The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Gathered together in one place, for easy access, an agglomeration of writings and images relevant to the Rapeutation phenomenon.

Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 5:24 am

John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/18



John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital (1913) [Architect Robert Robinson Taylor]

-- Robert Robinson Taylor, by Wikipedia

John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital
Location Tuskegee, Alabama, United States
Hospital type Teaching
Beds 180[1]
Founded 1892
Closed 1987

The John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital was a teaching hospital on the campus of the Tuskegee Institute in Tuskegee, Alabama, open from 1892 to 1987.


The John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital was originally established in 1892 as the Tuskegee Institute Hospital and Nurse Training School. Its original purpose was to train nursing students and provide care for faculty members at the Tuskegee Institute. When it was founded, it was the first black hospital in Alabama.[2] When it was founded, it did not have an outpatient clinic, and instead only provided emergency services within its Tuskegee building. Unlike most other American hospitals of the day, it practiced outreach to surrounding communities through decentralized clinics in rural areas, and most patients received care at these clinics rather than at the hospital itself.[3] In 1902, John A. Kenney Sr. was appointed its director, after which the hospital increased in size and expanded its reach to the entire surrounding community.[2]

After being given to the Tuskegee Institute in 1911,[4] it was dedicated on February 21, 1913, as a result of which it was renamed. It was rebuilt using money donated by the wife of Charles E. Mason, a trustee of the Tuskegee Institute. It was named after Mrs. Mason's grandfather, former Massachusetts governor John Albion Andrew.[5] In a 1919 article in the Nation's Health, Kinney described the hospital as "a modern, up-to-date, well-appointed, two-story brick building, with accommodations for sixty patients with no crowding, and for a good many more when it is necessary."[6] The Tuskegee Syphilis Study took place at the hospital, thanks to the approval of both Eugene Dibble (then the hospital's medical director) and Robert R. Moton (then the president of the Tuskegee Institute).[7][8]

The hospital closed in 1987, after its resources were exhausted by an excess of charity cases.[1] When it closed, it was the last black hospital in Alabama.[2] It was later reopened as the National Center for Bioethics in Research and Healthcare in January 1999.[4][9]


During the pre-civil rights era, John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital served as a center for black physicians in the Deep South to receive postgraduate training, and for black patients to receive care.[2] According to Montague Cobb, it was one of only five first-rate hospitals in the pre-1940s South that treated black patients.[10] Because so few other nearby hospitals would accept black patients, it "became the medical center for Alabama blacks", as a 1995 Baltimore Sun article noted.[1]


1. "In Tuskegee, Foster is remembered as anything but an 'abortion doctor'". Baltimore Sun. 1995-02-20. Retrieved 2018-03-24.
2. Ward Jr., Thomas (2009-08-24). "Black Hospital Movement in Alabama". Encyclopedia of Alabama. Retrieved 2018-03-24.
3. Watson, Wilbur H. (1999). Against the Odds: Blacks in the Profession of Medicine in the United States. Transaction Publishers. p. 69. ISBN 9781412816656.
4. "TU's Legacy Museum preparing exhibit on John A. Andrew Hospital". The Tuskegee News. 2011-03-17. Retrieved 2018-03-24.
5. "John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital. Tuskegee Institute, Alabama". Retrieved 2018-03-24.
6. Kenney Sr., John A. (November 1919). "How Tuskegee Institute Is Promoting Better Health Conditions In The South". The Nation's Health. Modern Hospital Publishing Company, Incorporated. p. 629. Retrieved 2018-03-24.
7. Anekwe, Obiora N. "Artist's Statement". Academic Medicine. 88 (12). doi:10.1097/01.acm.0000437633.94494.c8.
8. Gray, Fred D. (April 2013). The Tuskegee Syphilis Study: An Insiders' Account of the Shocking Medical Experiment Conducted by Government Doctors Against African American Men. NewSouth Books. p. 46. ISBN 9781603063098.
9. "History". Tuskegee Bioethics Center. Retrieved 2018-03-24.
10. Beardsley, Edward H. (1990). A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South. Univ. of Tennessee Press. p. 37. ISBN 9780870496356.

External links

• Dibble, E. H.; Rabb, L. A.; Ballard, R. B. (March 1961). "John A. Andrew Memorial Hospital". Journal of the National Medical Association. 53: 103–118. ISSN 0027-9684. PMC 2641895  . PMID 13722655.
k Obama.
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 6:10 am

James E. Bowman
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/18



James E. Bowman
Born James Edward Bowman Jr.
February 5, 1923
Washington, D.C.
Died September 28, 2011 (aged 88)
Chicago, Illinois
Nationality American
Alma mater Howard University
Scientific career
Fields Pathology and Genetics
Institutions University of Chicago Medical School
MacLean Center for Clinical Medical Ethics

James Edward Bowman Jr. (February 5, 1923 – September 28, 2011) was an American physician and specialist in pathology, hematology, and genetics.[1][2] He was a professor of pathology and genetics at the Pritzker School of Medicine at the University of Chicago.

Early life and education

James Edward Bowman was born on February 5, 1923, in Washington, D.C., the eldest of five children[3] of Dorothy Bowman (née Peterson), a homemaker, and James Edward Bowman Sr., a dentist.[4] His parents were African-American.[5] He attended Dunbar High School before earning his undergraduate and medical degrees from Howard University in 1943 and 1946. He did medical internships at Freedmen's Hospital in Washington, D.C. and at Provident Hospital in Chicago. His residency in pathology was at St. Luke's Hospital in Chicago where he was the first African American resident.[4]


Following residency, Bowman served as chair of pathology at Provident Hospital. He was drafted again and spent 1953 to 1955 as chief of pathology for the Medical Nutrition Laboratory at Fitzsimons Army Hospital in Aurora, Colorado. After leaving the military Bowman decided to move overseas. "My wife and I decided that we were not going to go back to anything that smacked of segregation," he recalled. He became chair of pathology at Nemazee Hospital in Shiraz, Iran. "We were recently married, so we took a chance," he said. "It changed our lives completely." Their daughter, Valerie, was born in Iran.[6]

In Iran Bowman saw many diseases for the first time. "I saw smallpox, brucellosis, rabies, all sorts of things," he said. One of the most common diseases among certain ethnic groups in Iran was favism, a metabolic disease caused by an enzyme deficiency in red blood cells. The mutation, which is the most common human enzyme defect, renders those who have it unable to break down a toxin found in fava beans. Favism fit with Bowman's lifelong focus on inherited blood diseases and led to a series of important discoveries about the genetics of these diseases and the populations they affect, especially in the Middle East, Africa and America. It enabled him to travel all over the world collecting blood samples for DNA testing. It also led to frequent contacts and collaborations with University of Chicago researchers, who had first described the enzyme deficiency (glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency, or G6PD) and its connection with antimalarial medications.[6]

Bowman joined the faculty of the University of Chicago in 1962 as an assistant professor of medicine and pathology and director of the hospital's blood bank. He was promoted to full professor and director of laboratories in 1971. From 1973 to 1984, he directed the Comprehensive Sickle Cell Center of the University of Chicago, funded by the National Institutes of Health. He was a member of the national advisory group that urged the Nixon administration to initiate the inception of the Comprehensive Sickle Cell Center, which served as a model of patient-centered disease management and research. He also served as assistant dean of students for minority affairs for the Pritzker School of Medicine from 1986 to 1990.[4]

In 1972 Bowman declared that mandatory sickle cell screening laws were "more harmful than beneficial." These laws could "revive many of the past misadventures and racism of eugenics movements," he argued at the time, adding that adult screening programs create "inaccurate, misleading, politically motivated propaganda which has left mothers frantic." In 1973, he was named to two federal review committees designed to oversee sickle cell screening and education and to evaluate laboratory diagnostic techniques.[4]

Bowman was certified by the American Board of Pathology in pathologic anatomy (1951) and clinical pathology (1952).[4]

He was the first tenured African-American professor in the University of Chicago's Biological Sciences Division.[7] He served as the medical school's Assistant Dean of Students for Minority Affairs from 1986 to 1990.[2] He was a fellow of the Hastings Center, a bioethics research institution.

Personal life

Bowman was married to educator Barbara Bowman and they had one daughter, Valerie Bowman Jarrett,[4] who was a Senior Advisor to President Barack Obama.

Bowman died of cancer on September 28, 2011, at the University of Chicago Medical Center, at the age of 88.[3]

Selected publications

Bowman published numerous articles and books, including:


• James E. Bowman; Robert F. Murray (1998). Genetic Variation and Disorders in Peoples of African Origin. Hopkins. ISBN 978-0-8018-5884-0.
• James E. Bowman (1983). Distribution and Evolution of Hemoglobin and Globin Loci. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Comprehensive Sickle Cell Center Symposium on the Distribution and Evolution of Hemoglobin and Globin Loci at the University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A., October 10–12, 1982. Elsevier. ISBN 978-0-444-00793-3.

Journal articles

• James E. Bowman; Robert R. Brubaker; Henri Frischer; Paul E. Carson (September 1967). "Characterization of Enterobacteria by Starch-Gel Electrophoresis of Glucose-6-Phosphate Dehydrogenase and Phosphogluconate Dehydrogenase". Journal of Bacteriology. American Society for Microbiology. 94 (3): 544–551. PMC 251920  . PMID 5340676.
• Shaw, Richard F.; Ruth Winter Bloom; James E. Bowman (September 1977). "Hemoglobin and the genetic code: Evolution of Protection against Somatic Mutation". Journal of Molecular Evolution. Springer New York. 9 (3): 225–230. doi:10.1007/BF01796111. PMID 864725.
• James E. Bowman (May 1989). "Legal and Ethical Issues in Newborn Screening". Pediatrics. 83 (5): 894–896.
• James E. Bowman (March 1991). "Prenatal screening for hemoglobinopathies". American Journal of Human Genetics. 48 (3): 433–438. PMC 1682982  . PMID 1998329.
• James E. Bowman (1998). "Minority Health Issues and Genetics" (Proceedings of the National Dialogue on Genetics, College Park, Maryland, March 21–22, 1998). Community Genetics — Public Health Genomics. 1 (3): 142–144. doi:10.1159/000016152. PMID 11657303.
• James E. Bowman; Giselle Corbie-Smith; Peter Lurie; Sidney M. Wolfe; Arthur L. Caplan; George J. Annas; Amy L. Fairchild; Ronald Bayer (2 July 1999). "Tuskegee as a Metaphor". Science. 285 (5424): 47–8; author reply 49–50. doi:10.1126/science.285.5424.47b. PMID 10428701.
• James E. Bowman (June 2000). "Technical, Genetic, and Ethical Issues in Screening and Testing of African-Americans for Hemochromatosis". Genetic Testing. 4 (2): 207–212. doi:10.1089/10906570050114920. PMID 10953961.
• James E. Bowman (Autumn 2001). "Genetic Medicine: A Logic of Disease (review)". Perspectives in Biology and Medicine. The Johns Hopkins University Press. 44 (4): 617–618. doi:10.1353/pbm.2001.0061.

See also

• List of African American inventors and scientists


1. Terry, Don (July 27, 2008). "Insider has Obama's ear: What's she telling him?". Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on August 11, 2008. Retrieved August 23, 2008.
2. "The Bowman Society". Pritzker Pulse. Pritzker School of Medicine, University of Chicago. Spring 2005. Archived from the original on July 24, 2008. Retrieved March 15, 2009.
3. "The Longest Way Round Is the Shortest Way Home". Medicine on the Midway. University of Chicago. 65 (1): 24–30. Summer 2012. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
4. "Dr. James Bowman Biography". MedicalMakers. The HistoryMakers. September 27, 2002. Retrieved March 15, 2009.
5. Stated on Finding Your Roots, Season 2: The Official Companion to the PBS Series, by Henry Louis Gates Jr., 2015
6. Easton, John (September 29, 2011). "James Bowman, expert on pathology and blood diseases, 1923-2011". UChicagoNews. University of Chicago.
7. "A Legacy of Diversity & Inclusion". Pritzker School of Medicine, University of Chicago. Retrieved December 25, 2016.
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 7:10 am

Barbara T. Bowman
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/18



Barbara T. Bowman
Born Barbara Taylor
October 30, 1928 (age 89)
Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
Nationality American
Education B.A., Sarah Lawrence College
M.A., University of Chicago
Occupation Early childhood education advocate
Years active 50+
Known for Co-founder of Erikson Institute
Board member of Business People in the Public Interest,
Chicago Public Library Foundation,
Great Books Foundation,
High Scope Educational Foundation,
Institute for Psychoanalysis,
National Board for Professional Teaching Standards
Spouse(s) James E. Bowman, M.D.
Children Valerie Jarrett
Parent(s) Robert Robinson Taylor, grandfather

Barbara Taylor Bowman (born October 30, 1928) is an American early childhood education expert/advocate, professor, and author. Her areas of expertise include early childhood care/education, educational equity for minority and low-income children, as well as intergenerational family support and roles.[1] She has served on several boards and was the co-founder of Erikson Institute, where she pioneered the teaching of early childhood education and administration.[2]

Early years

Bowman was born and raised on the south side of Chicago, Illinois, the daughter of Laura Dorothy Vaughn (née Jennings) and Robert Rochon Taylor, who was on the board of the Chicago Housing Authority. Her grandfather was architect Robert Robinson Taylor.[3] Her parents were African-American.[4] After receiving a B.A. degree from Sarah Lawrence College, she began teaching at the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools' nursery school, while simultaneously earning her M.A. degree in education from the University of Chicago in 1952.[5] She went on to teach at preschools and elementary schools.


Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty and the 1965 creation of Head Start inspired Bowman.[6] The next year, with the support of businessman and philanthropist Irving B. Harris, Bowman cofounded the Chicago School for Early Childhood Education (now known as the Erikson Institute) with child psychologist Maria Piers and social worker Lorraine Wallach.[7] Bowman went on to serve as its president during the period of 1994 to 2001, and maintains a professorship at the institute, where she is the Irving B. Harris Professor of Child Development. The institute's Barbara T. Bowman Professor of Child Development professorship is named in her honor.[2][8]

Bowman is the Chicago Public Schools' Chief Early Childhood Education Officer. She is the past president (1980–1982) of the National Association for the Education of Young Children.[5] Her Board memberships are many including: Business People in the Public Interest, Chicago Public Library Foundation, Great Books Foundation, High Scope Educational Foundation, Institute for Psychoanalysis, and National Board for Professional Teaching Standards. Among the many honorary degrees awarded to Bowman are those from Bank Street College, Dominican University, Governors State University, Roosevelt University, and Wheelock College.[1]

During her career, she has also served on the Editorial Board of Early Childhood Research Quarterly, and chaired the National Academy of Science, National Research Council's Committee on Early Childhood Pedagogy.

Personal life

Bowman was married to the late James E. Bowman, renowned pathologist and geneticist of African American descent, and the first black resident at St. Luke’s Hospital. They have one daughter, Valerie Jarrett, who was Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President for Intergovernmental Affairs and Public Liaison in the Obama administration.[9] Their granddaughter, Laura Jarrett, graduated from Harvard Law School in 2010 and married Tony Balkissoon, who is also a lawyer and the son of Ontario MP Bas Balkissoon, in June of 2012.[10]


• Chicago Association for the Education of Young Children Outstanding Service to Children Award
• Chicago League of Women Voters' Civic Contribution Award
• Harold W. McGraw, Jr. Prize in Education, 2005[6]
• Mercedes Award
• National Black Child Development Institute Leadership Award
• Voices for Illinois' Children Start Early Award[1]
• Chicago Institute for Psychoanalysis Human Spirit Award

Partial bibliography


• -, & Attinasi, J. (1994). Cultural diversity and academic achievement Urban education program. (Oak Brook, IL]): NCREL. OCLC 34512344
• -, Bredekamp, S., Dodge, D. T., Epstein, A. S., & Borgia, E. (2000). Ensuring Quality and Accountability Through Leadership Tape 1, Curriculum and Assessment. Washington, D.C.: Head Start Bureau, The National Head Start Child Development Institute. OCLC 174103343
• -, Donovan, S., & Burns, M. S. (2001). Eager to learn: Educating our preschoolers. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. ISBN 0-309-06836-3
• - (2002). Love to read: Essays in developing and enhancing early literacy skills of African American children. [Washington, D.C.]: National Black Child Development Institute. OCLC 52332653
• -, & Moore, E. K. (2006). School readiness and social-emotional development: Perspectives on cultural diversity. Washington, DC: National Black Child Development Institute. OCLC 123438767


• - (1973). "Role-Models and Social Change". Childhood Education. 49 (4), 180-3. OCLC 92283737
• - (1983). "Do Computers Have a Place in Preschools". OCLC 92833821
• - (1989). "Educating Language-Minority Children: Challenges and Opportunities". Phi Delta Kappan. 71 (2), 118-20. OCLC 93612997
• - (1989). "Self-Reflection as an Element of Professionalism". Teachers College Record. 90 (3), 444-51. OCLC 93619328
• - (1992). "Who Is at Risk for What and Why". Journal of Early Intervention. 16 (2), 101-08. OCLC 93183459
• - (1994). "The Challenge of Diversity". Phi Delta Kappan. 76 (3), 218-24. OCLC 93677959
• - (1995). "The Professional Development Challenge: Supporting Young Children and Families". National Institute for Early Childhood Professional Development. Young Children. 51 (1), 30-34. OCLC 93892515


1. "Barbara T. Bowman, M.A." Retrieved 2008-11-09.
2. "Barbara Bowman Biography". The HistoryMakers. 2002-05-20. Retrieved 2008-11-09.
3. [1]
4. Stated in Finding Your Roots, Season 2: The Official Companion to the PBS Series, by Henry Louis Gates Jr., 2015, pages 244-259
5. "Barbara T. Bowman". Archived from the original on 21 November 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-09.
6. "Harold W. McGraw, Jr. Prize » Past Winners » 2005". Retrieved 2008-11-09.
7. "History of Erikson Institute". Archived from the original on 25 September 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-09.
8. "Frances Stott, Ph.D." Retrieved 2008-11-09.
9. "Senior Advisor Valerie Jarrett". The Administration: White House Staff. Archived from the original on April 9, 2009. Retrieved April 9, 2009. Valerie B. Jarrett is Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President for Intergovernmental Affairs and Public Liaison
10. Obama attends wedding of Toronto Liberal MPP's son

External links

• Photo of Barbara T. Bowman, 2006
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 7:26 am

Obama attends wedding of Toronto Liberal MPP’s son
by Robert Benzie
Queen's Park Bureau Chief
The Star
Wed., June 20, 2012



How does a Toronto Liberal MPP get some face time with U.S. President Barack Obama?

Easy — invite him to your son’s wedding.

Laura Jarrett, daughter of Barack Obama adviser Valerie Jarrett, and Tony Balkisson, son of Toronto MPP Bas Balkissoon, were married in Chicago on Sunday.

Obama was only one of many high-profile guests at the weekend wedding of Scarborough-Rouge River MPP Bas Balkissoon’s son Tony in Chicago.

Tony Balkissoon, 29, a lawyer in the Windy City, married Laura Jarrett, also a lawyer, whom he met while they were students at Harvard Law School.

She is the daughter of Valerie Jarrett, one of Obama’s most influential advisers and a long-time friend of president who heads the White House office of public engagement.

“It was kind of cool,” Bas Balkissoon told the Star on Wednesday, declining to get into details, citing his son and daughter-in-law’s privacy.

Indeed, the 280 guests at the wedding were asked not to take any photos with cameras or smart phones.

Also in attendance were Obama’s Attorney General Eric Holder, who arrived in a four-SUV motorcade and Vernon Jordan, a key adviser to former president Bill Clinton, among other Democratic luminaries.

It was held at Valerie Jarrett’s mother’s home, which is so close to the president’s private residence that he, First Lady Michelle Obama, and their daughters Sasha and Malia walked.

Guests said the reception was held in the backyard under a large white marquee tent.

Several streets in the posh Hyde Park neighbourhood were cordoned off by hundreds of Chicago police officers and Secret Service agents. Even children attending the wedding were frisked for weapons.

The Chicago Sun-Times reported that on the morning of the wedding an F-15 fighter jet chased away a single-engine airplane that had wandered into the restricted airspace over the neighbourhood.

Such measures are often taken by the North American Aerospace Defense Command for events involving a U.S. president.

While Bas Balkissoon was understandably coy about the event, another Liberal confided that the MPP was seen in deep conversation with both Obama and Holder.

Balkissoon is no slouch at politics. Prior to coming to Queen’s Park in a 2005 by-election he was a prominent Toronto councillor and was credited for blowing the whistle and exposing the MFP computer-leasing scandal.

The Balkissoon-Jarrett marriage is one of several links between Premier Dalton McGuinty’s Liberals and Obama. From 2000 until 2002, David Axelrod, another key adviser to the president, was a paid McGuinty strategist.

As well, Toronto Liberal Jean-Michel Picher, who helped the premier in the run-up to last year’s provincial election, was an early Obama insider who worked on the then-Illinois senator’s historic presidential primary campaign in 2007 and 2008.
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 7:29 pm

Henry Taylor (1823-1891)
by Catherine W. Bishir
Contributors: Beverly Tetterton and Ellen Weiss.
Published 2010
North Carolina Architects & Builders
A Biographical Dictionary



Henry Taylor (1823-1891), a slave carpenter, was among the black artisans who built the Bellamy Mansion. Photo courtesy of New Hanover County Museum, Wright Collection.

Birthplace: Cumberland County, North Carolina, USA
Residences: Wilmington, North Carolina
Trades: Carpenter/Joiner
NC Work Locations: Wilmington, New Hanover County
Building Types: Educational; Residential
Styles & Forms: Greek Revival; Italianate

Bellamy Mansion
Citation: Tim Buchman, Bellamy Mansion, Wilmington, New Hanover County, Built Heritage of North Carolina: Historic Architecture in the Old North State, North Carolina State University, Libraries, Special Collections Research Center, Raleigh, North Carolina.
Source: The Built Heritage of North Carolina: Historic Architecture in the Old North State, Special Collections Research Center, North Carolina State University Libraries

Henry Taylor (1823-1891), born a slave, was a prominent carpenter and citizen in Wilmington during the mid and late 19th century. Although few specific projects have been attributed to him, Taylor family tradition associates him with the construction of the immense Bellamy Mansion. He is best known as the father of Tuskegee architect Robert R. Taylor.

Booker T. Washington, a close associate of Robert Taylor, cited Henry Taylor in The Story of the Negro as exemplifying the numerous individuals who "though nominally slaves, were practically free." Drawing upon information from Robert, Washington stated that Henry Taylor was "the son of a white man who was at the same time his master. Although he was nominally a slave, he was early given liberty to do about as he pleased." According to Robert, Henry was born near Fayetteville, the son of his white owner, Angus Taylor, and an enslaved woman who probably belonged to Angus as well. Angus may have had Henry trained as a carpenter to assure that he could support himself. Henry moved to Wilmington, where he became a carpenter-builder as well as forming a mercantile business with a white ship owner.

Henry Taylor developed a prosperous career as a contractor and builder, constructing cargo ships that plied trade routes between the United States and South America via the Caribbean.

-- Robert R. Taylor: First Black Student at MIT, by MIT Black History

Henry Taylor was one of many free and enslaved men of color who participated in Wilmington's city-wide building boom. Family tradition states that he was one of the carpenters who erected and finished the large Bellamy Mansion in 1859-1861. The elaborated, columned mansion, designed by James F. Post and his assistant architect Rufus Bunnell, was widely noted as having been constructed by black artisans. Taylor's role was carried through family memories, and in 1999 his granddaughter Gladys Whiteman Baskerville and her extended family held her hundredth birthday celebration there.

After the war, Taylor operated a grocery business on Nutt Street while continuing in the building business. In 1868 he received $1,800 for constructing the Hemenway School and improving the schoolyard. Active in civic life, Taylor was a member of Giblem Masonic Lodge, the second black Masonic lodge in the state; he served on the finance committee to erect the lodge building in 1871, and it is probable that he was involved in construction of the building, which still stands. He was a founding member of Chestnut Street Presbyterian Church and was active in the Republican Party. He was buried in Pine Forest Cemetery.

The Colored Masonic Temple in Birmingham, Alabama. Courtesy Library of Congress
This Renaissance-Revival-style building was completed in 1922 and designed by Robert R. Taylor in collaboration with his former Tuskegee student, Leo Persley--both were the state's only two professional black architects at the time. A symbol of black prosperity in the segregated South, the project was both funded and constructed by members of the black community. Throughout its history, the National Register-listed building provided shelter to activists, politicians, and common citizens. It housed the Booker T. Washington Library (now Smithfield Library) for about 30 years.

-- Robert R. Taylor: First Black Student at MIT, by MIT Black History

Taylor married Emily Still, a native of Fayetteville, and he built the family's home, the Henry and Emily Taylor House, which stood at 112 North 8th Street, and he also built the John E. Taylor House next door for his son and family. Henry and Emily Taylor raised a family of four children—John Edward, Anna Maria (Whiteman), Sarah Louise (Shober), and Robert Robinson—all of whom distinguished themselves. John Edward Taylor remained in Wilmington and became a prosperous businessman and the first black man appointed Deputy Collector of Customs in the city, a position he held for twenty-five years. Anna Maria attended Howard University, as did her future husband, Dr. James Francis Shober, the first black physician with an M. D. degree to practice in North Carolina; a native of Winston-Salem, he spent his career in Wilmington. Sarah Louise Taylor likewise attended Howard University and married John Henry Whiteman, a prominent Wilmington businessman.

Especially noteworthy on the national scene was Robert Robinson Taylor (1868-1942), the first African American to graduate from MIT and one of the first professionally trained black architects in the United States. As described by architectural historian Ellen Weiss, he forged a long career as an architect at Tuskegee, where he became a close friend of Booker T. Washington. In 1943, shortly after his sudden death, a Wilmington public housing complex formerly called New Brooklyn Homes was renamed for Robert Robinson Taylor.

Robert Robinson Taylor's son Robert Rochon Taylor became an important corporate and civic figure in Chicago, for whom the large Chicago public housing complex, Robert Taylor Homes (completed in 1962), was named. Among Henry Taylor's descendants through this branch of the family is his great-great-great granddaughter Valerie Jarrett, a civic and political leader in Chicago who in 2009 became White House Senior Advisor to President Barack Obama.
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 8:18 pm

Finding Your Roots, Season 2: The Official Companion to the PBS Series [EXCERPT]
by Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
Copyright 2016 Henry Louis Gates Jr.



Valerie's great-grandfather Robert Robinson Taylor had written of "my grandfather Angus Taylor" who appeared to be both owner and father of Valerie's great-great-grandfather Henry Taylor. We tested the Y-DNA of one of Valerie's male cousins, Edward Taylor, on her direct maternal line. Because Angus Taylor was from Scotland, we would expect to find Edward's Y-DNA carrying a European Y-chromosome, ideally one that was Scottish. When we ran Edward's Y-DNA, we found two matches in particular that provided the results we needed to help prove paternity. Valerie's cousin's two closest matches were Martyn Taylor from Skipness, Scotland, Angus Taylor's ancestral home, and John Creed Taylor from Bladen County, North Carolina, Angus Taylor's American home. Furthermore, both men had identified Angus Taylor's grandfather Archibald Taylor as a direct paternal ancestor. That was all the proof we needed , but we went further anyway. When we tested Valerie's autosomal DNA, which an individual inherits from both parents and all of his or her ancestral lines, and compared it to that of a woman named Pat Matthews, a descendant of Angus Taylor's sister Catherine, we discovered that they shared a tremendous amount of DNA. There was no question that Angus Taylor was Henry Taylor's father. Valerie's third great-grandfather was her ancestor's father and master.

On Valerie's father's side, there was an often-repeated rumor of a Jewish ancestor. If that rumor were true, we would know from Valerie's DNA. Did some of her European ancestry come from her paternal great-grandfather, her grandmother Dorothy Bowman's father, who was purportedly Jewish? Askhenazi Jewish DNA was present in Valerie's admixture, but at only 2 percent of her European total, it was too small a figure to indicate a Jewish great-grandparent. One Jewish great-grandparent would have contributed an eighth, or 12.5 percent, of her European DNA. In other words, Valerie's great-grandfather could not have had primarily Jewish ancestry. A reading of 2 percent indicates that Valerie's Jewish ancestor entered her family tree somewhere between five and nine generations ago, or at the level of her third to seventh great-grandparents. Valerie laughed. "Maybe the story started, and they just kept saying 'great-grandfather' generation after generation, and they forgot to add a 'great-great-great-great' after each one," she said. "It looks like folklore."

Valerie admitted that she had never given equal weight to the many lines on her family tree. "I always focused on my great-grandfather, not so much on my great-grandmother," she said, referring to her Rochon ancestors. "I gave her short shrift, and I shouldn't have."

Our exploration of Valerie's roots had leveled the field. Her great-grandfather, Robert Robinson Taylor, was a great man, deserving of the place of honor he occupied in Valerie's family as well as in history books.
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sat Jul 21, 2018 8:29 pm

by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/18



Skipness Bay

Skipness castle

Skipness (Scottish Gaelic: Sgibinis, pronounced [sɡ̊ʲib̊ɪnɪʃ]) is a village on the east coast of Kintyre in Scotland, a few miles south of Tarbert and facing the Isle of Arran.

There is Skipness Castle (a ruined castle) and Kilbrannan Chapel, which contains some rare grave slabs. There is a nearby cafe that serves fresh fish from the area, and beer brewed on Arran, which can be seen from anywhere in Skipness. Also in the area, there is an organic tannery. There are cottages available to rent in Port na Chrò near the village that are situated by a beach. Both the castle and the chapel date from the 13th century, and are maintained by Historic Scotland.

Many of the cottages which can be rented have their own boats and, during the summer months, mackerel and pollack can be caught from them as well as a whole host of other species. There are plenty of walks running from and through skipness and many shorter ones are located in the picturesque Skipness Estate (which rents out cottages and serves the seafood). Although Skipness is a tiny village with only one shop, it serves the basics, and there are other communities nearby such as Tarbert and Campbeltown from which you can buy your groceries.

External links

• Skipness Official tourist website
• Skipness
• Skipness Castle
• Historic Scotland: Skipness Castle
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Skipness & Claonaig
November 9, 2007



Arran's Kilbrannan Sound from Skipness Castle
Photography by Net Visuals

Welcome to Skipness

Skipness overlooks the Isle of Arran and is situated on the north westerley most point of Skipness, only 13 miles from Tarbert, the gateway to Kintyre. The Kintyre Way walk also passes through Skipness with a good walk from Tarbert to Skipness which then passes on through Claonaig on its way to Clachan, Carradale, Campbeltown, Machrihanish and finally to Southend.

Skipness is about as far from urban living as you can get with stunning countryside and amazing views across to Arran on clear bright days, the village of Skipness is small and picturesque, ideal for amateur and professional artists and photographers.

Skipness Stores, Kintyre

There is a small local shop which sells the daily requirements of most families including milk, bread and newspapers plus groceries and soft drinks.

The village of Skipness also has a small school and small parish church.

Skipness Castle, Kintyre

Skipness Castle

The largely 13th Century Skipness Castle is a magnificent asset to Kintyre and remains in superb condition, free from scaffolding and free entry ensures good photographing and open access all year round.


Skipness Castle is a stunning 13th Century enclosure castle mostly built in around the 12th Century but modifed and added to at later dates.

The castle itself does not have a huge embankment or defensive moat but the sheer scope of view meant that it would be possible to see incoming vessels from long distances. It would be possible to see small ships for many miles and no doubt ones that would leave the coast of Arran.


The land which the castle is built on is very flat and embanked with large areas of grazing field afore. This would have been ideal for farming during these times and would have served the inhabitants well.


The curtain wall here is very thick, roughly around 4 feet and protects the tower. The castle by many examples is not the largest but it is in fantastic condition and you can climb the stairs up on to the roof of the castle, with the hall house below and marvel at the stunning views available from this fantastic location.


The castle, originally built by the MacSweens was soon claimed by the Lords of the Isles in around 1325 until foreiture somewhere between 1476 and 1493. Shortly after the castle was placed in the hands of the Earl of Argyll who in turn granted responsibility to his son Archibald in around 1511. The castle remained in the Campbell family through several generations until around 1867.

Despite owning an estate of a considerable size, maybe 15,000 acres, the Campbells were unable to maintain the financial upkeep of their assets including the wonderful Castle it was abandoned shortly after and in 1933 the castle was taken into State care and is now protected by Historic Scotland.


Like most of the castles in Kintyre and Argyll where public access is permitted there is no entry charge and it is open all year round for visitors.


The Argyll Book by Donald Omand
Clan Campbell Society of North America Website


St Brendan's Chapel, Kintyre

St Brendan's Chapel

The 13th Century Chapel presumably built around the same time as Skipness Castle nestles among farm fields and only several hundred yards from the castle. Some interesting headstones are here in superb condition.


St Brendan's Chapel

Located a short distance from the foot of Skipness Castle and along towards the stunning coast line and beach is the well maintained historical Chapel that overlooks Arran and has views both northwards and southwards, the view of the castle from here is also stunning.


The chapel is thought to have been built roughly at the same time as the castle itself, in around the early 1300's.


The curtain wall surrounds the inner chapel and cemetary within, access is through a small gate.


There are some interesting headstones and ancient burial stones here in this wonderful tranquil and stunning location.

There is no charge to enter the cemetary and it is maintained to a good standard.


Skipness Beach, Kintyre

Beaches & Coastline

Skipness has some stunning clear water and wonderful sandy beach with great views across to Arran. With the wind in a westerly direction and the sun high in the sky, Skipness is a perfect and often deserted location ideal for sunbathing and taking your children.



Skipness is located on the most north west coast of Kintyre, with some small shingly beaches and one long stretch of stunning coastline that overlooks the Isle of Arran.

Kintyre is renowned for wonderful coves and sections of coastline with sandy beaches and is very much underused by natives and tourists alike. Skipness is of course no exception to this.


Of particular interest is a wonderful golden sandy section of beach that is popular with local's for summer afternoons when the temperature permits sunbathing, although it must be said the beach rarely has more than a handful of people at any one time.


The best time for using the beach is during the summer months where there is a whole host of sealife and wildlife around rock pools and it is best to visit when the wind is from the west or south west as this give plenty of cover.


It is a grave misconception that Scotland's temperatures in summer are ill compared to the southmost coasts of England however it is quite possible that fair skinned people will get burnt easily especially in the hottest days here.


Claonaig Ferry

If you would like to visit the Isle of Arran whilst staying in Skipness or in Kintyre then the ferry from Claonaig just outside Skipness takes cars, bicycles and passengers on a very short ferry crossing.



The ferry that connects mainland Kintyre to Arran leaves from Claonaig by Skipness and goes across to Lochranza.

The ferry journey takes only 30 minutes and runs throughout the week even on Sunday with the last departure at 7pm from Claonaig during the summer time.

The ferry allows pedestrians, bicycles, cars, caravans, trailers and motorhomes. Please visit the website of Caledonian MacBrayne here for timetable information for the Claonaig (Kintyre) to Lochranza (Arran) ferry service.

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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

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Isle of Arran
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/18



Isle of Arran
Gaelic name About this sound Eilean Arainn (help·info)
Norse name Herrey[1]
Meaning of name Possibly Brythonic for "high place"
Isle of Arran is located in Argyll and ButeIsle of ArranIsle of Arran
Arran shown within the Firth of Clyde
OS grid reference NR950359
Coordinates 55.57°N 5.25°W
Physical geography
Island group Firth of Clyde
Area 43,201 hectares (167 sq mi)
Area rank 7[2] [3]
Highest elevation Goat Fell 874 m (2,867 ft)
Sovereign state United Kingdom
Country Scotland
Council area North Ayrshire
Population 4,629[4]
Population rank 6[4] [3]
Population density 10.72 people/km2[4][5]
Main settlement Brodick
References [6]

Arran (/ˈærən/; Scottish Gaelic: Eilean Arainn pronounced [elan ˈarɪɲ]) or the Isle of Arran is the largest island in the Firth of Clyde and the seventh largest Scottish island, at 432 square kilometres (167 sq mi). Historically part of Buteshire, it is in the unitary council area of North Ayrshire. In the 2011 census it had a resident population of 4,629. Though culturally and physically similar to the Hebrides, it is separated from them by the Kintyre peninsula. Often referred to as "Scotland in miniature", the island is divided into highland and lowland areas by the Highland Boundary Fault and has been described as a "geologist's paradise".[7]

Arran has been continuously inhabited since the early Neolithic period [10,200 BC]. Numerous prehistoric remains have been found. From the 6th century onwards, Goidelic-speaking peoples from Ireland colonised it and it became a centre of religious activity. In the troubled Viking Age, Arran became the property of the Norwegian crown, until formally absorbed by the kingdom of Scotland in the 13th century. The 19th-century "clearances" led to significant depopulation and the end of the Gaelic language and way of life. The economy and population have recovered in recent years, the main industry being tourism. There is a diversity of wildlife, including three species of tree endemic to the area.

The Highland Clearances (Scottish Gaelic: Fuadaichean nan Gàidheal [ˈfuə̯t̪içən nəŋ gɛː.əl̪ˠ], the "eviction of the Gaels") were the evictions of a significant number of tenants in the Scottish Highlands mostly during the 18th and 19th centuries. They resulted from enclosures of common lands and a change from farming to sheep rearing, largely carried out by hereditary aristocratic landowners who previously had status as Scots Gaelic clan chiefs. The Clearances were a complex series of events occurring over more than a hundred years.[1] A Highland Clearance has been defined as "an enforced simultaneous eviction of all families living in a given area, such as an entire glen".[2]

The Clearances relied on the insecurity of tenure of most tenants under the Scottish legal system. There was no equivalent of the English system of copyhold, which provided a heritable tenancy for many English counterparts of the Scots who were cleared from their farms.[3] The cumulative effect of the Clearances and the large-scale emigrations over the same period devastated the cultural landscape of Scotland; in the end, they destroyed much of Gaelic culture.[4]

-- Highland Clearances, by Wikipedia

The island includes miles of coastal pathways, numerous hills and mountains, forested areas, rivers, small lochs and beaches. Its main beaches are at Brodick, Whiting Bay, Kildonan, Sannox and Blackwaterfoot.


Most of the islands of Scotland have been occupied consecutively by speakers of at least four languages since the Iron Age. Many of the names of these islands have more than one possible meaning as a result. Arran is therefore not unusual in that the derivation of the name is far from clear. Mac an Tàilleir (2003) states that "it is said to be unrelated to the name Aran in Ireland" (which means "kidney-shaped", cf Irish ára "kidney").[8] Unusually for a Scottish island, Haswell-Smith (2004) offers a Brythonic derivation and a meaning of "high place" which at least corresponds with the geography — Arran is significantly loftier than all the land that immediately surrounds it along the shores of the Firth of Clyde.[7]

Any other Brythonic place-names that may have existed were later replaced on Arran as the Goidelic-speaking Gaels spread from Ireland, via their adjacent kingdom of Dál Riata. During the Viking Age it became, along with most Scottish islands, the property of the Norwegian crown, at which time it may have been known as "Herrey" or "Hersey". As a result of this Norse influence, many current place-names on Arran are of Viking origin.[9]


Cìr Mhòr and Caisteal Abhail seen from North Goatfell

The island lies in the Firth of Clyde between Ayr and Ardrossan, and Kintyre. The profile of the north Arran hills as seen from the Ayrshire coast is referred to as the "Sleeping Warrior", due to its resemblance to a resting human figure.[10][11] The highest of these hills is Goat Fell at 873.5 metres (2,866 ft).[12] There are three other Corbetts, all in the north east: Caisteal Abhail, Cìr Mhòr and Beinn Tarsuinn. Beinn Bharrain is the highest peak in the north west at 721 metres (2,365 ft).[13]

The largest valley on the island is Glen Iorsa to the west, whilst narrow Glen Sannox (Gaelic: Gleann Shannaig) and Glen Rosa (Gaelic: Gleann Ròsa) to the east surround Goat Fell. The terrain to the south is less mountainous, although a considerable portion of the interior lies above 350 metres (1,150 ft), and A' Chruach reaches 512 metres (1,680 ft) at its summit.[14][15] There are two other Marilyns in the south, Tighvein and Beinn Bhreac.


Lochranza village and castle

Holy Isle as seen from Arran

Arran has several villages, mainly around the shoreline. Brodick (Old Norse: 'broad bay') is the site of the ferry terminal, several hotels, and the majority of shops. Brodick Castle is a seat of the Dukes of Hamilton.

The Duke of Hamilton and Brandon is Hereditary Keeper of the Palace of Holyroodhouse, the official royal residence in Scotland, where he maintains large private quarters. He is also, as Lord Abernethy and in this respect successor to the Gaelic Earls of Fife, the Hereditary Bearer of the Crown of Scotland, a role which the 15th Duke performed at the inauguration of the Scottish Parliament in 1999,[2][3][4] as did the 16th Duke at the State Opening of Parliament, 30 June 2011.[5] Traditionally, the Duke of Hamilton enjoys the exclusive right to remove the Scottish Crown Jewels from the City of Edinburgh.[6]

The Honours of Scotland, also known as the Scottish Regalia and the Scottish Crown Jewels, dating from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, are the oldest surviving set of crown jewels in the British Isles. They were used for the coronation of Scottish monarchs from 1543 (Mary I) until 1651 (Charles II). Since then, they have been used to represent Royal Assent to legislation in both the Estates of Parliament and the Scottish Parliament, and they have also been used at state occasions including the first visit to Scotland as sovereign by King George IV in 1822 and the first such visit by Queen Elizabeth II in 1953.

The crown was carried as Queen Elizabeth II left the Chamber following the Opening of the Scottish Parliament in 2011.

-- Honours of Scotland, by Wikipedia

He also regularly attends sittings in the Court of Lord Lyon as an hereditary assessor, sitting on the bench beside Lord Lyon.

-- Duke of Hamilton, by Wikipedia

Lamlash, however, is the largest village on the island and in 2001 had a population of 1,010 compared to 621 for Brodick.[16] Other villages include Lochranza and Catacol in the north, Corrie in the north east, Blackwaterfoot in the south west, Kildonan in the south and Whiting Bay in the south east.

Surrounding islands

Arran has three smaller satellite islands: Holy Isle lies to the east opposite Lamlash, Pladda is located off Arran's south coast and tiny Hamilton Isle lies just off Clauchlands Point 1.2 kilometres (0.75 mi) north of Holy Isle. Eilean na h-Àirde Bàine off the south west of Arran at Corriecravie is a skerry connected to Arran at low tide.

Other islands in the Firth of Clyde include Bute, Great Cumbrae and Inchmarnock.


The division between the "Highland" and "Lowland" areas of Arran is marked by the Highland Boundary Fault which runs north east to south west across Scotland.[17] Arran is a popular destination for geologists, who come to see intrusive igneous landforms such as sills and dykes, and sedimentary and meta-sedimentary rocks ranging in age from Precambrian to Mesozoic.

Most of the interior of the northern half of the island is taken up by a large granite batholith that was created by substantial magmatic activity around 58 million years ago in the Paleogene period.[18] This comprises an outer ring of coarse granite and an inner core of finer grained granite, which was intruded later. This granite was intruded into the Late Proterozoic to Cambrian metasediments of the Dalradian Supergroup. Other Paleogene igneous rocks on Arran include extensive felsic and composite sills in the south of the island, and the central ring complex, an eroded caldera system surrounded by a near-continuous ring of granitic rocks.[19]

Sedimentary rocks dominate the southern half of the island, especially Old and New Red Sandstone. Some of these sandstones contain fulgurites – pitted marks that may have been created by Permian lightning strikes.[17] Large aeolian sand dunes are preserved in Permian sandstones near Brodick, showing the presence of an ancient desert. Within the central complex are subsided blocks of Triassic sandstone and marl, Jurassic shale, and even a rare example of Cretaceous chalk.[20][21] During the 19th century barytes was mined near Sannox. First discovered in 1840, nearly 5,000 tons were produced between 1853 and 1862. The mine was closed by the 11th Duke of Hamilton on the grounds that it "spoiled the solemn grandeur of the scene" but was reopened after the First World War and operated until 1938 when the vein ran out.[22]

Visiting in 1787, the geologist James Hutton found his first example of an unconformity to the north of Newton Point near Lochranza, which provided evidence for his Plutonist theories of uniformitarianism and about the age of the Earth. This spot is one of the most famous places in the study of geology.[23][24]

The Pleistocene glaciations almost entirely covered Scotland in ice, and Arran's highest peaks may have been nunataks at this time.[17] After the last retreat of the ice at the close of the Pleistocene epoch sea levels were up to 70 metres (230 ft) lower than at present and it is likely that circa 14,000 BP the island was connected to mainland Scotland.[25] Sea level changes and the isostatic rise of land makes charting post-glacial coastlines a complex task, but it is evident that the island is ringed by post glacial raised beaches.[26] King's Cave on the south west coast is an example of an emergent landform on such a raised beach. This cave, which is over 30.5 metres (100 ft) long and up to 15.3 metres (50 ft) high, lies well above the present day sea level.[27][28][29] There are tall sea cliffs to the north east including large rock slides under the heights of Torr Reamhar, Torr Meadhonach and at Scriden (An Scriodan) at the far north end of the island.[15][30][31]


The influence of the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf Stream create a mild oceanic climate. Temperatures are generally cool, averaging about 6 °C (43 °F) in January and 16 °C (61 °F) in July at sea level.[32] The southern half of the island, being less mountainous, has a more favourable climate than the north, and the east coast is more sheltered from the prevailing winds than the west and south.

Snow seldom lies at sea level and frosts are less frequent than on the mainland. As in most islands of the west coast of Scotland, annual rainfall is generally high at between 1,500 mm (59 in) in the south and west and 1,900 mm (75 in) in the north and east. The mountains are wetter still with the summits receiving over 2,550 mm (100 in) annually. May and June are the sunniest months, with upwards of 200 hours of bright sunshine being recorded on average.[32]



Machrie Moor Standing Stone Circle 2

Machrie Stone Circle 1

Machrie Stone Circle 2

Machrie Stone Circle 3

Machrie Stone Circle 4

Machrie Stone Circle 5

Machrie Stone Circle 6

Machrie Stone Circle 7

Machrie Stone Circle 8

Machrie Stone Circle 10

Machrie Stone Circle 11

-- Machrie Moor Stone Circles, by Wikipedia

Arran has a particular concentration of early Neolithic Clyde Cairns, a form of Gallery grave. The typical style of these is a rectangular or trapezoidal stone and earth mound that encloses a chamber lined with larger stone slabs. Pottery and bone fragments found inside them suggest they were used for interment and some have forecourts, which may have been an area for public display or ritual. There are two good examples in Monamore Glen west of the village of Lamlash,[33] and similar structures called the Giants' Graves above Whiting Bay.

Giant's Grave North

There are numerous standing stones dating from prehistoric times, including six stone circles on Machrie Moor (Gaelic: Am Machaire).[34]

Pitchstone deposits on the island were used locally for making various items in the Mesolithic era.[35] In the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age pitchstone from the Isle of Arran or items made from it were transported around Britain.[35]

Several Bronze Age sites have been excavated, including Ossian's Mound near Clachaig and a cairn near Blackwaterfoot that produced a bronze dagger and a gold fillet.[36] Torr a' Chaisteal Dun in the south west near Sliddery is the ruin of an Iron Age fortified structure dating from about AD 200. The original walls would have been 3 metres (9.8 ft) or more thick and enclosed a circular area about 14 metres (46 ft) in diameter.[37]

Gaels, Vikings and Middle Ages

Lochranza Castle

An ancient Irish poem called Agalllamh na Senorach, first recorded in the 13th century, describes the attractions of the island.

Arran of the many stags
The sea strikes against her shoulders,
Companies of men can feed there,
Blue spears are reddened among her boulders.

Merry hinds are on her hills,
Juicy berries are there for food,
Refreshing water in her streams,
Nuts in plenty in the wood.

The monastery of Aileach founded by St. Brendan in the 6th century may have been on Arran and St. Molaise was also active, with Holy Isle being a centre of Brendan's activities.[39] The caves below Keil Point (Gaelic: Rubha na Cille) contain a slab which may have been an ancient altar. This stone has two petrosomatoglyphs on it, the prints of two right feet, said to be of Saint Columba.[40]

Cliffs at Blackwaterfoot

The "King's Cave", reputedly a refuge of King Robert the Bruce

In the 11th century Arran became part of the Sodor (Old Norse: 'Suðr-eyjar'), or South Isles of the Kingdom of Mann and the Isles, but on the death of Godred Crovan in 1095 all the isles came under the direct rule of Magnus III of Norway. Lagman (1103–1104) restored local rule. After the death of Somerled in 1164, Arran and Bute were ruled by his son Angus.[41] In 1237, the Scottish isles broke away completely from the Isle of Man and became an independent kingdom. After the indecisive Battle of Largs between the kingdoms of Norway and Scotland in 1263, Haakon Haakonsson, King of Norway reclaimed Norwegian lordship over the "provinces" of the west. Arriving at Mull, he rewarded a number of his Norse-Gaelic vassals with grants of lands. Bute was given to Ruadhri and Arran to Murchad MacSween.[Note 1] Following Haakon's death later that year Norway ceded the islands of western Scotland to the Scottish crown in 1266 by the Treaty of Perth. A substantial Viking grave has been discovered near King's Cross south of Lamlash, containing whalebone, iron rivets and nails, fragments of bronze and a 9th-century bronze coin, and another grave of similar date nearby yielded a sword and shield.[43][44] Arran was also part of the medieval Bishopric of Sodor and Man.

On the opposite side of the island near Blackwaterfoot is the King's Cave (see above), where Robert the Bruce is said to have taken shelter in the 14th century.[45] Bruce returned to the island in 1326, having earlier granted lands to Fergus MacLouis for assistance rendered during his time of concealment there. Brodick Castle played a prominent part in the island's medieval history. Probably dating from the 13th century, it was captured by English forces during the Wars of Independence before being taken back by Scottish troops in 1307. It was badly damaged by action from English ships in 1406 and sustained an attack by John of Islay, the Lord of the Isles in 1455. Originally a seat of the Clan Stewart of Menteith it passed to the Boyd family in the 15th century.[46][47] For a short time during the reign of King James V in the 16th century, the Isle of Arran was under the regency of Robert Maxwell, 5th Lord Maxwell.[48]

Modern era

"Hamilton Terrace" with the Clearances Monument, Lamlash

At the commencement of the Early modern period James, 2nd Lord Hamilton became a privy counsellor to his first cousin, James IV of Scotland and helped to arrange his marriage to Princess Margaret Tudor of England. As a reward he was created Earl of Arran in 1503. The local economy for much of this period was based on the run rig system, the basic crops being oats, barley and potatoes. The population slowly grew to about 6,500. In the early 19th century Alexander, 10th Duke of Hamilton (1767–1852) embarked on a programme of clearances that had a devastating effect on the island's population. These "improvements" typically led to land that had been rented out to as many as 27 families being converted into a single farm. In some cases, land was promised in Canada for each adult emigrant male. In April 1829, for example, 86 islanders boarded the brig Caledonia for the two-month journey, half their fares being paid for by the Duke. However, on arrival in Quebec only 41 hectares (100 acres) was made available to the heads of extended families. Whole villages were removed and the Gaelic culture of the island devastated. The writer James Hogg wrote, "Ah! Wae's [Woe is] me. I hear the Duke of Hamilton's crofters are a'gaun away, man and mother's son, frae the Isle o' Arran. Pity on us!".[49] A memorial to this has been constructed on the shore at Lamlash, paid for by a Canadian descendant of the emigrants.[50][51]

On 10 August 1941 a RAF Consolidated B-24 Liberator LB-30A AM261 was flying from RAF Heathfield in Ayrshire to Gander International Airport in Canada. However, the B-24 crashed into the hillside of Mullach Buidhe north of Goat Fell, killing all 22 passengers and crew.[52]

Overview of population trends

Arran's resident population was 4,629 in 2011, a decline of just over 8 per cent from the 5,045 recorded in 2001,[54] against a background of Scottish island populations as a whole growing by 4 per cent to 103,702 over the same period.[55]


Gaelic was still spoken widely on Arran at the beginning of the 20th century. The 1901 Census reported 25–49 per cent Gaelic speakers on the eastern side of the island and 50–74 per cent on the western side of the island. By 1921 the proportion for the whole island had dropped to less than 25 per cent.[56] However, Nils Holmer quotes the Féillire (a Gaelic almanack) reporting 4,532 inhabitants on the island in 1931 with 605 Gaelic speakers, showing that Gaelic had declined to about 13 per cent of the population.[57] It continued to decline until the last native speakers of Arran Gaelic died in the 1990s. Current Gaelic speakers on Arran originate from other areas in Scotland.[58] In 2011, 2.0 per cent of Arran residents aged three and over could speak Gaelic.[59]

Arran Gaelic is reasonably well documented. Holmer carried out field work on the island in 1938, reporting Gaelic being spoken by "a fair number of old inhabitants". He interviewed 53 informants from various locations and his description of The Gaelic of Arran was published in 1957 and runs to 211 pages of phonological, grammatical and lexical information. The Survey of the Gaelic Dialects of Scotland, which collected Gaelic dialect data in Scotland between 1950 and 1963, also interviewed five native speakers of Arran Gaelic.[60]

The Arran dialect falls firmly into the southern group of Gaelic dialects (referred to as the "peripheral" dialects in Celtic studies) and thus shows:[57]

• a glottal stop replacing an Old Irish hiatus, e.g. rathad 'road' /rɛʔət̪/[57] (normally /rˠa.ət̪/)
• the dropping of /h/ between vowels e.g. athair 'father' /aəɾ/[57] (normally /ahəɾʲ/)
• the preservation of a long l, n and r, e.g. fann 'weak' /fan̪ˠː/[57] (normally /faun̪ˠ/ with diphthongisation).

The most unusual feature of Arran Gaelic is the /w/ glide after labials before a front vowel, e.g. maith 'good' /mwɛh/[57] (normally /mah/).

Mac an Tàilleir notes that the island has a poetic name Arainn nan Aighean Iomadh - "Arran of the many stags" and that a native of the island or Arainneach is also nicknamed a coinean mòr in Gaelic, meaning "big rabbit".[8] Locally, Arainn was pronounced /ɛɾɪɲ/.[57]

Local government

Arran's location within Ayrshire

From the 17th to the late 20th century, Arran was part of the County of Bute.[61] After the 1975 reorganisation of local government Arran became part of the district of Cunninghame in Strathclyde Region.[62] This two-tier system of local government lasted until 1996 when the Local Government etc. (Scotland) Act 1994 came into effect, abolishing the regions and districts and replacing them with 32 council areas. Arran is now in the North Ayrshire council area, along with some of the other constituent islands of the County of Bute.

For some statistical purposes Arran is within the registration county of Bute,[63] and for ceremonial purposes it forms part of the lieutenancy area of Ayrshire and Arran.

In the House of Commons, since 2005 Arran has been part of the Ayrshire North and Arran constituency, represented since 2015 by Patricia Gibson of the SNP. It was previously part of the constituency of Cunninghame North from 1983 to 2005, and of Ayrshire North and Bute from 1918 to 1983.

In the Scottish Parliament, Arran is part of the constituency of Cunninghame North, currently represented by Kenneth Gibson of the Scottish National Party (SNP). The Labour Party held the seat until 2007, when the SNP gained it with a majority of just 48, making it the most marginal seat in Holyrood until 2011, when the SNP significantly increased its majority to 6117 over Labour.[64]

Health services

NHS Ayrshire and Arran is responsible for the provision of health services for the island. Arran War Memorial Hospital is a 17-bed acute hospital at Lamlash. The Arran Medical Group provides primary-care services and supports the hospital. The practice is based at Brodick Health Centre and has three base surgeries and four branch surgeries.[65]


Map of Arran. The island to the east is Holy Isle and the tiny island to the south is Pladda.

Arran is connected to the Scottish mainland by two Caledonian MacBrayne ferries; MV Caledonian Isles from Brodick to Ardrossan, and MV Catriona (summer only) from Lochranza to Claonaig. The MV Isle of Arran provides additional summer sailings from Brodick to Ardrossan.[66] Summer day trips are also available on board the paddle steamer PS Waverley, and a summer service operated by a local resident connects Lamlash to the neighbouring Holy Isle.

Brodick Ferry Terminal underwent £22 million of work to improve connections to the island. The new terminal includes better passenger facilities, increased passenger and freight capacity, and a new pier, all of which were set to open in August 2017 but finally opened on 20 March 2018, due to various construction issues. Additionally the island was due to be served by a new £45-million dual-fuelled ferry from 2018 – the MV Glen Sannox – which will have a capacity of 1,000. This has also been delayed due to various construction issues and will not be available until late 2018 or early 2019.

There are three through roads on the island. The 90 kilometres (56 mi) coast road circumnavigates the island. In 2007, a 48 kilometres (30 mi) stretch of this road, previously designated as A841, was de-classified as a C road. Travelling south from Whiting Bay, the C147 goes round the south coast continuing north up the west coast of the island to Lochranza. At this point the road becomes the A841 down the east coast back to Whiting Bay.[67] At one point the coast road ventures inland to climb the 200 metres (660 ft) pass at the Boguillie between Creag Ghlas Laggan and Caisteal Abhail, located between Sannox and Lochranza.[15]

The other two roads run across from the east to the west side of the island. The main cross-island road is the 19 kilometres (12 mi) B880 from Brodick to Blackwaterfoot, called "The String", which climbs over Gleann an t-Suidhe. About 10 kilometres (6 mi) from Brodick, a minor road branches off to the right to Machrie. The single-track road "The Ross" runs 15 kilometres (9 mi) from Lamlash to Lagg and Sliddery via Glen Scorodale (Gaelic: Gleann Sgoradail).[68]

The island can be explored using a public bus service operated by Stagecoach.[69] The main bus terminal on the island is located in Brodick at the Ferry Terminal. The newly upgraded facility offers routes to all parts of the island.


PS Waverley in front of Brodick Castle

The main industry on the island is tourism, one of the great attractions being Brodick Castle, owned by the National Trust for Scotland. However, Brodick Castle is undergoing fire-safety and other conservation works and will not be open until the summer of 2018. The Auchrannie Resort, which contains two hotels, three restaurants, two leisure complexes and an adventure company, is one of biggest employers on the island.[70] Local businesses include the Arran Distillery, which was opened in 1995 in Lochranza. This is open for tours and contains a shop and cafe. A second visitor centre has been announced for the south of the island, due to open in 2019.

The island has a number of golf courses including the 12 hole Shiskine links course which was founded in 1896.[71] The village of Lagg, at the southern tip of Arran, has a nudist beach. Known as Cleat's Shore, it has been described as one of the quietest nudist facilities in the world.[72]

Farming and forestry are other important industries. Plans for 2008 for a large salmon farm holding 800,000 or more fish in Lamlash Bay have been criticised by the Community of Arran Seabed Trust. They fear the facility could jeopardise Scotland's first marine No Take Zone, which was announced in September 2008.[73][74]

The Brewery logo

The Arran Brewery is a microbrewery founded in March 2000 in Cladach, near Brodick. It makes eight regular cask and bottled beers. The wheat beer, Arran Blonde (5.0% abv) is the most popular; others include Arran Dark and Arran Sunset,[75] with a seasonal Fireside Ale brewed in winter. The brewery is open for tours and tastings.[76] The business went into liquidation in May 2008,[77] but was then sold to Marketing Management Services International Ltd in June 2008. It is now back in production and the beers widely available in Scotland, including certain Aldi stores. However, there were redundancies in 2017 and again in 2018. [78] Other businesses include Arran Aromatics, which produces a range of luxury toiletries, perfumes and candles, Arran Dairies, Arran Cheese Shop, James's Chocolates and Wooleys of Arran.


The Scottish Gaelic dialect of Arran died out when the last speaker Donald Craig died in the 1970s. However, there is now a Gaelic House in Brodick, set up at the end of the 1990s. Brodick Castle features on the Royal Bank of Scotland £20 note and Lochranza Castle was used as the model for the castle in The Adventures of Tintin adventure The Black Island.

Arran has one newspaper, The Arran Banner. It was listed in the Guinness Book of Records in November 1984 as the "local newspaper which achieves the closest to a saturation circulation in its area." The entry reads: "The Arran Banner, founded in 1974, has a readership of more than 97 per cent in Britain's seventh largest off-shore island."[79] There is also an online monthly publication called Voice for Arran, which mainly publishes articles contributed by community members.[80]

In 2010 an "Isle of Arran" version of the game Monopoly was launched.[81]

The knitting style used to create Aran sweaters is often mistakenly associated with the Isle of Arran rather than the Irish Aran Islands.[82]

Nature and conservation

Sorbus arranensis in flower at Eglinton Country Park, Irvine.

The island has three endemic species of tree, the Arran whitebeams.[83] These trees are the Scottish or Arran whitebeam (Sorbus arranensis), the bastard mountain ash or cut-leaved whitebeam (Sorbus pseudofennica)[84] and the Catacol whitebeam (Sorbus pseudomeinichii). If rarity is measured by numbers alone they are amongst the most endangered tree species in the world. They are protected in Glen Diomhan off Glen Catacol, at the north end of the island by a partly fenced off national nature reserve, and are monitored by staff from Scottish Natural Heritage. Only 236 Sorbus pseudofennica and 283 Sorbus arranensis were recorded as mature trees in 1980.[85] They are typically trees of the mountain slopes, close to the tree line. However, they will grow at lower altitudes, and are being preserved within Brodick Country Park.

Over 200 species of bird have been recorded on Arran including black guillemot, eider, peregrine falcon and the golden eagle.[86] In 1981 there were 28 ptarmigan on Arran, but in 2009 it was reported that extensive surveys had been unable to record any.[87][88] Similarly, the red-billed chough no longer breeds on the island.[89] 108 km2 of Arran's upland areas is designated a Special Protection Area under the Natura 2000 programme due to its importance for breeding hen harriers.[90]

Red deer are numerous on the northern hills, and there are populations of red squirrel, badger, otter, adder and common lizard. Offshore there are harbour porpoises, basking sharks and various species of dolphin.[86]

The north of Lamlash Bay became a Marine Protected Area and No Take Zone under the Marine (Scotland) Act 2010, which means no fish or shellfish may be taken in the area.[91][92] In 2014 the Scottish Government created Scotland's first Marine Conservation Order in order to protect delicate maerl beds off south Arran after fishermen breached a voluntary agreement not to trawl in the vicinity.[93]

North Arran National Scenic Area

Arran's Northern hills, viewed from the Ardrossan ferry, with Goat Fell the tallest peak.

The northern part of the island is designated a national scenic area (NSA),[94] one of 40 such areas in Scotland which are defined so as to identify areas of exceptional scenery and to ensure its protection by restricting certain forms of development.[95] The North Arran NSA covers 27,304 ha in total, consisting of 20,360 ha of land and a further 6,943 ha of the surrounding sea.[96] It covers all of the island north of Brodick and Machrie Bay, as well as the main group of hills surrounding Goat Fell.[94]

Notable residents

• Sir Kenneth Calman (born 1941) – Chancellor of Glasgow University, former Scottish and UK Chief Medical Officer and author of the Calman Commission on Scottish devolution[97]
• Flora Drummond (1878–1949) – suffragette
• Lieut. Col. James Fullarton, C. B., K. H. (1782–1834) – fought at the Battle of Waterloo.
• Daniel Macmillan (1813–1857) – He and his brother Alexander founded Macmillan Publishers in 1843. His grandson was Prime Minister Harold Macmillan.
• Jack McConnell (born 1960) – First Minister of Scotland (2001–2007)
• Robert McLellan (1907–1985) – playwright and poet in Scots
• Alison Prince (born 1931) – children's writer
• J. M. Robertson (1856–1933) – politician and journalist

See also

• Fauna of Scotland
• Flora of Scotland
• Geology of Scotland
• Hutton's Unconformity
• List of islands of Scotland



1. Murchad MacSween is called "Margad" in the original Norwegian text.[42] According to Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar, "In this expedition King Haco regained all those provinces which King Magnus Barefoot had acquired, and conquered from the Scotch and Hebrideans, as is here narrated."[43]


1. Downie (1933) p. 38. Downie also offers "Hersey".
2. Haswell-Smith, Hamish (2004). The Scottish Islands. Edinburgh: Canongate. pp. 502–03. Modified to include bridged islands. ISBN 978-1-84195-454-7.
3. Area and population ranks: there are c. 300 islands over 20 ha in extent and 93 permanently inhabited islandswere listed in the 2011 census.
4. National Records of Scotland (15 August 2013) (pdf) Statistical Bulletin: 2011 Census: First Results on Population and Household Estimates for Scotland - Release 1C (Part Two). "Appendix 2: Population and households on Scotland’s inhabited islands". Retrieved 17 August 2013.
5. Haswell-Smith (2004) p.11.
6. Infobox reference is Haswell-Smith, Hamish (2004). The Scottish Islands. Edinburgh: Canongate. pp. 11–17 unless otherwise stated. ISBN 978-1-84195-454-7.
7. Haswell-Smith (2004) pp. 11–17.
8. Mac an Tàilleir, Iain (2003) Ainmean-àite/Placenames. (pdf) Pàrlamaid na h-Alba. Retrieved 26 August 2012.
9. Downie (1933) pp. 38–39.
10. Keay and Keay (1994) p. 42 refers to "the profile of the 'Sleeping Warrior' of Arran as seen from the Clyde Coast". Various websites claim the phrase refers to single hills, none of which individually resemble a reclining human figure.
11. "Arran Page 1" Retrieved 22 February 2009.
12. Downie (1933) p. 2.
13. Johnstone et al. (1990) pp. 223-26.
14. Haswell-Smith (1994) p. 13.
15. "Get-a-map". Ordnance Survey. Retrieved 30 March 2008.
16. "Scrol Browser" Scotland's Census Results Online. Retrieved 8 March 2008.
17. McKirdy et al. (2007) pp. 297- 301.
18. Chambers (2000) PhD Thesis
19. King, Basil Charles (1954-01-01). "The Ard Bheinn Area of the Central Igneous Complex of Arran". Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society. 110 (1-4): 323–355. doi:10.1144/GSL.JGS.1954.110.01-04.15. ISSN 0370-291X.
20. King (1955) pp. 326
21. The implications of this small chalk outcrop are considerable. It suggests that like much of southern England, Scotland once had considerable deposits of this material that have been subsequently eroded away, although there is no clear-cut evidence of this. See McKirdy et al. (2007) p. 298.
22. Hall (2001) p. 28
23. Keith Montgomery (2003). "Siccar Point and Teaching the History of Geology" (PDF). University of Wisconsin. Retrieved 26 March 2008.
24. "Hutton's Unconformity - Lochranza, Isle of Arran, UK - Places of Geologic Significance on". Retrieved 20 October 2008. The site was not sufficiently convincing for him to publish his find until the discovery of a second site near Jedburgh.
25. Murray (1973) pp. 68-69.
26. McKirdy et al. (2007) p. 28.
27. Andrew Rogie. "Geology of Arran". Retrieved 9 November 2008.
28. Downie (1933) pp. 70-71.
29. This cave is one of several associated with the legend of Robert the Bruce and the spider. See McKirdy et al. (2007) p. 301.
30. "1:50000 map of Arran". Retrieved 9 May 2014.
31. Downie (1933) p. 19 records that the Scriden rocks fell "it is said, some two hundred years ago, with a concussion that shook the earth and was heard in Bute and Argyllshire".
32. "Regional mapped climate averages" Met Office. Retrieved 4 September 2009.
33. Noble (2006) pp. 104–08.
34. "Machrie Moor Stone Circles". Undiscovered Scotland. Retrieved 18 July 2009.
35. Ballin, Torben Bjarke (2015). "Arran pitchstone (Scottish volcanic glass): New dating evidence". Journal of Lithic Studies. University of Edinburgh. 2 (1): 5–16. doi:10.2218/jls.v2i1.1166.
36. Downie (1933) pp. 29–30.
37. "Torr a' Chaisteal Dun". Undiscovered Scotland. Retrieved 18 July 2009.
38. Downie (1933) pp. 34–35.
39. Downie (1933) pp. 35–37.
40. Beare (1996) p. 26.
41. Murray (1973) p. 167–71.
42. W. D. H. Sellar, (October 1966) "The Origins and Ancestry of Somerled". The Scottish Historical Review/JSTOR. 45 No. 140, Part 2 pp. 131-32. Retrieved 15 September 2013.
43. Johnstone, Rev. James (1882) The Norwegian Account of Haco's Expedition Against Scotland; A.D. MCCLXIII. Chapter 20. William Brown, Edinburgh/Project Gutenberg. Originally printed 1782. Retrieved 15 September 2013.
44. Downie (1933) pp. 38–40.
45. "King's Cave: The cave at Drummadoon". Retrieved 18 July 2009.
46. Downie (1933) pp.42–43. He states that the 1406 attack led by the Earl of Lennox "utterly destroyed" the structure.
47. Coventry (2008) pp. 53, 255 and 551.
48. Taylor (1887) vol. 2, p. 3.
49. Quoted by Haswell Smith (2004) p. 12.
50. Mackillop, Dugald "The History of the Highland Clearances: Buteshire - Arran" Retrieved 18 July 2009.
51. "Lagantuine - Isle of Arran, Ayrshire UK" Retrieved 18 July 2009.
52. "Visits to Crash Sites in Scotland". Peak District Air Accident Research. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
53. Haswell Smith (2004) p. 11.
54. General Register Office for Scotland (28 November 2003) Scotland's Census 2001 – Occasional Paper No 10: Statistics for Inhabited Islands. Retrieved 26 February 2012.
55. "Scotland's 2011 census: Island living on the rise". BBC News. Retrieved 18 August 2013.
56. Mac an Tàilleir, Iain (2004) 1901-2001 Gaelic in the Census (PowerPoint ) Linguae Celticae. Retrieved 1 June 2008.
57. Holmer (1957) p. vii.
58. Fleming, D. (2003) Occasional Paper 10 (pdf) General Register Office for Scotland. Retrieved 27 February 2009.
59. Scotland Census 2011, Table QS211SC
60. Ó Dochartaigh (1997) p. 84-85.
61. Downie (1933), p. 1, confirms this status at the publication date.
62. "District: Cunninghame". ScotlandsPlaces. Retrieved 2 June 2011.
63. "Land Register Counties: Operational Dates and Alphabetical List of Places in Scotland" (PDF). Registers of Scotland. 2015. Retrieved 2018-05-14.
64. "2007 Election Results Analysis: Table 18" (pdf) Retrieved 17 July 2009.
65. "Arran Medical Group". Arran Medical. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
66. "Arran: Getting there/around" Caledonian MacBrayne. Retrieved 17 July 2009.Archived 12 July 2009 at the Wayback Machine.
67. "Arran coast road reclassified" Arran Coast Road. Retrieved 19 July 2009.
68. Downie (1933) p. 5.
69. "Arran Bus Timetable 2009" (pdf) Stagecoach. Retrieved 19 July 2009.
70. "Auchrannie Resort on the Isle of Arran" Retrieved 1 March 2008
71. "A wee history". Shiskine Golf and Tennis Club. Retrieved 28 Sept 2011.
72. "Where are Scotland's best nudist beaches?" (26 July 2016) Daily Record. Retrieved 28 January 2018.
73. Ross, John (27 February 2008). "Fish-farm plan sparks fears for marine reserve". The Scotsman. Edinburgh. Retrieved 22 February 2009.
74. "Sun sets on fishing in island bay". BBC News. 21 September 2008. Retrieved 25 September 2008.
75. "Cask Ales". Arran Brewery. Archived from the original on 21 September 2010. Retrieved 3 April 2010.
76. "Visitor Centre & Shop". Arran Brewery. Archived from the original on 14 October 2004. Retrieved 3 April 2010.
77. Pearce, Daniel (9 May 2008). "Arran Brewery Company goes into administration". The Publican. Archived from the original on 24 July 2011. Retrieved 22 May 2008.
78. "Arran Brewery admits strategy mistake as profits fall". HeraldScotland. Retrieved 2018-01-12.
79. "Banner goes from strength to strength." (13 April 2007) Retrieved 17 July 2009.
80. "Voice for Arran" Retrieved 9 July 2010.
81. "Monopoly - Isle of Arran Edition" Retrieved 15 April 2010.
82. Morris, Johnny (17 March 2006). "Grail Trail". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 3 August 2007.
83. Johnston, Ian (15 June 2007). "Trees on Arran 'are a whole new species'". The Scotsman. Edinburgh. Retrieved 18 June 2007.[dead link]
84. Donald Rodger, John Stokes & James Ogilve (2006). Heritage Trees of Scotland. The tree Council. p. 58. ISBN 0-904853-03-9.
85. Eric Bignal (1980). "The endemic whitebeams of North Arran". The Glasgow Naturalist. 20 (1): 60–64.
86. "Arran Wildlife". Retrieved 18 July 2009.
87. "Iconic Birds at Risk". Sunday Herald. Glasgow. 1 February 2009. Available as Ptarmigan disappearing from southern Scotland
88. Downie (1933) p. 132 includes the ptarmigan in a list of birds no longer extant on the island at that time including the red kite, hobby, white-tailed sea eagle, hen harrier and capercaillie.
89. "A6.102a Chough Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax (breeding)" (pdf) JNCC. Retrieved 1 August 2009.
90. "Site Details for Arran Moors SPA". Scottish Natural Heritage. 2018-05-02. Retrieved 2018-05-14.
91. "UK MPAs" UK MPA Centre. Retrieved 6 October 2010.
92. "Marine Conservation" Scottish Government. Retrieved 6 October 2010.
93. Weldon, Victoria (1 October 2014) "South Arran target for historic marine preservation order". The Herald. Glasgow. Retrieved 18 October 2014.
94. "Map: North Arran National Scenic Area" (PDF). Scottish Natural Heritage. December 2010. Retrieved 2018-05-14.
95. "National Scenic Areas". Scottish Natural Heritage. Retrieved 2018-01-17.
96. "National Scenic Areas - Maps". SNH. 2010-12-20. Retrieved 2018-05-14.
97. "Sir Kenneth Calman - biography"[dead link] BMA. Retrieved 20 June 2009.

General references

• Beare, Beryl (1996) Scotland. Myths & Legends. Avonmouth. Parragon. ISBN 0-7525-1694-9
• Coventry, Martin (2008) Castles of the Clans. Musselburgh. Goblinshead. ISBN 978-1-899874-36-1
• Downie, R. Angus (1933) All About Arran. Glasgow. Blackie and Son.
• Hall, Ken (2001) The Isle of Arran. Catrine. Stenlake Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84033-135-6
• Haswell-Smith, Hamish (2004) The Scottish Islands. Edinburgh. Canongate. ISBN 1-84195-454-3
• Holmer, N. (1957) The Gaelic of Arran. Dublin. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.
• Johnstone, Scott; Brown, Hamish; and Bennet, Donald (1990) The Corbetts and Other Scottish Hills. Edinburgh. Scottish Mountaineering Trust. ISBN 0-907521-29-0
• Keay, J., and Keay, J. (1994) Collins Encyclopaedia of Scotland. London. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-00-255082-2
• McKirdy, Alan Gordon, John & Crofts, Roger (2007) Land of Mountain and Flood: The Geology and Landforms of Scotland. Edinburgh. Birlinn. ISBN 978-1-84158-357-0
• Murray, W.H. (1973) The Islands of Western Scotland. London. Eyre Methuen. SBN 413303802
• Noble, Gordon (2006) Neolithic Scotland: Timber, Stone, Earth and Fire. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-2338-8
• Ó Dochartaigh, C. (1997) Survey of the Gaelic Dialects of Scotland. Dublin. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.
• Taylor, J. (1887) Great Historic Families of Scotland vol 2. London. J.S. Virtue & Co.

External links

• Map sources for Isle of Arran
• Information on the Arran Coastal Way long distance path
• Visitor's guide with news, events, transport and accommodation.
• Arran seen from space, NASA
• The Isle of Arran Heritage Museum
• The Arran Banner Arran's local newspaper
• The Sleeping Warrior on Flickr
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Re: The Global Epidemic of Online Hate: This Is Us?

Postby admin » Sun Jul 22, 2018 12:13 am


Obama, The Postmodern Coup -- Making of a Manchurian Candidate [EXCERPT]
by Webster Griffin Tarpley

Introduction: Obama: a CIA People Power Coup, U.S.A, 2008

Youth, youth, springtime of beauty.
-- "Giovinezza," Italian fascist song, 1921

The need for this book became evident to me between Sunday January 6 and Monday January 7, 2008, that is to say, during the interval between this year's January 3 Iowa caucus and the January 8 New Hampshire primary. From my vantage point in Washington, I was in communication with a group of friends who were making a programmatic intervention into the New Hampshire political and media circus around the idea of a five-year compulsory freeze on foreclosures of primary residences, farms, hospitals, public utilities, transportation companies, and factories. These friends were holding a press conference in Manchester, while actively buttonholing and lobbying the staffs of the various presidential campaigns then active in New Hampshire, urging them to adopt and support the five-year ban on foreclosures as the centerpiece of their own approach for dealing with the current George Bush economic depression. At the same time, I was in frequent contact with my old friend Franco Macchi, who has for many decades maintained an unparalleled overview of the world strategic situation, supplemented by extensive on-the-ground experience in Central Europe, in the Balkans, and in regard to Russia.

My friends in New Hampshire told me of the stunned disorientation, demoralization, and drift among members of the Hillary Clinton campaign as it straggled in from New Hampshire on Friday, January 4 and attempted to pivot into the urgent tasks of the New Hampshire primary. My friends learned that the internal polling of the Clinton campaign in Iowa had indicated that Hillary was on her way to winning the caucuses, and that this erroneous finding had been aggressively asserted by the marplot Mark Penn down to the moment when it was overwhelmed by caucus returns showing that Senator Clinton had in fact been defeated not just by Obama, but by Senator Edwards as well. As the weekend progressed, I supplemented these reports by monitoring CNN, MSNBC, and Fox News Channel. It quickly became evident that all the networks were in the grip of the most intense outburst of media hysteria observed since the aftermath of September 11, 2001. The target of their vituperation was Mrs. Clinton, whom they demanded must immediately cease her campaign and drop out of contention for the presidency. Hour by hour, Mrs. Clinton was submerged by a rising tide of the vilest verbal abuse. The object of their adulation was the leptic figure of a certain Barack Obama, a little-known Senator from Illinois with no known accomplishments or loyalties who was beginning to make a reputation for himself as a mob orator. For Obama, the television commentators were forecasting immediate transfiguration, ascension, and apotheosis. For Senator Edwards, the strongest economic populist in the Democratic field, the media had only indifference and oblivion.

I had tried to get Congressman Kucinich to address issues of 9/11 truth, as well as the colossal scandal of the rogue B-52, which had flown from North Dakota to Louisiana at the end of August with six nuclear cruise missiles on board, outside of the normal legal channels of the U.S. Air Force. Congressman Kucinich and Senator Gravel had been unable or unwilling to address the issue of the rogue B-52 in a series of Democratic candidates' debates carried on nationwide cable television, with the national press present and paying attention. I had gone from attempting to push Kucinich into some kind of meaningful action related to emerging events on the Iran war front, to attempting to push Edwards, at least on paper the best economic populist left in the race, into a more aggressive stance on stopping foreclosures as a prelude to other New Deal measures to address the economic crisis, which was becoming acute towards the end of 2007.


At the same time, I was talking to Franco Macchi about what appeared to us to be the most dangerous foreign policy tendency common to the Democratic candidates, namely their tendency to adopt a line of militant confrontation with Russia and with Russian President Vladimir Putin in particular. In this context, my friend drew my attention to the fact that Zbigniew Brzezinski, the notorious Dr. Strangelove hawk and warmonger of the Cold War and an inveterate Russia hater, had a few months before openly assumed a position of dominance inside the Obama campaign by accepting the role of Obama's chief foreign policy adviser. Brzezinski, of course, had long been infamous for his demonic role in the tragic foreign policy betrayals of the Carter administration between 1977 and 1981. A quick check revealed that Zbigniew Brzezinski and his son Mark Brzezinski were shaping Obama's entire public profile along the lines suggested by Zbigniew's most recent books. Zbig's daughter, Mika Brzezinski, was churning out the Obama line every morning on MSNBC. A pattern was emerging. However, I still believed that Sen. Clinton was the flagship candidate of the Wall Street finance establishment. That notion was about to be violently swept aside by emerging events.

Traditionally, the Ukraine was part of Russia, but by the end of 2004 the tide had turned.

The United States pumped millions of dollars into the opposition movements in favor of regime change. We are meeting with the two former leaders of the Ukraine revolution. ...

[Narrator] After the revolution in Ukraine, Dmytro Poteschin made a career from being a former activist. He now works as a revolution trainer. From his flat, he instructs the opposition movements in Iran, Russia, Belarus, and Egypt. Via Skype he's able to stay in touch with all his clients....

[Narrator] An activist from the opposition movement in Belarus is online. Dmytro is planning a workshop over there, which is not without its difficulties, as he is labeled persona non grata by the Belarus government.

[Dmytro Poteschin, Political Consultant] I got the feeling that actually it's like a concentration of a number of conflicts which cannot be resolved without mobilization. And it looks like it can happen the way it happened in Egypt. Some smaller country, like Belarus, for instance, or Ukraine. And then we can get Russia.


-- The Revolution Business, by Patrick A. Hafner, Alexander Steinbach -- Screenplay

By midday of Monday, January 7, the media pressure for Mrs. Clinton to terminate her campaign and abort the entire multi-month primary process of the Democratic Party had reached grotesque dimensions. The television networks were reporting public opinion polls that indicated that Obama was on his way to crushing Senator Clinton and Senator Edwards in an epic landslide in the New Hampshire primary scheduled for the following day, thus rendering their continuance in the campaign a futile gesture. At the same time, the networks were also filling their screens with the images of the large crowds waiting outside Obama's campaign rallies all over New Hampshire. The corporate media were hyping Obama's slogans of "hope" and of "change we can believe in." The most obscene media swoon of recent decades was reaching the point of paroxysm. Given the realities of the U.S. oligarchical system as I had studied them in connection with the events of September 11, 2001, it was clear that one of the great intelligence community mobilizations of the decade was in progress. What was being shown on television was no longer the standard coverage of a normal political campaign, but rather a propaganda exercise within the framework of a CIA covert operation.

The controlled corporate media wanted Obama nominated by accolade, by acclamation, by the mob of swarming adolescents
. He was being offered not a public office but a crown -- better yet, an apotheosis. For the media whores, the reign of the new Messiah was beginning.


A coup d'etat, in short, was in progress. But it was not the coup d'etat of the Greek colonels, nor of Pinochet in Chile. It was not a right-wing coup at all, and it was not violent -- at least, not initially. This was a coup d'etat with leftist and progressive overtones, carried out not by a junta of elderly reactionary generals, but rather by a slick young demagogue of the center-left who advanced surrounded by swarms of youthful and enthusiastic devotees. It resembled nothing so much as the so-called Orange Revolution which had taken place in Kiev, in the Ukraine, in the late fall and early winter of 2004. That Orange Revolution, as informed observers knew very well, had been the result of a cynical destabilization of Ukraine by U.S. and British intelligence -- especially by the National Endowment for Democracy, the various Soros foundations, Gene Sharp's Albert Einstein Institution, and other entities that we may refer to for the sake of brevity and clarity as the privatized or quasi-governmental left wing of the U.S. intelligence community or left CIA in the post-1982 era of President Reagan's Executive Order 12333.

The 2004 Orange Revolution was not a unique event, but had been preceded by similar exercises in destabilization and subversion, especially in the former Warsaw Pact and Soviet spaces. These have included the successful so-called Bulldozer Revolution in Belgrade, Serbia in 2000, and the Roses revolution in Tiflis, Georgia in 2003. There had been an attempt at a Cedars Revolution in Lebanon in 2006, but it had been blocked by the organized mass mobilization capacity of Hezbollah. Another attempted coup in Belarus in 2001 had also been defeated by that nation's government.

All of these coups had several features in common. They were always built around a telegenic demagogue. They always featured fake public opinion polling, often combined with outright vote fraud. They required huge sums of money and abundant supplies of narcotics to fuel them. They featured large mobs, composed especially of politically naive and suggestible young people, who would demonstrate and camp out in public squares to support the demands of the coup. They presupposed a significant control over television, radio, key Internet sites, and other media, which were used to project and portray the youthful mob of swarming adolescents as the authentic expression of the will of the whole people. They all arrived after a period of suffocating repression, which they opportunistically exploited to introduce a new order which was not much better, and which generally became radically worse, than the pre-coup status quo. They had trademarks, logos, slogans, and jingles straight from Madison Avenue: "It's enough!" chanted one. "He's finished!" screamed another. One was called Resistance. One was Orange. One was a red, red rose. Obama's color was blue, no doubt to reflect his cool detachment from the partisan fray. Another had the green of the cedar tree. All of them somehow ended up by installing into power NATO agents and greedy kleptocrats in the service of banks located in Wall Street and the City of London.


All of these thoughts came together in my mind as I viewed the images of an Obama rally on MSNBC. It was the early afternoon of Monday, January 7, 2008.

"My God!" I exclaimed. "It's a color revolution in the U.S.!"

It was indeed an attempted color revolution, organized in the form of a surprise attack. At this point, my entire political orientation began to change rapidly. As 2007 had come to an end, I had repeatedly told my weekly radio audiences on the Genesis Communications Network that the two most important goals in the upcoming primary season were first of all to defeat Mayor Giuliani as the most dangerous Republican candidate, surrounded as he was by the entire gaggle of discredited and demented neocon warmongers. My second goal had been to deny Mrs. Clinton the Democratic presidential nomination, based on her stubborn support for the lunatic military adventure in Iraq, and her hostile attitude towards Iran. She further appeared to be the consensus candidate of the Wall Street banking establishment.

The evidence available just after midday on January 7, 2008 clearly showed that this second point, however plausible it might have seemed during the course of 2007, was no longer applicable. It was now evident that Mrs. Clinton had become the object of the universal execration and obloquy of the controlled corporate media. The press whores were attempting to tear her to pieces. A massive mobilization of intelligence community assets against Mrs. Clinton was in progress. At the same time, it was now clear that the candidate of Wall Street and of the intelligence community was none other than the unknown outsider Obama, who was suddenly revealed as a typical photogenic demagogue from Brzezinski's central casting department. The mass hysteria generated by Obama's joint appearances with the New Age billionairess celebrity Oprah Winfrey now revealed its sinister purpose: it was in every way a coup d'etat.

All of this required me to reverse my political field immediately. My priorities had to be reordered, and radically. I needed to shift target at once. I needed to focus on the most dangerous oligarchical and imperialist threat. In a naval battle, it makes no sense to scatter one's fire haphazardly among the ships of the opposing fleet. It is far better to concentrate one's attacks on the enemy's flagship. There was now no doubt who this was.


I had been studying Obama's advisers, handlers, and controllers. In about 20 minutes I was able to assemble a rogue's gallery of these figures with a brief note about their main strategic obsession. First on the list was of course the unreconstructed cold warrior Zbigniew Brzezinski, with his fanatical commitment to promote confrontation with Russia, the greatest of all possible lunacies, worse than the neocon plans for mucking around in the Middle East. Then came Mark Brzezinski, in pursuit of the same goal. Then came Susan Rice, infamous for wanting to bomb Sudan. Then came Richard Clarke, the originator of the absurd myth of 9/11. Then came Dennis Ross, more effective in undermining the Arab world because of the vague left cover he enjoyed. People had seen George W. Bush burst onto the scene in 2000 with his mantra of being a uniter and not a divider, a compassionate conservative, and a supporter of a foreign policy based on humility. The horrors of Bush had been on display for almost 8 years. The lesson of 2000 had been that the reassuring promises of a candidate with no track record and no accomplishments were far less important than the careful study of the handlers, advisors, controllers, and backers, since these were destined to become the White House palace guard of the new regime. Surely the people who had been so cruelly deceived by Bush would have the sense to look beyond Obama's messianic and utopian verbiage to see the reality of the revanchist Brzezinski clique pulling the candidate's strings.

The resulting instant leaflet was distributed to the entire Edwards campaign bus, to some of Senator Clinton's most important advisors, and to a number of journalists and television commentators. That was the beginning of a campaign of mass political education about the urgent danger posed by the Obama campaign -- an educational campaign which this book hopes to continue.


In order to understand the nature of the problem posed by Operation Obama, it is unavoidable to introduce a discussion of certain features of fascism. It is no coincidence that massive efforts are being undertaken in the current time to obfuscate and confuse popular understanding of what fascism was. One of the most absurd of these attempts is the book Liberal Fascism by the reactionary Republican and neocon Jonah Goldberg, the son of the old reactionary battle axe Lucianne Goldberg, the sponsor of military intelligence figure Linda Tripp during the impeachment campaign against Bill Clinton. Goldberg's doltish thesis is that whenever government intervenes in the economy, fascism results. This idiotic viewpoint would make both Alexander Hamilton and Abraham Lincoln into dyed in the wool goose-steppers. For Goldberg, the essence of fascism in our own time is naturally to be sought in the Franklin D. Roosevelt New Deal -- this despite the fact that the New Deal was a vital factor in the defeat of fascism back here in the real world. Goldberg's book is so grotesque a tissue of distortions that one is forced to conclude that such a hack job must have been ordered up by the intelligence community for the express purpose of disorienting public opinion on this very important question, precisely at the moment when Obama's ascendancy would begin to force many serious and intelligent people to begin rethinking the question of fascism.

For our purposes here, we need to look at fascism most of all as a political phenomenon, and this means fascism as a mass movement. The average American thinks of fascism as a bureaucratic-authoritarian form of police-state dictatorship which becomes more and more oppressive and stifling until it reaches the point where it can be called fascist. The resulting notion of fascism as the extreme form of oppressive top-down dictatorship is a complete and total misconception of how fascism comes about, and one of the most dangerous delusions possible in the current situation. If fascism meant nothing more than tyranny, oppression, dictatorship, and police state, it would never have been necessary to introduce a special new term "fascism" in the years following World War I. Terms like police-state dictatorship would have been more than enough. But fascism was something very different.


Fascism was not what most readers think. In its origins, fascism takes the form of a mass movement. Fascism started as a political protest movement at the grass-roots level, an anti-establishment, anti-authoritarian, and anti-parliamentary movement with radical cover and indeed with left cover. It started in the streets, or better yet, in the gutter. It did not start with bureaucrats issuing arrest warrants from government offices. It started with fervently idealistic young students, and then brutal thugs carrying truncheons, clubs, and firearms on their way to do battle with their political enemies, and quite often with the police. Fascism was an affair of hooligans, goons, gangsters, and fanatics. It was the specialty of ragtag storm troopers. It was the political theater of Mussolini's march on Rome in 1922. The bulk of fascism's forces came from parts of the middle class who had been driven insane by economic crisis and by military defeat, and many were disgruntled war veterans. The rebellious despair of these social groups was the soil from which fascism grew. Of course, after fascism took power it became more and more evident that this radical, grassroots, anti-establishment, anti-politician protest movement had not been spontaneous at all, but had been carefully and artificially orchestrated by the most prominent bankers and their political operatives. Fascism established itself by attacking, harassing, and crushing the main political institutions of society which opposed it, most especially the left wing political parties, trade unions, independent newspapers, and independent organizations of all types.

After it had seized power, fascism tended to eliminate its own radical and mass movement dimensions, sometimes with direct murderous violence, and then to solidify and consolidate itself into a top-down police state dictatorship. But it must not be forgotten that such a relatively stable police state dictatorship could never have been created without the ability of a fascist mass movement first to systematically destroy all forms of organized political resistance inside the society in a way that the police and the secret police simply could not do, in which the army could never have been trusted to undertake. While many scholars focus their attention on the ossified end product of fascism as an accomplished police state dictatorship, for us today it is imperative to understand it in statu nascenti, the beginnings of fascism, as a bottom-up mass movement fomented by bankers in order to mobilize society for economic sacrifice, for fanaticism, and for war.


The radical, anti-establishment, and leftist overtones of fascism may be the hardest for the present day American to grasp. Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, and their ilk appear in retrospect as right wing extremists of the most exasperated type. But it should be recalled that Mussolini in his early career was a socialist, and that even Hitler insisted on calling his movement National Socialism. There was a reason for this, and it was to recruit any and all disaffected anti-establishment and anti-politician forces into the new movement, including those coming from leftist backgrounds, no matter how antithetical and contradictory they might be among themselves. Mussolini and Hitler both claimed to be the real revolution, not the fake revolution that had been manifested as betrayal of the workers by corrupt socialist party and union bosses.

The question of the fascist mass movement is the essential one. Anybody can become an individual fascist anytime they decide to do so. It is fair to say that Bush and Cheney have the mentality of fascists and are fascists, but this should not obscure the fact that they do not have a fascist mass movement and could almost never be capable of creating one. Fascist leaders have to be charismatic, energetic, feral, cunning, brutal, and eloquent. Bush is a class A war criminal, but he could hardly make it as the leader of a fascist mass movement. His shortcomings as an orator are alone sufficient to rule him out. So when Keith Olberman chose to denounce Bush as a fascist just as a number of commentators were beginning to notice the parallels between an Obama rally and a Mussolini balcony speech, we must suspect that this star of the Brzezinski network MSNBC was acting in bad faith, seeking not to educate his viewers about the essence of fascism, but rather seeking to confuse them on this score. The point is that Obama brings together more of the characteristic features of fascism than any other political figure on the U.S. scene, either now or in living memory. This need not mean that Obama represents the culmination or endpoint of fascist development in this country today. Obama may well be the John the Baptist of postmodern fascism, destined to fall by the wayside and be supplanted by a larger figure who may well build on the rage and bitterness of Obama's disappointed followers. It does mean that the Obama candidacy already represents a significant step in the direction of postmodern fascism.

Consider this series of names: Nitti, Giolitti, Bonomi, and Facta. If you do not know who they are, then you should admit to yourself that you know almost nothing about the genesis of Italian fascism in the years following World War I. These are the names of the Italian prime ministers who were in power in the years of economic crisis and national convulsion preceding Mussolini's march on Rome in October 1922. Some of them, most notably Facta, were parliamentary cretins and nonentities. Giolitti, by contrast, was a politician of real substance and merit who had helped Italy develop modern railroads, modern industries, and a modern merchant marine, and who had fought to save his country from the incalculable folly of intervening in World War I on the side of the British and French. Whatever his faults, Giolitti can be considered at the very least as the lesser evil of the Old Order in Italy at that time, in something of the same way that the Clintons would have to be considered as a lesser evil in comparison with Bush the elder, Bob Dole, and Bush the younger. Several years went by after 1922 before most Italians realized that all the governments up to and including Facta had represented one thing, but that the country had gone off a cliff with Mussolini as far as political life and the rule of law were concerned. It was the fascist seizure of power of October 1922 which marked the great point of no return, the great watershed, even though this had not been obvious to many in real time.


Here is another series of names: Bruning, von Papen, von Schleicher. If you do not know who these people are, then you know absolutely nothing about the origins of the more extreme German form of fascism which built on the experience of the Italian original, and which is called Nazism. These are the names of the German chancellors in the period of acute economic depression in Germany leading up to Hitler's seizure of power in January 1933. Bruning ruled the longest, holding on to power for about two years, ruling by emergency decree with the help of President Hindenburg, and imposing a series of brutal austerity measures against the wages, the unemployment benefits, and the standard of living of Germany's working people. By now, people had been watching events in Italy long enough to know that there was such a thing as fascism, and many of Bruning's enemies claimed that his government was already fascist. It quickly became clear that this had been a very foolish exaggeration indeed.

After Bruning came von Papen, a reactionary scoundrel who helped open the door to Hitler. The best of the lot was von Schleicher, a maverick general with progressive ideas who wanted to start an ambitious program of public works and infrastructure building to fight the depression and put people back to work. But von Schleicher was ousted before his programs could take hold, and was later murdered by Hitler. It was only after Hitler's seizure of power that the German political world recognized that he represented a dramatic, acute, and qualitative deterioration of the political life of the country. A reign of terror began immediately. All opposition and worker's parties were outlawed, and members of the parliament belonging to them were expelled. Trade unions were also outlawed, and their offices and property seized or destroyed. The offices and printing plants of opposition newspapers were attacked and burned down, often by mobs of storm troopers acting outside of the law. Many of those who had been preaching that Bruning already represented fascism were now looking back fondly on Bruning's time in office as the good old days. Bruning appeared in retrospect as an authoritarian who had been overthrown by a fascist. These were not the same thing, and there was no doubt which was worse.

Some observers realized after the fact that there was indeed an immense qualitative difference between just another bourgeois regime, no matter how bellicose, no matter how reactionary, no matter how oppressive, no matter how corrupt, and a fascist regime that could act outside the law and use its mass movement to mobilize active enthusiastic public support, and which could deploy its brown-shirted goons and fanatics, to crush opposition without worrying about arrest warrants and death sentences.

The point of this brief overview is to show that for many of its victims, the real nature of fascism revealed itself as a very unpleasant surprise, and that this revelation occurred only after fascism had taken power. In its beginning phases, fascism often appeared to naive observers as a movement promising idealism, national unity, an end to political squabbling, parliamentary haggling, and class struggle, plus reform, moral renewal, and a decisive break with the corrupt and discredited practices of the existing political order. To some, it even appeared as a liberating force which appealed to young people and the best and most active parts of the nation.

In a somewhat later phase, when the fascist dictators had fully consolidated their power and they decided to take the path of military aggression, it was found that the institutions which might have served as focal points for resistance simply did not exist any more, because those old institutions had been demolished by the fascists, who had not allowed any forms of independent organization to survive in society. If a President Obama calls the American people to war with Pakistan, with China, with Russia, we may see his hysterical lemming legions mobilize to beat up congressmen and crush antiwar demonstrators who dare to oppose the decrees of the Perfect Master.

Those who have followed this far can perhaps see that distinct analogies are emerging between post-World War I Italy and the United States of today. These go beyond real or imagined military defeat and severe economic crisis and also include political phenomena, most notably Obamism.

For the more than two thirds of the American people who have spent a considerable part of the past eight years hating, disliking, or resenting Bush and Cheney, it may sound heretical and hard to digest that there could be anything worse than this bankrupt regime. But we can assure you that there are alternatives that are much worse, infinitely worse.


The current setup featuring Bush, Cheney, and their gaggle of neocons has pretty much come to the end of the road, as far as functioning as an effective organizing center for Anglo-American imperialism is concerned. The neocon method has long since passed the point of diminishing returns. Their arguments and tricks are stale and predictable. The U.S. and British economies are collapsing. Their armies are defeated and demoralized. They are increasingly isolated in international affairs. They are objects of widespread hatred and suspicion in the world, and such allies as they have are thoroughly disaffected. Their vassals and satraps are in various stages of rebellion. Their adversaries are becoming more organized every day, most notably in such world alliances as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

The most immediate issue for the City of London and for Wall Street is to maintain Anglo-American world domination in the face of numerous challenges. They must maintain their monetary and financial hegemony, restore their diplomatic credibility, regroup and rebuild their military forces, refurbish their alliances, intimidate their satraps and vassals back into obedience, and prepare for a showdown with such recalcitrant superpowers as Russia and China. With Bush-Cheney or McCain, they have only a very limited chance of accomplishing any of this.


An Obama presidency, by contrast, would give Anglo-American imperialism a breathing spell, a second wind, a facelift, and a new lease on life. If Obama were not available, the elitist bankers would have had to invent him. And in fact, they did invent him, probably starting as much as a quarter of a century ago, when Obama and Zbigniew Brzezinski were both on the campus of Columbia University in New York City in 1981-1983.

Consider for a moment what might happen if a reinvigorated labor movement were to stage a series of militant strikes designed to win real increases in wages, benefits, and working conditions in a high profile confrontation with management, where success would soon prompt all kinds of working people to demand similar improvements in their situations as well. How effective could George Bush be as a strike breaker, given the fact that he is actively despised by a large minority and disliked by about two thirds of the U.S. population? It is quite possible that any strikebreaking efforts on the part of Bush would lead to an explosive general strike that would be totally beyond the control of the current hegemonic U.S. institutions. The moribund U.S. labor movement might well rise up and reassert itself after more than three decades of defeat and retreat. Contrast this with the ability of a possible Obama presidency to turn the majority of the population against the strikers by appealing to the higher need to bring all Americans together. It is clear that Obama would have a far greater chance of functioning as an effective strike breaker.

Or, take the case of the new false flag terror attack which the Anglo-American ruling elite wishes to blame on Russia, China, or some other formidable foreign power against whom they wish to inflame and incite the English-speaking world. Imagine a solemn television address to the nation delivered by Bush. It is likely that more than half of the U.S. population would not believe Bush's arguments and might reject his calls for mobilization and sacrifice, while a sizable minority would immediately and openly accuse Bush of being involved in the preparation and execution of the false flag attack. Since the fall of the neofascist Aznar regime in Spain in March of 2004, the Anglo-American ruling class has lived in fear of a potent Spanish-style reaction to their next false flag stunt, in which the target population, instead of blaming the scapegoats and bogeymen identified by the regime, prefer to concentrate their wrath on the incompetent politicians who have allowed the terrorism to take place, and who may even have artificially created it. Consider then, by contrast a similar televised address to the nation carried out by Obama in the wake of the same false flag attack. It is clear that Obama would succeed in duping a far higher percentage of the U.S. population than the despised, discredited Bush. These are the sorts of considerations which have impelled the Anglo-American ruling class to consider turning over a new leaf, in the form of a new demagogic profile for their entire worldwide political operations -- a policy shift aimed not at peace or real cooperation, but rather at the more effective waging of war, including economic and cultural warfare.

When an imperialist system faces an array of crises like the one which is presently enveloping the Anglo-American world system, even the short-term survival of that imperialism will tend to require forms of totalitarian mobilization which are exceedingly difficult to implement by means of top-down coercion alone, and which are much more efficient if they can be based on the voluntary assent and willing or even enthusiastic mobilization of the masses. This is the area where fascist methods provide a very obvious and substantial advantage in comparison with the crude dragooning which a mere top-down dictatorial police state can provide. Under fascism, an ideologized and self-mobilized population can be made to police itself, at least for a time. This begins perhaps to explain why a figure such as Obama can exercise such an appeal to a ruling elite in crisis like the Anglo-American bankers of today.

No ruling class begins to consider a fascist transformation except in moments of grave crisis. The ruling class must be desperate enough so as to be willing to jettison many of the traditional forms of their political domination and create something that will at least look like a mass movement, which always implies some risk that the movement will get out of hand. In addition, the ruling class will have to grant a measure of apparent political power to persons whom they consider gutter elements and whose presence they would tend not to tolerate, except for counterinsurgency purposes in extremis.

The level of understanding concerning the real nature of fascism on the part of the American public today is abysmally low, tending toward zero. Accordingly, it will be useful at this point to sample some recent scholarly writings which point out some of the features of historical fascist mass movements, especially during their initial, radical, anti-establishment mass movement phase.


In his essay entitled "Towards a General Theory of Fascism," George L. Mosse noted that both communism and fascism "were based on the ideal, however distorted, of popular sovereignty. This meant rejection of parliamentary government and representative institutions on behalf of the democracy of the masses in which the people directly governed themselves. The leader symbolized the people, he expressed the 'general will' -- but such a democracy meant that, instead of representative assemblies, a new secular religion mediated between people and leaders, providing, at the same time, an instrument of social control over the masses. It was expressed on the public level through official ceremonies, festivals, and not least, imagery, and other private level control over all aspects of life by the dictates of the single political party." [Mosse in Roger Griffin, ed., International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus (London: Arnold, 1998), 138]

Fascism exalted the spirit of wartime camaraderie which had reigned among the troops in the trenches of World War I, where class divisions and class conflicts were supposedly submerged in dedication to the survival of the nation and its defense. Whatever their material circumstances, the brutalized victims of the war desperately sought for comradeship and leadership, "also to counteract their sense of isolation within a nation which had not lived up to their expectations." (Mosse in Griffin 142) Mosse's writings on Nazism focus on fascism's attempt to prolong the wartime idea of communitarianism based on affinity rather than external coercion. This is the kind of togetherness which we hear so much of today on the part of a candidate whose central pledge is to bring the people together.


If Obama talks of hope, we must assume that the Trilateral-Ford Foundation focus groups have shown the prevalence of despair among the American people, a despair that must be related to feelings of loneliness and isolation on the part of many Americans. Fascism may be thought of as an expression of pervasive cultural-historical as well as personal despair, with the individual deciding to seek a way out of the despair by a flight forward into fanatical and mindless activism.

Fascism also placed much stress on "the national past and the mystical community of the nation, emphasis upon that middle-class respectability which proved essential for political success. The 'cult element' ... gave direction by channeling attention towards the eternal verities which must never be forgotten. Activism there must be, activism was essential, but it had to focus upon the leader who would direct it into the proper 'eternal' channels. The liturgical element must be mentioned ... for the 'eternal verities' were purveyed and reinforced through the endless repetition of slogans, choruses, symbols and participation in mass ceremony. These are the techniques which went into the taming of the revolution and which made Fascism a new religion with rites long familiar through centuries of religious observance. Fascist mass meetings seemed something new, but in reality contained predominantly traditional elements in technique as well as in ideology."

Fascism boasted that by using these means, it was waging a "war on alienation." (Mosse in Griffin 142) Alienation can be thought of as the widespread sense that one's life is so dominated, controlled, and manipulated by outside forces that it is no longer one's own. The irony of fascism's claims to assuage this sense of alienation is that when a person joins a political movement for the purpose of attaining immediate emotional relief and satisfaction, the level of subjective alienation experienced may indeed become less painful but at the same time, the objective alienation of the person is maximized, since he or she is now a dupe and pawn, mere cannon fodder, for the fascist demagogue, and above all for the cynical financiers who have concocted the fascist movement in the first place. As Mosse wrote in his book on Nazism, all fascism promised an end to alienation, and indeed "Hitler had a very startling passage in Mein Kampf where he says that when a man comes out of his factory and into a mass movement he becomes a part of a community and ends his alienation." (Tarchi in Griffin 267-68) Members of fascist mass movements are seeking emotional satisfactions in the midst of a bleak, desperate, and collapsing world. Can 2008 be compared with 1931 in this regard?

"Fascism was everywhere an 'attitude towards life,' based upon the national mystique which might vary from nation to nation. It [sought] to escape concrete economic and social change by a retreat into ideology: the 'revolution of the spirit' of which Mussolini spoke. ... it encouraged activism, the fight against the existing order of things." (Mosse in Griffin 145)


Over all of its constituent elements fascism threw "the mantle of a community conceived as sharing a national past, present, and future -- a community which was not enforced but 'natural,' 'genuine,' and with its own organic strength and life, analogous to nature. The tree became the favorite symbol, but the native landscape or the ruins of the past were also singled out as exemplifying on one level the national community, a human collectivity represented by the Fascist party." (Mosse in Griffin 145) The supporters of fascist movements wanted someone who could bring them together, and that turned out to be Mussolini and his imitators.

Other commentators have seen in fascism an attempted answer to a crisis in the mechanisms by which society imbues and endows life and its components with meaning. Gerald Platt writes: "... the most significant analytic point presented here is that through an empirical investigation of ideology we may develop a set of language rules that act as orienting principles for ideological adherents in constructing a viable world in the face of a sense-making crisis." (Platt in Griffin 212) In other words, fascism is an abortive attempt to provide sense and meaning to a meaningless world through an arbitrary and usually irrational act of the will.

Klaus Theweleit discusses "the basis on which the typically fascist relation between desire and politics arises: politics is made subject to direct libidinal investment, with no detours, no imprints of mama papa, no encodings through conventions, institutions, or the historical situation. Under fascism the most common form of the 'I' is as a component within a larger totality-ego -- the 'I' as 'we,' pitted in opposition to the rest of the world, the whole starry galaxy This, then, is 'megalomania' -- the desire of men to shake off what they consider to be meaningless parental origins -- 'history will absolve me.' These men desire to execute a hidden design of history from a position of dominance within the largest of all imaginable symbiotic unities: 'I/We' and History. 'Freedom."' (Theweleit in Griffin 223 224) Dr. Justin Fran correctly diagnosed Bush as a megalomaniac, but Bush has no monopoly on this disorder. What are the implications of a mass movement infected with collective megalomania which succeeds in taking power?

Gene Sharp, Soros, and Brzezinski have organized people power coups tinted in orange, red, and many other colors, but the original fascists were way ahead of them. After World War I, there existed Mussolini's blackshirts, the German brownshirts, the Romanian green shirts, and the Irish blue shirts, not to mention the Silver shirts here in the U.S. In an essay entitled "Between Festival and Revolution," the Italian Marco Tarchi, a writer initially sympathetic to fascism, writes: "The profound sense of spiritual, human community fostered by the experiences of camaraderie pervades the anti-Marxist and anti-democratic movements of the immediate postwar [i.e., post-1918] period to the point of forming a distinctive feature of the ideology, one expressed in a whole series of external signs which bring the militants together, unify their style, and try to win the attention, and then the active support, of sympathizers. The whole symbology which typifies Fascism conforms to this logic. The shirts of various colors which movements, akin but originating in different national and cultural contexts, adopt as an external uniform epitomize this discourse ... the problem of alienation caused by the uprooting of individuals and families from their natural, traditional environment, the consequence of a progressive process of urbanization, commercialization, and industrialization, is resolved in the new community, no longer taken for granted as something hereditary, but achieved through an act of the will." (Tarchi in Griffin 268)

"The fascination of the ideal community envisaged by the nascent fascist movements is twofold: on the one hand, it presents itself as the agent of dissolution for social bonds judged to be anachronistic, such as those of profession or 'class;' on the other, it is to act as a binding force in the name of reality which is no longer and not only material. The result of this mixture the shattering ... the fascist parties, typical movement-parties, thus came into being as ... 'community parties,' in other words parties whose membership was not motivated by material interests, but by spiritual motives, by instinctive impulses, by demands of idealism." The community which the fascists sought was "generated by the irrational, non-utilitarian, organic will, the motor of every act and source of every creation ... The modern world, by stressing its own technical and utilitarian character, tends to reduce the sphere of the organic, qualitative, spontaneous, pluralist, 'natural' will " (Tarchi in Griffin 269-270)

Obama supporters constantly cite their desire to restore admiration and respect for the United States in the eyes of the world community. Such concern for restoring the fullest possible great power status for one's own country is a typical, primordial theme of Italian and German fascism. These older fascisms were responding to military defeat, the denied fruits of victory, and generally to the poor treatment they felt their countries had received at the great world summit conference of the age, the Versailles Peace Conference of 1919. Today's Obama supporters seem to regard restoring the U.S. position in the world as a purely cosmetic exercise in foreign relations; they do not for example propose to abandon the practice of constant meddling and interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states which has characterized Bush-Cheney-neocon practice. If anything, the Obamakins want to increase such meddling. Obama's base enthusiastically supports U.S. aggression against Sudan, under the pretext of protecting the southern Sudanese from alleged Chinese "ethnocide." In reality, such an attack would aim at cutting off Chinese access to Sudanese oil in the framework of Brzezinski's strategy of isolating and encircling the Middle Kingdom.

Obama's base strongly supports the Tibetan insurrection of the feudal monster and CIA/MI-6/NATO provocateur calling himself the Dalai Lama. Once again, the issue is alleged ethnocide by tampering with traditional Tibetan feudalism, which kept 90% of the population as serfs, 5% as slaves, and 4% as parasitical monks who did not teach or maintain hospitals but who demanded economic and sexual feudal dues from the serfs. We should also take into account Obama's successful demand for U.S. state sponsored terrorism in the form of unilateral killing of Pakistanis in the northwest frontier area, where CIA Predator drones have now declared open season on the local population, killing dozens in January, February, and March 2008 without permission from the government in Islamabad. Obama's striking ability to transform anti-war left liberals into ferocious backers of war with Sudan, with Pakistan, and with China gives some idea of why Obama has been chosen by the Trilaterals to mobilize the United States for total war.
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