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CHAPTER VI: THE SUPPRESSED TOBACCO STORY

FEW persons are aware that the two largest advertisers in the country are the manufacturers of the most expensive and the least expensive products, namely automobiles and cigarets. It is, therefore, natural that the press which protected the automobile industry during the first three years of war scandals should give the same protection to one of the most harmful of all industries, the tobacco manufacturers. The story of tobacco is told here to illustrate its power in dictating to the press, and also to satisfy the request of thousands who were unable to obtain the special issue (and 10,000 additional reprints) of the In Fact story. The entire report of Dr. Raymond Pearl is included in the Appendix.

"War is booming the Tobacco Business," say recent press reports; no less than 20,000,000,000 (twenty billion) cigarets are being made and smoked a month. Press and radio urge you to remember the fighters against Fascism by sending them tobacco.

But the American press and radio -- at least 99% of each -- have suppressed the facts, scientifically established, that the more tobacco a person uses the earlier he dies. Tobacco impairs the health of all users, moderate and heavy. But the tobacco companies spend fortunes -- four (Camels, Lucky Strikes, Chesterfields and Old Golds)spend $50,000,000 annually -- to keep the American public in ignorance.

The story is sensational. It must be said here that the term sensational is generally used against a newspaper to characterize it as yellow, biased, unfair, given to overplaying news. But sensational news can also be news really worth playing up, such as, for example, the discovery of the electric light, or the American landing in Sicily. These were sensational news items which no paper need be ashamed for headlining, whereas the Hearst press and the New York Daily News, which played up the Errol Flynn rape case for almost as much space as the Rommel defeat in Africa, were illustrating the sensationalism of yellow journalism.

Certainly the first scientific, documented report from the head of the biology department of Johns Hopkins University listing tobacco as first in impairing life, as causing users, of whom there are tens of millions in America alone, to die earlier than non-users, was a first-class story, a big story, and in a scientific way a sensational story, and worth the front page of any paper not corrupted by cigaret advertising. But to this day the story is suppressed by 99% of our commercial newspaper and magazine press, and if used at all in the other 1% (which is doubtful) it is buried or played down so effectively that not one-tenth of 1% of America's newspaper readers have ever heard of it.

And here is the evidence of the venality of the press as regards tobacco -- an industry which pays the press much more than $50,000,000 a year.

In February, 1938, Dr. Raymond Pearl, then head biologist at Johns Hopkins University, gave the New York Academy of Medicine the scientific results of a study of the life histories of some 7,000 Johns Hopkins cases which, for newspapers, should have constituted a story "to scare the life out of tobacco manufacturers and make the tobacco users' flesh creep," as Time commented.

In brief, Dr. Pearl discovered that smoking shortens life. Between the ages of 30 and 60, 61% more heavy smokers die than non-smokers. A human being's span of life is impaired in direct proportion to the amount of tobacco he uses, but the impairment among even light smokers is "measurable and significant."

The Associated Press, United Press and special correspondents of New York papers heard Dr. Pearl tell the story. But a paragraph or two buried under less important matter, in one or two papers, was all that the great free press of America cared to make known to its readers, the consumers of 200,000,000,000 cigarets a year.

When the Town Meeting of the Air announced a debate, "Do We Have a Free Press?" January 16, 1939, the present writer sent to Secretary of the Interior Ickes documentary evidence proving quite the opposite. In the debate Mr. Ickes easily bested Frank Gannett, chain newspaper owner. During the question period someone asked for examples of news suppression and Mr. Ickes mentioned a few casually, adding, "I understand that at Johns Hopkins University there is a very sensational finding resulting from a study of the effect of cigaret smoking that has not yet appeared, so far as I know, in any newspaper in the United States. I wonder if that is because the tobacco companies are such large advertisers."

The statement was correct. Research had proved that although the A.P., U.P. and I.N.S. had sent the story to every paper in America, although New York science reporters were present and Science Service had sent all advance account to numerous big papers, 98% of the big city press, the press which takes the cigaret advertising, suppressed the story.

But because Mr. Ickes had said "in any newspaper" that same press threw a journalistic bombshell. It attacked and smeared Mr. Ickes, it lied outright and printed half-lies which are harder to nail, it distorted and faked the news, published untrue editorials and generally presented to America the spectacle of as corrupt a press as that usually charged to fascist nations.

The tobacco story, to be exact, appeared in some country papers, and one or two big city papers. Here is what happened in the "great free press metropolis of New York:

Herald Tribune, totally suppressed.

Sun, totally suppressed.

News, totally suppressed.

Mirror, totally suppressed.

Post, totally suppressed.

Journal-American, totally suppressed.

World Telegram carried a few lines.

Times carried a few lines.

The World Telegram and the Times carried a three-fourth and half column story respectively, dealing first with the effect on long life or hard work and alcohol, then, at the end of the story, tobacco. This is all the Times had to say, and that at the bottom of the first column on page 19:

"Professor Pearl also presented the 'first life tables ever constituted' to show relation between tobacco and longevity. The tables showed, he said, 'that smoking is associated with a definite impairment of longevity.'

"This impairment, he added, is proportional to the habitual amount of tobacco usage in smoking, being great for the heavy smokers and less for moderate smokers. But even in the case of the moderate smoker, he said, the impairment in longevity is 'sufficient to be measurable and significant.'"

The tables had been seen by the press. The leading authority in America, if not in the world, had made a great discovery and presented the first scientific study in a controversial matter in which some 50,000,000 Americans consuming billions of cigarets were interested, and 75% of the New York press suppressed the story, 25% half-suppressed it, 100% of the press manhandled it.

The Federated Press, serving the labor press (which gets precious little cigaret advertising) reported that the Herald Tribune not only suppressed the tobacco story but claimed it never saw it. The F.P. said: "Wilbur Forrest, executive editor (said) his paper had been scooped on the tobacco story. Asked how an Associated Press member could be scooped on an A.P. story, he explained that the Herald Tribune does not get the A.P. local service. This excuse was punctured by A.P. executives, who insisted that the story went not only to the Herald Tribune but also to other New York papers that failed to print a line."

A large part of the controversy hinged on Dr. Pearl. In preparing the evidence, the present writer wrote Dr. Pearl, who replied:

"I may say that the newspaper coverage on my statement regarding the association between tobacco smoking and longevity was very widespread. Without taking the trouble to count them, for which I have not the time to spare, I should say that the point was amply and promptly reported in no less than 250 daily and weekly newspapers in this Country."

Inasmuch as a search at the New York Public Library revealed that no San Francisco, Los Angeles, Boston, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Cincinnati newspaper, or, in fact, any big newspaper besides the Washington Post, had covered the story, Dr. Pearl was asked to name two or three newspapers, outside of country dailies and country weeklies (which are not subsidized by tobacco advertising), which ran his story. He refused to answer.

There are 200 big daily papers in America, some 1,700 smaller dailes and many thousand weeklies. Apparently Dr. Pearl had 249 country paper clippings plus the Washington Post. Science Service, asked to look through its files, found only the Washington Post story and the two buried references in New York.

But no sooner had Ickes mentioned Dr. Pearl than the A.P. rushed out a column story which the Times headlined: "Contradicts Ickes on Tobacco Story -- Johns Hopkins Biologist Says Report ... Was Widely Published. -- 'No Press Suppression.'"

Six cigaret companies grossed $200,000,000 in 1937 (SEC report). A combined profit after all charges of $83,000,000 that year was reported by the Census of American Listed Corporations (April 5, 1939).

The major companies' advertising bill a year on four brands is:



The newspapers, Editor & Publisher, Saturday Evening Post, all say that advertising has nothing to do with editorial policy. The facts are:

1. The cigaret companies spend more than $50,000,000 a year.

2. News inimical to tobacco is not published.

3. Ninety-nine percent of the American press suppresses government fraud orders against advertisers.

The tobacco advertisers share with peacetime automobile advertisers first place in spending money in newspapers and magazines. This is without doubt the reason the press suppressed the story. The press is therefore part of a system spreading actual poison throughout America. As for the poison of reaction (Fascism) the evidence is just as thoroughly documented.

Conclusion: VICTORY OVER FASCISM

IF WE take the "one world" view, the global view -- regardless of the brilliant sneers of rattlebrained lady Congressmen who are too far removed from the men and women who are working and fighting for the Century of the Common Man to do more than make newspaper remarks -- then we see that Fascism is being beaten back on every front and that the year of victory is near.

If we take the national view, the panorama is not so brilliant: at the moment of writing the Congress has reached one of its lowest levels of intelligence and honesty. The men elected with the money of the DuPonts, the Pews, the Mellon-Aluminum family and the other leaders of the NAM, have noted the reactionary trend in politics and dared openly to vote a dozen bills against the welfare of the majority and for the benefit of their paymasters. They passed the so-called 75% Ruml Income Tax bill, they killed the President's $67,200 salary limitation order (falsely called a $25,000 limitation by the press), they killed grade labeling, although a great part of the success of the maintenance of prices depended on it, they killed planning boards and the youth administration and they finally passed the Smith-Connally Anti-Labor bill which more than any other measure of the time approached typical Hitlerite and Mussolinian Fascism.

The Duce said, years ago, that two forces were striving for world mastery, Fascism and Democracy; it is "Either We or They." The answer is now being given on every battlefield on the five continents, the seven seas, and all the air over them. It is the Duce's "They" who will win, it is "We," the democracies.

Thus the greatest drive and the greatest war in history which has been paid for by men and organizations owning a vast part of the world's wealth and covetous of all of it, will come to an end with the destruction of the world's special interests. A world ends for Privilege, the great day dawns for the peoples of the earth.

Unless our own State Department fascisti and the reactionaries in American political life, in business, and in the armed forces interfere, the outlook is brilliant for the restoration of all the old freedoms to European peoples and the additional freedoms from fear and from want -- the economic freedoms which can be won for the democratic Many with no harm to anyone but the fascist Few.

All the enemies of the people of the world are united behind the Fascist International. When that is broken we will have come the main part of the way to a practical reality which previously had been regarded as a dream of idealists. Of course this will be possible only if Fascism (reaction) does not exist in disguise and wrapped in new flags and sheltered by wealth and power and accepted by peoples accustomed to being betrayed by rulers and the propaganda organs of these rulers, the world's corrupted press.

Fascism is Reaction. When we destroy international Fascism we must at the same time destroy national Fascism, we must replace the reactionary forces at home with truly democratic forces which will represent all of us.

Victory over foreign Fascism is certain. All of us will share in that. The American soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines will have fought in a war which will never be regretted. The thousands who gave their lives, notably the seamen of the Atlantic and Pacific, will have made a sacrifice equally as great as that of armed men, and even in greater proportions. And those of us who did anything at all to fight and destroy Fascism will reap a reward of satisfaction as well.

We, however, will also inherit the job left unfinished on the battlefield: it is we, the civilians, and the soldiers who will again become civilians, who will have to continue to fight native Fascism for many years. We will do this in the elections, in Congress, in the labor unions, in the press, in the churches, in the schools -- everywhere. Otherwise we will stupidly have dropped the victory won in Africa, in Italy, in Germany and in Japan.

And since that victory will go down in history as the greatest to benefit mankind in all recorded time, it must cheer all of us on to fight the remaining enemies of a free people at home.

Appendices

APPENDIX I: WHAT IS FASCISM?

MUSSOLINI: "Fascism, which did not fear to call itself reactionary when many liberals of today were prone before the triumphant beast [Democracy], has not today any impediment against declaring itself illiberal and anti-liberal. ... Fascism knows no idol, worships no faith; it has once passed, and, if needful, will turn to pass again over the more or less decomposed body of the Goddess of Liberty." (Gerarchia, March, 1923.)

PALME DUTT: "The fascist system is a system of direct dictatorship, ideologically masked by the 'national idea.' ... It is a system that resorts to a popular form of social demagogy (anti-Semitism, occasional sorties against usurer's capital and gestures of impatience with the parliamentary 'yelling shop') in order to utilize the discontent of the petit-bourgeois, the intellectual and other strata of society; and to corruption through the building up of a compact and well-paid hierarchy of fascist units, a party apparatus and a bureaucracy. At the same time, Fascism strives to permeate the working class by recruiting the most backward strata of the workers to its ranks, by playing upon their discontent, by taking advantage of the inaction of Social-democracy, etc. ..."

"The combination of social demagogy, corruption and active White terror, in conjunction with extreme imperialist aggression in the sphere of foreign politics, are the characteristic features of Fascism. In periods of acute crisis for the bourgeoisie, Fascism resorts to anti-capitalistic phraseology, but, after it has established itself at the helm of state, it casts aside its anti-capitalist rattle, and discloses itself as a terrorist dictatorship of big capital."

"Fascism is the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinist and most imperialist elements of finance capital." -- 13th Plenum of Executive Committee of the Communist International, Moscow, 1933.

RAYMOND GRAM SWING: "Fascism is a reorganization of society to maintain unequal distribution of economic power and a substitution of barbaric values for individualist civilization."-"Forerunners of American Fascism."

HEYWOOD BROUN: "I am quite ready to admit that the word Fascism has been used very loosely. Sometimes we call a man a Fascist simply because we dislike him, for one reason or another. And so I'll try to be pretty literal in outlining some of the evidence which I see as the actual danger of Fascism in America. First of all, we need a definition. Fascism is a dictatorship from the extreme Right, or to put it a little more closely into our local idiom, a government which is run by a small group of large industrialists and financial lords. Of course, if you want to go back into recent history) the influence of big business has always been present in our federal government. But there have been some checks on its control. I am going to ask latitude to insist that we might have Fascism even though we maintained the pretense of democratic machinery. The mere presence of a Supreme Court, a House of Representatives, a Senate and a President would not be sufficient protection against the utter centralization of power in the hands of a few men who might hold no office at all. Even in the case of Hitler, many shrewd observers feel that he is no more than a front man and that his power is derived from the large munitions and steel barons of Germany. ... Now one of the first steps which Fascism must take in any land in order to capture power is to disrupt and destroy the labor movement. ... I think it is not unfair to say that any business man in America, or public leader, who goes out to break unions, is laying foundations for Fascism." (May, 1936.)

APPENDIX 2: WHO OWNS AMERICA?

THE Temporary National Economic Committee, headed by Senator O'Mahoney of Wyoming, in its Monograph 29 ("The Distribution of Ownership in the 200 Non-Financial Corporations"), supplemented by Monograph 26 ("Economic Power and Political Pressures"), shows clearly that a handful of men and companies (Big Business, the Big Money, the NAM) own, control, boss and rule America in a manner which approaches the rule of Germany, Italy, and other fascist countries by similar elements.

Monograph 29, page 116, shows that of the 200 ruling families of America there are thirteen which top them all. Here is the official table:

TABLE 6

Identified stockholdings in 200 largest non-financial corporations of thirteen family-interest groups with holdings of over $50,000,000.



Includes only holdings of family members and family-endowed foundations in stock of 200 largest non- financial corporations insofar as they were identified among twenty largest record shareholdings. Values represent in most cases market values at December 31, 1937; otherwise (particularly for Ford) book values.

In other words, this vast accumulation of wealth (which means vast power) does not represent the totality. The Ford family fortune is estimated at two billion dollars, which is four times the amount of stock held in their own corporation. The same multiple probably applies to the other twelve.

APPENDIX 3: WHO OWNS GERMANY?

AT THE start of the second World War the 25 most important landowners in Germany were:

GERMANY'S BIGGEST LANDOWNERS



Kaiser Wilhelm II's family: 97,000 hectares
Prince of Pless: 50,000 hectares
Prince of Hohenlohe: 48,500 hectares
Prince of Hohenzollern-Siegmaringen: 46,000 hectares
Prince of Solms-Baruth: 38,700 hectares
Ernst von Stolberg-Wernigerode: 36,700 hectares
Duke of Ratibor and Prince Hohenlohe-Schilling fuerst: 31,100 hectares*
Duke of Anhalt-Dessau: 29,300 hectares
Count Thiele Winkler: 28,000 hectares*
Duke of Ahrenberg-Nordikirchen: 27,800 hectares
Count Schaffgotsch: 26,800 hectares*
Leopold Prince of Prussia: 25,000 hectares
Count von Bruehl: 22,900 hectares
Count Fink von Finkenstein: 21,000 hectares
Prince Frederick Henry of Prussia: 17,100 hectares
Duke Albrecht of Wurttemberg: 16,100 hectares
Prince Schaumburg-Lippe: 15,700 hectares
Family of Field Marshal von Kleist: 15,200 hectares
Prince Henkell von Donnersmarck: 15,000 hectares*
Grand Duke of Oldenburg: 13,800 hectares
Prince Richard Sayn-Wittgenstein: 12,000 hectares
Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha: 10,400 hectares
Hereditary Prince Josias of Waldeck: 10,000 hectares
Prince Philipp of Hesse: 7,000 hectares
* One hectare equals: 2.47 acres.

CAPITAL OF JOINT STOCK COMPANIES



PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL CAPITAL



CAPITAL OF LIMITED LIABILITY COMPANIES



PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL CAPITAL



* NOTE: -- The Silesian magnates knew what they were doing when they greeted with enthusiasm Hitler's war against Poland. By the partitioning of Upper Silesia in 1921 Count Thiele-Winkler had lost 15,900 hectares, the princes and counts of Donnersmarck 37,000 hectares, the Prince of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, 18,700 hectares, the count of Ballestrem, 4,900 hectares, and the Duke of Ratibor 2,600 hectares to Poland. In 1940 all their property on Polish soil was again restored to them.

(Reprinted from Albert Norden's The Thugs of Europe, with permission.)

APPENDIX 4: NAM: AMERICAN FASCISM

(Digest of Senate Report No.6, part 3, 76th Congress, 1st session.)

"A subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, Senator Robert M. La Follette Jr., Wisc., Chairman. ...

"The committee found that the purchasing and storing of 'arsenals' of firearms and tear and sickening-gas weapons is a common practice of large employers of labor who refuse to bargain collectively with legitimate labor unions and that there exists a large business of supplying gas weapons to industry. ... During the years 1933 through June, 1937, $1,255,392.55 worth of tear and sickening gas was purchased by employers and law-enforcement agencies, 'chiefly during or in anticipation of strikes.' The committee noted that:

"'... all of the largest individual purchasers are corporations and that their totals far surpass those of large law-enforcement purchasers. In fact, the largest purchaser of gas equipment in the country, the Republic Steel Corp., bought four times as much as the largest law-enforcement purchaser.'"

The largest industrial purchasers of gas munitions were found to be:

Republic Steel Corp., $79,712.42 ( Girdler; Vice-President and director of the NAM).

U.S. Steel, $62,208.12 (Contributed $41,450 to NAM in four years).

Bethlehem Steel, $36,173.69 (Contributed $29,250 to NAM in four years).

Youngstown Sheet & Tube, $28,385.39 (Contributor to NAM).

General Motors, $24,626.78 (Contributed $66,000 to NAM).

Anthracite Institute, $17,457.

Goodyear, $16,912 (Contributor to NAM and Associated Industries).

National Steel, $12,085 (of Weirton; E.T. Weir of the NAM, president).

Auto-Light, $11,351 (Contributed $4,800 to NAM in four years).

Goodrich, $7,740 (Contributed $2,600 to NAM in four years).

Pennsylvania Railroad, $7,466 (Contributed $10,000 to NAM in four years).

Chrysler, $7,000 (Contributed $35,400 to NAM in four years).

Thompson Products, $6,867 (F.C. Crawford, president of the NAM).

Seattle Chamber of Commerce, $5,873.

Waterfront Employers Union, San Francisco, $5,512.

Columbian Enameling, Terre Haute, $5,482.

Spang Chalfant, Ambridge, Pa., $5,281 (Contributed $5,750 to NAM in four years).

APPENDIX 5: ROSTER OF THE SIXTH COLUMN PRESS



 
APPENDIX 6: TOBACCO SMOKING AND LONGEVITY

By DR. RAYMOND PEARL, Johns Hopkins University IN THE customary way of life man has long been habituated to the routine usage of various substances and materials that are not physiologically necessary to his continued existence. Tea, coffee, alcohol, tobacco, opium and the betel nut are statistically among the more conspicuous examples of such materials. If all six are included together as a group it is probably safe to say that well over 90 percent of all adult human beings habitually made use of one or more of the component materials included in the group. All of them contain substances of considerable pharmacologic potency if exhibited in appropriate dosage. Widespread and long-continued experience, however, has shown that the moderate usage of any of these materials, if measurably deleterious at all, is not so immediately or strikingly harmful physiologically as to weigh seriously against the pleasures felt to be derived from indulgence, in the opinion of vast numbers of human beings. The situation so created is an extremely complex one behavioristically, and not a simple physiological matter, as it is sometimes a little naively thought to be. Purely hedonistic elements in behavior, which are present in lower animals as well as in man, have a real importance. Indeed they frequently override, in their motivational aspects, reason as well as purely reflex physiological inhibiting factors. There are undoubtedly great numbers of human beings who would continue the habitual use of a particular material they liked, even though it were absolutely and beyond any question or argument proved to be somewhat deleterious to them. Most of them would rationalize this behavior by the balancing type of argument -- that the keen pleasure outweighed the relatively (in their view) smaller harm.

The student of longevity is not primarily interested in the behavioristic aspects of the situation under discussion. His concern is to appraise quantitatively, with the greatest attainable accuracy, the effect of each of these habitual usages upon the duration of life. This problem is necessarily statistical in its nature, for in the ordinary way of usage the effect upon longevity of any of the materials mentioned is not sufficiently strong or immediate to be disentangled in the individual from the effects of other and more powerful factors that are involved, such as infections, for example. An approximate evaluation of the statistical effect of these minor and secondary factors influencing longevity can, however, be reached by the application of actuarial methods (life table construction) to groups of individuals. For the maximum effectiveness of this methodology in the premises, the groups to be compared should be each as heterogeneous or random as possible in their compositions relative to all other characteristics except the one of degree of habitual usage of the particular material under discussion, and as homogeneous as possible relative to that. We shall then have a dispersed and counterbalancing effect within each group of all such factors as economic and social status, occupational and racial differences, etc., the plus variants relative to each such factor offsetting more or less evenly the minus variants; while there will be a concentrated, uni-directional and statistically cumulative effect, if any, of the habitual usage factor under test, since all components of a group will be alike in respect of it.

The purpose of this paper is to report a part of the results of an investigation of the influence of tobacco upon human longevity, planned and carried out along the lines indicated above. The material was drawn from the Family History Records of this laboratory. It is composed of data collected at first hand and ad hoc. The accuracy of the data as to the relative degree of habitual usage of tobacco and as to the ages of the living at risk, and of the dead at death can be guaranteed. The figures presented here deal only with white males, and concern only the usage of tobacco by smoking. The material falls into three categories, as follows: non-users of tobacco, of whom there were 2,094; moderate smokers, of whom there were 2,814; and heavy smokers, of whom there were 1,905. In other words, the results presented here are based upon the observation of 6,813 men in total. These men were an unselected lot except as to their tobacco habits. That is to say, they were taken at random, and then all sorted into categories relative to tobacco usage.

Complete life tables have been constructed for the three groups defined above relative to tobacco usage by smoking. The tables start at age 30 and continue to the end of the life span, by yearly intervals. Here only a condensation of the tables can be presented. This is done in Table I, where the date rate (1000 qx) and survivorship (1x) function are given by five-year intervals.

TABLE I
THE DEATH RATE (1,000 qx) AND SURVIVORSHIP (lx) FUNCTIONS, AT FIVE-YEAR INTERVALS, STARTING AT AGE 30, OF (a) NON-USERS OF TOBACCO; (b) MODERATE SMOKERS WHO DID NOT CHEW TOBACCO OR TAKE SNUFF; (C) HEAVY SMOKERS WHO DID NOT CHEW TOBACCO OR TAKE SNUFF. WHITE MALES.



However envisaged, the net conclusion is clear. In this sizable material the smoking of tobacco was statistically associated with an impairment of life duration, and the amount of degree of this impairment increased as the habitual amount of smoking increased. Here, just as is usually the case in our experience in studies of this sort, the differences between the usage groups in specific mortality rates, as indicated by qX, practically disappear from about age 70 on. This is presumably an expression of the residual effect of the heavily selective character of the mortality in the earlier years in the groups damaged by the agent (in this case tobacco). On this view those individuals in the damaged groups who survive to 70 or thereabouts are such tough and resistant specimens that thereafter tobacco does them no further measurable harm as a group.

(This material originally appeared in Science, March 4, 1933, Vol. 87, No. 2253, pages 216-217.)

INDEX

Addes, George, 254, 263,
Advertising, 168, 170, 195, 258, 268,
272.
A. F. of L., 37, 214.
Alba, Duke of, 57, 66.
Aluminum Corp., 262.
American Fascism, 11, 46, 210.
American Legion, 34, 105.
American Mercury, 159, 163, 164.
America's 13 Families, 279.
Anaconda, 257.
A.N.P.A., 90, 205, 206, 213, 215.
Anti-Semitism, 22.
AP, 93, 272.
Arnold, Thurman, 68, 76, 253.
A.S.N.E., 203.
Associated Industries, 34.
Automobile Industry, 262.

Barton, Bruce, 77.
Baruch, Bernard M., 252, 255.
Bennett, Harry, 125.
Berle; A. A., 173, 259.
Big Business Sit-Down, 255.
Birkhead, L. M., 152.
Book-of-the-Month Club, 172.
Bowers, Claude, 58.
Brady, Prof. Robert A., 33, 54, 55.
Bridges, Harry, 267.
Brooklyn Tablet, 59.
Broun, Heywood, 214, 232, 278.
Buchmanism, 134.
Butler, Smedley, 112.

Cameron, W. J., 125.
Carnegie-Illinois Steel, 261.
Catholic Party, 41.
Chandler, Harry, 135.
Chicago Tribune, 204, 215, 218, 222,
226, 250.
Christian American ASSOC., 117.
C.I.O., 37, 213, 229, 264.
C.I.O. News, 97.
Clapper, Raymond, 232, 233, 248.
Coughlin, Father, 129, 152, 160, 205,
230, 263.
Crawford, Frederick C., 81, 101.
Curran, Joseph, 267.
Curtiss-Wright, 256.

Dennis, Lawrencc, 159, 161.
Detroit Press Press, 133.
Detroit News, 133.
Detroit Times, 132.
Dies, Martin, 74, 165, 230.
Dillon, Read, 41, 155.
"Ding," 251.
Dodd, Ambassador, 47, 122.
Downey, Sen., 176.
DuPont, 14, 35, 49, 74, 76, 77, 80,
99, 196, 255, 274.
Dutt, Palme, 277.
Dyer, Gus W., 93.

Eastman, Max, 183.
Editor & Publisher, 141, 206.
Eliot, Major George Fielding, 148.

F.A.E.C.T., 174.
Fascism, definitions of, 277.
Ford Empire, 122.
Ford, Henry, 77, 263.
Portun(, 43, 212.
Franco, 57.
"Free Enterprise," 86, 117, 119, 196,
198, 213, 252.
French, Paul Comly, 112.
Friends of Democracy, 152.
Fuller, Walter D., 96.

Gannett, Frank, 208, 232, 270.
Ge1lermann, William, 107.
General Electric, 262.
General Motors, 74, 75, 264.
Goebbels, 24.
Goering, 23.
Good Housekeeping, 169.
Green, William, 214.
Guild Reporter, 214, 238.

Hamilton, Thomas J., 60, 64.
Hart, Merwin K., 178.
Hearst, 11, 95, 106, 211, 226, 230.
Henri, Ernst, 18.
Heptisax, 250.
High, Stanley, 167, 176.
Hindenburg, 30.
Hirohito, 48.
Hirschfeld, Gerhard, 17.
Hitler, 17, 122, 140, 210, 256.
Hoffman, Rep. Clare, 160.
Hoover, Herbert, 77.
Howard, Roy, 95, 208, 211, 230, 238,
249.
Hugenberg, 20.

Ickes, Harold L., 180, 232, 2.38, 270.
I. G. Farbenindustries, 17, 43, 49, 76,
122, 194.
l.L.W.U. Dispatcher, 266.
INS, 93.
International Bankers, 153.
Italian Big Business, 34.
Jackson, Justice, 179.

Japan, 48, 218.
Jews, 17, 19, 28, 71, 96, 133, 141.
Jung, Harry A., 180.

Kennedy, Joseph P., 77.
Kent, Frank R., 250.
Knudsen, William S., 77.
Kuczynski and Witt, 31.
K.K.K., 117, 222, 230.

Labor, 204, 215.
La Follette, 83, 199.
Landowners, 30, 34, 35, 41, 42, 58.
Lewis, Fulton, Jr., 184, 197.
Lindbergh, Col., 77, 139.
Lippmann, Walter, 232, 233.
Lit tell, Norman, 68.
Los Angeles Times, 135, 226, 237.
Luce, Henry, 43.
Lutz, Harley L., 93.
Lyons, Eugene, 164.

MacLeish, Archibald, 203, 207.
Mallon Paul, 228, 232, 233, 250.
Manly, Chesly, 216, 228.
March, Juan, 57.
Martin, Homer, 130.
Marx, Karl, 25.
Matteotti, 38.
McCall's, 191.
McCormack-Dickstein Com., 113.
McCormick, Col., 205, 211, 215, 230.
Mein Kampf, 140, 220.
Milwaukee Journal, 257.
Mitsubishi, 48.
Mitsui, 48.
Morgan, 41, 155.
Murray, Philip, 267.
Mussolini, 11, 20, 34, 277.

NAM, 26, 35, 37, 80, 118, 124, 184,
197, 213, 230, 246, 274, 281.
Nation, The, 166.
Nazi Cartel Plot, 68.
New Republic, 165.
N.I.I.C., 92, 94, 191.
N.M.U., 81, 230.
Norden, Albert, 27.
N.Y. Daily News, 15, 44, 204.
N.Y. Herald Tribune, 271.
N.Y. State Economic Council, 178.
N.Y. Times, 88, 97, 136, 203, 246,
258, 271.

O'Donnell, John, 204, 228.
OWI, 11
O'Mahoney, 83.
Owsley, Alvin, 109.

Palmer, Paul, 159, 163.
Patric, John, 176.
Patterson, Capt., 205, 211, 215, 230.
Pearl, Dr. Raymond, 268, 284.
Pegler, Westbrook, 35, 229, 236, 249.
Pew, J. Howard, 97.
Pilot, The, 81, 230.
PM, 173, 248.
Prentis, H.W., 96.
Press-Fascist Force, 204.
Profits in Fascism, 16.

"Quislings," 180.

Railroad Brotherhoods, 37, 176.
Rand, J. H., 96.
Reader's Digest, 15, 158.
Rimar, Ralph, 125.
Robb, Arthur, 141.
Rosten, Leo, 226, 228.

Salvemini, Prof., 34, 46.
Saturday Evening Post, 11, 15, 96.
Scripps-Howard, 44, 95, 208, 226.
Sinclair, Harry, 38.
Sinclair Upton, 135.
Sixth Column Press, 209, 283.
Sloan, Alfred P., 75, 80.
Smart, David, 110.
Smith, Gerald L. K., 180, 230.
Social-Democratic, 20, 72, 277.
Social Justice, 152, 263.
Society of Jesus, 57, 63.
Sokolsky, George E., 35, 93, 167, 186,
232.
Spahr, Walter, 93.
Spivak, Lawrence E., 164.
Standard Oil, 76, 122, 258.
State Department, 73, 172, 275.
Stinnes, Hugo, 20.
St. Louis Star-Times, 259.
Stone, I.F., 255.
Sulzberger, A.H., 97.
Swing, Raymond Gram, 278.
Tabouis, Genevieve, 78.

The Economics of Barbarism, 31.
The Thugs of Europe, 27.
Thomas, Lowell, 258.
Thomas, R.J., 263.
Thompson, Dorothy, 38, 144, 232.
Thyssen, Fritz, 17, 19, 20, 135.
Time, 258, 264.
Tobacco, 268, 284.
Treasury Dep't., 234, 236.
Truman, Sen., 253.

UP, 93.
U.S. Cartridge Co., 259, 260.
U.S. Steel, 260.

Valtin, Jan, 172.
Vandenberg, Sen., 77.
Varney, Harold Lord, 166.
Vereinigte Stahlwerke, 19.

Wallace, DeWitt, 158.
Wallace, Vice-Pres., 13,139, 213, 247.
Waring, Roane, 106, 115.
Warner, W.B., 191.
War Profits, 252.
Washington Post, 272.
Watson, Morris, 182.
Weir, E.T., 191, 193.
Western Cartridge Co., 260.
Wheeler, Sen., 154, 230.
White, William Allen, 207, 244.
Willkie, Wendell, 152.
Wohlforth, Robert, 87.
Wolff, Otto, 19, 20.
World-Telegram, 95.

The real Fifth Column is built on more than economic penetration, and much more than a few pro-Nazi preachers, red network manipulators, publishers of cheap and lying anti-Semitic pamphlets, and crackpots of all sorts. In Spain, where the term Fifth Column originated, it was not reported generally that the pro-Franco traitors within Madrid, who hid on roofs and murdered people in the streets, were -- except for hired gunmen -- members of the upper ruling class, the aristocrats, the landowners, and the members of the big business ruling families, and all the dead and wounded were working men. Our press, which had nothing but praise for Mussolini for almost a generation, and which has always protected Fascism, Naziism and reaction in general by redbaiting every person and movement which is anti-Fascist, anti-Nazi and anti-reactionary, later made a grand noise over the traitors, seditionists and propagandists such as Coughlin, Fritz Kuhn and Pelley, who were the outstanding loudmouths at the time of Pearl Harbor. These small-fry fascisti and the Rev. Gerald Winrod and numerous others spread the same lies which they received from Hitler's World-Service (Welt-Dienst) of Erfurt; all these noisy propagandists and traitors, repeating Hitler's propaganda, did succeed in raising a huge smokescreen over America. Behind this artificial redbaiting, anti-Semitic, anti-New Deal fog of confusion and falsehood, however, there was a real Fifth Column of greater importance, the great owners and rulers of America who planned world domination through political and military Fascism, just as surely as Hitler did in Germany, and like groups and like leaders did in other countries. There is no reason to believe that the United States was the one exception to the spread of Fascism.