Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

Postby admin » Tue Jun 09, 2015 4:32 am

PART 2 OF 2

Paris 14 October 1972

Today my doubts about Sal and Leslie were resolved in the case of Leslie, completely, and in the case of Sal, almost. It began two days ago over pizza when Leslie gave me money for the trip to Brussels and London. When she asked how I like the typewriter she bought me, I told her I haven't used it because of the recordings -- adding that I left it at Therese's apartment. She seemed hurt that I had left it there, particularly as Therese never locks her apartment. Afterwards when Sal and I were alone, he said Leslie was very angry that I had left the typewriter with Therese, and, that if it disappears (Therese has already had several intrusions), Leslie will stop financing me.

Without reflecting properly I took the typewriter from Therese's apartment to Catherine's studio, although as usual I went through my counter-surveillance routine. I placed it under the table where I work and this afternoon after finishing the last tape I went out to buy a bottle of beer. When I returned I noticed a man and woman standing in front of Catherine's door, looking as if they had just knocked. As I approached the door, however, they backed away and began to embrace. I knocked and Catherine opened, laughing as she noticed the embrace in the dark hallway.

On glancing back at the couple with their full coats and large travel bags, I suddenly realized what was happening. After closing the door I took Catherine aside and whispered that the man and woman were probably monitors of a bugging operation to discover where I am living. She said she saw a hearing-aid in the ear of the man, which suggested that the irritating beeps causing interference on my radio over the past two days were the signal being monitored.

Catherine followed the couple down the steps to see where they went, and in their confusion they went all the way to the ground floor where the doorway is always locked with a key. This building, only a block from the Seine, has its regular entrance on the side away from the river and up the slope -- corresponding to the third or fourth floor up from the ground floor where the monitors went. As they had no key they stood around for a moment, embraced again as Catherine passed, said nothing, and began to walk back up the stairs. Catherine, who had been watching them from the garbage-room, came back to the studio and told me that they seemed to have portable radios or cases beneath their coats.

Now it was clear. Since bringing the typewriter that Leslie bought for me to Catherine's studio, I have been hearing a beeping sound on my own portable FM radio. I paid little attention, however, because of the nearness to ORTF and the frequent other interference I get. I reached under the table, raised the typewriter case with the machine inside, and began to turn it. As I turned it the beeping sound on my radio got louder and softer in direct relation to the turning. Catherine carried it out of the building and the beeping completely disappeared. When she returned it began again. Later I tore open the lining of the inside roof of the case and found an elaborate installation of transistors, batteries, circuits, wiring and antennas -- also a tiny microphone for picking up voices. The objects were all very small, mounted in spaces cut out of a piece of 1/4-inch plywood cut exactly the size of the case and glued against the roof. Not only was the object designed to discover where I live through direction-finding, it appears also made for transmitting conversations.

I shall leave for Brussels in three days and Catherine will go to the country for a few days -- there is certainly nothing they can do to her. Before leaving I shall stay in cheap hotels in Montmartre, changing each morning so that the police cannot find me through their registry slips. From London I will write to Sal and Leslie telling them that I prefer to work alone from now on -- I can find some source of support for the two or three months until I finish, Leslie is a spy, and I will know for certain about Sal when I ask him where he got the first typewriter he lent me. Obviously that first machine was lent as a stand-in until the bugged typewriter was ready and they could effect a sudden switch. Leslie's feigned resentment when I left the typewriter at Therese's apartment was the ploy to get me to take the typewriter to where I live.

The damage may have been slight, but I've been foolish. From now on I take no chances.

London 24 October 1972

Today, Tuesday, I arrived in London on the train from Paris. In order to avoid carrying the manuscript and other materials to Brussels -- where the CIA might have tried to talk to me in my father's presence -- I went back to Paris to get them a d to proceed here. At the Gare du Nord this morning a friend was waiting to tell me that on Friday Therese was arrested and taken to an interrogation centre at the Ministry of the Interior. For several hours she was questioned about me and the book -- they know of my CIA background and said the U.S. government considers me an enemy of the state. They were most interested in discovering where I lived in Paris, but as Therese didn't know she couldn't tell them. Apparently she played dumb and was finally released. Tomorrow I will call to reassure her and to see if there are more details.

What is interesting about the arrest is that the French have continued to help the CIA- the surveillance and the crude opening of my correspondence sent c/o Sal were probably done by the French. However, by Friday -- the day Therese was arrested -- the CIA had known for a week where I was living. If the French service didn't know, it was only because the station hadn't told them -- probably in order to avoid admitting that I caught the monitors and discovered the installation in the typewriter case. After having helped the Paris station, the French service might not like being kept on chasing around for my hideaway for days after it was known to the CIA.

Tonight by telephone Sal also told me of Therese's arrest, adding that Leslie 'panicked' and went to Spain on Saturday. I feigned concern that she hadn't come here as planned, but Sal said he too was going to Spain -- tomorrow if he can -- in order to let things 'cool off'. I don't want them to know for sure that I am breaking with them, not yet anyway, so I protested to Sal that he must come here to help as planned. He insisted try at he go to Spain in order to convince Leslie to come to London, and he will call by telephone later this week after seeing her.

The British service was well prepared for my arrival. My name was on the immigration check-list on the ship crossing the Channel, which caused me a long interview and then a longer wait. I can take no chances on jeopardizing my status here. Tomorrow I must begin looking for support, as I have money for only a few days.

London 7 December 1972

Relief at last. After calling at the International Commission for Peace and Disarmament, a group that channels protest against U.S. crimes in Vietnam, I was sent to several other possible sources of support, finally to the editor who will help me finish. I now have a contract to publish here, with an advance sufficient to carry me through to the end as well as transcription service and other important support.

At the British Museum, moreover, I began reading the newspapers and discovered that here is the pot of gold I've been chasing for the past three years. In less than one week I discovered so many events in which we participated that I have decided to read all the newspapers, day by day, from the time I went to Ecuador until I returned to Washington from Uruguay. The Mexico City papers will also be valuable for selected events there. The editor accepts the added delay -- this places completion from a few months to a year or more away -- but it will be worth the effort. Sometimes I feel that I am reading the CIA files themselves, so much of what the Agency does is reflected in actual events. I may, in fact, be able to piece together a diary presentation to make the operations more readable.

I tried at first to live under an assumed name, more or less secretly as I had done in Paris. But each night as I left the Museum I was trailed by surveillance teams, and fatigue led me to give up the effort to conceal where I was living. My mail is again being opened, quite obviously, and meetings arranged by telephone have generated immediate surveillance once more. At times I wonder if the surveillance is mainly for harassment, as it is so clumsy and indiscreet, but if the British service does nothing more serious, I shall be able to finish in calm.

In telephone conversations with Sal and Leslie in Spain, she again tried to convince me to go there but she also refused to send me money. Sal eventually came to London to continue helping me -- not knowing, perhaps, that I've solved the problem of support -- but at our first meeting I refused his help unless he gave me certain information. Making it clear I thought Leslie was a spy, but without revealing how I found out, I asked Sal a series of questions on his university background and his connections with the underground press in the U.S. Eventually we came around to the first typewriter he lent me, and when he continued refusing to reveal who gave it to him (just as he had refused earlier in July) I told him we could go no further. I can only conclude that the CIA failed to establish a proper cover story for the first typewriter, since Sal could neither explain where it came from nor why he refused to explain. There is a remote possibility that Sal is the victim of an amazing chain of coincidences, but I can have nothing more to do with him.

In spite of the recent good news there is also a gloomy side. As soon as I had oral agreement on the new contract I telephoned the boys to tell them I have the money for them to come at Christmas. To my dismay Janet said she would not let them come, insisting that I go there to see them. She knows perfectly well that I cannot risk a trip to the U.S. until I have finished the book, so she must be cooperating with the CIA to ensure that in my desperation to see my sons I will risk a trip back now. It won't work.

London October 1973

I hurry to finish, now more confident than ever that I really will see this project to the end. The coup in Chile, terrible as it is, has been like a spur for even faster work. Signs of preparations for the coup were clear all along. While economic assistance to Chile plummeted after Allende's election, military aid continued: in 1972 military aid to the Chilean generals and admirals was the highest to any country in Latin America; the growth of the CIA station since 1970 under the Chief of Station, Ray Warren; ‡ the murder of General Schneider; the militancy of well-heeled 'patriotic' organizations such as Patria y Libertad; the economic sabotage; the truckers' strike of 1972 with the famous 'dollar-per- day' to keep the strikers from working; and the truckers' strike of this past June -- both strikes probably were financed by the CIA, perhaps through the International Transport Workers' Federation ‡ (ITF), perhaps through the AIFLD which had already trained some 9000 Chilean workers. Perhaps through Brazil. So many possible ways. Finally the Plan Z: so like our Flores document in Quito, our evidence against the Soviets in Montevideo, so typical of CIA black documents. Was it placed in the Minister's office by an agent in the Ministry? More likely the Chilean generals simply asked the station to write Plan Z, just as our Uruguayan liaison collaborators asked us to write the scenario for proof of Soviet intervention with trade unions in 1965 and 1966.

Brazilian participation in preparations for the coup and follow-up repression clearly demonstrates Brazil's subordinate but key role in the U.S. government's determination to retain capitalist hegemony in Latin America. Brazilian exiles arrested in Chile are recognizing their former torturers from Brazilian jails, as now they are again forced to submit to such horror. What we see in Chile today is still another flowering of Brazilian fascism.

Only a few more months and ten years will have passed since that 31 March when the cables arrived in the Montevideo station reporting Goulart's overthrow. Such joy and relief! Such a regime we created. Not just through the CIA organization and training of the military regime's intelligence services; not just through the military assistance programmes -- good for 165 million dollars in grants, credit sales and surplus equipment since 1964 plus special training in the U.S. for thousands; not just through the AID police-assistance programme worth over 8 million dollars and training for more than 100,000 Brazilian policemen; not just the rest of the U.S. economic assistance programme -- worth over 300 million dollars in 1972 alone and over 4 billion dollars in the last twenty-five years. Not just the multi-lateral economic assistance programmes where U.S. influence is strong -- worth over 2.5 billion dollars since 1946 and over 700 million dollars in 1972. Most important, every one of the hundreds of millions of private U.S. dollars invested in Brazil is a dollar in support of fascism.

All this to support a regime in which the destitute, marginalized half of the population -- some fifty million people -- are getting still poorer while the small ruling elite and their military puppets get an ever larger share. All this to support a regime under which the income of the high 5 per cent of the income scale now gets almost 40 per cent of total income, while half the population has to struggle for survival on 15 per cent of total income. All this to create a facade of 'economic miracle' where per capita income is still only about 450 dollars per year -- still behind Nicaragua, Peru and nine other Latin American countries -- and where even the UN Economic Commission for Latin America reports that the 'economic miracle' has been of no benefit to the vast majority of the population. All this for a regime that has to clamour for export markets because creation of an internal market would imply reforms such as redistribution of income and a slackening of repression -- possibly even a weakening of the dictatorship. All this to support a regime denounced the world over for the barbaric torture and inhuman treatment inflicted as a matter of routine on its thousands of political prisoners -- including priests, nuns and many non-Marxists -- many of whom fail to survive the brutality or are murdered outright. Repression in Brazil even includes cases of the torture of children, before their parents' eyes, in order to force the parents to give information. This is what the CIA, police assistance, military training and economic aid programmes have brought to the Brazilian people. And the Brazilian regime is spreading it around: Bolivia in 1971, Uruguay in February of this year and now Chile.

Ecuador, too, has seen some remarkable events since I left. The reform programme begun by the military junta in 1963 eventually led to the junta's own overthrow in 1966 the early relief of the ruling class because of the junta's repression of the left gave way to alarm over economic reforms and finally a combined opposition from left and right, similar to the forces that led to Velasco's overthrow in 1961. After a few months' provisional government, a Constituent Assembly convened to form a government and to write a new Constitution -- Ecuador's seventeenth -- which was promulgated in 1967. The 1968 election provided in the new Constitution developed into a new struggle between Camilo Ponce, on the right, and yes, Velasco, on the ... well, wherever he happened to be. Velasco was elected President for the fifth time, but largely because he was supported by Carlos Julio Arosemena who had managed to recoup a considerable political following after his overthrow.

Velasco's fifth presidency began with the familiar spate of firings of government employees to make way for his own supporters, followed in 1970 by his closure of the Congress and assumption of dictatorial powers. Ecuador's seventeenth Constitution had a short life, although Velasco promised that elections would occur on schedule in 1972. Trouble was that Asaad Bucaram, the presidential candidate everyone knew would win, is too honest and too well known to favour the common people. (Carlos Arizaga Vega ‡ [i] was the leading Conservative Party candidate.) After Velasco failed to force Bucaram to stay in exile, or to prove through an elaborate campaign that Bucaram was not really born in Ecuador (both campaigns only strengthened Bucaram) all the traditional parties and economic elites -- and eighty-year-old Velasco himself -- combined to promote chaos and military intervention once again. In February 1972, a few months before the elections, the Ecuadorean military leaders took over and Velasco was overthrown for the fourth time in his five presidencies. During the years since I left there have been no meaningful reforms to ease the extreme injustices that prevailed when I first arrived in 1960.

Ecuador, however, after all these generations of political tragicomedy and popular suffering has suddenly become the centre of very great international attention. Petroleum! Ecuador this year became a major oil exporter, thanks to discoveries in the Amazonian jungles east of the Andes. Not that these discoveries were really so recent. It is now known that the oil was discovered by the cartel in explorations beginning in 1920, but was kept secret to avoid oversupply on the world market. By 1949 the petroleum companies had been so successful in keeping the fabulous reserves secret that Gala Plaza, then Ecuadorean President, diverted national attention from the eastern region by describing traditional hopes for oil or other resources in the oriente as one great myth. At the same time, under Plaza's leadership, Ecuador became the banana republic that it is -- not surprising since Plaza had worked for United Fruit which, with Standard Fruit, became the dominant power for production and marketing of Ecuadorean bananas. Meanwhile the oil companies made millions by importing petroleum.

In March 1964, just after I left Ecuador, the military junta contracted for new exploration with the Texaco-Gulf consortium and subsequent contracts under other governments followed. But discoveries in the late 1960s could not be kept secret as in the past, and soon Ecuadorean reserves were being described as equal to or greater than those of Venezuela. By 1971 all the oriente region and all the coastal and offshore areas had been contracted for exploration and exploitation -- in almost all cases with terms exceedingly prejudicial to Ecuador but with undoubted benefits to the government officials involved. All seven of the big companies got contracts, as did a number of smaller companies, and even Japanese concerns. By mid-1972 the pipeline from the oriente basin over the Andes and down to the Pacific port of Esmeraldas was completed, and oil started to flow -- just a few months after the latest military takeover from Velasco. This year Ecuadorean income from oil exports is approaching the value of all the country's exports in 1972 when. they were still dominated by bananas, coffee and cacao. Prospects for increased production and income (800,000 to 1,000,000 barrels daily) are almost beyond imagination.

First indications from the new military government created hope that a leftist nationalism of the Peruvian brand might channel benefits from petroleum exports to the masses of poor most in need of help. There was even talk of land reform and social justice and equal opportunity -- familiar themes. Soon, however, a Brazilian-lining faction within the military leadership began to grow and struggles continue between these reactionary forces and the progressives who favour the Peruvian model. Nevertheless quite significant steps were taken to recover control of the petroleum industry and to reverse the shameful sell-outs made by the military junta in 1964 and by succeeding governments.

Several former government officials were even tried for their participation in the vast corruption connected with petroleum contracts between 1964 and 1972.

But so far the reactionary forces in the Ecuadorean government have been able to avoid agrarian reform, while military institutions take half of all the petroleum income -- the other half being invested in electrification. Benefits from petroleum so far are best described by AID: 'Initially, the beneficial effects of oil are being felt mainly in the more prosperous sectors of Ecuadorean society, while the poor half of the population remains virtually isolated from the economic mainstream. The rural and urban poor, with an average annual per capita income of less than eighty dollars, provide an inadequate market to stimulate the growth of the modern sector.'

From a distance one can only imagine the struggle now under way between left and right within the context of Ecuadorean nationalism. Some of the forces involved, however, are evident. Brazilian support to reactionaries is part of larger efforts to get into active exploitation of Ecuador's petroleum -- not surprising as Brazil must import 80 per cent of its oil. On the U.S. side, while military aid was suspended because of the tuna war, the Public Safety programme goes on -- worth about four million dollars in organization, training and equipment. The 1972 Public Safety project for Ecuador describes the programme's purpose: 'To assist the Government of Ecuador to develop and maintain an atmosphere conducive to increasing domestic and foreign investment, and the law and order necessary for a stable democratic society, by working through the National Police.' The logic seems odd: the military government has declared its intention to remain in power indefinitely. The National Police enforces military rule. Therefore, strengthening the National Police will lead to a 'stable, democratic society'.

The CIA station also continues -- now larger than ever with at least seven operations officers under Embassy cover in Quito (Paul Harwood; is now Chief of Station) and four operations officers in the Guayaquil Consulate (Keith Schofield ‡ is Chief of Base). By this year the AIFLD has trained almost 20,000 Ecuadorean workers while CEOSL; continues to make inroads against CTE dominance in the trade-union movement. In 1971 CEOSL and the International Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Workers; established the National Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Workers ‡ with none other than Matias Ulloa Coppiano [ii] as one of the main organizers. No question about the importance of Ecuador's petroleum workers now.

Perhaps in months to come the military government using petroleum income, will commit itself to fairer distribution of income, and to programmes that will benefit the mass of the population. The reforms -- agrarian, economic and administrative -- remain to be realized. Without doubt the chance that progressive forces will prevail underlies the policy of the Communist Party of Ecuador to support the current military government. Perhaps the government will fall under complete domination of its Brazilian-line faction. Perhaps it will continue without clear definition beyond continued favouring of the already wealthy class -- allowing the petroleum bonanza to trigger extreme inflation and distorted economic development, as in Venezuela. But if it is to take a progressive path it will have to overcome not only the pro-Brazilians within its ranks, but also the U.S. government programmes, not the least of which are put out by the CIA, including AIFLD, CEOSL and other reactionary organizations. In any case, events since I left demonstrate increasingly the triumph of those revolutionary ideas we fought so hard to destroy. Today Ecuador is immensely closer to the inevitable revolutionary structural changes than when I arrived.

Events in Uruguay since 1966 have been no less interesting than in Ecuador and considerably more revealing of the Brazilian military regime's readiness to fulfil the role of sub-imperialist power in South America -- remaining within and supporting continued U.S. hegemony.

In March 1967, Uruguay returned to the one-man executive as approved in the November 1966 elections. Nine months later, however, the moderate Colorado President died and was replaced by the rightist Vice-President, Jorge Pacheco Areco. Pacheco's four years in office were marked by continuing inflation, continuing financial and governmental corruption, no reforms, and failure to repress the Tupamaro movement in spite of widening use of torture, right-wing civilian terror organizations (of the type financed by the Montevideo station in the early 1960s), and police death-squads on the well known Brazilian model. The full flowering of the Tupamaro movement during the Pacheco presidency brought long periods of state of siege and suppression of constitutional liberties but with little success. Brazilian official policy of strengthening conservative influence in Uruguay -- begun in 1964 by Manuel Pio Correa -- resulted in the formation during the Pacheco presidency of Brazilian-line factions, both in military institutions and in the traditional political parties.

In the November 1971 elections Pacheco was defeated in his attempt at re-election through constitutional amendment, but the winner was Juan Mana Bordaberry, Pacheco's next choice after himself. There was wide belief that the chief Blanco contender had actually won the close election, but through fraud the presidency was given to Bordaberry -- an admitted advocate of 'Brazilian-style solutions' and a prominent landowner. (In the early 1960s Bordaberry had been a leader of the Federal League for Ruralist Action dominated by Benito Nardone. He resigned his Senate seat in 1965 and in 1971 was running as a Colorado.)

Results of the 1971 elections indicate the remarkable growth of leftist sentiment in recent years. In 1958 the electoral front of the Communist Party of Uruguay received 2.6 per cent (27,000) of the total vote, in 1962 3.5 per cent (41,000), in 1966 5.7 per cent (70,000), and in 1971 -- strengthened with other groups in the Frente Amplio -- 18.4 per cent (304,000). CIA estimates of PC U membership (published by the Department of State in World Strength of Communist Organizations) also grew correspondingly from 3000 in 1962 to 6000 in 1964 to 20,000 in 1969. With all this and the Tupamaros, too, something had to be done.

On taking office in March 1972 Bordaberry reportedly intensified the use of torture on Tupamaro prisoners which, in combination with errors by the Tupamaros themselves, led to severe setbacks for the movement. By September 1972 the Tupamaros were forced into a period of reorganization. Successes against the Tupamaros, however, created greater consciousness within the Uruguayan military of the injustices and corruption against which the Tupamaros had been fighting. Interrogations of Tupamaros led the military to uncover more stunning corruption than ever, and the trail began to lead back through the Pacheco regime to Pacheco himself and to Bordaberry who had been one of Pacheco's ministers. Investigations led to the arrest of some eighty business leaders in late 1972, and to an increasing tendency for military intervention in the civilian government.

In February 1973 the military finally took over but kept Bordaberry in office as chief executive, establishing a National Security Council as the mechanism for controlling the government.

The Uruguayan military justified their intervention as necessary for rooting out corruption and effecting agrarian, tax and credit reforms. Combating Marxism-Leninism was another justification offered by the military -- which was itself divided among those under Brazilian influence, those favouring a leftist nationalism of the Peruvian variety, and those favouring closer relations with Argentina to preserve independence from Brazil. In June the Congress was closed and Brazilian-line military leaders were clearly in control.

With the ascendancy of Brazilian influence in Uruguay during the Pacheco and Bordaberry military governments, repression of the entire left has reached previously unimaginable proportions. Leftist parties have been proscribed, the National Workers' Convention outlawed, prisons overflow with political prisoners, freedom of the press has been eliminated, and left-wingers have been rooted out of the entire educational system. For having covered the Chilean coup three newspapers and one radio station were closed. The University of the Republic has been closed and the Rector and deans of all the faculties are facing military courts. Torture of political prisoners, already widespread under Pacheco, now seems to be equaling Brazilian proportions.

Meanwhile, since I left Uruguay in 1966, the economic crisis has deepened even more. Per capita economic growth during 1960- 71 was zero. Inflation, according to the government's own figures, was 47 per cent in 1971, 96 per cent in 1972, and will reach 100 per cent this year -- for 1962-72 inflation was near 6500 per cent. The peso, in the 70s when I left, is now down to 750 officially, and to over 900 on the black market. Purchasing power of the ordinary Uruguayan has declined 60-80 per cent in the past six years. Little wonder that latest polls indicate that 40 per cent of the population would emigrate if they could. In March this year it was revealed that Bordaberry had secretly sold 20 per cent of the country's gold reserves in order to pay foreign creditors, and he continues to pursue his admitted economic goal of integration with the Brazilian economy.

Assistance by the U.S. government to the Pacheco and the Bordaberry/military regime has of course not been lacking. Military aid to Uruguay during 1967-71 (grants, surplus equipment and credit sales) totalled 10.3 million dollars and for the financial year 1972 was just over 4 million dollars -- equivalent to almost one and a half dollars for each Uruguayan. Training of the Uruguayan military also continues with a total of over 2000 trained since 1950. Economic assistance to Uruguay through AID and other official U.S. agencies rose from 6.5 million in 1971 to 10 million dollars last year. The Public Safety programme also continues -- worth 225,000 dollars last year with a cumulative total, since it was started by Ned Holman; in 1964, of 2.5 million dollars. About 120 Uruguayan policemen have been trained in the U.S., and over 700 in Uruguay, in riot control, communications and 'investigative procedures'.

CIA support? Montevideo station officers under Embassy cover grew from six to eight between 1966 and 1973, not to mention increases under non-official cover or within the A I D Public Safety mission. Significantly, the Chief of Station since early this year, Gardner Hathaway, served in the Rio de Janeiro station during 1962-5 when the Goulart government was brought down and the military regime was cemented in power. Similarly, the Deputy Chief of Station, Fisher Ames, ‡ served in the Dominican Republic during the repression following U.S. military invasion. Prominent among leaders of the Bordaberry /military government is Juan Jose Gari, ‡ [iii] the old Ruralista political-action agent who is one of Bordaberry's chief advisors and, with Bordaberry, one of the leading opponents of the reforms mentioned but not yet started by military leaders. Important too is Mario Aguerrondo, ‡ [iv] close liaison collaborator of the station when he was Montevideo Chief of Police in 1958-62. He's now a retired Army general and was a leader of the military coup in February.

Progress can also be noted in station labour operations. Since starting the AIFLD operation in Uruguay in 1963, over 7500 workers have been trained. This programme enabled the station to form a new national trade-union confederation, finally replacing the old Uruguayan Labor Confederation (CSU) that was scrapped in 1967. The new organization, called the Uruguayan Confederation of Workers ‡ (CUT), was formed in 1970and is safely inside the fold of ORIT, ICFTU and the ITS. The pattern for formation of the CUT is almost a carbon copy of the formation of the CEOSL in Ecuador.

For the time being power lies with the Brazilian-line reactionary elements in the Uruguayan military. As in Ecuador the chance exists that those military officers who prefer a nationalist and progressive solution will eventually triumph, so that some of the reforms so drastically needed can be imposed. But as in Chile and in Brazil itself, this terrible repression only raises the people's consciousness of the injustices and can only speed the day for revolutionary structural transformation.

Events in Mexico have been less spectacular than in Ecuador and Uruguay -- the one-party dictatorship of necessity lacks the violent lurches of political free-for-all and military coup -- but no less indicative of rising revolutionary consciousness. While the country's remarkable per capita income growth (an average 3.2 per cent increase annually during 1960-71) reached just under 800 dollars last year, the benefits continue to be enjoyed by very few. The poorer half of the population gets only about 15 per cent of the total income and according to the Bank, of Mexico half of the economically active population lack job security and earn under 80 dollars per month. A study by the National University revealed that of Mexico's twenty-four million people of working age, 9.6 million (40 per cent) are unemployed. As in the case of Brazil, Mexico's lack of an internal market because of income concentration in the privileged minority has forced the country to scramble for export markets in order to continue its economic growth and to meet payments on its enormous foreign debt contracted for development projects.

Surprise and alarm spread through Mexico's wealthy elite when Luis Echeverria [v] campaigned for the presidency in 1970 on a programme for redistribution of income, so that workers and peasants would receive a fairer share. His intensive campaign throughout the country seemed designed for a candidate fighting an uphill battle against an overwhelming opposition -- not altogether misleading since the opposition was the people's apathy rather than another candidate. His reformist policies were strongly opposed by Mexican business and industrial interests, and his new attempt to introduce democratic procedures within the P R I intensified divisions within the party. Although new statutes providing for greater internal democracy were adopted at the PRI convention in 1972, Echeverria has had scant success in trying to get a redistribution of income. Fears within the privileged minority that reforms might dangerously weaken the whole PRI power structure, together with resistance to the economic effect of redistribution, have effectively prevented significant reforms from starting.

Faced with the prospect of continuing injustice and failure of reform, Mexicans are increasingly turning to revolutionary action -- and as revolutionary consciousness and action has grown, so too has the level of repression. The guerrilla movement in the Guerrero mountains continues to operate successfully against the discredited Mexican Army, in spite of the death of its principal leader, Genaro Rojas. Bank expropriations, executions, kidnappings and other direct action grow in intensity as urban guerrilla movements appear in the main Mexican cities.

The student movement, too, gains new strength in spite of regular right-wing violence. Just two months after I left Mexico another Tlatelolco-style massacre occurred when a peaceful student march of 8000 was attacked by some 500 plain-clothes para-police armed with machine-guns, pistols, chains, clubs and other weapons. The number killed was kept secret. Regular police forces were prevented from intervening even afterwards when the thugs invaded hospitals to prevent treatment to the injured students -- roughing up doctors and breaking into operating rooms. Reaction to this carefully planned and officially sponsored attack caused the resignations of the Mexico City police chief and mayor, but Echeverria's promised investigation was predictably unsuccessful in finding those responsible.

One year later, in June 1972, dozens of students were injured when police attacked a demonstration commemorating companions killed at the Corpus Christi massacre. Since then repression of the student movement has been attempted alternately by the regular police forces and by the government-sponsored rightwing terror squads, with killings of students in August 1972 and February, May and August of this year. Two months ago the new right-wing rector of the National University in Mexico City called in the police to take over the campus, in order to enforce his programme to 'de-politicize' the University. Continuing student demands for justice have brought clashes in other university cities.

Meanwhile U.S. official support to the Mexican government and military continues. The C IA station in Mexico City remains the largest in Latin America. Strange that Jim Noland lasted only one year as Chief of Station and that John Horton lasted only two -- replaced by Richard Sampson ‡ (who in 1968 replaced Horton in Montevideo and who was transferred back to Washington not long after the Mitrione execution). Perhaps Echeverria has refused to have any contact with the station. ORIT ‡ continues with its headquarters in Mexico City and with the Inter-American Labor College in Cuernavaca. Programmes in Mexico of the AIFLD also continue, and one can assume the station's support to Mexican security services is as strong as ever.

The gap between rich and poor grows in developed countries as well as in poor countries and between the developed and underdeveloped countries. A considerable proportion of the developed world's prosperity rests on paying the lowest possible prices for the poor countries' primary products and on exporting high-cost capital and finished goods to those countries. Continuation of this kind of prosperity requires continuation of the relative gap between developed and underdeveloped countries -- it means keeping poor people poor. Within the underdeveloped countries the distorted, irrational growth dependent on the demands and vagaries of foreign markets precludes national integration, with increasing marginalization of the masses. Even the increasing nationalism of countries like Peru, Venezuela and Mexico only yield ambiguous programmes for liberating dependent economies while allowing privileged minorities to persist.

Increasingly, the impoverished masses are understanding that the prosperity of the developed countries and of the privileged minorities in their own countries is founded on their poverty. This understanding is bringing even greater determination to take revolutionary, action and to renew the revolutionary movements where, as in Chile, reverses have occurred. Increasingly, the underprivileged and oppressed minorities in developed countries, particularly the U.S., perceive the identity of their own struggle with that of the marginalized masses in poor countries.

The U.S. government's defeat in Vietnam and in Cuba inspires exploited peoples everywhere to take action for their liberation. Not the CIA, police training, military assistance, 'democratic' trade unions, not even outright military intervention can forever postpone the revolutionary structural changes that mean the end of capitalist imperialism and the building of socialist society. Perhaps this is the reason why policymakers in the U.S. and their puppets in Latin America are unable to launch reform programmes. They realize that reform might lead even faster to revolutionary awareness and action and their only alternative is escalating repression and increasing injustice. Their time, however. is running out.

London January 1974

Six months to finish the research and six months to write this diary. If it is successful I shall be able to support other current and former CIA employees who want to describe their experiences and to open more windows on this activity. There must be many other CIA diaries to be written, and I pledge my support and experience to make them possible. Had I found the advice and support I needed at the beginning, I might have finished in two years rather than four, and many problems might have been avoided.

The CIA is still hoping to make me go back to the U.S. before publishing the diary, and I now find that my desperation to see the children was indeed what they thought might lure me back. Janet now admits that the Agency has been asking her for a long time not to send the children so that I would have to go there to see them. Although she refused to cooperate and sent them here last summer, she again refused to send them for the Christmas vacation while suggesting that I go there. Perhaps only when the children are no longer children will my seeing them become unravelled from the CIA.

For those who were unaware of the U.S. government's secret tools of foreign policy, perhaps this diary will help answer some of the questions on American domestic political motivations and practices that have arisen since the first Watergate arrests. In the CIA we justified our penetration, disruption and sabotage of the left in Latin America -- around the world for that matter - because we felt morality changed on crossing national frontiers. Little would we have considered applying these methods inside our own country. Now, however, we see that the FBI was employing these methods against the left in the U.S. in a planned, coordinated programme to disrupt, sabotage and repress the political organizations to the left of Democratic and Republican liberals. The murders at Kent and Jackson State, domestic activities of U.S. military intelligence, and now the President's own intelligence plan and 'plumbers' unit -- ample demonstration that CIA methods were really brought home. Prior restraints on using these methods against the 'respectable' opposition were bound to crumble. In the early 1960s when the CIA moved to its new headquarters in Virginia, Watergate methods obtained final institutional status.

How fitting that over the rubble of the CIA's old temporary buildings back in Washington, the new building that rose was called 'Watergate'.

When the Watergate trials end and the whole episode begins to fade, there will be a movement for national renewal, for reform of electoral practices, and perhaps even for reform of the FBI and the CIA. But the return to our cozy self-righteous traditions should lure no one into believing that the problem has been removed. Reforms attack symptoms rather than the disease, and 110 other proof is needed than the Vietnam War and Watergate to demonstrate that the disease is our economic system and its motivational patterns.

Reforms of the FBI and the CIA, even removal of the President from office, cannot remove the problem. American capitalism, based as it is on exploitation of the poor, with its fundamental motivation in personal greed, simply cannot survive without force -- without a secret police force. The argument is with capitalism and it is capitalism that must be opposed, with its CIA, FBI and other security agencies understood as logical, necessary manifestations of a ruling class's determination to retain power and privilege.

Now, more than ever, indifference to injustice at home and abroad is impossible. Now, more clearly than ever, the extremes of poverty and wealth demonstrate the irreconcilable class conflicts that only socialist revolution can resolve. Now, more than ever, each of us is forced to make a conscious choice whether to support the system of minority comfort and privilege with all its security apparatus and repression, or whether to struggle for real equality of opportunity and fair distribution of benefits for all of society, in the domestic as well as the international order. It's harder now not to realize that there are two sides, harder not to understand each, and harder not to recognize that like it or not we contribute day in and day out either to the one side or to the other.

London May 1975

After a year of increasing doubt whether this diary would ever be published in the U.S. the way now looks clear. Had not Rep. Michael Harrington and Seymour Hersh and others made startling revelations in the year past, the political climate might not have permitted publication in the U.S. even now. Not that the CIA hasn't tried to delay and suppress this work: spurious leaks to discredit me, threats to enjoin publication, hints of expensive litigations. Yet in the end it is the CIA that gives way as its very institutional survival is brought into question. We already know enough of what the CIA does to resolve to oppose it. The CIA is one of the great forces promoting political repression in countries with minority regimes that serve a privileged and powerful elite. One way to neutralize the CIA's support to repression is to expose its officers so that their presence in foreign countries becomes untenable. Already significant revelations have begun and I will continue to assist those who are interested in identifying and exposing the CIA people in their countries.

Probably at no time since World War II have the American people had such an opportunity as now to examine how and why succeeding U.S. administrations have chosen, as in Vietnam, to back minority, oppressive and doomed regimes. The Congressional investigating committees can, if they want, illuminate a whole dark world of foreign Watergates covering the past thirty years, and these can be related to the dynamics within our society from which they emerged. The key question is to pass beyond the facts of CIA's operations to the reasons they were established -- which inexorably will lead to economic questions: preservation of property relations and other institutions on which rest the interests of our own wealthy and privileged minority. This, not the CIA, is the critical issue.

_______________

Notes:

1. Analysis of the Economic and Social Evolution of Latin America Since the Beginnings of the Alliance for Progress, Washington, 3 August, 1971.

i. The author has no knowledge that this person is in any way connected with the Agency at present.

ii. The author has no knowledge that this person is in any way connected with the Agency at present.

iv. The author has no knowledge that this person is in any way connected with the Agency at present.

v. The author has no knowledge that this person is in any way connected with the Agency at present.
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Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

Postby admin » Tue Jun 09, 2015 4:32 am

PART 1 OF 2

Appendix 1

Alphabetical list of individuals who were employees, agents, liaison contacts or were otherwise used by or involved with the CIA or its operations; and of organizations financed, influenced or controlled by the CIA, as of the date or dates at which they are referred to in the main text, unless otherwise indicated. In some cases, the individuals referred to may have been "unwitting" of the CIA's sponsorship of their activities. The CIA's involvement with the organizations whose names follow was generally effected through key leaders of the organization or through other organizations controlled or influenced by the Agency. Thus only a very few members or leaders (sometimes none) of these organizations actually knew of their connection with the Agency. Moreover, many of the organizations listed were publicly revealed as having connections with the CIA and some have since severed relations with the Agency as a result. For example, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) has stated that, in 1967, on becoming aware of the ultimate source of some of its funding it took steps to insure that no further support from the Agency was accepted. Therefore the author wishes to underscore that none of the material in this Appendix and in the main text should be understood as referring to the present status of these individuals or organizations.

ACOSTA VELASCO, JORGE. Nephew of Ecuadorean President, Jose Maria Velasco. Minister of the Treasury and Minister of Government. Informant and political-action agent of the Quito station. 110, 127, 133, 138, 139, 170, 185, 199, 201, 203-5, 215

AGENCIA ORBE LATINOAMERICANO. Feature news service serving most of Latin America. Financed and controlled by the CIA through the Santiago, Chile, station. 151, 235, 358

AGRIBUSINESS DEVELOPMENT INC. (LAAD). Provided cover for CIA officer Bruce Berckmans, q.v. 536

AGUERRONDO, MARIO. Uruguayan Army colonel and former Montevideo Chief of Police. Liaison contact. 382, 396, 444, 492, 592

AIR AMERICA. CIA-owned airline for paramilitary operations, mainly in the Far East. 84

ALARCON, ALBERTO. Guayaquil businessman and Liberal Party activist. Principal agent for CIA student operations in Ecuador. Cryptonym: ECLOSE. 130, 142, 173, 187, 208, 213, 246, 261, 299

ALBORNOZ, ALFREDO. Ecuadorean Minister of Government (internal security). Liaison contact of the Quito station. 230, 231, 241

ALLEN, JOHN. CIA operations officer at Camp Peary training base, formerly assigned in the Near East. 46

ALLIANCE FOR ANTI-TOTALITARIAN EDUCATION. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

ALMEIDA, WILSON. Publisher and editor of Voz Universitaria, q.v., a university student newspaper. Propaganda agent for the Quito station. 128, 154, 298, 299

ALONZO OLIVE, RAUL. Cuban engineer in sugar industry. Member of commercial delegation to Brazil and Uruguay. Recruited by the CIA in Montevideo before return to Cuba. 377

AMADOR MARQUEZ, ENRIQUE. Labour and political-action agent of Guayaquil base. Minister of Economy. 129, 141, 214, 300

AMAYA QUINTANA, ENRIQUE. Leader of the Peruvian Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR), recruited in Guayaquil as a penetration agent. Resettled by the CIA in Mexico. 268, 427, 440

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE, COUNTY AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES. The US member of the Public Service International (PSI) q.v., which is the International Trade Secretariat for government employees. The CIA use of the PSI effected through the AFSCME.76, 293, 406

AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR FREE LABOR DEVELOPMENT (AIFLD). CIA-controlled labour centre financed through AID. Programmes in adult education and social projects used as front for covering trade-union organizing activity, George Meany, q.v., President. 244-245, 251, 261, 301, 302, 306, 307, 309, 315, 358, 368, 369, 385, 473, 488, 534, 566, 592, 595

AMERICAN NEWSPAPER GUILD. Cover mechanism for funding the Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen (IFWN) q.v. 169

AMES, FISHER. CIA Deputy Chief of Station in Uruguay. 592

AMPIG-1. Father-in-law of Aldo Rodriguez Camps, Cuban Charge d'Affaires in Montevideo. CIA agent used in recruitment operation against Rodriguez Camps. Last name: Chinea. 388

ANDERSON, JAMES E. CIA operations officer in charge of surveillance teams in Mexico City. 533

ANDINO, JORGE. Quito hotel operator and Quito station support agent. 270, 294

ANTI-COMMUNIST CHRISTIAN FRONT. Political-action and propaganda organization in Cuenca, Ecuador, financed by the Quito station through Rafael Arizaga, q.v. 163

ANTI-COMMUNIST FRONT. Organization financed by the Quito station in Ambato, Ecuador, through Jorge Gortaire, q.v. 299, 236, 242

ANTI-COMMUNIST LIBERATION MOVEMENT. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

ANTI-TOTALITARIAN BOARD OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE PEOPLE OF VIETNAM. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

ANTI-TOTALITARIAN YOUTH MOVEMENT. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

ARCE, JOSE ANTONIO. Bolivian Ambassador to Montevideo and former Minister of the Interior. Liaison contact of the La Paz station for which routine contact established by the Montevideo station. 385, 400, 401

ARCHENHOLD, STANLEY. CIA headquarters' officer in charge of covert action operations against Cuba. Awarded Intelligence Medal. 532

ARELLANO GALLEGOS, JORGE. Penetration agent of the Quito station against the Communist Party of Ecuador. 481

ARGENTINE FEDERAL POLICE. Principal liaison service of the Buenos Aires station and used for telephone-tapping and other joint operations. Cryptonym: BIOGENESIS. 353

ARIZAGA VEGA, CARLOS. Conservative Party Deputy from Cuenca. Quito station political-action agent. 126, 163, 175, 218, 222, 226, 239, 242, 249, 250, 257, 586

ARIZAGA, RAFAEL. Leader of the Conservative Party in Cuenca. Quito station political-action agent and father of Carlos Arizaga Vega, q.v. 126, 163, 177

ASSOCIATION OF FRIENDS OF VENEZUELA. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

ASSOCIATION OF PREPARATORY STUDENTS. Montevideo secondary students organization used by the station in student operations. 396

AUSTIN, JUDD. U.S. citizen, lawyer in Mexico City. Processed immigration papers of non-official cover operation officers for Mexico City station. 535

AVAILABLE-1. Chauffeur of the Commercial Department of the Soviet Embassy, Montevideo. Recruited by the Montevideo station. True name and cryptonym forgotten. 430, 472

AVANDANA. Principal agent of the Montevideo station in postal intercept operation. True name forgotten. 343, 360, 368

AVBANDY-1. An Uruguayan Army major who works for the Montevideo station as chief of the AVBANDY surveillance team assigned to Soviet-related targets. True name unknown. 349, 351, 354, 430

AVBANDY-4. Member of the AVBANDY surveillance team in Montevideo and father of the team chief, also used in recruitment operations. True name forgotten. 430

AVBLIMP-2 and 2. A husband/wife team who operate the observation post against the Soviet Embassy in Montevideo. True names unknown. 349, 471

AVBLINKER-1 and 2. An American businessman and his wife in Montevideo who live in the station's observation post against the Cuban Embassy. True names and true cryptonym forgotten. 343

AVBUSY-1. Letter carrier in Montevideo. CIA agent for letter intercept against Cuban intelligence agent. True name forgotten. 348, 402, 413, 414

AVBUZZ-1. Principal Montevideo station agent for propaganda operations. True name forgotten. 356-58, 364, 374, 375, 380, 386, 389, 419, 425, 431, 432, 448, 457, 461, 463, 466, 485

AVCASK-1. Montevideo station penetration agent against the Paraguayan leftist exile community. True name forgotten. 342, 343, 360

AVCASK-2. Penetration agent of the Montevideo station against the Paraguayan United Front for National Liberation (FULNA). True name forgotten. 342, 360

AVCASK-3. Penetration agent of the Montevideo station against the Communist Party of Paraguay. True name forgotten. 342, 360

AVCAVE-1. Penetration agent of the Montevideo station against the Communist Party of Uruguay. True name forgotten. 339, 341, 404, 405, 443, 452

AVDANDY-1. Montevideo station agent in the Uruguayan Foreign Ministry. True name and cryptonym forgotten. 350, 351, 410

AVENGEFUL-5. Transcriber of the AVENGEFUL telephone-tapping operation of the Montevideo station and sister of Mrs. Tomas Zafiriadis, q.v. Name forgotten. 383, 399, 403, 411, 412, 416, 433, 435, 444, 450, 453, 455, 461, 470

AVENGEFUL-7. Wife of AVANDANA q.v., and Montevideo station agent manning observation post against Cuban Embassy. U.S. citizen with OSS service. True name forgotten. 343, 345, 382, 399, 403, 411, 412, 433, 435, 444, 450, 453, 455, 459, 461, 470

AVENGEFUL-9. Transcriber for telephone-tapping operation in Montevideo. First name: Hana. 347, 353, 355, 360, 378, 382, 399, 403, 411, 412, 433, 435, 444, 450, 453, 455, 459, 470

AVERT-1. Montevideo station support agent who fronts for station ownership of house next to Soviet Embassy and Consulate. True name and cryptonym unknown. 350, 351, 388

AVIDITY-9. Employee of the Montevideo post office. CIA agent in letter intercept operation. True name forgotten. 343, 360, 414, 437

AVIDITY-16. Employee of the Montevideo post office. CIA agent in postal intercept operation. True name forgotten. 343, 360, 414, 437

AVOIDANCE. Courier for the Montevideo station telephone-tapping operation. True name forgotten. 345, 346, 382, 383, 399, 443

AVOIDANCE-9. Penetration agent of the Montevideo station against the Communist Party of Uruguay. True name forgotten. 340, 443, 452

AYALA CABEDA, ZULEIK. Minister Counsellor, Uruguayan Embassy in Havana. Also Charge d'Affaires. CIA agent targeted against the Cuban government. 325

BACON, JOHN. Quito Station reports officer also in charge of Communist Party penetration agents and propaganda operations. 115, 117, 121, 124, 125, 148, 150, 157, 159, 160, 163, 177, 246, 247, 279, 280, 293

BAGLEY, TENNANT (PETE). Deputy Chief, Soviet Bloc Division, later Chief of Station, Brussels. 486, 487

BAIRD, COLONEL MATT. CIA Director of Training. 27, 32

BANK OF BOSTON. Used by CIA as funding mechanism in Brazil. 321

BANKS, TITO. Montevideo wool dealer and support agent of the Montevideo station. 359

BAQUERO DE LA CALLE, JOSE. Rightist Velasquista leader, Minister of Labor and Social Welfare. Quito station agent for intelligence and political action. 127, 134, 142, 170, 199, 235, 238

BARBE, MARIO. Uruguayan Army lieutenant-colonel and Chief of the Republican Guard (cavalry forces) of the Montevideo Police Department. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 353

BASANTES LARREA, ATAHUALPA. Penetration agent of the Quito station against the Communist Party of Ecuador. Cryptonym: ECFONE-3. 117, 145, 150, 165, 172, 212, 302, 303, 307, 314

BEIRNE, JOSEPH. President of the Communications Workers of America (CWA) and Director of the American Institute for Free Labor Development. Important collaborator in CIA labour operations through the AIFLD and the Post, Telegraph and Telephone Workers International (PTTI), q.v. 244

BENEFIELD, ALVIN. CIA technical officer specializing in operations against foreign diplomatic codes. 474, 475, 476, 492

BERCKMANS, BRUCE. CIA operations officer in Mexico City under non-official cover. 536

BERGER, MICHAEL. CIA operations officer in Montevideo. 341, 343, 359

BESABER. Agent of the Mexico City station targeted against Polish intelligence officers under diplomatic cover. Owner of ceramics and tourist trinket business in Cuernavaca, Polish extraction. Name forgotten. 529

BIDAFFY-1. Penetration agent of the Buenos Aires station against the revolutionary group of John William Cooke. True name and cryptonym forgotten. 538, 539, 540

BRAGA, JUAN JOSE. Deputy Chief of Investigations of the Montevideo Police Department. Close liaison collaborator of the Montevideo station. Torturer. 352, 444, 458, 459

BRAZILIAN INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION (IBAD). Anti-communist political-action organization of the Rio de Janeiro station. Used for financing and controlling politicians. 321

BRESLIN, ED. U.S. Army major and intelligence adviser to the Ecuadorean Army. Close collaborator with the Quito station. 232, 234, 243

BROE, WILLIAM V. Chief, Western Hemisphere Division. Former Chief of Station, Tokyo. 498, 503, 509, 541, 552

BROWN, BILL. CIA staff operations officer, specialist in labour operations, assigned to the Panama station at Fort Amador, Canal Zone. 302

BROWN, IRVING. European representative of the American Federation of Labor and principal CIA agent for control of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), q.v. 75

BUCHELI, RAFAEL. Telephone company engineer in charge of the Quito exchanges. Quito station agent in charge of making telephone-tap connections. Cryptonym: ECWHEAT-1. 184, 190, 240, 264, 298

BURBANO DE LARA, MIGUEL (MIKE). Airport manager of Pan American-Grace Airways working for the Quito station as cutout to Luis Vargas, q.v. Cryptonym: ECACCENT.116, 246, 280

BURKE, JOHN. Quito station officer under AID Public Safety cover. 261, 262, 304, 305

BURNS, PAUL. CIA operations officer in Montevideo. Specialist in CP penetration operations. 340, 344, 346, 347, 358, 372, 373, 383, 404

BUSTOS, CHARLOTTE. CIA officer in charge of headquarters support to liaison and support operations in Mexico City. 499

CABEZA DEVACA, MARIO. Quito milk producer working as Quito station agent. Cutout to Mario Cardenas, q.v. Later used for funding and control of the Center for Economic and Social Reform Studies (CERES), q.v. 116, 246, 247

CAMACHO, EDGAR. Stepson of Colonel Oswaldo Lugo of the Ecuadorean National Police. Quito station agent as cutout to Lugo. Later a transcriber for telephone-tapping operations. 212, 240, 265

CAMARA SENA, -. Brazilian Army colonel sent to Brazilian Embassy in Montevideo as military attache: liaison contact. 366, 379, 406, 409

CANTRELL, WILLIAM. CIA operations officer in Montevideo under cover of the AID Public Safety Office. 478, 493

CARDENAS, MARIO. Penetration agent of the Quito station against the Communist Party of Ecuador. Cryptonym: ECSIGIL-1. 116, 117, 246, 269, 272, 280, 286, 307, 481

CARVAJAL, -. Uruguayan Army colonel and chief of military intelligence. Liaison contact. 352, 382

CASSIDY, JOHN. Deputy Chief of Station. Montevideo. 453-55, 466

CASTRO, JUANA. Sister of Fidel Castro, used by CIA for propaganda. 387

CATHOLIC LABOR CENTER (CEDOC). Labour organization in Ecuador supported by the Quito station. See JOSE BAQUERO DE LA CALLE, AURELIO DAVILA CAJAS and ISABEL ROBALINO BOLLO.127, 235, 275, 300

CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY YOUTH ORGANIZATION. Group used for propaganda through Aurelio Davila Cajas, q.v. 159, 166, 213

CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL REFORM STUDIES (CERES). Reformist businessman's organization financed and controlled by the Quito station. 246, 247

CENTER OF STUDIES AND SOCIAL ACTION (CEAS). Reformist organization financed and controlled by the Bogota station. 247

CHIRIBOGA. OSWALDO. Velasquista political leader who recruited Atahualpa Basantes using 'false flag' technique. Cryptonym: ECFONE. Later Ecuadorean Charge d'Affaires in The Hague. 117, 145, 238

CIVIL AIR TRANSPORT (CAT). CIA-controlled airline used for paramilitary operations, mainly in the Far East. 84

CLERICI DE NARDONE, OLGA. Wife of Uruguayan President Benito Nardone. On death of Nardone continued as leader of the Federal League of Ruralist Action. Political contact of the Montevideo station. 358, 381

Combate. Student publication of the Montevideo station financed and controlled through Alberto Roca, q.v. 396, 457

COMMITTEE FOR LIBERTY OF PEOPLES. An organization used for propaganda by the Quito station. 235

COMMUNICATIONS WORKERS OF AMERICA (CWA). U.S. trade union used by the CIA for operations through the Post, Telegraph and Telephone Workers International (PTTI), q.v. 76, 244, 488

CONOLLY, RICHARD L. Jr. CIA operations officer. Specialist in Soviet operations. 430, 439, 450, 451, 453, 454, 464-66

CONTRERAS ZUNIGA, VICTOR. Labour operations and political-action agent of the Guayaquil base. First President of the Ecuadorean Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations (CEOSL), q.v. 129, 141, 236, 260

COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF FREE TRADE UNIONISTS OF ECUADOR. Formative body which eventually led to the Ecuadorean Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations (CEOSL), q.v., which was financed and controlled by the Quito station. This Committee set up by ICA labour division with assistance from ORIT, q.v. 141

COORDINATING SECRETARIAT OF NATIONAL UNIONS OF STUDENTS (COSEC), later known as the INTERNATIONAL STUDENT CONFERENCE. CIA-controlled and financed international student front set up to oppose the International Union of Students. Headquarters: Leyden. 73-74, 130, 173

COPELLO, GUILLERMO. Chief of Investigations (plain-clothes) of the Montevideo Police Department. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 352

CORDOVA GALARZA, MANUEL. Leader of the Radical Liberal Party and Ecuadorean Sub-Secretary of Government (internal security). Liaison contact of the Quito station. 252, 253, 264, 266, 269, 271, 274, 284, 285, 291

COURAGE, BURT. CIA training officer, specialist in judo, karate, unarmed combat. 49

CUBAN REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL (CRC). CIA-controlled exile organization whose representative in Montevideo was Hada Rosete, q.v. 364

DAVALOS, -. Quito station agent for propaganda and political action in Riobamba. Financed through the ECACTOR project. 221

DAVALOS, ERNESTO. Ecuadorean government employee and agent of the Quito station. 263, 272

DAVILA, CAJAS, AURELIO. Conservative Party leader. President of the Chamber of Deputies. Quito station political-action agent. Cryptonym: ECACTOR. 125, 127, 142-44, 155, 156, 159, 160, 166, 168, 177, 185, 200, 209, 210, 213, 215, 218, 221, 224, 231, 236, 242, 247, 257, 329

DAVIS, ROBERT. Chief of Station, Lima. 313

DEANDA, JACOBO. Technician in charge of the AVENGEFUL telephone-tapping operation of the Montevideo station. 345, 346, 365, 411

DEAN, WARREN L. Deputy Chief of Station, Mexico City; Chief of Station, Quito; Chief of Station, Oslo. 254, 258, 259, 261-66, 270, 271, 274, 277, 279-81, 284-86, 288, 297-99, 304, 305, 307, 310, 313-15, 394, 481

DEL HIERRO, JAIME. National Director of the Radical Liberal Party and Ecuadorean Minister of Government (internal security). Liaison contact of the Quito station. 253, 264, 266, 269, 271, 273, 277, 278, 284, 285, 286, 289, 291

DELOS REYES, PACIFICO. Major in the Ecuadorean National Police. Chief of Police Intelligence and later Chief of Criminal Investigations for the Province of Pichincha (Quito). Quito station agent. 214, 234, 248, 259, 265, 276, 284, 290, 295, 297

DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONARY FRONT (FRD). Cuban exile organization financed and controlled by the CIA. 163

DERIABIN, PETER. KGB defector in the 1950s who became a U.S. citizen and CIA employee. 34, 530

DIAZ ORDAZ, GUSTAVO. President of Mexico and liaison contact of the Mexico City station. Cryptonym: LITEMPO-8. 266, 274, 499, 525, 526, 554, 555, 556

DILLON, PAUL. CIA officer in charge of Soviet section in Mexico City station. 528, 530, 551, 552

DMDIAMOND-1. Secretary-typist of the Yugoslav Embassy in Mexico City. CIA agent. True name and cryptonym forgotten. 530

DMHAMMER-1. Yugoslav government official who defected and later made attempts to recruit former colleagues under direction of the CIA. True name and and cryptonym forgotten. 483

DMSLASH-1. Code clerk of Yugoslav Embassy in Mexico City. CIA agent. True name and cryptonym unknown. 530

DNNEBULA-1. Representative of Korean CIA in Mexico City under Korean Embassy cover. True name forgotten. Liaison collaborator of Mexico City station. 555

DOHERTY, WILLIAM. Inter-American Representative of the Post, Telegraph and Telephone Workers International (PTTI), q.v., and CIA agent in labour operations. Executive Director of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. 141, 302, 306, 368

DONEGAN, LESLIE. Gave money to author in Paris in return for access to manuscript, presumably at CIA's behest. 576, 578-82

DRISCOLL, BOB. CIA operations officer who continued working after retirement on contract arrangement with the Mexico City station. 527

DROLLER, JERRY. Chief of the Covert Action Staff of the Western Hemisphere Division, 498

DUFFIN, C. HARLOW, Chief of the Venezuelan Desk of Western Hemisphere Division. A specialist on Brazil. 103, 105-106

DULLES, ALLEN. CIA Director. 23, 32

ECALIBY-1. Chauffeur of the Cuban Embassy in Quito. Quito station agent. True name and real cryptonym forgotten. 131

ECBLlSS-1. Manager of Braniff Airways in Guayaquil and support agent of the Guayaquil base. Name and true cryptonym forgotten. 310

ECCLES, DR. Chief of the Junior Officer Training Program. 17, 19, 20

ECELDER. Secret printing operation for propaganda operations of the Quito station. See JORGE, PATRICIO, MARCELO, RODRIGO and RAMIRO RIVADENEIRA. True cryptonym forgotten.

ECHEVERRIA, LUIS. Mexican Minister of Government (internal security) and later President. Liaison contact of the Mexico City station. Cryptonym: LITEMPO-14. 509, 525, 526, 553, 554, 593

ECHINOCARUS-1. A penetration agent of the Guayaquil base against the Communist Party of Ecuador. True name unknown. 128

ECJOB. Leader of a team of Quito station agents used for distribution of station-printed political handbills and for wall-painting. True name unknown. 125

ECLAT. A retired Ecuadorean Army officer and leader of a surveillance and investigative team for the Guayaquil base. True name forgotten. 128

ECOLIVE-1. A penetration agent of the Quito station against the Revolutionary Union of Ecuadorean Youth. Name forgotten. Planned to have been infiltrated into the Communist Party of Ecuador. 117

ECOTTER-1 and ECOTTER-2. Travel-control agents of the Quito station. True names forgotten. 122

ECSIGH-1. Mistress of Ricardo Vazquez Diaz, q.v., and chief stenographer of the Ecuadorean military junta. Recruited by the Quito station for political intelligence against the junta through Vazquez. True name and true cryptonym forgotten. 300

ECSTACY-1 and ECSTACY-2. Agents of the Quito station who provided mail for monitoring. True names forgotten as well as original cryptonyms. 121-22, 148, 216

ECUADOREAN ANTI-COMMUNIST ACTION. Name of fictitious organization used as ostensible sponsor of Quito station propaganda. 163

ECUADOREAN ANTI-COMMUNIST FRONT. Name used as ostensible sponsor of Quito station propaganda. 157, 160, 163

ECUADOREAN CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNION ORGANIZATIONS (CEOSL). National trade-union organization established and controlled by the Quito station. 214, 236, 237, 250, 251, 256, 260, 261, 275, 298, 300, 301, 306, 309

EDITORS PRESS SERVICE. CIA-controlled propaganda outlet based in New York. Material placed through CIA propaganda agents in Latin America. 380

EGAS, JOSE MARIA. Leader of the Social Christian Movement. Quito station agent. 239, 240, 255, 259

ELSO, WILSON. Uruguayan Deputy. Leader of the Federal League for Ruralist Action. Under development by the Montevideo station for possible use as political-action agent. 381

Ensayos. An intellectual journal financed and controlled by the Quito station through Carlos Vallejo Baez, q.v., and Juan Yepez del Pozo, Sr, q.v. 169

ESTERLINE, JAKE. Deputy Chief of Western Hemisphere Division. 459, 460 497, 498

ESTRADA ICAZA, EMILIO. General Manager of one of Ecuador's largest banks, collector of pre-Hispanic art. Guayaquil base political-action agent. 129, 212

EUROPEAN ASSEMBLY OF CAPTIVE NATIONS. A CIA propaganda operation. 235

FANNIN (or FANNON), LES. CIA polygraph operator. Caught in Singapore in 1960 by local police. Ransom attempted by the CIA but spurned by Singapore Prime Minister. 303

FEDERATION OF FREE WORKERS OF GUAYAS (FETLIG). Provincial affiliate of the Ecuadorean Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations (CEOSL), q.v., and controlled by the Quito station. 275

FELDMAN, ROBERT. Mexico City station officer in charge of penetration operations against the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Mexican Foreign Ministry. 534

FENETEL. The Ecuadorean national federation of communications workers affiliated with the PTTI and supported by the Quito station. 142, 251

FERGUSON, JIM. Training officer in the CIA Junior Officer Training Program (JOTP, later called the Career Training Program). 17, 19, 20, 21, 27-32, 34, 97, 101

FERNANDEZ CHAVEZ, A. Montevideo correspondent of Agencia Orbe Latinoamericano, q.v., and ANSA, the Italian wire service. Montevideo station propaganda agent. 358, 470

FERNANDEZ, GONZALO. Retired Ecuadorean Air Force colonel, and former attache in London. Quito station agent as cutout to CP penetration agent. 314

FERRERA, SAL. Made efforts to divert author in Paris, believed by author to be at CIA's behest. 575, 578-83

FIGUERES, JOSE. President of Costa Rica. Front man for CIA operations such as the American Institute for Free Labor Development, q.v., and the Institute of Political Education, q.v. 244

FIRST NATIONAL CITY BANK. Used by the CIA for clandestine funding and for purchase of foreign currency. 321, 371, 382, 390

FISHER, JOSIAH (JOE). Deputy Chief, Mexico branch of Western Hemisphere Division. 498, 499

FITZGERALD, DESMOND. Chief of Western Hemisphere Division, later Deputy Director, Plans. 320, 366, 377, 408, 415, 460, 498, 500

FLORES, TOM. Chief of Station, Montevideo. Chief of Cuban branch in headquarters. 337, 444, 481, 498

FONTANA, PABLO. Sub-Commissioner of the Montevideo Police and liaison agent of the Montevideo station. 466, 486

FONTOURA, LYLE. First Secretary of the Brazilian Embassy in Montevideo. CIA agent. 379, 409

FREE AFRICA ORGANIZATION OF COLORED PEOPLE. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

FUSONI, RAFAEL. Assistant Director of Public Relations for the Olympic Organizing Committee in Mexico City. CIA agent. 534

GANDARA, MARCOS. Ecuadorean Army colonel and member of ruling military junta. Liaison contact of the Quito station. 295-97, 299

GARDINER, KEITH. CIA operations officer. 573, 574, 576

GARI, JUAN JOSE. Leader of the Federal League for Ruralist Action (Ruralistas) and political advisor to Benito Nardone. Montevideo station political-action agent. 361, 377, 381, 396, 426, 462, 592

GARZA, EMILIO. Representative in Bogota of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. CIA agent for labour operations. 306

GIL, FELIPE. Uruguayan Minister of the Interior. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 361, 365, 374, 377

GILSTRAP, COMER (WILEY). Deputy Chief of Station, Montevideo; Chief of Station, San Salvador. 353

GOMEZ, RUDOLPH. Deputy Chief of Western Hemisphere Division; Chief of Station, Santiago, Chile, in early 1960s, later Chief of Station, Lisbon. 106

GONCALVES, HAMLET. First Secretary, Uruguayan Embassy in Havana. CIA agent targeted against the Cuban government. 325, 376, 377, 380, 384, 389, 393

GOODPASTURE, ANNIE. Operations officer at Mexico City station and assistant to Chief of Station for liaison operations. 524

GOODWYN, JACK. Director of the Uruguayan Institute of Trade Union Education (IUES), q.v., and representative of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. CIA agent. 358, 473, 488

GORTAIRE, FEDERICO. Ecuadorean Army lieutenant-colonel. Liaison contact recruited by the Quito station through his brother, Jorge Gortaire, q.v. 265, 288, 305 .

GORTAIRE, JORGE. Retired Ecuadorean Army colonel. Advisor to former President Ponce and former Ecuadorean representative on the Inter-American Defense Board in Washington. Quito station agent for political action in Ambato. 126, 127, 174, 176, 177, 235, 236, 242, 252, 277, 288, 293, 305

GRACE, J. PETER. Chairman of W. R. Grace and Co., multi-national company with large investments in Latin America. Chairman of the Board of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. 244

GUAYAS WORKERS CONFEDERATION (COG). Labour organization used by the Guayaquil base but rejected when new organization formed (CROCLE), q.v. 141, 260, 300

GUS. A CIA recruiting officer from the Office of Personnel, of Greek extraction but last name forgotten. Recruited the author. 13, 14, 17
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Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

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PART 2 OF 2

HANKE, JOHN. CIA operations officer in charge of headquarters support for security at Punta del Este, April 1967. 536

HART, JOHN. Chief of operations against Cuba in CIA headquarters. Former Chief of Station, Rabat. 437

HARWOOD, PAUL. CIA Chief of Station in Quito. 588

HASKINS, LLOYD. Executive Secretary of the International Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Workers (IFPCW), q.v. CIA agent in charge of this union. 136

HATRY, RALPH. CIA contract operations officer in Montevideo under nonofficial cover: Thomas H. Miner and Associates, a Chicago marketing firm. 341-43, 356, 360, 367, 368

HAUSMAN, CYNTHIA. CIA operations officer in Soviet/satellite section in Mexico City station. 528

HELMS, RICHARD. CIA Deputy Director for Plans, later Director. 10, 503, 573

HENNESSY, JACK. Assistant Manager of the First National City Bank (q.v.) branch in Montevideo. Used by the CIA to procure operational currency. 372, 382

HERBERT, RAY. Deputy Chief, Western Hemisphere Division. 320, 381, 407, 459

HISTADRUT. The Israeli labour confederation, used by the CIA in labour operations. 76

HOLMAN, NED P. Chief of Station in Montevideo, later Chief of Station in Guatemala City. 308, 330, 342, 348, 351, 355, 358, 362, 364-M, 373, 374, 377-79, 381, 383, 387, 393-96, 400, 401, 406-9, 412, 415, 416, 424

HOOD, WILLIAM J. Chief of Operations, Western Hemisphere Division. 320

HORTON, JOHN. Chief of Station, Montevideo, later Chief of Station, Mexico City. 407, 428, 429, 438, 452, 455, 456, 460, 461, 465, 476, 478, 483, 540, 594

HOUSER, FRED. CIA agent of dual U.S./Argentine citizenship employed by Buenos Aires station but used for support in Montevideo operation against the UAR Embassy. 489

HUMPHRIES, JOAN. CIA disguise technician. 430

INSTITUTE OF POLITICAL EDUCATION. Political training school for young reformist hopefuls in Latin America run by the San Jose station. See SACHA VOLMAN; see also JOSE FIGUERES. 419

INTER-AMERICAN FEDERATION OF WORKING NEWSPAPERMEN (IFWN) Journalists' trade union controlled by the CIA and financed through the American Newspaper Guild. 169

INTER-AMERICAN LABOR COLLEGE. Training school of the Inter-American Regional Labor Organization (ORIT) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Financed and controlled by the CIA. 237

INTER-AMERICAN POLICE ACADEMY. Police training school at Fort Davis, C.Z. founded by the Panama station. Moved to Washington DC where renamed International Police Academy. Funded by AID but controlled by the CIA. 262, 304

THE INTER-AMERICAN REGIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION (ORIT). The regional organization of the ICFTU for the Western Hemisphere with headquarters in Mexico City. Founded by Serafino Romualdi, q.v., and a principal mechanism for CIA labour operations in Latin America. 75, 76, 130, 135, 236, 237, 243, 244, 295, 302, 332, 357, 358, 364, 368, 369, 384, 385, 468, 473, 534, 566, 592, 594

INTERNATIONAL CATHOLIC YOUTH FEDERATION. Youth organization of the Catholic Church used by the CIA for youth and student operations. 73

INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS (ICJ). An international association of lawyers in part indirectly financed by the CIA in the first decade of its existence, which the Agency hoped to use against the International Association of Democratic Lawyers. 79, 169, 238

THE INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS (ICFTU). Labour centre set up and controlled by the CIA to oppose the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). Headquarters in Brussels. 75, 76, 135, 141, 236, 237, 244, 332, 357, 368, 369, 384, 473, 592

THE INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF CHRISTIAN TRADE UNIONS (IFCTU, later known as THE WORLD CONFEDERATION OF LABOR). The international Catholic trade-union organization used as a mechanism for CIA labour operations. 76

THE INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF CLERICAL AND TECHNICAL EMPLOYEES (IFCTE). The ITS for white-collar workers used by the CIA for labour operations. 76

INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS. CIA-influenced organization used for propaganda operations. Headquarters in Brussels. Established to combat the International Organization of Journalists. 78

INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF PETROLEUM AND CHEMICAL WORKERS (IFPCW). The ITS for this industry set up originally by the CIA through the U.S. Oil Workers International Union. 76, 136

INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF PLANTATION, AGRICULTURAL AND ALLIED WORKERS (IFPAAW). The international trade secretariat for rural workers. Used by the CIA for labour operations. 136, 176

INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN LAWYERS. Organization used by the CIA for propaganda operations. 387

INTERNATIONAL POLICE ACADEMY. CIA-controlled police training school under AID cover in Washington D.C. Formerly the Inter-American Police Academy founded in Panama by the Panama station. 304, 429, 461

INTERNATIONAL POLICE SERVICES SCHOOL. CIA training school for police in Washington under commercial cover. 461, 465, 479

INTERNATIONAL STUDENT CONFERENCE (ISC). See COORDINATING SECRETARIAT OF NATIONAL UNIONS OF STUDENTS (COSEC). 73

INTERNATIONAL TRADE SECRETARIATS. A generic description of the international trade-union organizations having as members the national unions of workers in a particular industry. There are 15-20 ITS's most of which have been used by the CIA for labour operations. Some have headquarters in Europe, others in the U.S. but close relations maintained with the ICFTU in Brussels. 75, 76, 236, 251, 358, 566

INTERNATIONAL TRANSPORT WORKERS FEDERATION (ITF). The international trade secretariat for transport industries. Used by the CIA for labour operations. See JOAQUIN (JACK) OTERO. 300, 301, 358, 384, 583

JACOME, FRANCINE. American married to Ecuadorean. Quito agent who wrote cover letters to Luis Toroella, q.v., and served as transcriber and courier for telephone-tap operation. Cryptonym: ECDOXY. 123, 145, 184, 240, 248, 265

JARAMILLO, JAIME. Velasquista leader and Quito station penetration agent. 262, 270

JAUREGUI, ARTURO. Secretary-General of the Inter-American Regional Labor Organization (ORIT), q.v., in Mexico City. CIA agent. 237, 302, 364

JAUREGUIZA, -. Montevideo police commissioner in charge of movements of non-domiciled population. Montevideo station liaison contact. 479

JONES, DEREK. Used by Montevideo Station as support agent in operation to break the code system of the Embassy of the United Arab Republic (Egypt). 490

KARAMESSINES, THOMAS. Assistant Deputy Director for Plans and later Deputy Director for Plans. 341

KAUFMAN, WALTER J. Chief of Mexico branch of Western Hemisphere Division. 498, 506, 509, 536, 542

KINDSCHI, JACK. CIA operations officer in Stockholm using non-official cover of Washington D.C. public relations firm Robert Mullen Co. Assigned to Mexico City with same cover. 536

KING, COLONEL, J. C. Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the DDP. 102, 106, 288, 320

KLADENSKY, OTTO. Quito Oldsmobile dealer and station agent for intelligence on the Czech diplomatic mission. Also the cutout to Reinaldo Varea Donoso, Ecuadorean Vice-President, q.v. Cryptonym: ECTOSOME later DICTOSOME.122-23, 147, 162, 193, 305

LABOR COMMITTEE FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

LADD, RAYMOND. Quito station administrative officer also in charge of certain operations. 215, 216, 240, 258, 260

LADENBURG, ARTHUR. CIA operations officer in Mexico City under non-official cover. Later assigned to Santiago, Chile. 502

LICALLA. One of three observation posts overlooking the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. Names of agents forgotten. 528

LICOBRA. Cryptonym for operations targeted by Mexico City station against the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Mexican Foreign Ministry and Ministry of Government. 534, 542, 549

LICOWL-1. Owner of small grocery store near Soviet Embassy, Mexico City. CIA agent. True name forgotten. 529

LICOZY-1. Double-agent of Mexico City station against the KGB. True name forgotten. 530

LICOZY-3. Double-agent of Mexico City station against the KGB. True name forgotten. 530

LICOZY-5. Double-agent of the Mexico City station against the KGB. True name forgotten. 530

LIDENY. Mexico City station unilateral telephone-tapping operation. True cryptonym and true names of agents unknown. 531

LIEMBRACE. Mexico City station surveillance team. Names of team members unknown. 528, 531, 533

LIENVOY. Joint telephone-tapping operation between Mexico City station and Mexican security service. Names of agents unknown. 527, 528, 530-32

LIFIRE. Mexico City station travel control and general investigations team. True names unknown. 528, 531, 533

LILINK. An operation in Mexico City to provide non-official cover for CIA officers with infra-red communications system to the CIA station in the Embassy. True name of cover business forgotten. 502

LIOVAL-1. English teacher in Mexico City. U.S. citizen. CIA agent. True name forgotten. 529, 530

LIRICE. Mexico City station surveillance team. True names of members unknown. 530, 533

LISAMPAN. Mexico City station bugging operation against the Cuban Embassy. 532, 533

LITEMPO. Cryptonym for all liaison operations with Mexican government. 525, 531, 534

LONE STAR CEMENT CORPORATION. U.S. company whose Uruguayan subsidiary provided cover for CIA operations officer in Montevideo. 493

LOPEZ MATEOS, ADOLFO. President of Mexico and close collaborator of the Mexico City station. Cryptonym: LIENVOY-2. 266, 525

LOPEZ MICHELSON, ALFONSO. Leader of the Revolutionary Liberal Movement of Colombia which was supported by the Bogota station. Elected President of Colombia in 1974. 192

LOVESTONE, JAY. Foreign Affairs Chief of AFL-CIO, supporter of international labor operations used by CIA. 75

LOWE, GABE. Quito station operations officer. 315

LUGO, WILFREDO OSWALDO. Colonel in the Ecuadorean National Police. Chief of Personnel, Chief of the Southern Zone (Cuenca) and Chief of the Coastal Zone. Quito station agent. 119, 120, 167, 212, 214, 225, 248, 261, 265, 271, 273, 274, 288, 289, 291, 295, 297, 309, 310

MALDONADO, PABLO. Ecuadorean Director of Immigration. Quito station liaison contact for travel control and political action. 249, 252, 253, 264, 266, 276

MANJARREZ, KATHERINE. Secretary of the Foreign Press Association, Mexico City. Agent of the Mexico City station. 527

MARTIN, CARLOS. Uruguayan Army colonel and Deputy Chief of the Montevideo Police Department. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 352, 426, 444

MARTIN, LARRY. CIA specialist in technical operations, chiefly audio (bugging). Stationed at the technical support base at Fort Amador, C.Z. 190, 270, 272, 273, 282, 485

MARTINEZ MARQUEZ, GUILLERMO. Cuban exile. Writer for Editors Press Service, q.v. 380

MCCABE, WILLIAM. International Representative of the Public Service International (PSI), q.v.176

MCCLELLAN, ANDREW. CIA attempted to use him in connection with International labor operations. 30 1, 302, 368

MCCONE, JOHN. Director of the CIA. 265

MCKAY, CHARLES. CIA operations officer. 324, 325

MCLEAN, DAVE. Special Assistant to Colonel J. C. King, Chief of CIA Western Hemisphere Division. Acting Chief of Station, Quito. 288, 320, 321

MEAKINS, GENE. One of the principal agents in labour operations in British Guiana in 1963-4 which resulted in the overthrow of Marxist Prime Minister Cheddi Jagan. See PUBLIC SERVICE INTERNATIONAL (PSI). 406

MEANY, GEORGE. President of the AFL-CIO which was used by the CIA for international labor operations. 75, 136, 244

MEDINA, ENRIQUE. Leader of the Revolutionary Union of Ecuadorean Youth (URJE) and penetration agent of the Guayaquil base. 259

MENDEZ FLEITAS, EPIFANIO. Exiled leader of the Paraguayan Liberal Party. Political contact. 342

MERCADER, ANIBAL. Penetration agent of the Montevideo station against the Uruguayan Revolutionary Movement (MRO). 341, 368, 484

MEXICAN WORKERS CONFEDERATION (CTM). The labour sector of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and participant in CIA labour operations. 385

MEYER, CORD. CIA operations officer in charge of International Organizations Division. Chief of Station, London, in 1974. 135

MINER AND ASSOCIATES, THOMASH. Chicago-based marketing firm that provided non-official cover for a CIA operations officer. 341

MIRANDA GIRON, ADALBERTO. Political-action and labour operations agent of the Guayaquil base. Elected Senator. 129, 141, 176, 214, 237, 251

MIRO CARDONA, JOSE. Cuban exile leader. Agent of the Miami station. 151

MOELLER, JUAN. Quito station agent for control and support to the Ecuadorean affiliate of the World Assembly of Youth (WAY), q.v. 219

MOFFET, BLAIR. Chief of Base, Guayaquil, commended by headquarters for operation to defeat Pedro Saad, Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Ecuador, in elections for Functional Senator for Labour from the coast. 130-31, 138-39, 144, 147

MOGROVEJO, CRISTOBAL. Agent of the Quito station in Loja. 282, 303, 304, 306

MOLESTINA, JOSE. Quito service-station operator and used-car dealer. Quito station support agent. 263, 282, 293

MOLINA, ENRIQUE. Leader of the Conservative Party youth organization in Tulcan, Ecuador. Quito station agent for propaganda and political action. 201-2

MORA BOWEN, LUIS AUGUSTIN. Ecuadorean Army colonel and close liaison contact of the Quito station. Minister of Government (internal security). 296, 297, 298, 305

MOREHOUSE, FRED. Chief of the radio monitoring team in the Montevideo station. 351, 481

MOVEMENT FOR INTEGRAL UNIVERSITY ACTION. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

MULLEN CO., ROBERT. Public-relations firm based in Washington D.C. which provided cover for CIA officers overseas. 536

MURPHY, DAVID E. Chief of Soviet Bloc Division. Later Chief of Station, Paris. 486, 487, 509, 542, 543, 574

MUSSO, ROBERTO (TITO). Chief of the AVENIN surveillance team in Montevideo. Cryptonym: AVENIN-7. 344, 345, 349; 367, 391, 483, 539

NARANJO, AURELIO. Ecuadorean Army colonel and Minister of Defense. Liaison contact of the Quito station. 295

NARANJO, MANUEL. Secretary-General of the Ecuadorean Socialist Party, Minister of the Treasury, Ecuadorean Ambassador to the United Nations. Quito station agent for political action. 127, 154, 166, 196, 207, 220, 222, 228, 250, 254, 305

NARDONE, BENITO. President of Uruguay. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 337, 358, 361, 427, 493, 590

NATIONAL BOARD FOR DEFENSE OF SOVEREIGNTY AND CONTINENTAL SOLIDARITY. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

NATIONAL CATHOLIC ACTION BOARD. Ecuadorean Catholic organization influenced by the Quito station through Aurelio Davila Cajas, q.v. 144

NATIONAL DEFENSE FRONT. An anti-communist political-action organization financed and controlled by the Quito station through Aurelio Davila Cajas, q.v., and Renato Perez Drouet, q.v. 158-61, 163, 166, 168, 171, 175, 190, 216, 220

NATIONAL FEMINIST MOVEMENT FOR THE DEFENSE OF LIBERTY. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

NATIONAL STUDENTS ASSOCIATION (NSA). The U.S. national student union through which CIA controlled and financed the COSEC and ISC. Headquarters in Washington D.C. 74

NATIONAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS. Ecuadorean press association used by the Quito station for propaganda operations. 170

NATIONAL YOUTH COUNCIL. Ecuadorean affiliate of the World Assembly of Youth (WAY), q.v., 219

NOLAND, JAMES B. Chief of Station, Quito, Ecuador; Santiago, Chile, and Mexico City. Chief of Brazil branch in Western Hemisphere Division. 106, 110, 115, Jl7, 119, 123-28, 133, 139, 142, 145, 153-55, 158, 162, 163, 165, 167, 171, 172, 174, 181, 184, 185, 189, 194, 200, 201, 208, 209, 212, 214, 215, 221, 226, 230, 231, 236, 247, 248, 250, 252-54, 256, 258, 264, 270, 287, 308, 315, 321, 543, 594

NORIEGA, JUAN. CIA operations officer in Managua, later Montevideo. 492, 493.

O'GRADY, GERALD. Deputy Chief of Station, Montevideo. 325, 330, 341, 351, 353, 356, 357, 359, 364, 366, 373, 379, 382, 392-94, 407-9, 415, 422, 423, 453, 493

THE OIL WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION. The U.S. union in the petroleum industry through which the CIA established the International Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Workers (IFPCW), on the international level. 76

OTERO, ALEJANDRO. Montevideo Police Commissioner and Chief of police intelligence. Montevideo station agent. 360, 375, 385, 392, 398, 406, 412, 416, 423, 429, 431, 441, 444, 446, 447, 451, 452, 455, 457-59, 461, 465, 466, 479, 485, 486, 538

OTERO, JOAQUIN (JACK). Inter-American Representative of the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF); q.v., and CIA agent for labour operations. U.S. citizen. 300, 301, 306, 364, 383, 384

OVALLE, DR. FELIPE. Personal physician to President Velasco and Quito station agent for intelligence on Velasco. Also cutout for Atahualpa Basantes. Cryptonym: ECCENTRIC. 118, 145, 150, 165, 303, 314

PALADINO, MORRIS. Principal CIA agent for control of the Inter-American Regional Labor Organization (ORIT), q.v. ORIT Director of Education, Director of Organization, and Assistant Secretary-General. From July 1964 Deputy Executive Director of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. 237, 302

PALMER, MORTON (PETE). Quito station operations officer. 304, 307

PAREDES, ROGER. Lieutenant-colonel in the Ecuadorean Army and Chief of the Eucadorean Military Intelligence Service. 120, 121, 123, 153, 196, 231, 232, 240, 247

PARKER, FRED. U.S. citizen resident in Quito. Furniture manufacturer. Quito station support agent. 272

PAX ROMANA. International youth organization of the Catholic Church used by the CIA for student and youth operations. 73

PELLECER, CARLOS MANUEL. CIA penetration agent of the Guatemalan Communist Party (PGT) and of the communist and related movements in Mexico City. Cryptonym: LINLUCK. 527, 532

PENKOVSKY, OLEG. Soviet Army colonel who spied for the CIA and British intelligence. 547

PEREZ DROUET, RENATO. Quito travel agent and Secretary-General of the Ponce Administration. A leader of the Social Christian Movement. Quito station political-action agent. 125, 177, 220, 221, 226, 236, 239, 242, 258

PEREZ FREEMAN, EARLE. Chief of Cuban intelligence in Montevideo. Defected in Mexico City, then redefected. 323, 376, 379, 380, 384, 389, 393, 399, 400

PERRY, ALEX (or ALEC). General Manager of Uruguayan Portland Cement Co. (subsidiary of Lone Star Cement Corporation) in Montevideo. Permitted CIA operations officer to be covered in his company. 493

PHIPPS, RUSSELL. Montevideo station operations officer in-charge of Soviet operations. 346, 388, 394, 407, 408, 415, 430

PICCOLO, JOSEPH. CIA officer in charge of operations against Cuba in Mexico City station. 531

PILGRIM, VIRGINIA. Friend of author's family who recommended him for CIA employment. A CIA employee. 13, 16, 27

PIO CORREA, MANUEL. Brazilian Ambassador to Mexico and to Uruguay, later Sub-Secretary of Foreign Affairs. CIA agent. 379, 393, 402, 405, 406, 408, 409, 412, 468, 469, 589

PIRIZ CASTAGNET, ANTONIO. Montevideo police inspector. Agent of the Montevideo station. Cryptonym: AVALANCHE-6.360, 365, 375, 380, 384, 392, 418, 441, 444, 451, 457, 465, 478, 479

PLENARY OF DEMOCRATIC CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS OF URUGUAY. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466, 485

POLGAR, TOM. Chief of Foreign Intelligence Staff of Western Hemisphere Division, later assigned as Chief of Station, Buenos Aires and to the CIA station in Saigon. 498.

PONCE YEPEZ, JAIME. Quito distributor for the Shell Oil Company. Quito station agent for control and funding of the Center for Economic and Social Reform Studies (CERES), q.v. 246, 247

PONCE, MODESTO. Ecuadorean Postmaster-General and the Quito station agent for postal intercept operation. 240

PONCE, PATRICIO. Quito station agent in travel-control operation. 216

POPULAR DEMOCRATIC ACTION (AOEP). Political-action and electoral mechanism of the Rio de Janeiro station. 143, 150, 169, 176, 188, 189, 228, 245, 256, 260, 263, 307, 321

THE POPULAR REVOLUTIONARY LIBERAL PARTY (PLPR). A left-wing offshoot of the Radical Liberal Party's youth wing. Brought under control of the Quito station agents such as Juan Yepez del Pozo, q.v.

POST, TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE WORKERS INTERNATIONAL (PTTI). The international trade secretariat for the communications industry. Used by the CIA in labour operations: principal agents in PTTI, Joseph Beirne, President of the Communications Workers of America and William Doherty, q.v. 76, 134, 141, 244, 251, 302, 488

PRANTL, AMAURY. Uruguayan Army lieutenant-colonel and liaison of the Montevideo station. Chief of the Guardia Metropolitana (anti-riot force) of the Montevideo police. 461

PUBLIC SERVICE INTERNATIONAL (PSI). The international trade secretariat for government employees used by the CIA for labour operations. (See AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE, COUNTY AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES.) 76, 176, 293, 406

QUAGLIOTTI AMEGLIO, JUAN CARLOS. Wealthy Uruguayan lawyer and rancher. Political contact of the Montevideo station. 359, 382, 423, 424

RADIO FREE EUROPE (RFE). CIA propaganda operation aimed at Eastern Europe. 72

RADIO LIBERTY. CIA propaganda operation aimed at the Soviet Union. 72

RAMIREZ, BEN. Mexico City station operations officer in charge of CP penetration operations. 526

RAMIREZ, EZEQUIEL. CIA training officer specializing in surveillance teams. 349, 367, 369-72

RAMIREZ, ROBERTO. Uruguayan Army colonel and Chief of the Guardia Metropolitana (anti-riot troops) of the Montevideo Police Department. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 346, 352, 383, 396, 397, 399, 433, 455

RAVINES, EUDOCIO. Peruvian communist who defected from communism to publish book. CIA agent. 527

READ, BROOKS. Non-official cover contact operations officer of the Montevideo station. 356, 357

REED, AL. U.S. citizen, businessman in Guayaquil. Agent of the Guayaquil base. 129

REGIONAL CONFEDERATION OF ECUADOREAN COASTAL TRADE UNIONS (CROCLE). Labour organization formed and controlled by the Guayaquil base. 141, 176, 189, 196, 212, 2/4, 220, 236, 250, 251, 260, 275, 300

RENDON CHIRIBOGA, CARLOS. Private Secretary of Juan Sevilla, q.v., Ecuadorean Minister of the Treasury. Involved in important political action for the Quito station. 269, 277, 281, 283, 305

RETAIL CLERKS INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION. The U.S. affiliate of the International Federation of Clerical and Technical Employees, an ITS through which CIA operations with white-collar workers were undertaken. 76

REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRATIC FRONT (FRD). Cuban exile political organization controlled by the Miami station. 163

REVOLUTIONARY LIBERAL MOVEMENT (MLR). Reformist offshoot of the Colombian Liberal Party and led by Alfonso Lopez Michelson, q.v. Supported by the Bogota station. 192

REVOLUTIONARY STUDENT DIRECTORATE IN EXILE (DRE). Cuban exile student organization controlled and financed by the Miami station with representatives in various Latin American countries. 369

RIEFE, ROBERT. CIA operations officer in Montevideo station. Specialist in CP penetration operations. 404, 407, 415, 431, 439; 452, 454, 466, 537

RIVADENEIRA, JORGE. Agent of the Quito station in clandestine printing operation. Also a writer for El Comercio and occasionally used for propaganda placement. 124, 171, 172, 182, 231, 233, 255, 259-61, 276, 285, 290

RIVADENEIRA, MARCELO. Agent of the Quito station in clandestine printing operation. 124

RIVADENEIRA, PATRICIO. Agent of the Quito station in clandestine printing operation. 124

RIVADENEIRA, RAMIRO. Agent of the Quito station in clandestine printing operation. 124, 272

RIVADENEIRA, RODRIGO. Agent of the Quito station in clandestine printing operation. Also used as transcriber for telephone-tap operation. 124, 248, 265, 272, 285, 286

ROBALINO BOLLO, ISABEL. Agent of the Quito station used for labour operations with the Catholic Labor Center (CEDOC), q.v., and for propaganda operations through the Committee for Liberty of Peoples, q.v. 235

ROCA, ALBERTO. Propaganda agent of the Montevideo station and publisher of Combate, a publication aimed at university students. 396, 457

RODRIGUEZ, ALFONSO. Telephone company engineer in charge of the Quito network of telephone lines. Quito station agent in telephone-tapping operation. Cryptonym: ECWHEAT-2. 184, 240

RODRIGUEZ, VENTURA. Uruguayan Army colonel and Chief of the Montevideo Police Department. Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 352, 365, 375, 377, 378, 380, 382, 389, 391, 423, 440, 441, 444, 445, 448, 453, 456-59

RODRIGUEZ, VLADIMIR LATTERA. First important defector from the Cuban intelligence service (DGI). Cryptonym: AMMUG-L 403

ROGGIERO, CARLOS. Retired Ecuadorean Army captain and leader of the Social Christian Movement. Quito station agent in charge of militant action squads. 239, 255

ROMUALDI, SERAFINO. AFL representative for Latin America and principal CIA agent for labour operations in Latin America. 75, 136, 214, 244, 301; 368

ROOSEN, GERMAN. Second Secretary, Uruguayan Embassy, Havana CIA agent targeted against the Cuban government. 325, 376, '377, 379, 380, 384, 389, 393

ROSETE, HADA. Leader of Cuban exile community in Montevideo and agent of the Montevideo station. 364, 369

ROYAL BANK OF CANADA. Used by CIA as funding mechanism in Brazil. 321

SALGADO, GUSTAVO. Ecuadorean journalist and principal Quito station propaganda agent. Regular columnist of El Comercio and provincial newspapers. True cryptonym forgotten, but ECURGE used for convenience. 124, 151, 157, 177, 182

SALGUERO, CARLOS. Montevideo Station support agent. 435, 464, 471

SAMPSON, RICHARD. CIA Chief of Station, Mexico City. 594

SANDOVAL, LUIS. Lieutenant in the Ecuadorean National Police and chief technician of the police intelligence service. Quito station agent. 119, 171, 212, 214, 248, 273, 471

SANTANA, ROLANDO. Cuban diplomat in Montevideo. Defected to the CIA. 323, 364

SAUDADE, GIL. Deputy Chief of Station in Quito. 150, 164, 169, 170, 176, 188, 189, 192, 199, 215, 219, 228, 235, 237, '241, 245, 246, 251, 256, 260, 275, 282, 288, 298, 299, 302, 303

SCHOFIELD, KEITH. Chief of Base for CIA in Guayaquil. 588

SCHROEDER, DONALD. CIA operations officer, specialist in operations against foreign diplomatic codes. 474-76, 478, 492

SCOTT, WINSTON, Chief of Station, Mexico City. 266, 499, 508, 524-26, 535, 548, 549, 552, 553, 556, 562

SEEHAFER, RALPH. Chief of Base, Quayaquil. 266-68

SENTINELS OF LIBERTY. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

SEVILLA, JUAN. Ecuadorean Minister of Labor, later Minister of the Treasury, later Ambassador to the German Federal Republic. Quito station agent for political action and propaganda. 241, 269, 278-9, 281, 283, 284, 286-88, 292, 305

SHANNON, TED. Chief of Station, Panama, later involved in CIA police-training programmes. 304

SHAW, ROBERT. CIA operations officer. 323

SHERNO, FRANK. CIA technical operations specialist, expert in audio (bugging) operations. Assigned to Buenos Aires station. 404, 405, 416, 435, 479, 485, 538

SHERRY, FRANCIS. CIA officer in charge of operations against Cuba in Mexico City station. 531

SIERO PEREZ, ISABEL. Cuban exile. Leader of the International Federation of Women Lawyers (IFWL). CIA propaganda agent. 387

SIMMONS, CLARK. Deputy Chief of Station, Lima. 313

SINCLAIR, WILLIAM. Inter-American Representative of the Public Service International (PSI), q.v., CIA agent for Iabour operations. 176

SMITH, WILLIAM L. (LEE). CIA operations officer in Montevideo station. 473

SNYDER, JOHN. Assistant Inter-American Representative of the Post, Telegraph and Telephone Workers International (PTTI), q.v. Agent of the Quito station in labour operations. 134, 141

STEELE, ROBERT. CIA operations officer in the Soviet/satellite section in Mexico City station. 528

STORACE, NICOLAS. Uruguayan Minister of the Interior and liaison contact of Montevideo station. 459, 464, 465, 472, 477-79, 489, 491, 505, 510

STUART, FRANK. Director of AID in Montevideo. 474, 475

STUDENT MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

SVEGLE, BARBARA. Secretary-typist in the Quito station during the early 1960s. Served as courier to Aurelio Davila Cajas, q.v. 126

TEJERA, ADOLFO. Uruguayan Minister of the Interior (internal security). Liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 378, 382, 390, 395, 396, 397, 402, 405, 416, 417, 421, 422, 441, 442, 445, 446, 452, 457, 459, 464, 469

TERRELL, EDWIN. Chief of the 'Bolivarian' branch of Western Hemisphere Division. 106

THOMAS, WADE. CIA operations officer, specialist in CP penetration operations. 526

THORON, CHRISTOPHER. CIA operations officer assigned under State Department cover to the United Nations during 1960-65. Remained under State Department cover until 1969 when named President of American University in Cairo, which is possibly a CIA cover position. 106

TORO, MEDARDO. Quito Station penetration agent of the Velasquista political movement. 256, 270, 287, 307, 308, 348

TOROELLA, LUIS. Cuban arrested and executed for assassination attempt against Fidel Castro. Agent of the Miami Operations Base of the CIA and correspondent in secret writing with the Quito station. Cryptonym for convenience: AMBLOOD-1. 123, 168, 195

TORRES, JUAN. Courier and assistant technician in the listening-post of the AVENGEFUL telephone-tapping operation. 345, 346, 365, 411

UBACH, ROGELIO. Uruguayan Army colonel and Montevideo Chief of Police. Liaison contact. 459, 461, 465, 478

ULLOA COPPIANO, ANTONIO. Quito station political-action agent and leader of the Popular Revolutionary Liberal Party, q.v. 150, 188, 298, 307

ULLOA COPPIANO, MATIAS. Quito station labour operations agent. Secretary-General of the Ecuadorean Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations ( CEOSL), q.v.189, 215, 236, 237, 260, 275, 298

URUGUAYAN COMMITTEE FOR FREE DETERMINATION OF PEOPLES. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

URUGUAYAN COMMITTEE FOR THE LIBERATION OF CUBA. Propaganda mechanism of the Montevideo station. 466

URUGUAYAN CONFEDERATION OF WORKERS (CUT). National trade-union confederation formed in 1970 within the framework of ORIT, q.v., ICFTU, q.v., and the ITS, q.v. 592

URUGUAYAN INSTITUTE OF TRADE UNION EDUCATION (lUES). Montevideo office of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. Controlled by the Montevideo station. 358, 473

URUGUAYAN LABOR CONFEDERATION (CSU). National labour organization controlled and financed by the Montevideo station. 237, 332, 357, 368, 369, 488, 592

URUGUAYAN PORTLAND CEMENT CO. Subsidiary of Lone Star Cement Corporation and provider of non-official cover for CIA operations officer in Montevideo. 493

VALLEJO BAEZ, CARLOS. Lawyer and writer used by the Quito station for propaganda and labour operations. 169, 188, 245, 261, 275, 298, 307

VAREA DONOSO, REINALDO. Retired Ecuadorean Army lieutenant-colonel and agent of the Quito station. Senator and Vice-President. Cryptonym: ECOXBOW-1. 122-23, 133, 162, 191, 207-11, 224-225, 229, 242, 249, 252, 256, 257, 277, 290, 291, 295, 305

VARGAS GARMENDIA, LUIS. Uruguayan Director of Immigration and liaison contact of the Montevideo station. 461, 464, 466, -467, 469, 472, 477, 484, 487-90, 505, 510, 542

VARGAS, LUIS. Penetration agent of the Quito station against the Communist Party of Ecuador. Cryptonym: ECSIGIL-2; 116, 171, 212, 247, 280, 286, 293, 307

VARGAS VACACELA, JOSE. A captain in the Ecuadorean National Police and Chief of Police Intelligence. Liaison agent of the Quito Station. Cryptonym: ECAMORous-2. 118, 119, 167, 171, 193, 201, 211, 212, 214, 232

VARONA, MANUEL DE. Cuban exile leader. Agent of the Miami station. 151

VAZQUEZ DIAZ, RICARDO. Quito station agent for labour operations and leader of the Ecuadorean office of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), q.v. 189, 236, 237, 245, 251, 260, 275, 298- 300

VELEZ MORAN, PEDRO. Ecuadorean Army lieutenant-colonel and liaison contact of the Guayaquil base. 232

VILLACRES, ALFREDO. Cutout of the Guayaquil base to a PCE penetration agent. 266, 267

VOGEL, DONALD. CIA operations officer in Soviet/satellite section of the Mexico City station. 528

VOLMAN, SACHA. CIA contract operations officer who organized the Institute of Political Education for the San Jose, Costa Rica station. 419

VOURVOULIASL, EANDER. Consul of Greece and President of the Mexico City Consular Corps. CIA agent. 532

Voz Universitaria. Propaganda organ of the Quito station directed at university students. 128, 213, 298, 299

WALL, JIM. Quito station operations officer. 307

WALSH, LOREN (BEN). Deputy Chief of Station, Quito. 298

WARNER. Chauffeur for the Cuban Embassy in Montevideo. Montevideo station agent. Last name forgotten; true cryptonym: AVBARON-1. Also used as penetration agent of the Communist Party of Uruguay. 307, 367, 374, 404

WARREN, RAYMOND. Chief of the cono sur branch of Western Hemisphere Division. Later Chief of Station, Santiago, Chile, during Allende administration. 543, 583

WATSON, STANLEY. Officer in charge of Covert Action operation, Mexico City station, and later Deputy Chief of Station. 526, 534

WEATHERWAX, ROBERT. CIA operations officer under ICA (predecessor of AID) Public Safety cover, Quito. 110, 116, 119, 139, 147

WHEELER, RICHARD. Chief of the Guayaquil base. 116

WICHTRICH, AL. Executive Vice-President of the American Chamber of Commerce, Mexico City, furnished political information to Mexico City station. 533

WORLD ASSEMBLY OF YOUTH (WAY). CIA financed international youth front used to oppose the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY). Headquarters in Brussels. 73, 74, 219

WORLD CONFEDERATION OF LABOR. See International Federation of Christian Trade Unions (IFCTU). 76

YEPEZ DEL POZO, JR, JUAN. Quito station political-action agent and leader of the Popular Revolutionary Liberal Party, q.v. 150, 164, 188, 189, 192, 228, 307

YEPEZ DEL POZO, SR, JUAN. Quito station political-action and propaganda agent. Leader of the Popular Revolutionary Liberal Party (PLPR), q.v., and of the Ecuadorean affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), q.v.150, 169, 188, 238

ZAFIRIADIS, MRS. TOMAS. Transcriber, along with her sister, of the AVENGEFUL telephone-tapping operation of the Montevideo station. Husband employed by the U.S. Embassy and served as courier. 383

ZAFIRIADIS, TOMAS. Employee of commercial section of the U.S. Embassy in Montevideo. Used as courier for AVENGEFUL telephone-tapping operation. (See MRS. TOMAS ZAFIRIADIS.) 383

ZAMBIANCO, JULIAN. U.S. citizen; CIA contract operations officer recruited in Cuba, escaped after Bay of Pigs in fishing-boat. Assigned to Guayaquil base under non-official cover. Transferred to Mexico City. 263, 269, 270, 282, 287, 288, 527

ZEFFER, ALEXANDER. Montevideo station operations officer in charge of labour operations. 358, 367, 368, 394, 408, 415, 453

ZIPITRIA, -. Lieutenant-colonel in Uruguayan Army and liaison contact of Montevideo station. Cryptonym. AVBALSA-10. 351, 352, 485
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Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

Postby admin » Tue Jun 09, 2015 4:35 am

Appendix 2: Alphabetical index of abbreviations. * indicates CIA use of organizations described in Appendix 1.

A and E: Assessment and Evaluation Staff of the Office of Training
ACGMC: American Communist Group in Mexico City
ADEP: Popular Democratic Action
AEC: Atomic Energy Commission
AF: Africa Division
AFL: American Federation of Labor
AID: Agency for International Development
*AIFLD: American Institute for Free Labor Development
ANCAP: National Administration of Petroleum, Alcohol and Cement
ANSA: Italian wire service
ARNE: Ecuadorean Nationalist Revolutionary Action
CA: Covert Action
CCI: Independent Campesino Confederation
*CEAS: Center of Studies and Social Action
*CEDOC: Catholic Labor Center
*CEOSL: Ecuadorean Confederation of Free Trade Union Organizations
*CERES: Center for Economic and Social Reform Studies
CFP: Concentration of Popular Forces
CI: Counter-Intelligence
CIA: Central Intelligence Agency
CI/ICD: Counter-Intelligence Staff, International Communism Division
CI/OA: Counter-Intelligence Staff, Operational Approval Branch
CIO: Congress of Industrial Organizations
CNC: National Campesino Confederation
CNED: National Center of Democratic Students
CNOP: National Confederation of Popular Organizations
CNT: National Workers Convention
*COG: Guayas Workers Confederation
COS: Chief of Station
*COSEC: Coordinating Secretariat of National Unions of Students
CPSU: Communist Party of the Soviet Union
CP: Communist Party
*CROCLE: Regional Confederation of Ecuadorean Coastal Trade Unions
CS: Clandestine Services (same as Deputy Directorate, Plans - DDP)
*CSU: Uruguayan Labor Confederation
CT: Career Training Program
CTAL: Latin American Labor Confederation
CTE: Ecuadorean Workers Confederation
*CTM: Mexican Workers Confederation
CTU: Uruguayan Workers Confederation
*CUT: Uruguayan Confederation of Workers
CWA: Communications Workers of America
DCI: Director of Central Intelligence
DCID: Director of Central Intelligence Directive
DDC: Deputy Directorate, Coordination
DDI: Deputy Directorate, Intelligence
DDP: Deputy Directorate, Plans (same as Clandestine Services - CS)
DDS: Deputy Directorate, Support
DDS & T: Deputy Directorate, Science and Technology
DOD: Domestic Operations Division
DRE: Revolutionary Student Directorate in Exile
ECLA: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America
EE: Eastern Europe Division
FBI: Federal Bureau of Investigation
FBIS: Foreign Broadcast Information Service
FE: Far East Division
FENETEL: Ecuadorean Federation of Telecommunications Workers
FEP: People's Electoral Front
FETLIG: Federation of Flee Workers of the Guayas Coast
FEU: University Student Federation
*FEUE: Ecuadorean Federation of University Students
FEUU: Federation of University Students of Uruguay
FI: Foreign Intelligence
FIDEL: Leftish Liberation Front
FIR: Field Information Report
FNET: National Federation of Technical Students
*FRD: Revolutionary Democratic Front
F & S: Flaps and Seals
FULNA: United Front for National Liberation
GRU: Chief Intelligence Directorate of the Soviet General Staff (Soviet Military intelligence organizations)
IAC: Intelligence Advisory Committee
IADL: International Association of Democratic Lawyers
*IBAD: Brazilian Institute for Democratic Action
ICA: International Cooperation Administration (predecessor of the Agency for International Development)
*ICFTU: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
*ICJ: International Commission of Jurists
I & E: Intelligence and Liaison Department of the Montevideo Police
*IFCTU: International Federation of Christian Trade Unions
*IFJ: International Federation of Journalists
*IFPAAW: International Federation of Plantation, Agricultural and Allied Workers
*IFPCW: International Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Workers
*IFWN: Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen
IMF: International Monetary Fund
INR: Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State
IO: International Organizations Division
IOJ: International Organization of Journalists
*ISC: International Student Conference
*ITF: International Transport Workers Federation
*ITS: International Trade Secretariats
IUS: International Union of Students
JCE: Communist Youth of Ecuador
JCS: Joint Chiefs of Staff
JOT: unior Officer Trainee
KGB: Committee for State Security (Soviet intelligence and security service)
LP: Listening Post (for audio operations)
MAAG: Military Assistance Advisory Group
MIR: Movement of the Revolutionary Left
MLN: National Liberation Movement
MLR: Revolutionary Liberal Movement (of Colombia)
MRO: Uruguayan Revolutionary Movement
MRP: People's Revolutionary Movement
NCG: National Council of Government
NCNA: New China News Agency (Hsinhua)
NE: Near East Division
NIS: National Intelligence Survey
NPIC: National Photographic Interpretation Center
NSA: National Security Agency
*NSA: National Students Association (US)
NSC: National Security Council
NSCID: National Security Council Intelligence Directive
NSD: National Security Directorate
OA: Operational Approval
OAS: Organization of American States
OBI: Office of Basic Intelligence
OC: Office of Communications (of the DDS)
OCB: Operations Coordination Board
OCI: Office of Current Intelligence
OCR: Office of Central Reference
OCS: Officer Candidate School
OF: Officer of Finance (of the DDS)
OL: Office of Logistics (of the DDS)
ONE: Office of National Estimates
OO: Office of Operations
OP: Office of Personnel (of the Deputy Directorate, Support)
OP: Observation post
ORIT: Inter-American Regional Labor Organization of the ICFTU
ORR: Office of Research and Reports
ORTF: French Radio and Television Service
OS: Office of Security (of the DDS)
OSI: Office of Scientific Intelligence
OSS: Office of Strategic Services
OTR: Office of Training (of the DDS)
OWVL: One way voice link (radio communications)
PCBM: Bolshevik Communist Party of Mexico
PCE: Communist Party of Ecuador
PCM: Communist Party of Mexico
PCP: Communist Party of Paraguay
PCU: Communist Party of Uruguay
*PLPR: Popular Revolutionary Liberal Party
POA: Provisional Operational Approval
POR: Revolutionary Workers Party
PP: Psychological and• Paramilitary
PPS: Popular Socialist Party
PRI: Revolutionary Institutional Party
PRQ: Personal Record Questionnaire
PSE: Socialist Party of Ecuador
PSI: Public Service International
PSR: Revolutionary Socialist Party (of Ecuador)
PSU: Socialist Party of Uruguay
*PTTI: Post, Telegraph and Telephone Workers International
*RFE: Radio Free Europe
RF: Radio frequency
RID: Records Integration Division
RMD: Related Missions Directive
SAS: Scandinavian Airlines System
SATT: Strategic Analysis Targeting Team
SB: Soviet Bloc Division
SCWL: Subversive Control Watch List
SIME: Ecuadorean Military Intelligence Service
SK: Security Officer in a Soviet Community abroad
SNET: National Union of Education Workers
SPR: Soviet Personality Record
SR: Soviet Russia Division
SW: Secret writing
TASS: Soviet wire service
TSD: Technical Services Division
TUC: Trade Unions Council (Britain)
UAR: United Arab Republic (Egypt)
UGOCM: General Union of Workers and Peasants
UNAM: National Autonomous University of Mexico
UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UPI: United Press International
URJE: Revolutionary Union of Ecuadorean Youth
USIA: United States Information Agency
USIS: United States Information Service (overseas offices of USIA)
USOC: United States Olympic Committee
USOM: United States Operations Mission (of ICA)
*WAY: World Assembly of Youth
WE: Western Europe Division
WFDY: World Federation of Democratic Youth
WFTU: World Federation of Trade Unions
WH: Western Hemisphere Division
WPC: World Peace Council
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Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

Postby admin » Tue Jun 09, 2015 4:45 am

Appendix 3

Charts showing the bureaucratic structure of the CIA.

Image

Chart 1. Organization for National Security, 1959.

National Security Council (NSC)
President
Vice-President
Secretary of State
Secretary of Defense
Director, Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization (later renamed office of emergency planning)
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff (Observer)
Director of Central Intelligence (Observer
Plus ad hoc appointments

National Security Council Planning Board (NSCPB)

Intelligence Advisory Committee (IAC) (later renamed The United States Intelligence Board (USIB)
Director of Central Intelligence (Chairman)
Intelligence Chiefs of the Army, Navy, Air Force, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of State and the Director of the National Security Agency
also ad hoc members such as the Intelligence Chiefs of the FBI and the Atomic Energy Commission
(in the early 1960s the Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) replaced the intelligence Chiefs of the Army, Navy, Air Force and JCS, in 1971 the Intelligence Chief of the Treasury Department was added to the USIB)

Operations Co-ordination Board (OCB) (later renamed The 54-12 Group, The Special Group, The 303 Group, The 40 Committee)
Director of Central Intelligence
Under Secretary of State
Deputy Secretary of Defense
ad hoc members

Image

Chart 2. Organization of the CIA, 1959.

Director of Central Intelligence

Cable Secretariat

Inspector General

Comptroller

General Counsel

Deputy Director of Central Intelligence

Deputy Director, Intelligence (DDI)

Deputy Director, Plans (DDP)

Deputy Director, Support (DDS)

Deputy Director, Co-ordination (DDC)

Image

Chart 3. Organization of the DDI, 1959, and relations to subcommittees of the IAC.

Deputy Director, Intelligence (DDI)

Office of Current Intelligence (OCI)

Office of National Estimates (ONE)

Office of Basic Intelligence (OBI)

Office of Scientific Intelligence (OSI)

Office of Research and Reports (ORR)

Office of Operations (OO)

Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS)

National Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC)

CIA Operations Center

Watch Committee

National Indications Center

National Security Council Intelligence Advisory Committee (IAC)

Board of National Estimates

National Intelligence Survey (NIS) Committee

Image

Chart 4. Organization of the DDP (Clandestine Services), 1959.

Deputy Director, Plans (DDP)

Office of Current Intelligence, Operations Center; Clandestine Service Duty Officer (CSDO)

Foreign Intelligence Staff (FI)

Counter Intelligence Staff (CI)

Psychological Warfare and Paramilitary Staff (PP)

Western Europe Division (WE)

Eastern Europe Division (EE)

Soviet Russia Division (SR)

Near East Division (NE)

Far East Division (FE)

Africa Division (AF)

Western Hemisphere Division (WH)

International Organizations Division (IO)

Technical Services Division (TSD)

Records Integration Division (RID)

Division D

Image

Chart 5. Organization of the DDS, 1959.

Deputy Director, Support (DDS)

Office of Personnel (OP)

Office of Security (OS)

Office of Training (OTR)

Office of Communications (OC)

Office of Logistics (OL)

Office of Finance (OF)

Image

Chart 6. Organization of the DDP (Clandestine Services), 1964-8.

Deputy Director, Plans (DDP)

Office of Current Intelligence Operations Center; Clandestine Services Duty Officer (CSDO)

Foreign Intelligence Staff (FI)

Counter Intelligence Staff (FI)

Covert Action Staff (CA)

Western Europe Division (WE)

Soviet Bloc Division (SB)

Near East Division (NE)

Far East Division (FE)

Africa Division (AF)

Western Hemisphere Division (WH)

Technical Services Division (TSD)

Records Integration Division (RID)

Division D

Domestic Operations Division (DOD)
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Re: Inside the Company: CIA Diary, by Philip Agee

Postby admin » Tue Jun 09, 2015 4:45 am

Acknowledgements

Many people have helped in the search for the factual details needed to reconstruct the events in which C I A operations described herein occurred. Often they did not know the true purpose of the assistance they were providing. Others helped through moral encouragement and political orientation. I would now like to thank all those who helped and mention several in particular.

The libraries of the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico and the Colegio de Mexico, both in Mexico City, were valuable for early orientation and historical materials. During this period my professors in the Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos of UNAM provided the inspiration needed to avoid early abandonment of the idea of writing this book. Encouragement and financial support from my father at this time was also very important.

Also during this early period, Francois Maspero helped me realize that I would have to leave Mexico to find adequate research materials. His advice was also of special value for the general focus and for the decision to concentrate on specific operations rather than types.

In Havana, the Biblioteca Nacional Jose Marti and the Casa de las Americas provided special assistance for research and helped find data available only from government documentation. Representatives of the Communist Party of Cuba also gave me important ei1couragement at a time when I doubted that I would be able to find the additional information I needed.

Several documentation centres in Paris gave me access to valuable research materials: the Bibliotheque Nationale, the Benjamin Franklin Library and the American Library, as well as the Institute d'Hautes Etudes de L'Amerique Latine and the Bibliotheque de Documentation Internationale Contemporarie of the Universite de Paris, Nanterre.

In London the British Museum Newspaper Library provided invaluable documentation. Other material was obtained at the Hispanic and Luso Brazilian Council, Canning House.

Among the people who especially helped, I wish to mention Robin Blackburn and his colleagues at the New Left Review, London. Neil Middleton of Penguin Books gave the support and guidance needed for completion, and Laurence Bright, O.P., had the difficult task of reducing almost 500 diary entries totalling over 300,000 words to this edition -- perhaps still too long but far superior to the early draft. John Gerassi and Nicole Szulc obtained vital research materials in New York and Washington, D.C. Grateful thanks to Playboy Magazine for allowing the author to adapt certain portions of an interview for use in this edition. Finally, I wish to thank Catherine Beaumont who helped me through a very difficult period in Paris.

Without these people and institutions this diary would be far more incomplete than the present form and probably still unwritten.
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