestvo (Russian National Society). [117] This organization supported Grand Prince Kirill Romanov's candidacy for Tsar. [118] As we shall see, Aufbau increasingly backed Kirill for Tsar. Brazol also worked on the staff of the American industrialist and politician Henry Ford's anti-Semitic newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. In particular, Brazol provided information on the "Jewish question." [119] Scheubner-Richter praised Brazol as "one of the leading personalities in the Russian emigre circles of America." [120] Brazol also spent much time in Munich, though he was not officially registered there. He collaborated with Scheubner-Richter and furthered Aufbau's cause by writing anti-Semitic literature. [121]

At least two other White emigre Aufbau members possessed important American ties. General Biskupskii's cousin Vladimir Keppen received a $500,000 fortune from a parent in America, and he put much of this money at Aufbau's disposal. [122] General Konstantin Sakharov also possessed connections with America. After making a name for himself as an extraordinarily capable Tsarist officer, he had served as the chief of the General Staff of General Aleksandr Kolchak's White army in Siberia during the Russian Civil War. [123] From Siberia, he had maintained relations with the German General Staff. [124] After the Bolsheviks had captured and executed General Kolchak, Sakharov had led the remains of the latter's White army over Lake Baikal into the Russian Far East. [125] Sakharov had tried to travel to Europe as a representative of the White cause, but the Entente had refused to allow him entry because of his pro-German views. He had left for America instead. [126] He arrived in Munich from America in 1921 and immediately joined Aufbau. "[127]

Two influential Germans played important roles in Aufbau. Ludendorff's political advisor and Kapp Putsch co-conspirator Colonel Bauer joined Aufbau along with the general. [128] Dr. A. Glaser, a Reichstag (Parliament) member, served as Aufbau's second vice president. In 1919 and 1920, before Aufbau's establishment, he had edited a right-wing newspaper: Aufbau, Bayerischer Zeitungskorrespondenz fur nationalen und wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau (Reconstruction, Bavarian Newspaper Correspondence for National and Economic Reconstruction).

Available records do not indicate whether Hitler's mentor Eckart officially belonged to Aufbau, but it is clear that he worked closely with the Aufbau members Rosenberg and Kursell, and he knew of me organization's activities. As we have seen, Eckart collaborated directly with Rosenberg and Kursell in the framework of the volkisch newspaper Auf gut deutsch (In Plain German). An article in the November 1920 edition of In Plain German indicates that Eckart cultivated close relations with Scheubner-Richter as well.

In his essay '''Jewry uber alles'" ("'Jewry above Everything"'), Eckart related a long discussion that he had held with a "friend" who had recently returned from the Crimean Peninsula, where he had led a "certain mission" under the "greatest difficulties." Eckart noted mat General Vrangel's forces had still not collapsed at the time mat he had spoken with his "friend." His comrade had told him mat me English and French officers in the Crimea were almost all Jews, whereas Vrangel's officers and the majority of his soldiers were "full of indignation" at the Jews. [129] This article demonstrates that Eckart and Scheubner-Richter held detailed political conversations of an anti-Semitic nature at an early date.

Other figures in Aufbau cannot be identified with certainty since the organization's leadership sought to keep its membership secret. [130] Moreover, documentation is lacking. The State Commissioner for the Supervision of Public Order file dedicated specifically to Aufbau that could shed light on Aufbau's membership is most likely held under wraps in Moscow at me Sluzhba vneshnoi razvetki (Foreign Intelligence Service), a successor organization to the Komitet gosudarstvennoi bezopasnosti (State Security Committee, KGB). If so, this valuable document is inaccessible to historians and will remain so indefinitely.

Aufbau's fortunes improved in the spring of 1921, when the organization gained many valuable new members. In late April 1921, Scheubner-Richter attended a general meeting of the Deutsch-Russische Gesellschaft (German-Russian Society). This organization sought to achieve "cultural understanding" between Germany, including German Austria, and the "coming Russia." Scheubner-Richter stressed that the association should become part of Aufbau. The German-Russian Society renamed itself Erneuerung: neue deutsch-russische Gesellschaft (Renewal: New German-Russian Society). [131] It officially became a subsection of Aufbau on May 1, 1921. [132] Renewal's statutes stressed that all nationalist Germans and Russians could join the organization. All leading pro-German White emigre monarchists in Munich joined Renewal, bringing its total membership in May to approximately 150 members. [133] Renewal eventually advertised in the pages of the National Socialist newspaper the Volkisch Observer. [134]

In the context of Renewal, Scheubner-Richter gained a valuable connection with Grand Prince Kirill Romanov, a claimant to the Tsarist throne for Aufbau. Kirill displayed marked pro-German sympathies. His mother was the Duchess of Mecklenburg, and he had grown up in constant contact with German teachers and relatives. [135] His wife, Grand Princess Viktoria Romanov, was the daughter of Duke Alfred of Saxe-Coburg and the granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England. [136] Viktoria was a strong-willed and energetic woman who overshadowed her somewhat staid husband. [137] Scheubner-Richter arranged for her to serve as Renewal's honorary president. [138] Renewal's parent organization Aufbau increasingly benefited from financial assistance and prestige emanating from its association with the Russian throne claimants Kirill and Viktoria. In return, Aufbau supported Kirill's bid to become Tsar.

CONCLUSION

After the Kapp Putsch collapsed in Berlin in March 1920, Munich rose to become the new hub of volkisch German-White emigre alliance. Former nationalist German and White emigre Kapp Putsch conspirators, notably General Erich von Ludendorff, his advisor Colonel Karl Bauer, Max von Scheubner-Richter, and Vladimir Biskupskii, did not waste time in setting up fresh intrigues from their new base in Bavaria. With the backing of Bavarian industrialists, they sent a mission under Scheubner-Richter to the Crimea to establish economic and military relations with General Piotr Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces, which were based there. Scheubner-Richter's delegation gained the desired terms of mutual support, but this alliance proved brief, as the Red Army soon overran the Crimean Peninsula. Nonetheless, this short-lived German-White emigre/White connection inspired the creation of Aufbau, a secretive organization based in Munich that sought to collect volkisch Germans and White emigres for joint action against the Weimar Republic and Bolshevik Russia.

With Aufbau's consolidation as a powerful conspiratorial force composed of volkisch Germans and White emigres who backed the Tsarist candidate Grand Prince Kirill Romanov in the first half of 1921, far right German-White emigre collaboration recovered from the low point that it had reached with the embarrassing failure of the Kapp Putsch. Aufbau's rise to prominence in far right Bavarian politics marked the resurgence of the combined German/White emigre radical right in Germany, with Bavaria instead of East-Elbian Prussia serving as the center of volkisch German-White emigre partnership.

Aufbau supported Hitler's National Socialist Party from the beginning. Several of Aufbau's members belonged to the NSDAP, including four colleagues from the Rubonia Fraternity in Riga in Imperial Russia: Scheubner-Richter, Alfred Rosenberg, Arno Schickedanz, and Otto von Kursell. Other Aufbau White emigres supported rhe National Socialist Party though they did not belong to it, including Biskupskii, Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, Fedor Vinberg, Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, Sergei Taboritskii, and Konstantin Sakharov. The German Max Amann served both as Aufbau's second secretary and as National Socialist Party secretary. Scheubner-Richter also brought the volkisch leaders Hitler and Ludendorff together in the framework of Aufbau, thereby starting a political alliance that was to have fateful consequences for the National Socialist Party, as Hitler and Ludendorff led a doomed putsch against the Weimar Republic along with Scheubner-Richter in November 1923.

Under the direction of Scheubner-Richter, a prominent National Socialist, Aufbau was poised to exert ever-increasing influence over the domestic and foreign policies of Hitler's fledgling National Socialist Party as of 1921. Aufbau guided a common National Socialist/White emigre crusade against the Weimar Republic and the Soviet Union. As we shall see, while Aufbau convinced Hitler of the necessity for an alliance of nationalist Germans and Russians, the conspiratorial organization could not overcome internecine struggle among White emigres in Germany to forge a united German/White emigre anti-Semitic and anti-Bolshevik front.

_______________

Notes:

1 Karl Schlogel, Der grosse Exodus: Die Russische Emigration und ihre Zentren 1917 bis 1941 (Munich:  C. H. Beck, 1994), 251.
 
2 Heinrich Class, Wider den Strom, vol. 2, BAK, Kleine Erwerbung 499, 737.
 
3 Werner Maser, Der Sturm auf die Republik: Fruhgeschichte der NSDAP (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt,  1973), 280.
 
4 Alfred Rosenberg, Memoirs, KR, BAB, NS 8, number 20, 25, 27.
 
5 Class, Wider den Strom, vol. 2, BAK, Kleine Erwerbung 499, 738.
 
6 RKUoO report from September 14, 1921, BAS, 1507, number 568, 26, 27.
 
7 Letter from Wolfgang Kapp to Erich von Ludendorff from September 25, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur  92, number 839, 6.
 
8 Hermann Ehrhardt, Deutschlands Zukunft: Aufgaben und Ziele (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1921),  BHSAM, Sammlung Personen, number 3678, 1, 34, 36.
 
9 Letter from Ludwig von Knorring to the RKUoO from December 28, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond  772, opis 2, delo 179, 69.
 
10 Robert Williams, Culture in Exile: Russian Emigres in Germany, 1881-1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University  Press, 1972), 98, 165; PDM report to the SSMI from March 30, 1922, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number  71624, fiche 3, 78; Fedor Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMl 22, number 71624,  fiche 4, 4.
 
11 Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, "Uber Mein Leben," March 1926, GSAPKB, Repositur 84a, number 14953,  110.
 
12 Baue, Die russische Kolonie in Munchen, 1900-1945: Deutsch-russische Beziehungen im 20. Jahrhundert  (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998), 204, 205.
 
13 Josefine Trausenecker's testimony included in a PDM report to the BSMI from March 30, 1922,  BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 13.
 
14 Baur, "Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offentlichkeit," Bayern und Osteuropa: Aus der  Geschichte der Beziehungen Bayerns, Frankens und Schwabem mit Russfand der Ukraine, und Weiss-russland, ed. Hermann Beyer-Thoma (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000), 462, 463, 471; Henri  Rollin, L'Apocalypse de notre temps: Les dessous de la prapagande allemande d'apres des documents inedits  (Paris: Gallimard, 1939), 168.
 
15 MMFP report from October 12, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1703, opis 1, delo 350, reel 3, 277.
 
16 Rafael Ganelin, "Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo i germanskii natsional-sotsializm," Natsionalnaia  pravaia prezhde i teper, Istorika-sotsiologicheskie ocherki, chast I: Rossiia i russkoe zarubezhe (Saint  Petersburg: Institut Sotsiologii rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 1992), 140.
 
17 AA report from November 4, 1920, PAM, 83578, 2.
 
18 RKuoO report from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 20.
 
19 LGPO report to the RKUoO from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3,  delo 71, 8.
 
20 LGPO report to the RKUoO from August 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539,  17, 19, 20.
 
21 DB reports from June 13, 1922 and October 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel  3, 240; reel 2, 200.
 
22 RKUoO report from June 17, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 21V; LGPO report  to the RKUoO from August 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 20.
 
23 RKUoO reports from January 29, 1923 and April 27, 1928, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo  539,34; opis 1, delo 108, 25; LGPO report to the RKUoO from August 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),  fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 20.
 
24 LGPO report to the RKUoO from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  96, 48.
 
25 LGPO report from October 27, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 4, 303; RKUoO  report from January 29, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 34.
 
26 DB report from December 15, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 2, 140; [FZO]  report from October 15, 1920, MMFP, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 2, delo 1031, reel 2, 73.
 
27 DB report from July 17, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 1255, reel 3, 220; RKUoO  report from June 17, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 21V.
 
28 DB reports from July 17 and 21, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 1255, reel 3, 220; opis  2, delo 2575, reel 4, 341.
 
29 RKUoO report from January 29, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 34; DB report  from September 15, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 953, reel 3, 245.
 
30 DB report from September 6, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 3, 253, 254.
 
31 DB reports from September 9, 1920 and March 8, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 1, 99; opis 1, delo 953, reel 2, 117; LGPO report from December 11, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77,  title 1810, number 6, 48.
 
32 LGPO report from December 11, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 6, 48; DB report  from September 9, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel I, 99.
 
33 LGPO reports from August 20 and October 18, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur77, title 1810, number 4,  111, 330, 331.
 
34 DDVL report to the AA from October 31, 1920, PAM, 83379, 112 ob; Aleksandr von Lampe, Dnevnik  (Diary), Berlin, August 4, 1920, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 3, 899.
 
35 Georgii Nemirovjch-Danchenko, V Krymu pri Vrangele: Fakty i itogi (Berlin: Oldenburg, 1922), 41.
 
36 Dienstaltersliste der Schutzstaffel der NSDAP (SS-Oberstunnbannfuhrer und SS-Sturmbannfuhrer):  Stand vom 1. Oktober 1944 (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1944), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1372, opis 5,  delo 89, 6.
 
37 Gregor Schwartz-Bostunich, SS-Personalakten, SS-OStubaf, IZG, Fa 74, 1.
 
38 Michael Hagemeister, "Das Leben des Gregor Schwartz-Bostunich, Teil 2,” Russische Emigration in  Deutschland 1918 bis 1941: Leben im europaischen Burgerkrieg, ed. Karl Schlogel (Berlin: Akademie,  1995), 209; Schwartz-Bostunich, SS-Personalakten, SS-OStubaf, IZG, Fa 74, 1, 2.
 
39 SG report from August 1, 1939, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond I, opis 14, delo 3242, 2; letter from  Nemirovich-Danchenko to Count Iurii Pavlovich from February 7, 1928, RSHA, RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 500, opis 1, delo 452, 28.
 
40 Nemirovich-Danchenko, V Krymu pri Vrangele, 32.
 
41 Laqueur, Russia and Germany: A Century of Conflict (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), 107.
 
42 Nemirovich-Danchenko, V Krymu pri Vrangele, 33, 41, 42.
 
43 DB report from July 17, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 1255, reel 3, 220.
 
44 DB reports from September 9 and October 10, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 1, 21, 99.
 
45 LGPO report from December 11, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 6, 48.
 
46 DB reports from September 9 and October 10, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel I, 21, 99; Otto von Kursell, "Dr. Ing. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter zum Gedachtnis," ed.  Henrik Fischer (Munich, 1969), 20.
 
47 DB reports from July 21 and September 30, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel  4, 336, 341.
 
48 DB report from October 10, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 1, 21.
 
49 RKUoO report from January 29, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 34.
 
50 DB reports from August 25, 1920 and October 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 1, 26; reel 2, 200, 201.
 
51 RKUoO report from January 29, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 539, 35.
 
52 DB report from January 10, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 332.
 
53 Nemirovich-Danchenko, V Krymu pri Vrangele, 81.
 
54 AA report from December 15, 1920, PAAA, 83379, 256.
 
55 Max von Scheubner-Richter, "Im Eilmarsch zum Abgrund!" Wirtschafts-politische Aufbau-Korrespondenz  uber Ostfragen und ihre Bedeutung fur Deutschland, July 26, 1922, 4.
 
56 "In der Krim bei Wrangel,” Aufbau-Korrespondenz, April 19, 1923, 4; Nemirovich-Danchenko, V  Krymu pri Vrangele, 79, 80.
 
57 DB report from September 6, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 3, 254.
 
58 Nemirovich-Danchenko, V Krymu pri Vrangele, 81.
 
59 DDVL report to the AA from October 31, 1920, PAAA, 83379, 112 ob.
 
60 LGPO report from August 1, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 4, 66.
 
61 MMFP report from September 24, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1703, opis 1, delo 440, reel 2, 88.
 
62 LGPO report from October 8, 1920, GSAPK, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 4, 240.
 
63 Ganelin, "Beloe dvizhenie i 'Protokoly sionskikh mudretsov,'" Natsionalnaia pravaia, 127; ATsVO  report from August 1921, GAAF, fond 5893, opis 1, delo 39, 4.
 
64 Ivan Rodionov, "Opfer des Wahnsinns,” Volkischer Beobachter, October 2-November 9, 1923.
 
65 LGPO report from October 10, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77. title 1810, number 4, 261.
 
66 MMFP report from October 12, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1703, opis 1, delo 350, reel 3, 277;  DB report to the EMMF from November 18, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 3, 269.
 
67 MMFH report to the DB from October 25, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 17, delo 203,  reel 2, 160.
 
68 DDVL report to the AA from October 31, 1920, PAAA, 83379, 112 ob.
 
69 MMFH reports to the DB from October 30 and November I, 1920, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 198,  opis 17, delo 203, reel 3, 173, 185.
 
70 LGPO report from October 27, 1920, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1810, number 4, 303, 304.
 
71 Scheubner-Richter, ''Abriss des Lebens- und Bildungsganges von Dr. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter,"  sent to Walther Nicolai in April 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 1414, opis 1, delo 21, 231;  DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 156, 157.
 
72 Baur, Die russische Kolonie in Munchen, 253.
 
73 ''Auszug aus den Satzungen," Aufbau: Zeitschrift fur wirtschafts-politische Fragen Ost-Europas, Number  2/3, August 1921, RKUoO, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 498.
 
74 DB reports from November 11, 1922 and July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876,  reel 4, 367, 368, 378.
 
75 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, August 26, 1920, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 3, reel 1, 921;  MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 2, 131.
 
76 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, June 5, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 11, reel 3, 4851/190.
 
77 Paul Leverkuhn, Posten auf ewiger Witche: Am dem abenteurreichen Leben des Max von Scheubner-Richter (Essen: Essener Verlagsansralt, 1938), 191.
 
78 Adolf Hitler, speech on November 19, 1920 as reported by the PDM, BSAM, POM, number 6698,  256.
 
79 Leverkuhn, Posten auf ewiger Witche, 191.
 
80 Williams, Culture in Exile, 167.
 
81 Bruno Thoss, Der Ludendorff-Kreis 1919-1923: Munchen als Zentrum der mitteleuropaischen Gegen-  revolution zwischen Revolution und Hitler-Putsch (Munich: Stadtarchiv MUnchen, 1978), 401.
 
82 W. Dawatz, Funf Sturmjahre mit General Wrangel, trans. Georg von Leuchtenberg (Berlin: Verlag  fur Kulturpolitik, 1927), iii.
 
83 Rosenberg, "Der judische Bolschewismus," Volkischer Beobachter, November 26, 1921, 1, 2.
 
84 Max von Scheubner-Richter, "Dem Bolschewismus entgegen," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, September  9, 1921, 1.
 
85 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876. reel 4, 366; Max Hildebert Boehm, "Baltische Einflusse auf die Anfange des Nationalsozialismus," Jahrbuch des baltischen Deutschtums, 1967, 59; Baue, Die russische Kolonie in Munchen, 258.
 
86 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 366; Karsten Bruggemann, "Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter (1884-1923) - der 'Fuhrer der Fuhrers'?" Deutschbalten, Weimarer Republik und Drittes Reich, ed. Michael Garleff (Cologne: Bohlau Verlag, 2001), 129; Boehm, "Baltische Einflusse," 60.
 
87 DB reports from November 11, 1922 and July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis, delo 386, reel 2, 157; delo 876, reel 4, 367.
 
88 DB report from November 4, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 371; report from Stuttgart [Baron von Delingshausen?] to the RKUoO from July 11, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 222.
 
89 Ganelin, "Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo i germanskii national-sotsializm," 143.
 
90 AA report from November 4, 1920, PAAA, 83578, 3-5.
 
91 AA report from December 15, 1920, PAAA, 83379, 256.
 
92 Scheubner-Richter, “Zum funften Jahrestag der Revolution," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, November 9,  1923, 1.
 
93 DB reports from November 4 and 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 371;  delo 386, reel 2, 157.
 
94 Boehm, "Baltische Einflusse," 59, 60.
 
95 Nicolai's commentary on his article "Ludendorff” from April 9, 1921, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 19, 125, 126.
 
96 Quoted from Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth of the Jewish World-Conspiracy and  the ''Protocols of the Elders of Zion " (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1981), 134.
 
97 Quoted from Thoss, Der Ludendorff-Kreis, 8.
 
98 RKUoO report from April 25, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 55.
 
99 Baur, Die russische Kolonie in Munchen, 259; RKUo0 report from April 25, 1924, (TsKhIDK),fond  772, opis 3, delo 81a, 55.
 
100 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 369.
 
101 Leverkuhn, Posten auf ewiger Wache, 185.
 
102 Aufbau-Korrespondenz editions are preserved in the NSDAPHA, BAB, NS 26, number 1263.
 
103 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 367.
 
104 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  96, 62.
 
105 Nicolai's commentary on his article "Ludendorff" from April 9, 1921, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 19, 125.
 
106 Wolfgang Frank, "Professor Otto v. Kursell: Wie ich den Fuhrer zeichnete," Hamburger Illustrierte,  March 6, 1934, BHSAM, Sammlung Personen, number 7440, 12.
 
107 Protocol of a Baltenverband leadership meeting on March 24, 1920, BAB, 8012, number 4, 284.
 
108 Membership list of the Baltenverband from October 1921, BAB, 8012, number 9, 53; letter from  the Baltenverband Gau Munchen to the Baltenverband headquarters in Berlin from October 25,  1923, BAB, 8012, number 11, 88.
 
109 Protocol of a Gau Neubrandenburg Baltenverband meeting on October 4, 1920, BAB, 8012, number 7, 59.
 
110 Speech of Landrat A. v. Oettingen at a Baltenverband meeting on October 15, 1920, BAB, 8012,  number 2, 128.
 
111 RKUoO report from December 4, 1925, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 101, 2.
 
112 PDM report to the RKUoO from September 14, 1926, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  101, 22.
 
113 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 366; Horbaniuk,  "Zur ukrainischen Fuhrerfrage," 1926, RKUoO, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 105b, 5.
 
114 RKUoO report from July 20, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 151.
 
115 DB report from May 15, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 954, reel 1, 55.
 
116 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 160.
 
117 Letter from Muller to the Gestapo from July 12, 1938, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 500, opis 1, delo 677, 1.
 
118 ROVS report from 1925, GARF, fond 5826, opis 1, delo 123, 301.
 
119 James and Suzanne Pool, Hitler’s Wegbereiter zur Macht, trans. Hans Thomas (New York: The Dial Press, 1978), 105.
 
120 Scheubner-Richter, "Furst Lwow, der Expremier-als Defraudant," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, October 27, 1921,4.
 
121 Letter from Muller to Heinrich Himmler from August 29, 1938, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 500, opis 1, delo 677, 3.
 
122 Vladimir Biskupskii's subpoena from March 11, 1930, APA, BAB, NS 43, number 35, 129; DB report from June 18, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 3, 233.
 
123 RMI report to the AA from June 9, 1931, PAAA, 31665, 136; letter from Wagner, Federal Chancellor of the Steel Helmet, to Duesterberg from January 20, 1931, BAB, 72, number 261, 24.
 
124 SG report from March 11, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1, opis 18, delo 2381, 2.
 
125 HSKPA report to the APA/AO from November 22, 1937, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1358, opis 2, delo 643, 125.
 
126 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, November 17, 18, 1922, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 9, reel 2, 3343.
 
127 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 157.
 
128 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 163.
 
129 Dietrich Eckart, "'Jewry uber alles,'" Aufgut deutsch: Wochenschrift fur Ordnung und Recht, November 26, 1920.
 
130 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 367.
 
131 Article from the Munchner Neueste Nachrichten from May 10, 1921, RMI, BAB, 1501, number 14139,  9.
 
132 Schlogel, Katharina Kucher, Bernhard Suchy, and Gregor Thurn, Chronik russischen Lebens in  Deutschland 1918-1941 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1999), 23.
 
133 Letter from Knorring to the RKUoO from October 18, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 196; article from the Munchner Neueste Nachrichten from May 10,1921, RMI, BAS, 1501,  number 14139, 9.
 
134 "Erneuerung," Volkischer Beobachter, May 4, 1923, 4.
 
135 Pool, Hitler’s Wegbereiter zur Macht, 60.
 
136 Report from Stuttgart [Baron von Delingshausen?] to the RKUoO from July 11, 1923, RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 222; Pool, Hitler’s Wegbereiter zur Macht, 60.
 
137 Nicolai's commentary on his letter to Ludendorff from February 18, 1922, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 14.14, opis 1, delo 20, 171.
 
138 Baur, "Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offentlichkeit," 472.
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

Postby admin » Sat Feb 02, 2019 2:46 am

Part 1 of 2

CHAPTER 5: "German-Russia above everything"

In his memoirs, the influential volkisch leader and former Aufbau member General Erich von Ludendorff complained bitterly that it had proven impossible to combine all White monarchical crosscurrents in Germany into one stream. [1] Ludendorff's assessment of the situation had merit. While Aufbau convinced Hitler of the complementary nature of German and Russian anti-Entente, anti-Weimar Republic, anti-Bolshevik, and anti-Semitic interests, the conspiratorial organization could not consolidate all White emigres in Germany (and beyond) under its leadership to form a common front against the Weimar Republic and "Jewish Bolshevism." White emigres seemed united at the May-June 1921 Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall in Bavaria that Aufbau had organized, but appearances proved deceiving.

In an increasingly acrimonious power struggle, Aufbau and Nikolai Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council, which had been established at the Bad Reichenhall Congress, offered divergent visions of how to overthrow Bolshevism in the course of 1921-1923. Aufbau fostered National Socialist-White emigre collaboration to place Grand Prince Kirill Romanov at the head of a Russian monarchy that would be allied with autonomous Ukrainian and Baltic states. Markov II's Council opposed Aufbau's pro-German designs for reorganizing the East. Despite operating from Berlin, the Council increasingly vehemently backed the Tsarist candidacy of Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov, Kirill's cousin, who lived in Paris and had close ties with the French government. The Supreme Monarchical Council counted on French military assistance in its schemes to topple the Bolshevik regime. The Council favored a Great Russian solution, meaning that the Ukraine and the Baltic region would be subsumed under Russia as they had been in the Russian Empire.

No White emigre-backed invasion of the Soviet Union materialized in the early 1920s, largely because of the jealous rivalries among White emigres in Germany and Europe as a whole. In the end, Aufbau's increasingly bitter struggle against Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council sapped the energy of Germany's White emigre community. Aufbau even contemplated a hazardous tactical alliance with the Red Army to thwart French-led designs to invade the Soviet Union with the support of White emigres who backed Nikolai Nikolaevich for Tsar. This desperate contingency plan demonstrated the fragile nature of the apparent White unity that had been established in 1921 at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall. White emigre discord provided a valuable respite to the still unstable Bolshevik regime.

Hitler's National Socialist Party came down clearly on Aufbau's side in internecine White emigre struggle. Hitler allied himself with Kirill's candidacy for the Tsarist throne in return for Kirill's considerable financial support of the NSDAP. The key Aufbau ideologues Max von Scheubner-Richter, Alfred Rosenberg, Fedor Vinberg, and their volkisch colleague Dietrich Eckart, Hitler's early mentor, provided a theoretical basis for National Socialist-White emigre collaboration against Bolshevism and Jewry in league with Kirill. They emphasized the complementary nature of the Germans and Russians, generally not differentiating between Russians and Ukrainians. They further argued that Jewry consistently undermined the German and Russian peoples. In his early political career, Hitler repeatedly urged nationalist Germans and Russians to cooperate to overthrow what he perceived as "Jewish Bolshevism."

AUFBAU'S CALL FOR A NATIONALIST GERMAN-RUSSIAN ALLIANCE

In the early 1920s, the Aufbau ideologues Rosenberg, Scheubner-Richter, and Vinberg convinced Hitler's mentor Eckart and Hitler himself that nationalist Germans and Russians needed to cooperate to overcome alleged Jewish preponderance in the world. They presented a view of history in which Imperial Germany and the Russian Empire should never have gone to war against each other, but rather should have allied with each other against Britain and France. They argued that insidious Jewish conspirators had pitted the two powerful empires against each other in order to weaken them both, thereby setting the stage for an international Jewish dictatorship. Aufbau's views of the complementary anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic interests of nationalist Germans and Russians (in the broad sense of the term) engendered a surprisingly pro-Russian attitude in Hitler's early ideological views.

While historians often regard the National Socialist ideologue Rosenberg, one of Hitler's early mentors, as thoroughly anti-Russian in his outlook, the Baltic German expressed decidedly pro-Russian sentiments in his early writings. In an April 1919 article in Eckart's newspaper Auf gut deutsch (In Plain German), "Russian and German," Rosenberg drew a favorable parallel between Russians and Germans as found in the attitudes of their "great men" towards the "Jewish question." He mentioned the Russian authors Lev Tolstoi and Fedor Dostoevskii as well as the German philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte as opponents of the alleged Jewish exploitation of others. He noted another similarity between the German and Russian peoples in that "Jewish bands" had caused both to face the "broken structure of their state and culture." [2]

Rosenberg again compared Russians and Germans favorably in his 1920 work Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (The Trail of the Jew through the Ages). He alleged a Jewish "hatred" of all non-Jews, but particularly of the "Russian and German" peoples. He stressed that the Germans had investigated "the inner secret of mankind" more than any other people and therefore constituted "the spiritual antithesis of the Jew." The "Russian soul," for its part, possessed "tones closely related to the German one that, it is true, almost never bring themselves to a synthesis. but stand no less contrasting opposite the tendency of the Jew." [3] Rosenberg's first book thus conceived a basic correspondence between the exalted spiritual natures of the German and Russian peoples as opposed to alleged Jewish shallowness.

In a February 1921 article in Eckart's newspaper In Plain German, Rosenberg wrote in a similarly pro-Russian manner. He urged national Russia to draw from the "old Slavic force that is related to the Germanic one." He asserted: "Right now chaos and force are struggling on the Russian plains from the Gulf of Finland to the mountains of the Caucasus. The future will depend on this decision." Here Rosenberg placed the internal fight against Bolshevism in the very center of world events. Then he offered a highly favorable comparison between Germans and Russians. He claimed, "By nature, through their eternal searching for the light (Faust and the Karamazovs) ... Russians and Germans are the noblest peoples of Europe; ... they will be dependent on each other not only politically, but culturally as well." [4] In his early political career, Rosenberg placed the spiritual and cultural capabilities of Russians only slightly below those of Germans, and he called for nationalist German-Russian collaboration. Rosenberg strongly advocated German-Russian cooperation against international Jewry. In a January 1921 article in In Plain German, he presented a view of history in which Zionist leaders in Imperial Russia had helped to overthrow the Tsar "just at the moment when he thought of making peace with Germany." Rosenberg argued that sinister Jews in league with Freemasons had sown discord between the German and Russian peoples in order to have them "bleed each other to death," thereby clearing the way for an international "Jewish dictatorship." Rosenberg believed that popular knowledge of these Jewish machinations would lead to the creation of a "German-Russian national (that is, anti-Jewish) united block. At this moment Jewry with allied Freemasonry will stand powerless opposite us. This day must and will come.'" In the spirit of Aufbau, Rosenberg envisioned nationalist German-Russian might overcoming the twin evils of Jewry and Freemasonry.

Borrowing from Rosenberg, his highly valued collaborator in In Plain German, Eckart supported nationalist German-Russian cooperation. In a March 1919 article in In Plain German, "Russian Voices," which both he and Rosenberg wrote, Eckart argued, "German politics hardly has another choice than to enter an alliance with a new Russia after the elimination of the Bolshevik regime." [6] In an In Plain German article from February 1920 that warned of the Bolshevik peril, Eckart emphasized: "That Germany and Russia are dependent upon each other is not open to any doubt." He stressed that Germans had to seek connections with the "Russian people" and not with its "current Jewish regime." If Germans worked with this "current Jewish regime" in Russia, then the "lightning inundation of our native country with the entire Bolshevik chaos" would follow. [7] Eckart thus distinguished between nefarious Jewish Bolshevik leaders and the oppressed Russian people, the latter of whom were the natural allies of the Germans.

Eckart's friend Scheubner-Richter, Aufbau's mastermind and ultimately Hitler's closest advisor, advocated nationalist German-Russian partnership in the pages of his Aufbau-Korrespondenz (Aufbau Correspondence). In a July 1922 article, he presented a view of history in which the German and Russian Empires had had complementary interests. He claimed that the empires had possessed "no serious conflict" before World War I. Both states had "soared high above" all other countries and had proved "respected, envied, and, because of their strength, hated." [8] In a later essay, he alleged a plot of the "international Jewish press" working for "Jewish-international Marxism" to pit the two "mutually complementary" states against each other, despite the fact that they had been "naturally dependent upon each other." [9] Scheubner-Richter thus presented Germans and Russians as the primary victims of international Jewish machinations.

Scheubner-Richter remained true to his vision of a nationalist German-Russian alliance to the end, as seen in the last lead editorial that he wrote for Aufbau Correspondence, "On the Fifth Anniversary of the Revolution." This article was released on November 9, 1923, the day that he was fatally shot while marching at Hitler's side in the Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch. In his essay, Scheubner-Richter stressed that Aufbau had always operated on the principle: "The national Germany and the national Russia must find a common path for the future, and ... it is therefore necessary that the volkisch circles of both countries already meet today." [10] Hitler's close collaborator and political advisor thus tirelessly stressed the fundamentally complementary interests of nationalist Germans and Russians up until his death.

Scheubner-Richter's fervently religious Aufbau colleague Vinberg similarly believed in the necessity of nationalist German-Russian collaboration. In March 1922, Vinberg truthfully assured the Munich Police that his "entire literary activities, pamphlets, books, and other writings, culminated in the intention to bring monarchical Russia closer to the Germany of the time, especially to bring the economic and political relations of both countries in line." [1] Like Scheubner-Richter, Vinberg offered a view of history in which the German and Russian Empires had not possessed serious differences with each other. In his 1922 work translated into German as Der Kreuzesweg Russlands (Russias Via Dolorosa), he portrayed the German-Russian conflict on the Eastern Front in World War I as the result of a "Jewish-Masonic policy" directed towards the "carving up and destruction of Russia and Germany."

In another passage in Russia's Via Dolorosa, Vinberg asserted that for "true harmony," the Deutschlandlied (German national anthem) needed "two choirs." those of "two united and allied peoples. the German and the Russian." The song should therefore have its refrain changed from "Germany above everything. above everything in the world" to "Germany-Russia above everything, above everything in the world." He stressed, "Under the chord of this song, both of these peoples will fulfill their true purpose" of engendering "peace on earth, as the Christian Church intends." [12] Vinberg, one of Hitler's close ideological advisors, thus singled out Germans and Russians as chosen peoples destined to bring about the world's salvation. [13]

Aufbau's emphasis on the complementary nature of nationalist Germans and Russians (in the broad sense of the term) in opposition to Jewry strongly influenced Hitler's early views. While he later developed more derogatory views towards Russians, in his notes for an August 192I oration, Hitler placed Russians on the same basic level as Germans. He wrote of "creative working" people with the note, 'Aryans, Germans, Russians." [14] He also expressed a harmonious view of pre-World War I German-Russian relations along the lines of Aufbau thought. He asserted in another August 1921 speech:

The war turned out especially tragic for two countries: Germany and Russia. Instead of entering into a natural alliance with one another, both states concluded sham alliances to their detriment. Thus, Germany had to bleed for an incompetent Austria-Hungary, and Russia had to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for the Entente. [15]


In a similar vein, Hitler asserted in an April 1923 oration that the German and Russian peoples had originally been "friendly towards each other." Moreover, "not the German had a reason" for Imperial Germany's 1914 mobilization against the Russian Empire, "but the Jew." He asserted, "Liberalism, our press, the stock market, and Freemasonry" together represented nothing but "instrument[s] of the Jews" that they had used to stir "hatred of the Russian people among the German people." The Jews had schemed in this manner since they had realized that while they were already "absolute rulers in the other states," there remained

antitheses in only two more states: in Germany and Russia. They knew that as long as a monarch was in existence, the state would not be entirely at the mercy of the parliamentary economy. Thus the Jews became revolutionaries at the moment in which they knew that the revolution would bring the rise of their own power. [16]


Hitler's allegation of a Jewish Dolchstoss (stab in the back) against nationalist Germans and Russians appeared on the front page of a May 1923 edition of Aufbau Correspondence. [17] This prominent location proved a fitting place for his anti-Semitic assertion, given that Aufbau leadership had influenced Hitler's early ideas on the complementary nature of nationalist Germans and Russians in opposition to international Jewry.

In the spirit of Aufbau, Hitler frequently called for nationalist Germans to ally themselves with like-minded Russians against the Jews. In July 1920, even before Aufbau's inception, he stressed, "Our deliverance will never come from the West. We must seek friendship with national, anti-Semitic Russia. Not with the Soviet [one] ... The Jew rules there."" In an August 1921 speech, he stressed that the Germans must give "no support to the Jewish usurpers, in order to help the Russian people finally to freedom."'9 In an April 1922 oration, he called on the "Russian people to shake off their tormentors," meaning the Jews, after which the Germans could get closer to the Russians. [20] While he ordered brutal policies towards Russians during World War II, in his early career, Hitler upheld the fundamental Aufbau goal of securing the cooperation of nationalist Germans and Russians against the alleged international Jewish peril.

Hitler continued to view Germans and Russians as the primary victims of international Jewish plotters after 1923. In his unpublished 1928 sequel to Mein Kampf, he expressed a view of history in which insidious Jewish conspirators had pitted Germans and Russians against each other. He warned of "the Jew's" drive to dominate Europe. As part of this scheme, the Jew "methodically agitates for world war" with the aim of "the destruction of inwardly anti-Semitic. Russia as well as the destruction of the German Empire, which in administration and the army still offered resistance to the Jew." Hitler lamented the partial success of "this Jewish battle aim," noting that both "Tsarism and Kaiserism in Germany were done away with." [21] Even in the late 1920s, Hitler upheld the basic Aufbau philosophy that the Jews concentrated their nefarious actions against two complementary peoples, the Germans and the Russians.

AUFBAU'S ATTEMPT TO UNITE ALL WHITE EMIGRES IN CONCERT WITH HITLER

Aufbau proved less successful in combining all White emigres in Germany (and beyond) under its aegis than in convincing Hitler of the need for German-Russian collaboration against international Jewry. While it never tired of trying, Aufbau could not unite all of Europe's White emigres under its banner. Despite early cooperation, as witnessed at the May-June 1921 Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, Aufbau and Nikolai Markov II's Union of the Faithful drifted further and further apart. Both factions grew increasingly vindictive, and Aufbau even contemplated a perilous tactical alliance with the Red Army to oppose Markov II's pro-French designs to invade Bolshevik Russia. White emigres in 1921-1923 offered a powerful example of the disastrous consequences of engaging in infighting instead of uniting for a common cause.

In the early 1920s, Markov II, the former leader of a faction of the fur right Union of the Russian People in Imperial Russia and the current head of the pro-monarchical Union of the Faithful, wished to unite all White emigres under his leadership. Unlike the solidly pro-German members of Aufbau, Markov II had displayed marked pro-Entente tendencies in the recent past. During the German-White Latvian Intervention under Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov in 1919, he had backed General Nikolai Iudenich in Estonia, who had relied on English support. Markov II had regarded Bermondt-Avalov's Western Volunteer Army with extreme suspicion. He had even claimed that Germany always secretly worked to help the Bolsheviks, intending the Latvian Intervention to dissipate White offensive power so that General Iudenich could not capture Petrograd. [22]

Despite his pro-Entente leanings and his suspicion that the Germans supported Bolshevism, in May 1920, Markov II left Estonia for Berlin to lead the Union of the Faithful from there. He traveled with Fedor Evaldt, who had earlier served as the military commander of Kiev under Pavel Skoropadskii's Hetmanate in the Ukraine in 1918. [23] Once in Berlin, Markov II and Evaldt joined up with Union of the Faithful members already established in the German capital, most notably Nikolai Talberg, a Baltic German who had served Skoropadskii as the head of the Kiev Police Department.  [24] From Berlin, Markov II, Evaldt, and Talberg led the Union of the Faithful, commonly referred to as the "Markov Group," as a strictly disciplined conspiratorial organization dedicated to restoring the monarchy to Russia. [25] The Union of the Faithful established numerous agents among the peasantry and in the Red Army in the Soviet Union. The Union especially made its presence felt in the Red Army's officer corps. [26]

Markov II wished to hold a general congress to work out a common program for all leading White emigre monarchical groups in the spring of 1921. Markov II's Union of the Faithful desired to lead the White movement as a whole, but it did not possess the financial means for a grandiose conference, nor could such a meeting be held in Berlin, the seat of the mistrustful primarily socialist German government. [27] The Union of the Faithful soon received substantial assistance from Aufbau. In the spring of 1921, the prospects for White emigre unity appeared bright, as the Union of the Faithful and Aufbau were able to collaborate effectively with each other to advance the White emigre cause.

While the two groups would become fierce enemies, Aufbau supported the Union of the Faithful early on. Aufbau's de facto leader Scheubner-Richter received word of Markov II's desire for a large-scale monarchical White emigre congress, perhaps through General Vladimir Biskupskii, who, in addition to acting as Aufbau's vice president, often aided Markov II's Union of the Faithful in Berlin early on." Scheubner-Richter developed the idea of holding a general White emigre monarchical congress in the picturesque (and remote) Bavarian alpine resort town of Bad Reichenhall." He toiled throughout May 1921 as the key practical organizer of the planned monarchical congress. Moreover, he channeled the majority of the means for the undertaking, roughly 12,000 marks. [30]

Some of Scheubner-Richter's colleagues in Aufbau gave considerable financial assistance to the organization of the monarchical emigre congress in Bad Reichenhall. Baron Theodor von Cramer-Klett, Aufbau's official president, raised funds from Bavarian industrialists and contributed substantial money of his own." As always, Biskupskii proved Scheubner-Richter's invaluable partner. He used his entree into wealthy Bavarian circles to raise significant funds for the White emigre congress. [32] Max Amann, the secretary of the NSDAP and Aufbau's second secretary, collaborated with Scheubner-Richter to raise funds for the congress from right-wing Bavarian circles. [33]

While Aufbau in general and Scheubner-Richter in particular laid the groundwork for the White emigre assembly in Bad Reichenhall, Markov II, Evaldt, and Talberg of the Union of the Faithful ran the Organizational Committee that invited the Congress participants. [34] Latvian Intervention leader Colonel Bermondt-Avalov, who had aroused Markov II's distrust in rhe past, pointedly did not receive an invitation. [35] Markov II also excluded those emigres who opposed the Great Russian stance of his Organizational Committee, most notably the Ukrainian Cossack separatist and Aufbau member Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa. [36]

A total of 106 White emigres from Europe, Mrica, Asia, and North America representing 24 different organizations attended the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, which lasted from May 29 to June 5, 1921. [37] The members of the Congress had come from the upper strata of Imperial Russia. Congress participants had predominantly served as officers and high-ranking governmental officials. [38] The majority of the Congress members had been active in the Black Hundred movement, having belonged to Aleksandr Dubrovin's Union of the Russian People, Vladimir Purishkevich's Michael the Archangel Russian People's Union, or both. [39]

Several prominent members of Aufbau attended the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, including the organization's guiding figure Scheubner-Richter, Vice President Biskupskii, Vinberg, a strident anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic ideologue, Georgii Nemirovich-Danchenko, General Piotr Vrangel's former press chief in the Crimea who served as an authority on Ukrainian matters, Piotr Shabelskii-Bork, the carrier of The Protocols o[ the Elders o[Zion from the Ukraine to Germany, and General Konstantin Sakharov. a representative from America. [40]

The Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall displayed a pronounced religious aura. Archbishop Eulogius, who had earlier served in the second Imperial Russian Duma (Parliament) from the Lublin region as a Black Hundred representative, and who had long belonged to the Markov Group, led an Orthodox Christian ceremony that climaxed with a solemn group prayer to bless the proceedings. [41] Eulogius subsequently led the Congress' Religious Committee. [42]

Markov II, the head of the Organizational Committee, gave a welcoming address to the assembled White emigres at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall. He assured the Congress participants that after so much suffering, their time had come. He noted that mainly because of financial difficulties, it had not been possible to hold a large-scale monarchical congress earlier. He thanked Scheubner-Richter's Aufbau for providing the funding for the Congress.

After Markov II's speech, Scheubner-Richter gave a rousing address to the Congress participants in German and then in Russian. He welcomed the delegates on behalf of Aufbau and other "German, national, and monarchical circles." He expressed his particular satisfaction that "Russian national circles from all regions of the world" had gathered on "Bavarian soil." He lamented the "unfortunate" war between the Russian and German peoples. He argued that both peoples had not possessed any serious conflicting interests with each other, and he noted that the war had led to the "fall of the two most powerful empires." He stressed that Germany and Russia could only rise to greatness again through "joint reconstruction work." He gained thunderous applause at the end of his speech for his assertion that the Congress would serve as the "cornerstone of the reconstruction of a great and powerful Russia." [43]

While Scheubner-Richter acted as an organizer and crowd-pleaser at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, Markov II displayed himself as a forceful leader. He denounced the Treaty of Versailles in a fiery speech, claiming that it had "betrayed and sold Russia." [44] He concluded to loud applause: "Russia does not recognize the Treaty of Versailles. We must give back to the Russian people what the Russian Tsars accumulated over the centuries." [45] The Congress members decided to create a governing body, the Supreme Monarchical Council, which was to be located in Berlin under Markov II's leadership. [46] Markov II's close colleague Talberg was elected to serve as the Supreme Monarchical Council's secretary as well as the leader of the Council's intelligence service. [47]

Markov II gained another victory at the Congress by having his Cossack colleague General Piotr Krasnov charged with coordinating White emigre military forces in Germany. [48] Krasnov, the former leader of the pro-German Great Don Host just outside of the Ukraine during the Russian Civil War, currently played a leading role in the Military Section of Markov II's Union of the Faithful. [49] He was to lead White forces against the Bolsheviks after internal revolts in the Soviet Union had sufficiently weakened Soviet rule. [50] The general was best known for his popular 1921 novel, From the Double-Headed Eagle to the Red Banner. In this work, the protagonist discovers the "terrible secret" of the Bolshevik Revolution, namely that the Jews had eradicated the best of the Russian Gentiles."

At the Congress, members of Markov II's Union of the Faithful were officially slated for the leading White emigre political roles, whereas Aufbau members largely had to content themselves with important ideological functions. Shabelskii-Bork served as the secretary of the Propaganda Committee. while his comrade Vinberg acted as an assistant to it. [52] Nemirovich-Danchenko appealed for German-Russian collaboration. He argued that the war between the German and Russian Empires had been mutual suicide, and he stressed that Germans and Russians had to collaborate to overthrow the Bolsheviks. [53] He subsequently wrote of the efforts of himself and other Congress members to free the future Russia from the "capitalist yoke." [54] He thus believed in a conspiratorial alliance between finance capitalism and Bolshevism, a popular White emigre theme that became part of National Socialist ideology.

After the conclusion of the anti-Bolshevik Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, Scheubner-Richter wrote an article about the proceedings in his weekly newspaper, Aufbau: Zeitschrift for wirtschafts-politische Fragen Ost-Europas (Reconstruction: Journal for Economic-Political Questions of Eastern Europe). He included a thinly veiled anti-Semitic argument in his essay, and he expressed an exaggerated view of fundamental political agreement among the Congress participants. He asserted that the Russian people viewed "God's scourge in the rule of the racial foreigners," meaning the Jews, and saw "their deliverance only in the return of the rule of the church and the Tsar." [55]

In fact, the question of the Tsarist succession had not been clarified at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall. While the majority of the Congress participants recognized Grand Prince Kirill Romanov's official right to the throne on the basis of the rules of heredity, many Congress members disapproved of Kirill personally. Kirill had sullied his reputation among Russian far rightists by paying homage to Aleksandr Kerenskii's Provisional Government in March 1917 before the Tsar had abdicated. [56] As we shall see, the question of who possessed the legitimate right to ascend the Russian throne turned into an acute source of discord between White emigre factions.

In addition to papering over political differences at the Congress in his Aufbau article, Scheubner-Richter stressed the harmony of interests between White emigres and right-wing Germans. He praised Bavaria for demonstrating, "There are broad circles in Germany that reject the Moscow pseudo-Russiandom and are gladly willing to help with the reconstruction of a national Russian state." He extolled the Congress' anti-Entente tone. He noted of the Treaty of Versailles, "National Russiandom sees in it an ignominious act of violence and a disgrace for humanity." He further argued that the firm resolution of the Congress participants to reestablish the monarchy in Russia possessed the "greatest importance" for "those German national circles who see the basis of the economic and cultural rebirth of Germany in a firm state authority independent of parliamentary whims." [57] Scheubner-Richter thus sounded a clarion call for right-wing German and White emigre collaboration.

In organizing the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, Scheubner-Richter gained an impressive triumph for Aufbau. The Congress lent White emigres the appearance of cohesion and unity. The proceedings were generally hailed as a great success that had spurred the Russian monarchical movement worldwide. [58] While the Markov Group had left the Congress with the official leadership of the White emigre community in Germany, Aufbau under Scheubner-Richter and Biskupskii had gained a great deal of prestige by holding the Congress in Bavaria, the organization's own sphere of influence. The French military intelligence agency the Second Section even wrote of a "union" of the Bavarian and White emigre monarchical right in the wake of the Bad Reichenhall Congress. [59]

The Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall appeared to demonstrate White emigre unity and determination to drive the Bolsheviks from power in league with right-wing German allies. In reality, however, serious differences had been glossed over regarding the means of toppling Bolshevik Russia. Relations between Aufbau under Scheubner-Richter and Biskupskii and the Supreme Monarchical Council under Markov II grew increasingly strained in the course of 1921-1923. [60] While both Aufbau and the Supreme Monarchical Council wished to overthrow the Bolshevik regime, they disagreed significantly on how to do so, where the new borders in the East should be drawn, and who should rule after the defeat of Bolshevism.

In the course of the summer of 1921, serious differences became evident between Aufbau and the Supreme Monarchical Council, notably regarding the Ukrainian question. Several members of Markov II's Union of the Faithful with Great Russian views reproached General Biskupskii with relying excessively on Ukrainian emigre circles and with establishing a Ukrainian officer league in opposition to the existing Russian one. [61] Markov II and some of his Union allies began openly disparaging Biskupskii, and the Union forbade its members from serving in any military formations associated with him. [62] A State Commissioner for the Supervision of Public Order report written shortly after the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall noted that White emigres held widely differing views of Biskupskii. Some hoped that he would unite White emigres, whereas others regarded him as a "political pest."

Drawing upon Union of the Faithful sources, the State Commissioner report asserted that Biskupskii constantly set up damaging intrigues and demonstrated "unreliability," as he was only led by "personal motives." The report admitted, "Energy. cunning. and a certain cleverness cannot be denied him." Nonetheless, "Boundless ambition, vanity, and egoism comprise the greatest part of his nature." The report concluded:

Although one cannot directly prove him to favor the Entente, it is nevertheless conspicuous that for all of his activity and energy, he has not achieved anything positive for Russian-German cooperation, and that everywhere he is involved, intrigues and grousings begin that have a destructive and subversive effect. [63]


Biskupskii had powerful enemies, and he was not able to unite all White emigres in Germany and the rest of Europe under his leadership.

In the course of internecine White emigre struggle, Biskupskii scored a coup against the increasingly hostile Markov Group. He won over Evaldt, an important member of Markov II's Union of the Faithful, to Aufbau. Evaldt left Berlin for Munich in September 1921. [64] He also established a residence in Bad Reichenhall, where he received considerable funding from Bavarian monarchists. [65] He rose quickly in Aufbau's hierarchy, reaching the post of assessor. [66] Aufbau leadership rewarded Evaldt for his de facto defection, though officially he continued to belong to the Union of the Faithful, by placing him at the head of the Russisches Komitee fur Fluchtlingsfursorge in Bayern (Russian Committee for Refugee Welfare in Bavaria). [67]

The Bavarian government under Minister President Gustav Ritter von Kahr allowed Evaldt's Refugee Committee to decide which Russian emigres could settle in Bavaria and which ones would be expelled from the existing refugee community. [68] Biskupskii collaborated with Evaldt to determine which politically undesirable Russian exiles were to be barred entrance to Bavaria. In addition to Bolsheviks, socialists and liberals, even moderate monarchists were refused admittance. [69] Scheubner-Richter, who enjoyed friendly relations with the Bavarian Chief of Police Ernst Pohner, also played a leading role in Evaldt's refugee organization. He worked behind the scenes to coordinate the Committee's activities with those of Aufbau. [70]

Strengthened by Evaldt's defection to Aufbau, Scheubner-Richter traveled to Budapest in early October 1921 to raise support for an autonomous Ukraine. He met with the right-wing Hungarian Minister President Gyula Gombos as well as Aleksandr von Lampe, the former Tsarist general who represented the Russkii obshii-voinskii soiuz (Russian Universal Military Union, or ROVS). General Piotr Vrangel, who had lost to the Red Army on the Crimean Peninsula during the Russian Civil War, led ROVS. [71] Unlike Aufbau, ROVS favored the pro-French Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov, who lived in Paris, over Kirill for Tsar. [72]

At the talks in Budapest, Scheubner-Richter expressed marked pro-Ukrainian views. He argued that Germany's renewal could only take place after a Russian nationalist rebirth, but he stressed that the Ukraine represented the most vital Russian region for the struggle against Bolshevism. He advocated uniting all anti-Bolsheviks there. He emphasized the need for wide-ranging Ukrainian autonomy, noting that the Russian Empire could not be reconstituted in its old form in any case. To sweeten the prospect of an independent Ukraine, he stressed that the industrial and financial circles he represented were prepared to guarantee German capital and technology for a variety of projects throughout the former Russian Empire after the overthrow of the Bolsheviks.

General Lampe did not swallow the bait. He placed more faith in French support. He brusquely rejected Scheubner-Richter's proposals as excessively pro-Ukrainian. The failed talks between Scheubuer-Richter and Lampe in Budapest led to a clean break between the two men in particular and Aufbau and ROVS in general. Scheubner-Richter subsequently kept the Aufbau member General Ludendorff away from General Lampe and ROVS. [73] At the end of October 1921, Scheubner-Richter staged an ostentatious refounding of Aufbau with revised statutes. [74] He allotted a role in the limelight to Ludendorff at the ceremony to signal that the volkisch general stood firmly in the Aufbau camp. [75]

After Aufbau's re-founding, the organization strongly supported Kirill's claim to the Tsarist throne in opposition to Markov II's increasingly pro-French Supreme Monarchical Council. In February 1922, the Aufbau leaders Scheubner-Richter, Biskupskii, and Ludendorff urged Kirill to move from the French Riviera to Bavaria so thar he could act in the center of his German base of support. Kirill and his wife Viktoria discussed this relocation with German officials. [76] Anticipating Kirill's arrival in Germany, General Ludendorff worked to establish an intelligence service for Kirill and his allies under Walmer Nicolai in early April 1922. Nicolai had served Ludendorff as the head of the German Army High Command Intelligence Service during World War I. Ludendorff asked Nicolai to use his considerable experience and connections to establish a reliable pro-Kirill intelligence agency for me struggle against Bolshevism. [77] This bureau was to replace the more modest agency that General Kurlov and Lieutenant Iurii Kartsov had earlier established to support the legitimist movement behind Kirill. [78]

Nicolai was eminently qualified to lead such an intelligence service. In addition to possessing impressive intelligence credentials from World War I, he enjoyed considerable influence in contemporary right-wing German circles. In February 1921, he had taken over the leadership of the Kartell nationaler Zeirungen im Reich (Cartel of National Newspapers in the State). The Cartel propagated nationalist policies, notably rejecting me provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, which had truncated Germany, severely limited its armed forces, and subjected it to immense reparations. [79] Nicolai met with Scheubner-Richter and Ludendorff in me middle of April 1922 to discuss matters in greater detail. He agreed to establish an anti-Bolshevik intelligence agency so that Ludendorff and his allies, including Scheubner-Richter, Kirill, and Hitler, would have a reliable source of information on events in the Soviet Union. The money for the intelligence service, code-named Project S, came from Kirill. Nicolai began sending regular reports to Scheubner-Richter in the first half of July 1922. [80] Scheubner-Richter expressed satisfaction with Aufbau's intelligence information in an October 1922 edition of Aufbau Correspondence. He noted that agents were sending reports from Vienna, Budapest, the Balkans, Kiev, and "other" cities in the Soviet Union. [81] In addition to using information from Project S for Aufbau's purposes, Scheubner-Richter passed intelligence on to Hitler's National Socialist Party, to which he belonged and with which Aufbau was ever increasingly allied. [82]

In addition to establishing a pro-Kirill intelligence bureau, Aufbau increased its military and economic ties with Hungary and strengthened me pro-Kirill movement mere in the spring and summer of 1922. In April 1922, the Aufbau leaders Scheubner-Richter, Biskupskii, and Ludendorff journeyed to Budapest to arrange for the transfer of Cossacks from Poland to Hungary to supplement White forces mere. [83] In May 1922, Ludendorff and Biskupskii formed a German-Southern Russian, i.e. Ukrainian, trade organization within Aufbau, the Eugen Hoffmann & Co. Aussenhandels-Aktiengesellschaft (Eugen Hoffmann & Co. Foreign Trade Joint-Stock Company). Before the (anticipated) overthrow of Bolshevik rule in the Ukraine, this association concentrated on business matters in Eastern Europe, most importantly in Hungary.

The venture capital for this company, six million paper marks, had come from German and White emigre sources. German backers had provided four million marks, and Biskupskii had raised two million marks from White emigre sources. He had secured one million marks from Grand Duchess Viktoria Romanov and the other million from his cousin, the wealthy Aufbau member Vladimir Keppen who had inherited a fortune from American relatives. The Eugen Hoffmann & Co. Foreign Trade Joint-Stock Company speculated in Hungarian wool production in particular under the premise of tremendous profits. [84] Aufbau's strong economic ties with Hungary helped to unite far rightists in both Germany and Hungary.

In late June 1922, Scheubner-Richter, Biskupskii, and Poltavets-Ostranitsa, the leader of Aufbau's Ukrainian faction, traveled to Budapest. Whatever secret agenda they may have followed regarding German Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau's assassination, their open goal consisted of planning a pro-Kirill White emigre congress in Budapest along the lines of the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall. The uproar caused by Aufbau's suspected involvement in Rathenau's murder, however, persuaded Scheubner-Richter and his colleagues to break off the negotiations in favor of a more suitable time and place. [85]

Despite the truncated nature of the talks in Budapest that Aufbau leaders participated in, the Aufbau contingent did manage to hold detailed discussions with Prince Mirza Kazem Bek, the president of the Russian Monarchical Club, which represented Hungary's approximately 3,500 White emigres. Kazem Bek had long cultivated close ties with Aufbau. [86] Kazem Bek agreed to create an organization along the lines of Aufbau in Budapest that would serve as a Hungarian-Russian society. Scheubner-Richter announced that Aufbau would organize an economic representation in Hungary under the leadership of von Krause, a White emigre. Scheubner-Richter also spoke of negotiating with the Hungarian Agricultural Ministry to regulate trade in livestock and grain between Hungary and Bavaria. [87]

During his trip to Hungary, Scheubner-Richter placed great hopes on the power of Kirill and his supporters to undermine Soviet rule. In a July 1922 interview with the German Embassy in Budapest, he claimed that the Soviet regime would collapse in the near future because of three factors. First, the heir to the Tsarist throne would soon be announced, by which he meant Kirill. Second, the Tsarist claimant would win the farmers of the Soviet Union over to his side by proclaiming that he would respect Bolshevik land reforms and pardon those who had served in the Red Army. Third, an "anti-Jewish movement" would break out "in elementary force" that would "end Soviet rule with one blow." [88] Scheubner-Richter clearly possessed an overly optimistic view of the situation, as the Soviet Union did not collapse in 1922.

Whereas Aufbau operated in Germany and Hungary to gain support for Kirill as the future Tsar who would unite all White emigres, Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council favored Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich's candidacy and increasingly adopted a pro-French policy. After initial reservations, Markov II called for a White army under General Vrangel to invade the Soviet Union with French support through Poland and Romania in the summer of 1922. [89] After this White army had toppled the Bolsheviks, Nikolai Nikolaevich was to become the Tsar of the restored Russian Empire in its old borders. Acting on the advice of the Matkov Group, Nikolai Nikolaevich arrived in Munich, the centet of Kirill's support, in late July 1922. Largely to coordinate its activities with Nikolai Nikolaevich, Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council resolved to relocate from Berlin to Munich. [90]

In the face of the Supreme Monarchical Council's support of Nikolai Nikolaevich, Aufbau launched a pro-Kirill offensive. Kirill had learned that Nikolai Nikolaevich planned to promulgate a declaration to the Russian people. Urged on by his energetic wife, Viktoria, the honorary president of the Aufbau subsection Renewal, Kirill forestalled Nikolai Nikolaevich by releasing manifestos on August 8, 1922. [91] Aufbau printed Kirill's appeals, in which the Tsarist candidate proclaimed himself the legitimate head of all Russian monarchical forces both inside and outside the Soviet Union. [92]

Scheubner-Richter dedicated the entire August 16, 1922 edition of Aufbau Correspondence to Kirill's declarations to the "Russian people" and the "Russian army." Scheubner-Richter translated these appeals into German for the first time. In his opening commentary on Kirill's manifestos, he claimed that neither "imported parliamentarism" nor "Asiatic, Jewish Bolshevism" could establish firm roots in Russia, for monarchy was the "volkisch more well-founded" system. He thus advocated a well-run monarchy for Russia. This idea did not contradict volkisch thought, which had rejected Kaiser Wilhelm Hohenzollern II as a weak leader, but had approved of a powerful monarchy as a system.

Scheubner-Richter further stressed in his article on Kirill's declarations that the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall had represented the "first start" towards the "collection of Russian patriots," and now Kirill's appeals, coming from the «legitimate nearest heir to the Tsar's throne," represented the "second fanfare" towards this goal. He enthused: "The entire Russian patriotic movement finally has a leader." He concluded, "From a national German standpoint, we can ... only hope that the coming to the fore of Grand Prince Kirill will be successful" so that "the future will grant us a national Russia that will workhand in hand with a national Germany to heal the wounds that the World War and the Revolution dealt." [93] Scheubner-Richter again expressed his firm conviction that the German and Russian peoples needed to' collaborate closely with each other in order to regain greatness.

Aufbau had firmly backed Kirill's claim to the Russian throne. After Scheubner-Richter printed Kirill's manifestos, some White emigres gave his newspaper Aufbau Correspondence the moniker of the "organ of the Kirill-supporters." [94] Baron Ludwig von Knorring, a noble Baltic German proponent of a moderate constitutional monarchy for Russia who led the White emigre community in Baden-Baden, noted to German authorities in October 1922 that with Aufbau's printing and distributing of Kirill's declarations in German, Munich had to be regarded as the center of White emigre monarchical agitation in Germany. [95]

Aufbau under Scheubner-Richter's guidance used Kirill's declarations to undermine Soviet authority. Aufbau smuggled Kirill's manifestos into the Soviet Union. This subversive action elicited a memorandum from Feliks Dzerzhinskii, the head of the Narodnyi komissariat vnutrennikh del (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, NKVD), which stressed that Soviet censorship of foreign mail was doing a poor job, as evidenced by the widespread presence of Kirill's declarations in the Soviet Union. [96]

Largely because of the urgings of Aufbau leadership, the increasingly important couple Kirill and Viktoria Romanov moved to Bavaria in August 1922. They divided their time between a Munich hotel and the northern Bavarian city of Coburg, where they possessed an estate. Scheubner-Richter regularly held talks with Kirill and Viktoria, who possessed considerable financial means. Kirill had 50 million francs for the raising of White forces as of August, and he was hoping for more money from American sources, presumably most importantly from the right-wing politician and industrialist Henry Ford. Viktoria, as the daughter of Duke Alfred of Saxe-Coburg, who was related to the English royal family, also possessed significant financial resources in the form of English money. She financially supported many of Kirill's backers from her own funds, which included money that she acquired by selling parts of her extensive jewelry collection. [97]

Aufbau's vice president, Biskupskii, played the leading role in the circle around Kirill and Viktoria. He channeled General Ludendorff's energies into furthering Kirill's cause. [98] Biskupskii greatly influenced Viktoria, who had a far more dynamic personality than her somewhat drab husband. [99] Biskupskii acted as her closest advisor. [100] Viktoria ardently supported the dashing general. She granted him considerable funding for his activities in Aufbau in 1922, and she continually praised Aufbau to her husband. w, Biskupskii later engendered a great deal of antipathy in the German White emigre community when it became known that he had long been having an affair with Viktoria and mainly owed his leading role in Kirill's shadow government to his lover's recommendations. [102]
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Re: The Russian Roots of Nazism, by Michael Kellogg

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General Biskupskii's colleagues Generals Piotr Glasenap and Konstantin Sakharov also supported Kirill's claim to the Russian throne. They intensified their collaboration with Kirill in August 1922, a month after Viktoria had given 100,000 francs to Glasenap via Sakharov for anti-Bolshevik activities. [103] Sakharov acted as a key intermediary between Kirill and General Ludendorff. [104] Sakharov also directed intelligence operations on Kirill's behalf. Every month, the White emigre Aufbau member sent questionnaires to Kirill's representatives in diverse European cities. The forms dealt with such topics as the general economic and political conditions in the countries in which Kirill's agents were stationed as well as the activities of local Bolshevik organizations and the private lives of their members. [105]

Hitler's National Socialist Party supported Kirill and his backers in the dispute over who should become the next Tsar. A September 1921 edition of the National Socialist newspaper the Volkischer Beobachter (Volkisch Observer) noted unanimous support for Kirill's claim to the throne among the Don Cossack exile community. [106] After Kirill's proclamations to the "Russian people" and the "Russian army" that Aufbau had translated into German in August 1922, Aufbau leadership under Scheubner-Richter and Biskupskii cooperated increasingly closely with Hitler's NSDAP. [107] Biskupskii viewed Hitler as an admirable "strong man," and he developed close ties with him. [108] Biskupskii began to transfer large sums of money that he received from Kirill and Viktoria to Hitler in 1922. [109]

The first major National Socialist expedition, a trip to Coburg to participate in a German Day on October 14 and '5,1922, suggests the increasing convergence of Aufbau and National Socialist policies behind the legitimist movement around Kirill. [110] Hitler and his mentors Eckart and the Aufbau ideologue Rosenberg, among others, arrived in Coburg, the seat of Kirill's shadow government, with 800 members of the paramilitary Sturmabteilung (Storm Section, SA). In addition to fighting against leftists in pitched street battles, members of the National Socialist contingent distributed copies of Eckart and Rosenberg's In Plain German with caricatures of leftist, primarily Jewish leaders drawn by the Aufbau member Otto von Kursell. Members of the Coburg expedition received a Coburg Medal that National Socialists ultimately prized only less than an award for participating in the November 1923 Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch. [111]

In the second half of 1922, around the time of the Coburg action, Aufbau continued to strengthen the pro-Kirill movement in Hungary. Aufbau's Vice President Biskupskii and his colleague Evaldt, the head of the Russian Committee for Refugee Welfare in Bavaria, won Prince D. P. Golitsyn, rhe representative of the Supreme Monarchical Council in Hungary, over to Kirill's cause. [112] Golitsyn had led the original Black Hundred organization in Imperial Russia, the Russian Assembly. [113] Aufbau also improved its ties with Prince Mikhail Volkonskii, another former leading member of the Russian Assembly who currently led the Russian Delegation in Hungary. Volkonskii possessed the power to decide which Russian exiles could reside in Hungary. [114] He edited the newspaper Rossiia (Russia) in Budapest, a paper that was dedicated to Kirill, the "guardian of the throne." Volkonskii received funding for this newspaper from Kirill and the Hungarian leader Admiral Nicholas Horthy, who also strongly supported Kirill's bid to become Tsar. [115]

While Aufbau succeeded in strengthening the pro-Kirill movement in Hungary in the second part of 1922, it could not unite all White emigres in Germany (and beyond) behind Kirill. Instead, the White emigre community remained deeply divided. On the one side, Aufbau-led White emigres backed Kirill for Tsar and collaborated closely with volkisch Germans, most importantly National Socialists, to establish successor Russian, Ukrainian, and Baltic states. [116] As we shall see in the next chapter, these entities were to be organized along National Socialist lines. On the other side, the Supreme Monarchical Council supported Nikolai Nikolaevich for Tsar of a Russian state in its pre-World War I borders, and they increasingly viewed France as their patron. [117]

As the president of the Russian Committee for Refugee Welfare in Bavaria, Evaldt, with the behind-the-scenes direction of Scheubner-Richter, primarily used loyalty to Kirill in deciding who was to be allowed into or expelled from Munich's White emigre community. [118] The Munich Police closely cooperated with the pro-KirilI legitimists to keep pro-French elements out of Bavaria. [119] While in Bavaria in 1922, Markov II and his followers in the pro-French majority faction of the Supreme Monarchical Council kept a relatively low profile. They recognized that they were in a perilous position because of the determination of the Munich Police to remove the residency permits of anti-German foreigners. [120]

White emigre backers of both Kirm and Nikolai Nikolaevich tried to win converts to their cause. Markov II tried to convert the established members of the Bavarian White emigre community under the direction of Aufbau to the side of Nikolai Nikolaevich, but without success. [121] Boris Brazel, an Aufbau member and the White emigre contact man with the right-wing American industrialist and politician Henry Ford, sought to convince Markov II to back Kirill, but likewise to no avail.

In November 1922, relations snapped between Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council and the White emigres who backed Kirill under Aufbau's direction. [122] A second White monarchical congress shattered any semblance of White emigre unity that had been presented at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall in the late spring of 1921. This second assembly met in Paris from November 16 to November 23, 1922 under the direction of the Supreme Monarchical Council. Sevenry delegates representing 125 organizations attended the proceedings. [123] The Munich White emigre community under Aufbau's leadership rejected the authority of the increasingly pro-French Supreme Monarchical Council. [124] Aufbau members rejected the guidelines set down at the Paris Congress, and they openly broke with what pretensions of obedience to the Supreme Monarchical Council that they had maintained. Other Russian monarchical emigre communities followed their example, notably those in Prague, Budapest, and Belgrade. [125] White emigre disunity had reached critical dimensions.

The apparent White emigre unity that had been established at the Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall in May-June 1921 collapsed in 1922, but in 1923, Aufbau's distrust and even hatred of the pro-Nikolai Nikolaevich actions of Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council intensified even more markedly. Aufbau's leadership even carried out contingency planning for a temporary alliance with the Red Army in the case of a French-led invasion of the Soviet Union launched in the name of Nikolai Nikolaevich. White emigre disunity granted the fledgling Soviet state a measure of respite.

Amid continuing internecine White emigre struggle, Kirill enjoyed rising popularity in the spring of 1923 both among nationalists inside the Soviet Union and in White emigre circles in Europe. At the same time, Nikolai Nikolaevich and the pro-French Markov II saw their influence wane, especially in Germany. [126] General Biskupskii aided Kirill by denouncing Nikolai Nikolaevich and his supporters. For instance, Biskupskii spread slanderous rumors that Nikolai Nikolaevich was old and feeble, virtually at death's door, and thus could not be expected to play any considerable future political role. Markov II's close associate Talberg retaliated in coin. He maintained that Biskupskii secretly served as a Bolshevik agent. [127]

In a striking manifestation of the intense animosity between White emigre factions, upon receiving the news that French leaders were intensifying their preparations to invade the Soviet Union in May 1923, Aufbau leadership indefinitely shelved its plans to foment revolt inside the Soviet Union and to lead a White military intervention against the Bolsheviks. The French-coordinated assault that Aufbau feared was to rely on Polish and Romanian support in addition to assistance from pro-French White emigres behind Nikolai Nikolaevich, most notably Markov II and Talberg of the Supreme Monarchical Council. The French planned to establish a pro-French regime in the territory of the Soviet Union in the middle of the summer of 1923. [128] Markov II had held a meeting at the beginning of May 1923 in which he had discussed the advanced French-backed preparations for an anti-Bolshevik front under Nikolai Nikolaevich. [129]

Nikolai Nikolaevich himself was reluctant to collaborate with Polish troops, and he did not wish for a military campaign against the Soviet Union unless Russians there and not just White emigres called for him to claim the throne. [130] Aufbau's leading figure Scheubner-Richter nonetheless perceived a great threat to Aufbau's interests in the French-led plans for an invasion of the Soviet Union. In a May 1923 edition of Aufbau Correspondence, he warned of advanced French preparations to topple Bolshevism. He asked what "German national circles" were doing to prepare for the moment that "Bolshevik-Jewish rule in Moscow collapses and a national Russia takes its place." He stressed that this course of events "does not lie outside of the realm of the possible." [131] Scheubner-Richter believed that the Soviet regime was ripe for dissolution, and he tried to keep the "wrong" White emigres from seizing power in Russia.

In its drive to thwart a French-led invasion of the Soviet Union in the name of Nikolai Nikolaevich, Aufbau went so far as to negotiate with Bolshevik leaders through intermediaries. Aufbau had a contact man with the Soviet Great Russian heartland, Andreas Remmer. Remmer had served as Western Volunteer Army leader Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov's Foreign Minister in Berlin during the 1919 Latvian Intervention. Remmer traveled from Berlin to Munich to consult with General Biskupskii in late May 1923. The two colleagues were to meet with Kirill to discuss important strategic questions, but the Munich Police arrested Remmer, whom they suspected of serving as a Soviet agent, before these talks could take place. Biskupskii was able to convince Munich authorities that while Remmer maintained contacts with various members of the Soviet government through middlemen, he used the information that he received for nationalist purposes. [132]

Remmer told the Munich Police that the planned French-led invasion of the Soviet Union would either fail miserably or bring about the "complete enslavement of Russia." He claimed that Nikolai Nikolaevich and those White emigres who supported him played the "most despicable role" of serving the "plans and goals of ... Jewish high finance." Remmer emphasized that if the French launched a military intervention against the Soviet Union with Polish and Romanian assistance, then the pro-German -white emigre faction behind Kirill under Aufbau's leadership and the nationalist forces that it collaborated with in the Soviet Union would be forced to fight along with the Red Army. Once the attackers had been defeated, pro-German Whites would launch a putsch in the ranks of the Red Army and destroy the Soviet government. [133] According to Remmer, Aufbau had come to regard French invasion plans that Markov II supported as a threat great enough to warrant a hazardous tactical alliance with the Red Army.

In a June article in Aufbau Correspondence, "Intervention Intentions against Soviet Russia," Scheubner-Richter attacked pro-French White emigres. He asserted: "We cannot believe that France is serious with the fight against Jewish world Communism." He stressed that Kirill's backers rejected a French-led offensive. He further argued that a French-led intervention with Poland's participation would strengthen the Soviet Union, for nationalist circles inside the Great Russian heartland would be forced to fight on behalf of the Bolshevik regime against foreign invaders. [134]

In the summer of 1923, the chasm between Aufbau and the Supreme Monarchical Council continued to widen. Scheubner-Richter criticized Markov II in a July edition of Aufbau Correspondence by running an article, "From the Russian-Monarchical Movement." This piece stressed that Kirill's supporters had formed a legitimist alliance centered in Munich that opposed Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council. The article claimed that the Council had not submitted to Kirill's leadership as it had pledged at Bad Reichenhall. (Actually, the question of the Tsarist succession had been left open then.) Scheubner-Richter also included a translated essay from the newspaper that the Aufbau ideologue Vinberg edited on Kirill's behalf, Vestnik russkago monarkhicheskago obedineniia v Bavarii (Bulletin of the Russian Monarchical Union in Bavaria). Vinbergs article urged all White emigres to unite behind Kirill and to foster the "active struggle for the liberation of the homeland." [135]

An August article in Aufbau Correspondence lamented the strife between White emigre factions. The essay noted, "We, the Russian anti-Semites" acted as "fighters for the national cause in its purest form," but the '''wise men of Zion' are laughing up their sleeves" regarding the disunity among the White emigre groups who aspired to be the "'saviors of the fatherland."' [136] The aversion of pro-Kirill backers under Aufbau's direction to Markov II, Talberg, and other White emigres who supported a pro-French policy had reached critical extremes. Internecine strife among White emigres helped the Bolshevik regime to consolidate its power at a critical time when Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin's health was deteriorating rapidly.

The Munich Police determined during August 1923 that Kirill's supporters under Aufbau's direction were truly determined to restore Kirill to the Russian throne even at the cost of temporarily collaborating with the Bolsheviks. In the case of such an alliance, Kirill's faction hoped to instill the Red Army with pro-monarchical views and to win it over for a putsch against the Bolshevik state. [137] The summer of 1923 thus witnessed extreme political fluidity between members of the radical right and the radical left. It is worth noting in this, context that already in May 1922, the Aufbau member Colonel Karl Bauer had traveled to the Soviet Union with the mission of establishing the terms for a potential German-Soviet military agreement. [138]

In another example of tentative fur right German-Bolshevik rapprochement, the State Commissioner for the Supervision of Public Order noted an increasing "exchange of ideas" between volkisch Germans and Communists in August 1923. A State Commissioner report described "certain parallels" of a "negative nature" between members of the radical right and the radical left. Both far rightists and fur leftists opposed democracy and parliamentarism, wished to institute a dictatorship, and believed in using violent means to achieve their goals. Certain volkisch Germans and Communists proposed seizing power together and then defeating France. [139] Hitler opposed cooperating with Communists, however. He stressed in a speech at this time: "Swastika and Soviet star tolerate each other like fire and water and cannot be brought together even on tactical grounds." [140]

Tentative volkisch/Bolshevik peace feelers did not lead to a solid political alliance in 1923. Moreover, largely because of the intense discord among White emigres, no military intervention against the Soviet Union took place that year either. In September 1923, the Pro-French faction of the Munich White emigre community under Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council left for Wiesbaden, close to the French border. This occurred after Aufbau leaders had made it absolutely clear that they would go to extreme lengths to foil any French-led intervention in Russia, including temporarily allying with the Bolshevik regime. [141] White emigre disunity proved a boon to the early Soviet Union, which generally faced deep suspicion if not outright hostility in the world political arena.

CONCLUSION

The prominent Aufbau White emigre ideologues Max von Scheubner-Richter, Alfred Rosenberg, Fedor Vinberg, and their volkisch German associate Dietrich Eckart provided a theoretical basis for German-White emigre collaboration against the Entente, the Weimar Republic, the Soviet Union, and international Jewish conspirators. They called for "Germany-Russia above everything, above everything in the world." They emphasized the complementary nature of the German and Russian peoples against their Jewish foes. Hitler seized upon the Aufbau and Eckartian notions of a Jewish Dolchstoss (stab in the back) of both Imperial Russia and the German Empire. In his early political career, he repeatedly called for nationalist Germans and Russians to ally against "Jewish Bolshevism."

Aufbau envisioned large-scale nationalist German-Russian collaboration in which volkisch Germans, most notably National Socialists, and White emigres would play the leading roles. With Aufbau's successful organization of the May-June 1921 Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall, White emigres in Europe in general and in Germany in particular seemed ready for a coordinated anti-Bolshevik campaign. Appearances nonetheless proved deceiving. Aufbau could not unite all White emigres behind its candidate for the Tsarist throne, Grand Prince Kiral Romanov. Instead, Aufbau fought against Nikolai Markov II's pro-French Supreme Monarchical Council, which supported Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov for Tsar.

Aufbau's antipathy towards Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council reached such a degree that Aufbau planned a dangerous tactical alliance with the Red Army in the case of a French-led invasion of the Soviet Union that would be conducted in Nikolai Nikolaevich's name. In the end, Aufbau's increasingly bitter conflict with the Supreme Monarchical Council sapped the energy of the White emigre community in Europe and provided some respite to the fledgling Soviet Union. As we shall see, although much of its energy was directed towards its increasingly vicious rivalry with Markov II's Supreme Monarchical Council, Aufbau sought to undermine the Weimar Republic through terrorism and to topple the Bolshevik regime through subversion and military force from 1921 to 1923.

_______________

Notes:

I Erich von Ludendorff, Meine Lebenserinnerungen, 204, cited from Johannes Baur, "Russische Emigranten  und die bayerische Offentlichkeit,” Bayern und Osteuropa: Aus der Geschichte der Beziehungen  Bayerns, Frankens und Schwabens mit Russland, der Ukraine, und Weissrussiand, ed. Hermann Beyer-Thoma  (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000), 472.
 
2 Alfred Rosenberg, "Russe und Deutscher," Auf gut deutsch: Wochenschrift for Ordnung und Recht,  April 4, 1919.
 
3 Rosenberg, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (Munich: Deutscher Volks-Verlag, 1920), 82.
 
4 Rosenberg, "Das Verbrechen der Freimaurerei: Judentum, Jesuitismus, deutsches Christentum: VIII.  Deutsches Christentum," Auf gut deutsch, February 28, 1921.
 
5 Rosenberg, "Das Verbrechen der Freimaurerei: IV. Freimaurerei und Judentum," Auf gut deutsch,  January 15, 1921.
 
6 Rosenberg, "Russische Stimmen," Aufgut deutsch, March 28, 1919.
 
7 Dietrich Eckart, “Die Schlacht auf den Katalaunischen Feldern," Auf gut deutsch, February 20, 1920.
 
8 Max von Scheubner-Richter, "Ruckblicke und Parallelen," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, July 19, 1922, I.
 
9 Scheubner-Richter, "Klarheit," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, January 17, 1923, I.
 
10 Scheubner-Richter, "Zum funften Jahrestag der Revolution," Aufhau-Korrespondenz, November 9,  1923, I.
 
11 Fedor Vinberg's March 30, 1922 testimony, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 4, 5.
 
12 Vinberg, Der Kreuzesweg Russlands: Teil I: Die Ursachen des Ubels, trans. K. von Jarmersted (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1922), 32, 40, 41.
 
13 DB report from November 1, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 160.
 
14 Adolf Hitler, notes for a speech on August 12, 1921, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen 1905-1924, eds. Eberhard Jackel and Axel Kuhn (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1980), 453.
 
15 Hitler, speech on August 4, 1921, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 450, 451.
 
16 Hitler, "Die Urschuldigen am Weltkriege: Weltjude und Weltborse," Volkischer Beobachter, April  15/16, 1923, I.
 
17 Georgii Nemirovich-Danchenko, "Russland und Deutschland: Gedanken eines russischen Emigranten,"  Aufhau-Korrespondenz, May 24, 1923, I.
 
18 Hitler, speech on July 21, 1920, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen. 163.
 
19 Hitler, speech on August 4, 1921, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 451.
 
20 Hitler, speech on April 21, 1922, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 631.
 
21 Hitler, Hitlers Zweites Buch: Ein Dokument aus dem Jahr 1928 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1961), 221.
 
22 LGPO report from June 3, 1921, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1813, number 2, 9.
 
23 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7T2, opis I, delo  96, 57, 58; MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2,  delo 2575, reel 2, 134.
 
24 LGPO report from March 16, 1922, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1813, number 8, 11.
 
25 LGPO reports to the RKU60 from November 28 and December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond  772, opis 1, delo 96, 39, 41, 58.
 
26 [FZO] report from October 15,1920, MMFP, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 198, opis 2, delo 1031, reel 2,  72.
 
27 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo  96, 58, 60,
 
28 DB report from November 4, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond7, opis I, delo 876, reel 4, 371.
 
29 Aleksandr von Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Budapest, October 8-22, 1921, GARF, fond 5853, opis I,  delo 7, reel I, 1998.
 
30 RKUaO report from June 20, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 16.
 
31 RKUoO report from June 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 230.
 
32 DB report from November 4, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 876, reel 4, 371.
 
33 LGPO report to the RKUo0 from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo  96, 62.
 
34 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo  96, 61.
 
35 RKUoO report from September 9, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 71, 20, 21.
 
36 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 254.
 
37 "Der I. Kongress zum wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau Russlands in Reichenhall: Erstet Tag, 29 Mai  1921," Aufbau: Zeitschrift fur wirtschafts-politische Fragen Ost-Europas, Number 2/3, August 1921, 5,  RKUoO, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 503; LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 11, 1921, RGVA  (TsKhIDK),fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 253, 263.
 
38 RKUoO report from June 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK) ,fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 229/
 
39 Report from Ludwig von Knorring to the AA from June 30, 1921, PAAA, 31490, K096232.
 
40 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo  96, 62, 65.
 
41 S. A. Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii 1905-1914 (Moscow: Izdatelstvo Vsesoiuznogo zaochnogo  politekhnicheskogo instituta, 1992), 243; LGPO reports to the RKUoO from July 1 and December  4, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 263; opis 1, delo 96, 66.
 
42 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 261.
 
43 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 257-259.
 
44 Scheubner-Richter, “Der russische Wiederaufbau kongress in Bad Reichenhall: Ein Ruckblick und Ausblick von Dr. M. E. von Scheubner-Richter," Aufbau, Number 2/3 August 1921, 1, RKUoO, BAB, 4311, number 131, 499.
 
45 "Der I. Kongress zum wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau Russlands in Reichenhall: Sechster Tag, 3. Juni 1921," Aufbau, Number 213, August 1921, 14, RKUoO, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 514.
 
46 PDM report to the BSMA from June 7, 1923, BHSAM, BsMA 36, number 103009, 29; LGPO report to the RKUo0 from July 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 253.
 
47 LGPO report from March 16, 1922, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1813, number 8, 11.
 
48 DB report from August 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 2, 109.
 
49 [FZO] report from October 15, 1920, MMFP, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 2, delo 1031, reel 2, 70.
 
50 DB report from August [11], 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 2, 109.
 
51 Matthias Vetter, "Die Russische Emigration und ihre 'Judenfrage,'" Russische Emigration in Deutschland 1918 bis 1941: Leben im europaischen Burgerkrieg, ed. Karl Schlogel (Berlin: Akademie, 1995), III.
 
52 LGPO report to the RKUoO from July 11, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 129b, 261.
 
53 Report from the French Ambassador in Berlin, Laurent, to the MAE from June 25, 1921, SG, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1, opis 27, delo 12523, 52.
 
54 Nemirovich-Danchenko, "Der wirtschaftliche Aufbau Russlands," Aufbau, Number 2/3, August 1921, 2, RKUoO, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 500.
 
55 Scheubner-Richter, "Der russische "Wiederaufbaukongress in Bad Reichenhall," Aufbau, Number 2/3, August 1921, 2, RKUoO, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 500.
 
56 LGPO report to the RKUoO from August 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond772, opis I, delo 96, 7.
 
57 Scheubner-Richter, "Der russische Wiederaufbaukongress in Bad Reichenhall," Aufbau, Number 2/3, August 1921, 1, RKU60, BAB, 43/1, number 131, 499.
 
58 LGPO report to the RKUoO from December 24, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 1, delo 96, 61.
 
59 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 157.
 
60 Baur, "Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offentlichkeit," 463.
 
61 RKUo0 report from July 20, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 150.
 
62 LGPO report to the RKUoO from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 45/
 
63 RKUoO report from June 20, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 3, delo 81a, 11, 14.
 
64 MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575, reel 2, 134; LGPO report from September 21, 1921, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1813, number 2, 65.
 
65 ATsVO report from October 8, 1921, GARF, fond 5893, opis 1, delo 70, 64.
 
66 DB report from July 3, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 367.
 
67 LGPO report to the RKUoO from November 28, 1921, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 1, delo  96, 39, 42; Nikolai von Epanchin's testimony included in a PDM report to the BSMI from April  15, 1922, BHSAM, BSMI 22, number 71624, fiche 5, 3.

68 DB report from November 4, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK),fond 7, opis I, delo 876, reel 4, 373.
 
69 Baur, "Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offentlichkeit," 471.
 
70 Walther Nicolai's commentary on his telegraph to Ludendorff from November 10, 1923, Tagebuch  (Diary), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 22, 98; DB report from November 4, 1922, RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 876, reel 4, 373.
 
71 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Budapest, Berlin, October 8-22, 1921, November 11, 12, 1923, GARF, fond  5853, opis 1, delo 7, reel 1, 1993; delo 13, reel 1, 5769.
 
72 Baur, “Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offentlichkeit," 463.
 
73 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Budapest, October 8-22, 1921 and Berlin, November 11-I7, 1923. GARF,  fond 5853, opis I, delo 7, reel I, 1994-1997; delo 13, reel I, 5769, 5773.
 
74 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 876, reel 4, 379.
 
75 Schligel, Katharina Kucher, Bernhard Suchy, and Gregor Thurn, Chronik russischen Lebens in  Deutschland 1918-194I (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1999), 80.
 
76 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, June 5, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis I, delo 11, reel 3, 4851/180;  RKUo0 report from February 21, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 115.
 
77 Nicolai's commentary on a letter from Ludendorff from early April 1922; letter from Hans von Seekt  to Nicolai from March 9, 1920, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 20, 172;  delo 18, 539.
 
78 RKUo0 report from February 21, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis I, delo 96, 115.
 
79 Nicolai's commentary on Heye's letter to him from March 12, 1921, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 18, 351.
 
80 Nicolai's commentary on his letter to Ludendorff from April 19, 1922; Nicolai's letter to Ludendorff  from August 21, 1923; Nicolai's commentary on his "Mitteilung Nr. 8" from early July 1922, Tagebuch  (Diary), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 20, 174, 356; delo 22, 91.
 
81 Scheubner-Richter, ''Allgemeine Wirtschaft und Politik," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, October 11, 1922, 3.
 
82 DB report from May 15, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 954, reel 1, 56.
 
83 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Budapest, April 4, 1922, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 7, reel 2, 2119.
 
84 Vladimir Biskupskii's subpoena from March 11, 1930, APA, BAB, NS 43, number 35, 129, 131 ob.
 
85 DGBud report to the AA from July 18, 1922, PAAA, 83580, 20 ob.
 
86 DGBud report to the AA from July 5, 1922, PAAA, 83579, 130; "Die russischen Emigranten in  Ungarn und Deutschland bereiten sich zum Aufbau ihres Vaterlandes vor," translated article from  Nemzeti Ujsag that Scheubner-Richter sent to the DGBud on July 6, 1922, forwarded to the AA,  PAAA, 83580, 26, 27.
 
87 "Die russischen Emigranten in Ungarn und Deutschland," 29; DGBud report to the AA from July  5, 1922, PAM, 83580, 130 ob.
 
88 DGBud report to the AA from July 18, 1922, PAM, 83580, 21.
 
89 DGBer report to the AA from July 3, 1922, PAAA, 83579, 102; RKUo0 report from July 29, 1922,  RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 1, delo 96, 154.
 
90 DB reports from August 4 and 6, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 3, 197; reel  2, 185.
 
91 Letter from Knorring to the AA from August 16, 1922, PAM, 83580, 112, 112ob.
 
92 Kirill Romanov, "An das russische Volk!", included in Scheubner-Richter, "Zwei bedeutsame Deklarationen,"  Aufbau-Korrespondenz, August 16, 1922, 3.
 
93 Scheubner-Richter, "Zwei bedeutsame Deklarationen," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, 2, 4.
 
94 Report from Knorring to the RKUo0 from December 28, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 2, delo 179, 69.
 
95 Report from Knorring to the AA from June 30, 1921, PAAA, 31490, K096232; report from Knotting to the RKUoO from October 18, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 192.
 
96 Feliks Dzerzhinskii, NKVD memorandum from September 1, 1922, RGASPI, fond 76, opis 3, delo  400, 54.
 
97 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, September 12, 13, 1922, April 16-20, 1923, June 5, 1923, GARF,  fond 5853, opis 1, delo 9, reel 1, 3270; delo 11, reel 1, 4698; reel 3, 4851/180, 191; report from Stuttgart  [Baron von Delingshausen?] to the RKUo0 from July 11, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis  I, delo 96, 222; Nicolai's commentary on his letter to Ludendorff from February 18, 1922, Tagebuch  (Diary), RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 20, 171.
 
98 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Munich, May 26, 1923 and Berlin, June 5, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1,  delo 11, reel 1, 4722; reel 3, 4851/181.
 
99 Nicolai's commentary on his letter to Ludendorff from February 18, 1922, Tagebuch (Diary), RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 1414, opis 1, delo 20, 171.
 
100 Report from Stuttgart [Baron von Delingshausen?] to the RKUoO from July 11, 1923, RGVA  (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 96, 223.
 
101 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, June 5, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 11, reel 3, 4851/190, 191.
 
102 RKUoO report from July 1927, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 772, opis 1, delo 91, 51.
 
103 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, July 27, 1922, August 9-10, 1922, June), 1923, GARF, fond 5853,  opis 1, delo 8, reel 1, 2947; delo 9, re3l 1, 3230; delo 11, reel 3, 4851/179.
 
104 RMI report to the AA from June 9, 1931, PAAA, 31665, 136.
 
105 DB report from September 19, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 113, 116, 117.
 
106 "Die Kosaken und Grossfurst Kyrill," Volkischer Beobachter, September 20, 1922, 4.
 
107 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 160.
 
108 Rafael Ganelin, "Rossiiskoe chernosotenstvo i germanskii national-sotsializm." Natsionalnaia pravaia prezhde i teper, Istoriko-sotsiokgicheskie ocherki, chast I: Rossiia i russkoe zarubezhe (Saint  Petersburg: Institut Sotsiologii rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 1992), 142.
 
109 2. SAUV report from October 6, 1927, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103476/1, 113.
 
110 RKUoO report from November 1, 1922, BAB, 134, number 68, 142.
 
111 Robert Cecil, The Myth of the Master Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology (London: B. T.  Batsford Ltd., 1972), 35, 36; RKUoO report from October 22, 1922, BAB, 1507, number 327, 207.
 
112 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 159.
 
113 Stepanov, Chernaia Sotnia v Rossii, 33.
 
114 DB reports from May 15, 1922 and June 8, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel  3, 217; reel 2, 131; Spisok chlenov Russkogo Sobraniia s prilozheniem istoricheskogo ocherky sobraniia  (Saint Petersburg: Tip. Spb. Gradonachalstva, 1906), 21.
 
115 DB reports from August 19, 1922 and April 9, 1923, RGVA (TsKhlDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel  3, 192; reel 4, 334.
 
116 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis I, delo 386, reel 2, 161, 163, 164.
 
117 MMFT report to the DB from December 24, 1923, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 2, delo 2575,  reel 2, 135; DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2,  157.
 
118 Lampe, Dnevnik (Diary), Berlin, June 5, 1923, GARF, fond 5853, opis 1, delo 11, reel 3, 4851/183.
 
119 Baur, "Russische Emigranten und die bayerische Offendichkeit," Bayern und Osteuropa, 471.
 
120 PDM report to the BSMA from June 7, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 29.
 
121 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 159.
 
122 SG report from November 4, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1, opis 27, delo 12523, 39.
 
123 PDM report from May 25, 1923, BSAM, POM, number 6708, 129; SG report from November 25,  1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 1, opis 27, delo 12523, 9.
 
124 DB report from November 11, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 7, opis 1, delo 386, reel 2, 157.
 
125 PDM report from May 25, 1923, BSAM, PDM, number 6708, 129.
 
126 PDM report to the BSMA from June 7, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 31.
 
127 RKUoO report from January 28, 1924, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond772, opis 3, delo 81a, 45.
 
128 Andreas Remmer's testimony from June 2, 1923, BHSAM. BSMA 36, number 103009, 8; PDM  report to the BSMA from June 7, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 31.
 
129 LGPO report from May 7, 1923, GSAPKB, Repositur 77, title 1809, number 9, 121.
 
130 SKoO report to the AA from August 22, 1923, PAAA, 83582, 94.
 
131 Scheubner-Richter, "Russland und England," AuJbau-Korrespondenz, May 17, 1923, 2.
 
132 Remmer's testimony from June 1, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 10; Biskupskii's  testimony from June 2, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 7.
 
133 Remmer's testimony from June 1 and 2, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 8, 9; Remmer's  letter from May 7, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 14, 15.
 
134 Scheubner-Richter, "Interventionsabsichten gegen Sowjetrussland," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, June  14, 1923, 2.
 
135 ''Aus der russisch-monarchistischen Bewegung," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, July 20, 1923, 2.
 
136 "Die 'Russische Tribune' Uber die Regierungsformen in Russland," Aufbau-Korrespondenz, August  25, 1923, 3.
 
137 PDM report to the BSMI from September 3, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 36.
 
138 MAE report to Ferdinand Foch from May 31, 1922, RGVA (TsKhIDK), fond 198, opis 17, delo 406,  reel 1, 82.
 
139 RKUoO report from August 6, 1923, BAB, 134, number 76, 76.
 
140 Hitler, speech on August 19, 1923, Samtliche Aufzeichnungen, 975.
 
141 BSMA report to the RKUoO from September 26, 1923, BHSAM, BSMA 36, number 103009, 35.
 
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