FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Part 1 of 2

Soma, food of the immortals according to the Bower Manuscript (Kashmir, 6th century A.D.)
by Marco Leonti, Department of Biomedical Sciences, University of Cagliari, Via Ospedale 72, 09124 Cagliari (CA), Italy
Laura Casu, Department of Life and Environmental Sciences, University of Cagliari, Via Ospedale 72, 09124 Cagliari (CA), Italy
Journal of Ethnopharmacology
Available online 5 June 2014
© 2014 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

Corresponding author. Tel.: þ39 0706758712; fax: þ39 0706758553.
E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (M. Leonti).

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“By this time the soma had begun to work. Eyes shone, cheeks were flushed, the inner light of universal benevolence broke out on every face in happy, friendly smiles”

-- Brave New World, Aldous Huxley, 1932


Abstract

Ethnopharmacological relevance: Food is medicine and vice versa. In Hindu and Ayurvedic medicine, and among human cultures of the Indian subcontinent in general, the perception of the food-medicine continuum is especially well established. The preparation of the exhilarating, gold-coloured Soma, Amrita or Ambrosia, the elixir and food of the ‘immortals’ -- the Hindu pantheon -- by the ancient Indo-Aryans, is described in the Rigveda in poetic hymns. Different theories regarding the botanical identity of Soma circulate, but no pharmacologically and historically convincing theory exists to date. We intend to contribute to the botanical, chemical and pharmacological characterisation of Soma through an analysis of two historical Amrita recipes recorded in the Bower Manuscript. The recipes are referred therein as panaceas (clarified butter) and also as a medicine to treat nervous diseases (oil), while no exhilarating properties are mentioned. Notwithstanding this, we hypothesise, that these recipes are related to the ca. 1800 years older Rigvedic Soma. We suppose that the psychoactive Soma ingredient(s) are among the components, possibly in smaller proportions, of the Amrita recipes preserved in the Bower Manuscript.

Materials and methods: The Bower Manuscript is amedical treatise recorded in the 6th century A.D. in Sanskrit on birch bark leaves, probably by Buddhist monks, and unearthed towards the end of the 19th century in Chinese Turkestan. We analysed two Amrita recipes from the Bower Manuscript, which was translated by Rudolf Hoernle into English during the early 20th century. A database search with the updated Latin binomials of the herbal ingredients was used to gather quantitative phytochemical and pharmacological information. Results: Together, both Amrita recipes contain around 100 herbal ingredients. Psychoactive alkaloid containing species still important in Ayurvedic, Chinese and Thai medicine and mentioned in the recipe for ‘Amrita-Prâsa clarified butter’ and ‘Amrita Oil’ are: Tinospora cordifolia (Amrita, Guduchi), three Sida spp., Mucuna pruriens, Nelumbo nucifera, Desmodium gangeticum, and Tabernaemontana divaricata. These species contain several notorious and potential psychoactive and psychedelic alkaloids, namely: tryptamines, 2-phenylethylamine, ephedrine, aporphines, ibogaine, and L-DOPA. Furthermore, protoberberine alkaloids, tetrahydro- - carbolines, and tetrahydroisoquinolines with monoamine oxidase inhibitor (MAO-I) activity but also neurotoxic properties are reported.

Conclusions: We propose that Soma was a combination of a protoberberine alkaloids containing Tinospora cordifolia juice with MAO-I properties mixed together with a tryptamine rich Desmodium gangeticum extract or a blending of Tinospora cordifolia with an ephedrine and phenylethylamine-rich Sida spp. extract. Tinospora cordifolia combined with Desmodium gangeticum might provide a psychedelic experience with visual effects, while a combination of Tinospora cordifolia with Sida spp. might lead to more euphoric and amphetaminelike experiences.

1. Introduction

The attempt of botanically identifying Soma, or the ingredients of soma-rasa, the ritual and intoxicating drink of the ancient Indo-Aryans, produced a wealth of theories and literature (e.g. Wasson, 1968; Falk, 1989; Flattery and Schwartz, 1989; McKenna, 1992; McDonald, 2004). Praised in the Rigveda as ‘Soma’ and in the Avesta as ‘Haoma’, both terms have their origin in the Indo-Iranian ‘sau’ meaning to “crush or grind by pressing with a pestle in a mortar” (Flattery and Schwartz, 1989, p.: 117). The Rigveda is the oldest text transmitted from the Vedic period, which lasted from approximately 1900 B.C. to around 1200 B.C. (Witzel, 1997). In the Vedas, Soma was simultaneously conceived of as a god, a plant, and as the earthly equivalent to Amrita (‘non-death’–‘a-mrta’), the celestial food of the immortals (see McDonald (2004)). The central geographic area of the Rigveda is the Punjab (Eastern Pakistan and North-western India), which coincides with what is generally regarded as the homeland of the Indo-Aryans (Witzel, 1987; McDonald, 2004).

Most commentators who approached the botanical identification of ‘the’ soma plant were tempted by the scarce hints at plant morphology occurring in the 9th book (‘Mandala’, Sanskrit: ) of the Rigveda (see for example: http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/ The_Rig_Veda/Mandala_9). The contradictory and multi-interpretable metaphors and botanical allusions throughout the 114 hymns dedicated to Soma in the 9th Mandala, however, render an unambiguous botanical identification very difficult. In fact, the different commentators do not even agree whether Soma was an herb, a creeper, a tree or even a fungus. Hymn 96, verse 2 alludes to a climber or vine: “Men decked with gold adorn his golden tendril…”. Hence, different commentators agreed that Soma was a vine or a climber. Srivastava (1954, p.: 26) writes that in the Rigveda soma “is described as a milky climbing plant, the juice of which was immensely liked by the celestial gods…” and that soma-rasa (the Soma juice) was prepared by pounding the entire creepers collected in the morning (p.: 28). Although Shrivastava gives no references he states that several authors suggested different botanical identification including Sarcostemma acidum (Roxb.) Voigt (Apocynaceae). Also Lewin (1973, p.: 216) mentions, amongst other species, two latex-bearing Apocynaceae as possible ingredients for Soma: Periploca aphylla Decne. (unresolved, Apocynaceae) and Sarcostemma brevistigma Wight & Arn. (= Sarcostemma acidum (Roxb.) Voigt, Apocynaceae). Milk plays indeed an important role in the preparation of Soma but there are no clues that the soma plant itself had a milky juice or latex. Rather it appears that a golden or yellow (also red-brownish) watery plant juice produced with the help of pressing stones, was either first blended with milk and then cleansed by means of a fleece or sheep's wool or that the juice was first cleansed and then blended with milk and subsequently mixed with a sort of oil:

Rigveda, Mandala 9, hymn 101, verse 11: “Effused by means of pressing-stones…” h. 101, v. 12: “These Soma juices, skilled in song, purified, blent with milk and curd, when moving and when firmly laid in oil, resemble lovely suns”. H. 69, v. 9: “…effused, they pass the cleansing fleece, while, gold-hued, they cast their covering off to pour the rain down.” H. 72, v. 1: “They cleanse the gold-hued: like a red steed is he yoked, and Soma in the jar is mingled with the milk.” H. 103, v. 2: “Blended with milk and curds he flows on through the long wool of the sheep.” H. 107, v. 26: “Urged onward by the pressers, clad in watery robes, Indu is speeding to the vat.” H. 8, v. 6: “When purified within the jars, Soma, bright red and golden-hued, hath clothed him with a robe of milk.” H. 109, v. 21: “…they cleanse thee for the gods, gold-coloured, wearing water as thy robe.” H. 107, v. 10: “Effused by stones, o Soma, and urged through the long wool of the sheep, thou, entering the saucers as a man the fort, gold-hued hast settled in the wood.” H. 31, v. 5: “For thee, brown-hued! the kine have poured imperishable oil and milk.” H. 98, v. 7: “Him with the fleece they purify, brown, golden-hued, beloved of all, who with exhilarating juice goes forth to all the deities”. H. 78, v. 4: “He whom the gods have made a gladdening draught to drink, the drop most sweet to taste, weal-bringing, red of hue.” H. 107, v. 4: Cleansing thee, Soma, in thy stream, thou flowest in a watery robe: Giver of wealth, thou sittest in the place of law, o god, a fountain made of gold.”
(See: http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Rig_Veda/Mandala_9).

Flattery and Schwartz report that Sarcostemma acidum is one of the plants used today by Brahmans as a substitute for the ancient Soma and also Padhy and Dash (2004) have gathered anecdotal evidence that in some parts of India a sort of soma ritual is still being practiced employing Sarcostemma acidum, which, however, does not have the capacity to alter one's state of mind. This results in the paradoxical situation that, while in present day soma rituals the recited liturgies allude to the intoxicating effects of the potion, the plants used in contemporary settings lack any intoxicating properties (Flattery and Schwartz, 1989, p.: 4). In fact, the hymns in the 9th Mandala of the Rigveda speak of “granter of bliss” (h. 1, v. 3), “runs forth to the luminous realm of heaven” (h. 37, v. 3), “rapturous joy” (h. 45, v. 3), “bring us all felicities” (h. 62, v. 1), “bringing wisdom and delight” (h. 63, v. 24), “light that flashes brilliantly” (h. 64, v. 28) “gladdening draught to drink” (h. 78, v. 4), or “exhilarating juice” (h. 98, v. 7). Flattery and Schwartz (1989) defend the opinion that the botanical identity of ‘Haoma’ in the Iranian traditions as well as that of ‘Soma’ of the Hindu traditions is the Syrian rue (Peganum harmala L., Nitrariaceae) containing harmala alkaloids with monoamine oxidase inhibitory (MAO-I) activity. Falk (1989) on the other hand argues that “there is no need to look for a plant other than Ephedra for the original Soma” since ephedrine (30) containing Ephedra spp. are referred to as ‘hum’, ‘hom’, ‘som’ or ‘soma’ in different languages and because the Parsi in Iran still use Ephedra sp. in their Haoma ritual. Hints from the artistic and mythic wealth of India and southeast Asia led McDonald (2004) to hypothesise that the botanical identity of Soma is to be found in the ‘eastern’ or ‘sacred’ lotus (Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn., Nelumbonaceae). The sacred lotus is not only a highly symbolic plant associated with Hindu and Buddhist gods (McDonald, 2004) but also an important food and medicinal plant (Mukherjee et al., 2009).

We argue that focusing on the identification of a single “soma species” or single soma recipe contributed much to the inconsistencies present in the different identification attempts and the apparent contradictions between the proposed theories and botanical species. In this contribution we attempt to circumscribe the plant species that come into consideration for the preparation of Soma and try to identify Soma's botanical identity. Systematic and multidisciplinary botanical and medico-therapeutic analyses of ancient medical scripts and herbal books can help to provide more verified insights into the history and evolution of plant use (Leonti, 2011). We assume that over the course of time the Soma recipe evolved and that more than only one soma recipe existed and that Soma was a more or less complex herbal drug formulation including different species, some more symbolic, some less indispensable for the mind-altering effect, than others. Our attempt of botanically identifying soma is based on the analysis of two herbal formulations reported in the so-called “Bower Manuscript” referred therein as (I) “Amrita-Prâsa clarified butter” (Hoernle, 2011, p.: 90–91) and (II) “Amrita Oil” (Hoernle, 2011, p.: 106–107).

2. The Bower Manuscript

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Fig. 1. Pôthi of the Bower Manuscript, taken from Hoernle (2011, Plate VII).

The Bower Manuscript (BM) was dug out from a man-made, mound-like construction called ‘stûpa’ close to the underground city of Ming-oï-Qumturâ, 16 miles west from Kuchar (Hoernle, 2011, p.: iv). Kuchar is an oasis settlement with a Buddhist history situated on the Silk Road in Eastern Turkestan (China) north of Takla Makan. The manuscript is named after Lieutenant Hamilton Bower, who acquired the script in Kuchar in 1890 (Hoernle, 2011). The BM is written in, as Rudolf Hoernle [1841–1918] calls it, ungrammatical Sanskrit, a mixture of literary and popular Sanskrit. The script used throughout the manuscript is known as the ‘Gupta’ script coinciding with the era of the Gupta Empire [300–550 A.D.] of northern India (p.: xxvi). Remarkably, the BM is the hitherto oldest known original medical treatise from the Indian subcontinent (Hoernle, 2011, foreword and p.: lxviii). Written by four different authors (p.: xxxvii) on birch bark leaves (cut from periderm of Betula utilis D. Don (Betulaceae)), the BM is actually a collection of seven separate manuscripts originally presented in the form of a ‘pôthi’ (Fig. 1; p.: xvii) a collection of loose leaves in-between two wooden boards held together “by a string which passes through a hole drilled through the whole pile” (p.: xvii). Pôthis seem to be South Indian in origin, since the palm-leaf of Corypha umbraculifera L. (Arecaceae) was the original writing support of pôthis and thereby also determined their overall shape (p.: xviii). Himalayan birch, (Betula utilis) is native only to Kashmir and Udyâna in the North of India (p.: xx). The writing style and the fact that the authors used birch bark for their records led Hoernle to conclude that the scribes of parts I–III and parts V–VII, most probably Buddhist monks, migrated from an unknown location in India via Kashmir or Urdyâna to Kuchar, where they finally manufactured the manuscripts.

Through a comparative analysis of particularities in the script-style of the BM, Sander (1987) argues that especially parts I–III contain elements typical for ancient Kashmiri scripts and that the BM is in reality a product of Kashmir itself. Sander (1987) provides also evidence suggesting that the BM was written between the beginning and the middle of the sixth century A.D. shifting the date of origin proposed by Hoernle around 150 years towards the present and towards the end of the Gupta Empire. According to Hoernle (p.: xxxvi), the author of part II, which contains the two recipes that are the object of this analysis, probably came from the northern fringe of the northern part of the Indian ‘Gupta script’ area (Hoernle, p.: xxxvi).


3. Methods

The plant species contained in both formulations, the “Amrita-Prâsa clarified butter” (I) and the “Amrita oil” (II), botanically identified by Hoernle (2011) through an analysis of their Sanskrit names and provided with Latin binomials were cross-checked with theplantlist.org (http://www.theplantlist.org/) for synonyms and their accepted contemporary Latin binomials. The updated Latin binomials appear framed in square brackets in recipes I (4.1.) and II (4.2.).

A literature search focusing on psychoactive secondary metabolites and associated pharmacologic effects was performed with the updated Latin binomials and the help of search engines such as Scopus and Pubmed. Special attention was given to quantitative phytochemical analyses.

4. Recipes

4.1. (I) The Amrita-Prâsa clarified butter (Hoernle, 2011, pp.: 90–91).


The numbers in brackets refer to the ślôka [sûtras], see also Srivastava (1954, p.: 153), while the superscript numbers are identical to Hoernle's text and refer to notes therein.
“The Amrita-Prâsa Clarified Butter,55 in 11 ślôka and 1 pâda. (Verses 108-119a.). I will now describe the ambrosia-like elixir, which increases the strength of men, the so-called Amrita-prâśa (or Food of the Immortals), a most noble kind of clarified butter. (109) Take one prastha each of the juice of emblic myrobalan [Phyllanthus emblica L., (Phyllanthaceae)], Kshîravidârî (Ipomoea digitata) [Ipomoea cheirophylla O'Donell, (Convolvulaceae)] and sugar cane [Saccharum officinarum L., (Poaceae)], and similarly of the milk of a heifer (110) one prastha, and add one well-measured prastha of fresh clarified butter. Throw in, also, pastes33made of one half pala each of the following drugs: (111) Rishabhaka56 [unknown and substituted], Riddhi56 [unknown and substituted], liquorice [Glycyrrhiza glabra L., (Fabaceae)], Vidârigandhâ (Desmodium gangeticum) [Desmodium gangeticum (L.) DC., (Fabaceae)], nPayasyâ (Gynandropsis pentaphylla) [Cleome gynandra L., (Cleomaceae)], Sahadêvâ (Sida rhomboidea) [Sida rhombifolia L., (Malvaceae)], Anantâ (Hemidesmus indicus) [Hemidesmus indicus (L.) R. Br. ex Schult., (Apocynaceae)], Madhûlikâ (Bassia latifolia) [Madhuca longifolia (J. König ex L.) J.F. Macbr., (Sapotaceae)] and Viśvadêvâ (Sida spinosa) [Sida spinosa L., (Malvaceae)], (112) both Mêdâ56 [unknown and substituted], Rishyaprôktâ (Sida cordifolia) [Sida cordifolia L., (Malvaceae)], Śatâvarî (Asparagus racemosus) [Asparagus racemosus Willd., (Asparagaceae)], Mudgaparnî (Phaseolus trilobus) [Vigna trilobata (L.) Verdc., (Fabaceae)] and Mâshaparnî (Teramnus labialis) [Teramnus labialis (L. f.) Spreng., (Fabaceae)], Śrâvanî (Sphaeranthus indicus) [Sphaeranthus indicus L., (Asteraceae)], cowhage [Mucuna pruriens (L.) DC., (Fabaceae)] and Vîrâ (Uraria lagopodioides) [Uraria lagopodoides (L.) DC., (Fabaceae)]. (113) Further add one kudava each of raisins [Vitis sp., (Vitaceae)], dates [Phoenix dactylifera L., (Arecaceae)], jujubes [Ziziphus jujuba Mill., (Rhamnaceae)], and half as much each of walnuts [Juglans regia L., (Juglandaceae)], Tinduka (Diospyors Embryopteris) [Diospyros atrata (Thwaites) Alston or Diospyros albiflora Alston, (Ebenaceae)] and Nikôchka (Alangium decapetalum) [Alangium salviifolium (L.f.) Wangerin, (Cornaceae)].

(114) Having boiled and strained the whole, let it stand in a clean vessel, and when it has cooled, add one prastha of well-clarified honey, (115) and sixteen pala of choice white sugar. Then take one half pala of black pepper [Piper nigrum L., (Piperaceae)] and one pala of small cardamoms [Elettaria cardamomum (L.) Maton, (Zingiberaceae)] (116) powder them finely, and, having sprinkled them over the whole, stir it with a ladle.
Of this preparation a dose suited to the patient's power of digestion may be administered, (117) and when it is digested, rice-milk, together with the broth of the flesh of land-animals, may be given. This Amrita-prâśa is an excellent preparation for increasing the strength and colour of men; (118) it may be given in cases of weakness induced by consumption or ulcers, also to the old, the feeble and the young, also to those who are suffering from fainting, asthma, and hiccough. (119a) This preparation of clarified butter, being a composition of Âtrêya's, is famed under the name Amrita (or ‘ambrosia’).”

HASCHICH FUDGE
(which anyone could whip up on a rainy day)

This is the food of Paradise -- of Baudelaire's Artificial Paradises: it might provide an entertaining refreshment for a Ladies' Bridge Club or a chapter meeting of the DAR. In Morocco it is thought to be good for warding off the common cold in damp winter weather and is, indeed, more effective if taken with large quantities of hot mint tea. Euphoria and brilliant storms of laughter; ecstatic reveries and extensions of one's personality on several simultaneous planes are to be complacently expected. Almost anything Saint Theresa did, you can do better if you can bear to be ravished by 'un evanouissement reveilli.' [Google translate: a wakened fainting.]

Take 1 teaspoon black peppercorns, 1 whole nutmeg, 4 average sticks of cinnamon, 1 teaspoon coriander. These should all be pulverised in a mortar. About a handful each of stoned dates, dried figs, shelled almonds and peanuts: chop these and mix them together. A bunch of canibus sativa can be pulverised. This along with the spices should be dusted over the mixed fruit and nuts, kneaded together. About a cup of sugar dissolved in a big pat of butter. Rolled into a cake and cut into pieces or made into balls about the size of a walnut, it should be eaten with care. Two pieces are quite sufficient.

Obtaining the canibus may present certain difficulties, but the variety known as canibus sativa grows as a common weed, often unrecognised, everywhere in Europe, Asia and parts of Africa; besides being cultivated as a crop for the manufacture of rope. In the Americas, while often discouraged, its cousin, called canibus indica, has been observed even in city window boxes. It should be picked and dried as soon as it has gone to seed and while the plant is still green.


-- Haschich Fudge, from "The Alice B. Toklas Cook Book," by Alice B. Toklas

I love you Alice B. Toklas
And so does Gertrude Stein
I love you Alice B. Toklas
I'm going to change your name to mine
Red velvet trees and lions grinning lions
Candy witches eating lychee leaves spinning rainbowing light
Green lily golden gardens Marvin gardens
coriander baby elephants singing silent night
Sweet cinnamon and nutmeg shake the powder tell your teeth what [inaudible]
Clean cannabis sativa, sweet sativa chocolate melting so
I love you Alice B. Toklas
And so does Gertrude Stein
I love you Alice B. Toklas
I'm going to change your name to mine
I love you Alice B. Toklas
And so does Gertrude Stein
I love you Alice B. Toklas


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[Nancy] I decided to split -- Made you some groovy brownies. Love, Nancy.

[Joyce] Look. Look, I found some brownies.

[Father] They look fresh baked.

[Mother] Do you have saccharine, Harold?

[Joyce] Oh, I have some in my purse.

[Mother] Oh, you're a darling. Thank you.
Well, looks like a nice brownie, Harold.
From Rubins?

[Harold] I don't remember.
A small bakery on Fairfax.

[Mother] Better than Rubins.

[Father] Better than Rubins? That's a brownie.

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[Joyce] This is delicious.

[Harold] They're very good.
They're ...
They're groovy.

[Father] I wish Herbie was here with us now. He loves sweets.

[Joyce] Herbie is a very sweet boy. Do you know what I think?
I think that this is just a stage that he's going through, that's all.

[Mother] To a funeral he wears his Indian suit.

[Harold] Oh, these are really good.

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[Joyce] Thank you.

[Father] One more.

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[Mother] Ben.

[Father] My last one.

[Mother] All right.

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[Mother] Ben.
Benjie.
What was his name?
What was his name, your cousin from Milwaukee?

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You know what he did?

[Harold] What did he do?

[Mother] He came out of the bathroom.

[Joyce] What did he do when he came out of the bathroom?

[Mother] Don't say bathroom and I won't laugh.
I said it!

[Joyce] Take me.
Take me.

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[Mother] Remember? Remember?

[Joyce] Oh, Harold, take me.
Harold.

Image

[Father] I wanna play miniature golf.

***

[Joyce] Where's Harold?

***

[Anita] You know, I just can't. I've tried. I can't take the pills.
I blow up like a house.
It's really such a drag. These pills are so groovy.
But a diaphragm, forget it. It's just the worse.
Listen, thanks for coming in.

[Nancy] Harold!

[Harold] Hey. Hi.

[Nancy] Harold, this is Anita.

[Anita] Oh, my God, you look just like a guy I used to go with.

[Harold] Yeah?

[Anita] You're a little better-looking.

[Harold] Oh, thanks.

[Anita] Nice.

[Harold] Um.

[Nancy] What?

[Harold] I came to thank you for the brownies.

[Nancy] You're welcome.

[Harold] I came to see you.

[Nancy] Groovy.

[Harold] Yeah. Groovy.
You're very pretty.

[Nancy] And so are you.

[Harold] Yeah?
You should've told me what was in those brownies.

[Nancy] Thank Alice B. Toklas. It's her recipe.

[Harold] Yeah?

[Nancy] She wrote a freaky cookbook.

[Harold] And she turned my parents into junkies.

[Nancy] She did?

[Harold] Oh, yeah.
They were --

[Nancy] Excuse me. I'll be right back.
Can I help you, sir?

[Man in Dress Shop] Yes.
I'd like to see something in a minidress. Something lightweight.

[Nancy] These just came in. What size does she wear?

[Man in Dress Shop] It's for me.

[Nancy] Well, I don't know if we happen to have your size.

[Man in Dress Shop] I'm a perfect 12.

[Nancy] These are 12's.

[Man in Dress Shop] Thank you.

[Harold] Don't look at me.

[Nancy] I think he wants it to go to a Halloween party.

[Harold] I hope so.

[Man in Dress Shop] Miss.

[Nancy] Did you find something you like?

[Man in Dress Shop] Yes.
Yes, I like this one. Is there any place I can try it on?

[Nancy] Right over there.

[Man in Dress Shop] Oh, thank you.

[Harold] I can't help it. I can't.

[Nancy] Have a cookie.

[Harold] Alice Toklas?

[Nancy] Chocolate chip.

[Man in Dress Shop] Miss?

[Nancy] Yes, sir. Yes, sir.

[Man in Dress Shop] Do you do alterations here in the shop?

[Nancy] Yes, we do. Anita!

[Man in Dress Shop] What I'd like to get would be to get this just about two inches shorter.
About like that.

[Nancy] Well, Anita does the alterations.
Anita, can we shorten this about --?

[Man in Dress Shop] No, that's it. Right there.

[Nancy] Two inches?

[Anita] No, no, no.
That's not your color.

***

[Nancy] I have a butterfly.

[Harold] I know.
It's a monarch, isn't it?

[Nancy] Yeah.
Yeah.

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[Harold] I never got that close to a butterfly.
Wait a second.

[Mother] Hello, Harold?

[Harold] Yes, Ma.

[Mother] You sound like your asthma is worse.

[Harold] No, Mama, the earth just moved.

[Mother] So where did you disappear to?

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Stop it.
Oh, listen, I changed my mind.
I'm not putting Aunt Tanya next to Uncle Murray.
She's got that bladder trouble, poor thing ...
... so I'm gonna put her closer to the door.
Listen, Harold, I picked up some of those --
Go to sleep.
I picked up some of those brownies. You know, it must be a different bakery.
Oh, they're terrible. Rubins is better than those.
So anyway, I ordered the Jello-O-mold.
It's gonna be a green Jell-o with cherries.

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-- I Love You, Alice B. Toklas -- Illustrated Screenplay, directed by Hy Averback, written by Paul Mazursky & Larry Tucker

Hoernle states(55) that this formula, although with more ingredients and different proportions, occurs also in the Charaka VI and Âshtânga Hridaya IV. Hoernle(56) mentions that the eight drugs known to the ancients and now substituted are: 1. Jîvaka, 2. Rishabha, 3. Mêdâ, 4. Mahâmêdâ, 5. Kâkôlî, 6. Kshîra-kâkôlî, 7. Riddhi, 8. Vriddhi; 1 and 2: Root of Vidârî (Batatas paniculata [Ipomoea mauritania Jacq, (Convolvulaceae)]) 3 and 4: Roots of Śatâvarî (Asparagus racemosus [Asparagus racemosus Willd., (Asparagaceae)]) 5 and 6: Aśhvagandhâ (Withania somnifera [Withania somnifera (L.) Dunal, (Solanaceae)]), 7 and 8: Tubers of the Varâhî or Bhadramustra (Cyperus pertenuis [Cyperus articulatus L. or C. tenuiflorus Rottb., (Cyperaceae)]).

4.2. (II) The Amrita Oil (Hoernle, 2011, pp.: 106–107):

“(IV) The Amrita Oil,116 in 25 ślôka and 1 pâda. (287–312a.) The two truth-speaking Aśvins, the divine physicians, honoured by the Dêvas, have declared the following excellent health-promoting oil, (288) which relieves all diseases, is fit for a king, and is as good as ambrosia. It is known by the name of Amrita (or ‘ambrosia’), and is an oil able to make men strong. (289) At the time of Pushya117, after having said prayers118, performed purification rites, and asked the Brâhmans' blessing in a few words, take out liquorice-roots grown in a favourable place. (290) Of the fresh juice of these roots take four pâtra9, and add four pala each of the following drugs: Papaundarîka119 [a fragrant wood], Amritâ (Tinospora cordifolia) [Tinospora cordifolia (Thunb.) Miers, (Menispermaceae)], knots of lotus-stalks [Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn., (Nelumbonaceae)], Śatâvarî (Asparagus racemosus) [Asparagus racemosus Willd., (Asparagaceae)], (291) Śringâtaka (Trapa bispinosa) [Trapa natans var. bispinosa (Roxb.) Makino, (Lythraceae)], emblic myrobalan [Phyllanthus emblica L., (Phyllanthaceae)], Undumbara (Ficus glomerata) [Ficus racemosa L., (Moraceae)], Kaśêruka (Scripus Kysoor) [Actinoscirpus grossus var. kysoor (Roxb.) Noltie, (Cyperaceae)], the bark of each of the (five) trees with a milky sap120 [Nyagrôdha (Ficus indica) [Ficus sp., (Moraceae)], Udumbara (Ficus glomerata) [Ficus racemosa L., (Moraceae)], Asvattha (Ficus religiosa) [Ficus religiosa L., (Moraceae)], Plaksha (Ficus infectoria) [Ficus sp., (Moraceae)], Pârîsha (Thespesia populnea) [Thespesia populnea (L.) Sol. ex Corrêa, (Malvaceae)], (292) roots of Kuśa (Poa cynosuroides) [Desmostachya bipinnata (L.) Stapf, (Poaceae)], Kâsa (Saccharum spontaneum) [Saccharum spontaneum L., (Poaceae)] and Ikshu (Saccharum officinarum) [S. officinarum L., (Poaceae)], also of Śara (Saccharum Sara) [Saccharum bengalense Retz., (Poaceae)] and Vîrana (Andropogon muricatus)121 [Chrysopogon zizanioides (L.) Roberty, (Poaceae)], also roots of Gundrâ (Panicum uliginosum) [Sacciolepis interrupta (Willd.) Stapf, (Poaceae)], of Nadikâ122 [not identified] and of the lotus [N. nucifera], (293) Vadarî (Ziziphus Jujuba) [Z. jujuba], Vidârî (Ipomoea digitata) [I. cheirophylla], Vêtasa (Calamus Rotang) [Calamus rotang L., (Arecaeea)], Adurûshaka (Adhatoda vasica) [Adhatoda vasica Nees, unresolved (Acanthaceae)], Nîm [Azadirachta indica A. Juss., (Meliaceae)], Sâlmalî (Bombax malabaricum) [Bombax ceiba L., (Malvaceae)], dates [P. dactylifera], cocoanut [Cocos nucifera L., (Arecaceae)], Priyangu (Aglaia Roxburghiana) [Aglaia elaeagnoidea (A. Juss.) Benth., (Meliaceae)], (294) Patôla (Trichosanthes dioica) [unresolved ev. Mukia maderaspatana (L.) M.Roem, (Cucurbitaceae)], Kutaja (Holarrhena antidysenterica) [Wrightia antidysenterica (L.) R.Br. or Holarrhena pubescens Wall. ex G. Don, (Apocynaceae)], raisins [Vitis sp.], leaf-stalk of the lotus [N. nucifera], sandal [Santalum sp., (Santalaceae)], Kakubha (Terminalia Arjuna) [Terminalia arjuna (Roxb. ex DC.) Wight & Arn., (Combretaceae)], Aśvakarna (Shorea robusta) [Shorea robusta Gaertn., (Dipterocarpaceae)], Lâmajjaka (Adropogon laniger) [Cymbopogon jwarancusa subsp. olivieri (Boiss.) Soenarko, (Poaceae)], and plumbago-root [Plumbago zeylanica L., (Plumbaginaceae)], (295) also other astringent, sweet or cooling drugs, as many as may be obtainable. Boil all these in two drôna of water, (296) and when the whole is reduced to one-eight of the original quantity, boil in it pastes made of fine powder of one pala each of the following drugs: Balâ (Sida cordifolia) [Sida cordifolia L., (Malvaceae)], Nâgabalâ (Sida spinosa) [Sida spinosa L., (Malvaceae)], Jîvâ (Dendrobium multicaule) [Conchidium muscicola (Lindl.) Rauschert, (Orchidaceae)], cowhage [M. pruriens], Kasêruka (Scirpus Kysoor) [A. grossus var. kysoor], (297) Nata (Tabernaemontana coronaria) [Tabernaemontana divaricata (L.) R.Br. ex Roem. & Schult., (Apocynaceae)], juice of sugar-cane123, Sprikkà (Trigonella corniculata) [Trigonella balansae Boiss. & Reut., (Fabaceae)], small cardamoms [E. cardamomum] and cinnamon-bark [Cinnamomum sp., (Lauraceae)], Jîvaka56 [unknown and substituted] Rishabhaka56 [unknown and substituted] Mêdâ56 [unknown and substituted], Madhuka (Bassia latifolia) [M. longifolia var. latifolia, (Sapotaceae)], and blue lotus [Nymphaea nouchali var. caerulea (Savigny) Verdc., (Nymphaeaceae)] (298), the colour producing saffron [Crocus sativus L., (Iridaceae)], aloe-wood [Aquilaria sp., (Thymelaeaceae)], and cinnamon-leaves [Cinnamomum sp.], Vidârî (Ipomoea digitata) [I. cheirophylla], Kshîrakakôlî63 [said to be unknown], Vîrâ (Uraria lagopoides) [Uraria lagopodoides (L.) DC., (Fabaceae)], and Śârivâ (Ichnocarpus frutescens) [Ichnocarpus frutescens (L.) W.T. Aiton, (Apocynaceae)], (299) Śatâvarî (Asparagus racemosus) [A. racemosus], Priyangu (Aglaia Roxburghiana) [A. elaeagnoidea], Gudûchî (Tinospora cordifolia) [Tinospora cordifolia], filaments of the lotus [N. nucifera], Lâmajjaka (Andropogon laniger) [C. jwarancusa subsp. olivieri], red and white sandal [Santalum spp.], and fruits of Râjâdana (Mimusops hexandra) [Manilkara hexandra (Roxb.) Dubard or Mimusops coriacea (A.DC.) Miq., (Sapotaceae)], (300) pearl, coral, conch-shell, moon-stone, sapphire, crystal, silver, gold, and other gems and pearls, (301) liquorice [G. glabra], madder [Rubia tinctorum L., (Rubiaceae)], and Amśumatî (Desmodium gangeticum) [Desmodium gangeticum]. Boil the whole slowly over a gentle fire (302) with four pâtra of (sweet) oil and eight times as much of milk, adding also tamarind juice [Tamarindus indica L., (Fabaceae)] and vinegar of rice124 one half as much as the milk. (303) This boiling should be repeated a hundred or even a thousand times; and when it is thoroughly done, it may be known by this sign, (304) that on the approach of the proper time the oil stiffens by exposure to the rays of the sun.125 After asking the Brâhmans’ blessing, performing purificatory rites and saying prayers, (305) this Amrita (or ‘ambrosial’) oil, highly esteemed by the Dêvas, may be administered to the patient, in the form of an injection per anum or per urethram,110 or as a draught, or an errhine, or a liniment.

(306) It serves the purpose of relieving disease and imparting strength to the organs of sense. For those who suffer from morbid heat and thirst it makes an excellent and beneficial liniment. (307) It promotes the growth of the hair in the old and that of the body in the young; it produces loveliness and grace in women; and also ensures numerous offspring, (308) for, by the use of this ambrosial oil, women are predisposed to conception. It cures the eighty nervous diseases109, also those due to derangement of the blood or the bile (309) or the phlegm or all the humours concurrently.126 By its use as an errhine or a liniment the eyes become as sharp as those of an eagle. (310) It keeps of calamities, averts all fortune, and promotes prosperity. By the use of this oil the Maharshi Chyavana92 regained (311) his youth, and was delivered from decrepitude and disease; and the blessed Maharshi Mârkandêya127, who was desirous of a long life, (312a) obtained his desire by the regular use of this oil.”


Hoernle(116) was not able to find this formula elsewhere and notes that it is a “phenomenally long one” containing 83 ingredients. Hoernle(9) gives some explanations on the measures and states that pâtra is also called âdhaka. Paramhans (1984) explains the medieval Indian weight measurement system as follows: 2 pala = 1 prasrti, 2 prasrtis = 1 añjali or kudava, 2 añjalis = 1 śaravâ, 2 śaravâs = 1 prastha, 4 prasthas = 1 âdhaka, 4 âdhakas = 1 drôna. Since over the course of time the overall mass changed but the proportions within the Indian weight measurement system remained the same, a translation into Western weight equivalents makes no sense.

5. Theoretical frame of the research question

What at first sight caught our attention were the names of the two recipes along with the description of “good as ambrosia” or “ambrosia-like elixir”. ‘Amrita’ means ‘immortality’ and is a synonym of Soma, ‘Amrita-prâsa’ means ‘food of the immortals’ and ‘ambrosia’ can be translated as ‘food of the gods’ or ‘nectar’. While we use here Amrita as a synonym of Soma, nothing about the description of the recipes, not even the therapeutic indications, suggest or allude to any exhilarating, intoxicating or psychoactive property of ‘Amrita clarified butter’ or ‘Amrita oil’. However, the ‘Amrita oil’ is also said to cure “the eighty nervous diseases” (p.: 107). As further reading on the ethnomedical concept of nervous diseases Hoernle(119) indicates the commentary on the Hindu system of medicine by Wise (1845) as well as the Bhâva Prakâśa and the Charaka Samhitâ, both edited by Pandit Jibananda V. at Calcutta in 1875 and 1877, respectively. Due to external forces (e.g. dryness, cold, light types of food, wet cloths), physical overstraining (e.g. excessive sexual practice, improper exercise) or psychological reasons (too much thinking, sorrow, grief, fear, anger) air is deranged, which causes different kind of symptoms, such as: “persons speak nonsense”, “affected parts shake”, “pain in the chest, head and temples”, body is “bent like a bow”, “spasmodic convulsions”, “difficulties in breathing”, “person cannot speak”, “dyspepsia and drowsiness”, “trembling and shivering”, “head is always shaking” (Wise, 1845, pp.: 250–258). Moreover, ‘Amrita-prâsa’ as well as ‘Amrita oil’ are said to relieve all diseases and to “increase the strength of men” or “make men strong”. The term ‘men’ in the text evidently refers to men and women since the Amrita oil is reported to produce “loveliness and grace in women” and to predispose women to conception.

The original Soma rite, central to which was the taking of a psychoactive Soma potion conferring the participants a god-like perspective, came into disuse but neither is it clear when exactly the Soma rite was abandoned nor what was its cause or reason. Besides the cultural transition taking place towards the end of the Rigvedic period, neurotoxic side effects of the Soma potion might have conditioned the loss of the Soma rite. A Soma (Amrita) recipe written down in the 6th century A.D., around 1800 years after the demise of the Rigvedic period can be expected to have received modifications in its formulation as well as in its medico-therapeutic application. The evolution of the Amrita recipes possibly affected the number of ingredients, proportions, overall indications and therapeutic use as well as the medico-philosophical frame. Although the evolution of these aspects evades a closer scientific analysis we argue that if these two recipes are derivatives of an ancient Soma formulation (or formulations), the core species required for the induction of a psychoactive effect should, eventually in smaller proportions, be present among the ingredients. In more general terms we argue that the Soma plant(s), so central to the Indo-Aryan culture, did not vanish from the Indian herbal scenery but linger on in herbal medicine as genuine medicinal plants.

6. Research questions

(i) Are there plant species among the ingredients of the two recipes able, either in combination or alone, to induce mind-altering effects upon ingestion?

(ii) If so, is the concentration of central nervous system (CNS) active compounds in the species under examination sufficient in order to induce perceivable pharmacologic effects? i.e. is the processing and practical application of the quantity of (crude) drugs needed to induce perceivable pharmacologic effects feasible? This includes that the potentially psychoactive constituents should not only be present at physiologically relevant amounts in the plant material but also be bio-available and extractable with water or an emulsion such as milk in reasonable quantities. Moreover, should a suggestion that makes practical sense also consider bio-geography and the theoretical availability of the species in the region of the Punjab.

(iii) A more specific question relates to the pharmacology of the formulations and if they contain monoamine oxidase (MAO) substrates and/or MAO inhibitors (MAO-I):

Are there neurotransmitter mimicking MAO substrates (possibly easy extractable alkaloids) as well as secondary metabolites able to interrupt the catabolic MAO pathways present in the species listed among the ingredients of recipe I and II?

The pharmacologic potentiation resulting from a combination of tryptamines with MAO inhibiting -carbolines has been described for South American snuffs (Holmstedt and Lindgren 1967, p.: 365) and Ayahuasca (Callaway et al., 1999). Such a potentiation of pharmacologic effects can theoretically also be achieved with the -carboline containing Peganum harmala seeds (see theory put forward by Flattery and Schwartz for Haoma).

7. Results

7.1. Analysis of the two recipes


A comparison of the ingredients of the two recipes shows that only few species make part of both formulations namely: Asparagus racemosus, Phyllanthus emblica, Ipomoea cheirophylla, Mucuna pruriens, Sida spinosa, Sida cordifolia, Madhuca longifolia, Uraria lagopodoides and Desmodium gangeticum. Species with potentially psychoactive metabolites detected in recipe (I) are: Sida spinosa, Sida cordifolia, Sida rhombifolia, Mucuna pruriens and Desmodium gangeticum. An analysis of recipe (II) revealed the following species with potentially psychoactive metabolites: Sida spinosa and Sida cordifolia, Mucuna pruriens, Desmodium gangeticum, Nelumbo nucifera, Tinospora cordifolia, Tabernaemontana divaricata. Neither Ephedra spp. nor Peganum harmala have been identified by Hoernle (2011) among the different recipes reported in the BM. Notably, the recipes do not contain any clear indication regarding the dose at which the mixtures should be applied for the treatment of the various health conditions and purposes for which they are recommended.

7.2. Species with potentially psychoactive metabolites detected in recipes I and II and their main constituents

7.2.1. Desmodium gangeticum (Fabaceae)


Desmodium gangeticum is a prostrate to sub-erect perennial weed growing throughout the Indian subcontinent in hilly areas up to 1500 m a.s.l. Under favourable conditions the plant can reach several metres in height (Ramakrishnan, 1964). The herb is called ‘salpan’ or ‘salpani’ in Hindi and ‘shalaparni’, ‘amśumatî’ or ‘vidârigandhâ’ in Sanskrit and is an important medicinal species within the Ayurvedic system of medicine (Hoernle, 2011; Rastogi et al., 2011). Chemical evaluations of above and below-ground tissues of Desmodium gangeticum by Banerjee and Ghosal (1969), as well as by Ghosal and Bhattacharya (1972) revealed the presence of different -phenethylamines (2-phenylethylamine (PEA, 1), hordenine (2), N-methyltyramine (3), candicine (4), N,N-dimethyl-2-oxo-2-phenylethylamine (5)), indolylalkylamines (N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT, 6) and its Nb-oxide, 5-methoxy-N,N-dimethyltryptamine (5-MeODMT, 7) and its Nb-oxide and hypaphorine (8)) and -carbolines (6-methoxy-2-methyl- -carbolinium cation (9) and 1,2-dimethyl-2,3,4, 9-tetrahydro-1H- -carboline (1,2-Me-THBC, 10)).

From 1 kg fresh above ground plant material Banerjee and Ghosal (1969) obtained the following quantities of alkaloids: From the aqueous acidic extract (derived from the extracted chloroform layer) basified with ammonia and extracted with chloroform: 5-MeO-DMT (570 mg), DMT (not quantified), DMT-Nb-oxide (210 mg) and 5-MeO-DMT-Nb-oxide (180 mg). The chloroform soluble acetates were identified as Nb-methyltetrahydroharman (1,2-Me-THBC, 30 mg), DMT (410 mg) and DMT-Nb-oxide (120 mg), while from the aqueous mother liquor 210 mg of 6-methoxy-2-methyl- -carbolinium cation was obtained. Altogether more than 1730 mg of alkaloids were extracted from 1 kg of fresh plant material and Banerjee and Ghosal (1969) note that dried plant material contains higher proportions of 5-MeO-DMT with respect to fresh material.

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7.2.2. Mucuna pruriens (Fabaceae)

Mucuna pruriens is an annual herb growing throughout the Indian plains and cultivated as a vegetable and fodder called ‘kavach’ in Hindi and ‘atmagupta’ or ‘vanari’ in Sanskrit (Williamson, 2002; Misra and Wagner, 2004). The seeds of Mucuna pruriens contain high amounts of L-DOPA (L-3,4-dihydroxyphenylalanine, 11). Mahajani et al. (1996) quantified the L-DOPA content of 10 g dried Mucuna pruriens seeds at around 330 mg, while Raina and Khatri (2011) found L-DOPA concentration in dried seeds of different accessions to vary considerably from 2.2 to 5.3% of dry weight. From the pods, seeds, leaves and roots several indole-3-alkylamines including DMT (6), DMTNb- oxide, bufotenine (5-OH-DMT, 12), 5-MeO-DMT (7), two not closer characterised 5-oxyindole-3-alkylamines and one -carboline were isolated (Ghosal et al., 1971). Misra and Wagner (2004) furthermore report on the isolation of four 1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinoline alkaloids (13-16, 94 mg altogether) from 500 g dried seeds.
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7.2.3. Nelumbo nucifera (Nelumbonaceae)

The natural distribution of Nelumbo nucifera ranges from the Caspian Sea to eastern Asia (McDonald, 2004), while Holm et al. (1979, p.: 246) list N. nucifera as a weed for India. The species is known in India as ‘lotus’, ‘kamala’ or ‘padma’ (Mukherjee et al., 2009). From the seeds, flower buds and the leaves a range of benzyltetrahydroisoquinolines, bisbenzylisoquinolines and aporphine type alkaloids have been isolated (Kunitomo et al., 1973; Shoji et al., 1987; Sugimoto et al., 2010; Nakamura et al., 2013). For a comprehensive review on the phytochemical constituents of the different lotus tissues see Mukherjee et al. (2009). From 3 kg of dried Nelumbo nucifera leaves Kashiwada et al. (2005) obtained 275 mg (þ)-(R)-coclaurine (17), 28 mg (-)-1(R)-N-methylcoclaurine (18) and 507 mg of (-)-1(S)-norcoclaurine (19). From the EtOAc fraction of 1 kg flower buds Nakamura et al. (2013) extracted nuciferine (20, 148mg), N-nornuciferine (21, 11.2mg), lysicamine (22, 36.5 mg) and from the butanol fraction N-methylasimilobine (23, 6.6 mg), lysicamine (102 mg) and pronuciferine (24, 56.0 mg). From the EtOAc fraction of 900 g powdered leaves N-methylasimilobine-N-oxide (3.3 mg), nuciferine (67.3 mg) nuciferine-N-oxide (40.7 mg), N-nornuciferine (2.3 mg), dehydronuciferine (25, 3.9 mg), lysicamine (41.8 mg) and from the butanol fraction nuciferine (83.0 mg), nuciferine N-oxide (22.1 mg), N-methylasimilobine (282 mg), asimilobine (26, 149 mg), (-)-lirinidine (27, 7.2 mg), 2-hydroxy-1-methoxy- 6a,7-dehydroaporphine (28, 2.9 mg), lysicamine (3.0 mg), D,L-armepavine (29, 27.4 mg), and pronuciferine (8.3 mg) were obtained (Nakamura et al., 2013).

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7.2.4. Sida rhombifolia, Sida spinosa and Sida cordifolia (Malvaceae)

All three Sida species are worldwide weeds (including India; Holm et al., 1979, p.: 335-356). In Hindi Sida species are called ‘bariara’, ‘kareta’, ‘bhundli’, ‘lal berela’ and in Sanskrit ‘sahadêvâ’, ‘viśvadêvâ’, ‘rishyaprôktâ’, ‘nâgabalâ’, ‘balâ’ (Rajan and Sethuraman, 2008; Hoernle, 2011). The roots of Sida cordifolia contain the -phenylethylamine type alkaloids PEA (1) ephedrine (30), pseudoephedrine, the carboxylated tryptamines hypaphorine (8) and S-(þ)-Nb-methyltryptophan methyl ester (31) and the quinazoline alkaloids vasicine (peganin, 32), vasicinol (33) and vasicinone (34, Ghosal et al., 1975). The same substances are reported from the roots and aerial parts of Sida spinosa and Sida rhombifolia, with the exception of methyltryptophan methyl ester and the additional presence of hypaphorine methyl ester in Sida spinosa and that, while the aerial parts of Sida rhombifolia seem to lack carboxylated tryptamines, they additionally contain N-methyl- -phenethylamine (35, Prakash et al., 1981). Chaves et al. (2013) furthermore report the presence of the indoquinoline alkaloids cryptolepine (36) and cryptolepinone (37) in the aerial parts of Sida rhombifolia.

From 3.5 kg dried roots of Sida cordifolia Ghosal et al. (1975) obtained PEA (42 mg), ephedrine (22 mg), þ-ephedrine (13 mg), plus a 22 mg mixture of ephedrine and þ-ephedrine, vasicinone (126 mg), vasicine (37 mg), vasicinol (31 mg), choline (76 mg), hypaphorine (14 mg), and betaine (84 mg). Quantitative extraction of the alkaloid content of 5 kg dried aerial parts of S. rhombifolia by Prakash et al. (1981) afforded PEA (470 mg), N-methyl- -phenylethylamine (190 mg), ephedrine (136 mg), þ- ephedrine (98 mg), vasicinol (12 mg), vasicinone (36 mg), vasicine (32 mg) choline (85 mg) and betaine (93 mg).

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7.2.5. Tabernaemontana divaricata (Apocynaceae)

Tabernaemontana divaricata is a widespread latex bearing garden plant, rich in indole alkaloids from the vincosan, aspidospermatan, plumeran, bis-indole and ibogan group (Pratchayasakul et al., 2008). In Hindi the species is referred to as ‘cadni’ and in Sanskrit ‘nata’ or ‘nandivrksah’ (Sala, 2010, p.: 232; Hoernle, 2011). Kam et al. (2003) isolated 23 alkaloids with an overall yield of 1068 mg kg 1 from the leaves of the double flower variety of Tabernaemontana divaricata. Alkaloids affording the highest yields were voaphylline (38, 260 mg), apparicine (39, 220 mg), N(1)-methylvoaphylline (40, 120 mg), conophylline (41, 116 mg) and conofoline (42, 105 mg), while only 2 mg ibogaine (43) was obtained (Kam et al., 2003). From the stem-bark of the same Tabernaemontana divaricata variety Kam et al., (2004) characterised 42 alkaloids with an overall yield of 647.7 mg kg 1. The highest yields were obtained for vobasine (44, 97 mg) voacangine (45, 91 mg), voacristine (46, 58 mg), (3R/3S)-3-ethoxyvoacangine (47, 56 mg) but only 2.4 mg ibogaine was obtained. Kam et al. (2004) for the first time isolated conolidine (48, 1.3 mg/kg) a C5-nor stemmadenine, which was found to exert promising analgesic activity in mice (Tarselli et al., 2011). Chaiyana et al. (2013) estimated the content of the bis-indole alkaloid 3’-R/S-hydroxyvoacamine (49) obtained from 3.36 kg Tabernaemontana divaricata stem at 3390 mg. Bao et al. (2013) obtained 42 grams of alkaloidal fraction and isolated the psychoactive ibogaine (50 mg), several voacangine derivatives and a number of other ibogaine type alkaloids from 5 kg dried T. divaricata stem.

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7.2.6. Tinospora cordifolia (Menispermaceae)

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Fig. 2. Tinospora cordifolia–foto taken in Kathmandu, Nepal, March 2009 and courtesy of Todd Caldecott.

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Fig. 3. Tinospora cordifolia stem powder extracted with baking soda (NaHCO3) and water.

Tinospora cordifolia is a deciduous twiner with heart shaped leaves occurring from Kumaon (Uttarakhand), Jammu and Kashmir state in the north to the extreme south of India (Williamson, 2002, p.: 302; Kumari et al., 2013). The colour of the succulent stems varies from a creamy greenish brown to yellowish brown (Fig. 2). It is reported that freshly cut stems immediately assume a yellow colour when exposed to air (Neeraja and Margaret, 2013). Holm et al. (1979, p.: 363) list the species as a weed for India. The species is called ‘gudûchî’, ‘guluchi’ or ‘amritâ’ in Sanskrit and ‘gulancha’, ‘guruchi’, ‘giloy’ or ‘amrita’ in Hindi (Bisset and Nwaiwu, 1983; Williamson, 2002; Sala, 2010, p.: 283; Hoernle, 2011). From Tinospora cordifolia, which is called ‘Amrita’, both in the BM and Ayurvedic herbal medicine, Phan et al. (2010) report the isolation and identification of two aporphine glycosides, N-formylasimilobine-2-O- -D-glucopyranosyl-(1-2)- - D-glucopyranoside (50, 28 mg) and N-acetylasimilobine-2-O- -D-glucopyranosyl-(1-2)- -D-glucopyranoside (51, 2.5 mg) from 2 kg aerial parts. From 920 g powdered Tinospora cordifolia stem Patel and Mishra (2011) obtained 28 g extract and from a 15 g aliquot thereof isolated the two protoberberine bases palmatine (52, 2467 mg) and jatrorrhizine (53, 748 mg) as well as 140 mg of the aporphine alkaloid magnoflorine (54). Srinivasan et al. (2008) furthermore estimate the berberine (55) concentration based on a HPLC method at around 0.3% of dried plant material. Extrapolated on the hypothetical extraction of 1 kg Tinospora cordifolia stem, around 1500 mg jatrorrhizine, 4900 mg palmatine and 3000 mg berberine could potentially be obtained. Palmatine has a yellow colour, jatrorrhizine is reddish-brown and berberine has an intense yellow colour and is therefore also used to dye textiles (Römpp-Lexikon, Regitz, 1997, p.: 520). We have extracted Tinospora. cordifolia stem powder obtained from online sources with water and baking soda (sodium bicarbonate, NaHCO3) receiving an amber or honey coloured golden shining extract (Fig. 3).

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8. Discussion

Flattery and Schwartz suggested that the Syrian rue (Peganum harmala) corresponds to Haoma as well as Soma. P. harmala, is a drought tolerant species today distributed around the Mediterranean basin extending east to the northern part of India and listed as a weed for Turkey and Afghanistan (Holm et al., 1979). Flattery and Schwartz (1989), however, also acknowledge that Peganum harmala seems to have become established in India only more recently being introduced by Muslim societies, since the local names used in India derive directly from either the Arabic (harmel) or Persian (isfan; p.: 42). The fact that Peganum harmala has not been identified throughout the BM by Hoernle (2011) does lend additional support to the concerns raised by Flattery and Schwartz. With respect to the theory that Soma was nothing else but an Ephedra sp., Falk (1989) does not ignore that on the Indian subcontinent Ephedra spp. grow only in the northern and mountainous regions of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India at altitudes between 1200 and 4000 m a.s.l. Ephedra species would thus have had to be traded (“Soma-buyer”) if they played a role in the Vedic Soma ritual (Falk, 1989). McDonald (2004) on the other hand acknowledges, that the hypothesis, that lotus as a single species would be the equivalent of soma, lacks a chemical and pharmacological analysis and verification.

No such biogeographic doubts and far less phytochemical uncertainties exist with the species presented in the results section and contained in the Amrita recipes of the BM. All eight species are common throughout India. Altogether, the chemistry of these eight species (D. gangeticum, M. pruriens, N. nucifera, Sida cordifolia, Sida rhombifolia, Sida. spinosa, T. cordifolia and T. divaricata) includes several notorious and potential psychoactive and psychedelic substances, and alkaloid classes, namely tryptamines, phenylethylamine, ephedrine, aporphine alkaloids, ibogaine, and L-DOPA. Moreover, MAO and AChE interfering protoberberine alkaloids as well as potentially neurotoxic tetrahydroisoquinolines and -carbolines are present. The presence of aporphine alkaloids and the asimilobine moiety in both ingredients of the Amrita oil, N. nucifera as well as Tinospora cordifolia, is intriguing.
The phytochemical profile and associated pharmacology of Nelumbo nucifera renders McDonald's (2004) hypothesis, that Nelumbo nucifera corresponds directly to Soma, not very plausible, however. By adding small amounts of the amphoteric sodium bicarbonate to the watery maceration of Tinospora cordifolia stem powder we obtained a stronger gold-brown colouring than extracting with pure water, but the relevance to the present discussion is not yet clear.We are aware that for many other species mentioned in these Amrita recipes no or only scarce phytochemical and pharmacological data exist and that ongoing research efforts may help to identify more species with potential psychoactive properties.

8.1. Serotoninergic, dopaminergic and adrenergic interactions

Upon oral ingestion the hallucinogenic tryptamines (5-MeO-DMT, 5-OH-DMT, DMT and tryptamine) as well as the psychoactive PEA are readily catabolized by MAO. Tryptamines are mainly deaminated by MAO-A (Shen et al., 2010) and in occasions when MAO-A is deactivated they may also be catabolized by the B isoform (Nagatsu, 2004). PEA is predominantly catabolized by the B subtype (Buckholtz and Boggan, 1977). The potent psychedelic 5-MeO-DMT is either deaminated by MAO-A or O-demethylated by cytochrome P450 2D6 resulting in the even more active 5-OH-DMT (bufotenine), which is finally deaminated by MAO (Shen et al., 2010). 5-OH-DMT is about three-times more potent towards the serotonin (5-HT) receptor (affinity: 5-HT2A 4 5-HT1A) than 5-MeO-DMT (affinity: 5-HT1A45-HT2A), which is up to 10 times more potent than DMT in humans (Shen et al., 2010).

1-Me-tetrahydrobetacarboline (1-Me-THBC), was shown to inhibit 3H-5-HT (tritiated serotonin) and 3H-DA (tritiated dopamine) uptake by human platelets with IC50 values of 6.4 and 1.0 mM respectively (Airaksinen et al., 1980). Moreover, Komulainen et al. (1980) have shown that 1-Me-THBC inhibits 5-HT uptake by rat synaptosomes (IC50 ¼ 12 μM), the DA uptake into striatal synaptosomes (IC50¼70 μM) as well as noradrenaline (NA) uptake by cortical rat synaptosomes (IC50¼92 μM). Similar to these in vitro data assessed for 1-Me-THBC, 1,2-Me- THBC (10) present in D. gangeticum might lead to elevated inter-synaptical 5-HT, DA and NA concentration in human brain tissues.

Nornuciferine obtained from Nelumbo nucifera and asimilobine, present in Nelumbo nucifera and in its glucosylated N-formyl and N-acetyl form also in Tinospora cordifolia, have been shown to interact agonistically with the 5-HT1A receptor in vitro with Ki values of 10 and 20 μM, respectively (Hasrat et al., 1997). Also the bisbenzylisoquinoline neferine isolated from the seeds and leaves of Nelumbo nucifera (Kashiwada et al., 2005; Sugimoto et al., 2010) was shown to exert antidepressant-like effects in mice mediated via the 5-HT1A receptor (Sugimoto et al., 2010). Shoji et al. (1987), however, report 5-HT antagonistic properties for asimilobine as well as lirinidine. Apomorphine (56), used as an agent in the treatment of Parkinson’s Disease (PD) and closely related to magnoflorine found in Tinospora cordifolia as well as nuciferine, asimilobine and lysicamine obtained from Nelumbo nucifera, shows considerable affinities towards different subtypes of dopamine, serotonine and adrenergic receptors (Millan et al., 2002).

Berberine and palmatine, both present in Tinospora cordifolia were found to interact with the 5-HT2 receptor, displacing the radioligand with an IC50 of 1.9 and 2.9 μM, respectively (Schmeller et al., 1997). It remains, however, unclear what kind of effect berberine and palmatine mediate through 5-HT2 receptor interaction. Berberine and palmatine also bind to alpha1- and alpha2-adrenergic receptors displacing bound radioligands with an IC50 of 3.2 and 0.476 μM (berberine) and 5.8 and 0.956 μM (palmatine) probably transmitting antagonistic effects (Schmeller et al., 1997).

Ephedrine, present in Sida spp., apart from releasing noradrenaline, leads to increased extracellular dopamine concentrations in brain tissues including the striatum and the substantia nigra (Bowyer et al., 2000; Munhall and Johnson, 2006).

The pharmacologic interactions of ibogaine and ibogaine type alkaloids present in Tabernaemontana divaricata within the CNS are multiple and therefore particularly complex. Low micro molar affinities of ibogaine with the serotonergic, nicotinic, N-methyl-D-aspartate, m and κ opioid system, sigma receptors as well as sodium channels have been detected (Alper, 2001).

Excessive intake of L-DOPA through Mucuna pruriens seeds has been associated with toxic psychosis and peripheral side effects such as palpitations and headache (Infante et al., 1990; Mahajani et al., 1996) and can therefore not be considered to contribute to an acceptable psychedelic effect. Such as the Amrita-oil was indicated against the 80 nervous diseases, Mucuna pruriens seeds are still used in Ayurvedic medicine for the treatment of PD and murine data indicates that L-DOPA containing Mucuna pruriens seed extract is more effective than an equivalent dose of L-DOPA, suggesting synergistic effects (Kasture et al., 2009).

Image

8.2. Monoamine oxidase inhibition

Jatrorrhizine was shown to inhibit both, MAO-A and B obtained from rat brain using 5-HT and PEA as a substrate in a non-competitive manner with IC50 values of 4 and 62 mM, respectively, while berberine inhibited MAO-A with an IC50 of 126 mM (Kong et al., 2001). Castillo et al. (2005) assessed with two independent in vitro assays that berberine also inhibits MAO-B obtained from mouse liver mitochondria with IC50 values of 89 mM (benzylamine as substrate) and 90 mM (fluorescence method). Lee et al. (1999) measured the IC50 of plamatine with mouse brain MAO and kynuramine as substrate at 90.6 mM, but Kong et al. (2001) found no inhibitory activity of plamatine up to a concentration of 200 mM. Due to the slightly conflicting results and divers assay conditions a standardized assessment of the MAO-I properties of these protoberberine isoquinolines could provide clarifications. No pharmacologic data are available for 2-methyltetrahydroharman (1,2-dimethyl-1,2,3,4-tetrahydro- -carboline, 10) but the closely related tetrahydroharman (1-methyl-1,2,3,4-tetrahydro- -carboline) has been found to moderately inhibit (EC50 ¼ 120 mM) mouse brain MAO with tryptamine as a substrate (Buckholtz and Boggan, 1977).

Bembenek et al. (1990) as well as Thull et al. (1995) report on the inhibitory activity of a range of isoquinoline derivatives including 1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinolines (TIQ) and N-methyl-TIQ on MAO-A and B. Bembenek et al. (1990) identified the N-methylated TIQ as an inhibitor of human MAO-A with a Ki value of 27 mM. Inhibitory values (IC50) found by Thull et al. (1995) range from 1 to 130 mM for the A subtype and from 10 to 270 mM for the B subtype. The most potent MAO-B inhibitors were 1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinoline and 2-methyl- 1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinoline with Ki’s of 15 and 1 mM, respectively (Thull et al., 1995).

8.3. Acetylcholine and butyrylcholine metabolism interactions

Berberine binds, probably mediating agonistic effects, to the muscarinic (mAChR) and nicotinic acetylcholine receptors (nAChR) displacing bound radioligands with an IC50 of 1 and 35.5 μM, while palmatine interacts only with the mAChR with an IC50 of 4.1 μM. At the same time both alkaloids inhibit acetyl- and butyrylcholine esterase with an IC50 of 167.4 and 55.8 μM (berberine) and 124.5 and 425.6 μM (palmatine; Schmeller et al., 1997).

The benzyltetrahydroisoquinolines coclaurine, N-methylcoclaurine, and armepavine present in N. nucifera were shown to inhibit different cloned human nACh receptor subtypes with IC50 values in the range of 132 –4 500 μM (coclaurine), 23 –4 500 μM (Nmethylcoclaurine) and 14–18 μM (armepavine), and IC50 values for the functional affinity of 18 –4 200 μM (coclaurine), 4.8–25 μM (armepavine; Exley et al., 2005).

Moreover, 30-R/S-hydroxyvoacamine from Tabernaemontana divaricata was found to non-competitively inhibit acetylcholine esterase with an IC50 value of 7.00 μM (Chaiyana et al., 2013).

8.4. The MAO-I ‘Ayahuasca-hypothesis’

Ott (1997) reports his subjective threshold-level for the perception of a psychedelic effect with harmine (57) and DMT (6) to be 1.5 mg/kg harmine (120 mg/80 kg body weight) combined with 30 mg DMT (0.375 mg/kg; see also Callaway, 1999). Callaway (1993) states that a 0.5–1 mg/kg oral dose of harmine combined with 0.5 mg/kg DMT or 0.1 mg/kg 5-MeO-DMT (7) is also effective. Hence, there seems to be some range of tolerance in the dosage of the two components since it appears that more MAO substrate can compensate for lower MAO-I concentration. The MAO-I activity of harmine has been assessed in vitro with mouse brain MAO and tryptamine as a substrate at an EC50 of 0.08 μM (Buckholtz and Boggan, 1977). Compared to the in vitro MAO-A inhibition of jatrorrhizine (53, IC50¼4 μM) assessed with rat brain MAO and serotonin as a substrate (Kong et al., 2001), harmine shows 50 times higher potency. However, harmine selectively inhibits MAO-A (Gerardy, 1994), while jatrorrhizine, berberine (55) and eventually also palmatine (52) concomitantly inhibit MAO-B (Lee et al., 1999; Kong et al., 2001; Castillo et al., 2005). Therefore, synergistic MAO-I effects can be expected by a protoberberine-rich Tinospora cordifolia extract.

Taking into account, both the qualitative as well as the quantitative phytochemical profile of the discussed species we argue that a psychoactive potion could most probably be obtained by mixing a concentrated MAO-I juice of Tinospora cordifolia with either a Desmodium gangeticum and/or a Sida sp. extract, eventually as described in the 9th Mandala and the BM, previously brought into an oily form. We propose that Tinospora cordifolia in high doses blended with Desmodium gangeticum potentially leads to colourful psychedelic visions, while Tinospora cordifolia blended with Sida spp. would induce exhilarating amphetamine-like sensations. Also Nelumbo nucifera and Tabernaemontana divaricata have the potential to add to the overall psychoactivity of a multi-extract combination.


8.5. Toxicity

Tetrahydro-carbolines (TH C) and tetrahydroisoquinolines (TIQ) are considered potential endogenous and exogenous neurotoxins relevant in the aetiology of PD (Nagatsu, 1997). Especially the N-methylated TIQ of Nelumbo nucifera (18 and 29) as well as the 1,2- dimethylated TH C (10) and the N-methylated -carbolinium cation (9) of Desmodium. gangeticum are of toxicological concern. N-Methylated TH C and N-methylated TIQ are structural analogues of 1-methyl-4-phenyl-1,2,3,6-tetrahydropyridine (MPTP, 58), a precursor, which upon catalyzation by MAO-B within non-dopaminergic cells converts to MPPþ (59), a PD inducing neurotoxin (Przedborski et al., 2000). The high affinity of MPPþ towards the plasma membrane dopamine transporter permits a selective accumulation of MPPþ in dopaminergic cells (Przedborski et al., 2000). Once inside dopaminergic cells, MPPþ inhibits mitochondrial activity, which leads to a degeneration of the dopaminergic neurons in the substantia nigra (Fields et al., 1992; Neafsey et al., 1995; Nagatsu, 1997). Endogenously or environmentally derived -carbolines and TIQ oxidised by haem peroxidases or MAO (Naoi et al., 1989a; Herraiz et al., 2007) and bio-activated by N-methyltransferases (Naoi et al., 1989b; Gearhart et al., 2000) are therefore being discussed as possible pro-toxins in the aetiology of PD (Nagatsu, 1997). In the cerebro-spinal fluid of deceased Parkinson patients elevated levels of N-methyl- -carbolinium cations have been found (Matsubara et al., 1993; 1995). Moreover, subcutaneous administration of 22 mg/kg 1-benzyl-1,2,3,4-tetrahydroisoquinoline daily over 66 days to a subject of Macaca fasciularis led to the appearance of symptoms typical for PD (Kotake et al., 1996). Remarkably, the N-methylated- -carbolinium (9) present in Desmodium. gangeticum does not need to be activated by MAO-B or methyltransferase because it presents the structural features of a neurotoxin already. Also, upon oxidation by MAO the N-methylated TIQ may readily become MPPþ analogues.

Amphetamine-like compounds are potentiated by MAO-I, which can trigger hypertensive crisis including symptoms such as headache, sweating, pallor, nausea, vomiting and fright (DeKorne et al., 2002, p.: 18). When experimenting with MAO-I one should take dietary precautions and avoid ingesting food with high amine content such as “cheese, especially aged cheese, beer, wine pickled herrings, snails, chicken livers, yeast products, figs, raisins, pickles, sauerkraut, coffee, chocolate, soy sauce, cream or yogurt” (DeKorne et al., 2002, p.: 18).


9. Conclusions

The multidisciplinary analysis of two Amrita recipes recorded during the 6th century A.D. in the Bower Manuscript and advertised amongst others as panaceas and as a remedy to cure nervous diseases revealed several plant species containing CNS interacting and psychoactive alkaloids. We argue that these recipes are related to the Rigvedic Soma since they are called ‘Amrita’ (non-death), a synonym for ‘Soma’, and referred to as ‘Ambrosia’ (food of the gods). All identified and discussed alkaloid-rich species (Tinospora cordifolia, Sida spp., Mucuna pruriens, Nelumbo nucifera, Desmodium gangeticum, Tabernaemontana divaricata) are widely used medicinal herbs with an important role in Ayurvedic, Chinese and Thai Medicine. We suggest that the Rigvedic Soma was a mixture of a watery, protoberberine alkaloid-rich Tinospora cordifolia extract with MAO-I properties and a tryptamine-rich Desmodium gangeticum and/or an ephedrine and PEA containing Sida spp. extract. Tinospora cordifolia mixed with Desmodium gangeticum might provide a psychedelic experience with visual effects, while a combination of Tinospora cordifolia with a Sida spp. extract might lead to more euphoric and amphetamine-like experiences. Although the reviewed phytochemical analyses were not strictly quantitative, the alkaloid yields, especially for Tinospora cordifolia, which is still called Amrita today, as well as for Desmodium gangeticum, are considerable. Under acidic conditions alkaloids are generally water-soluble and under neutral and basic conditions liposoluble. With curdled milk, water and plant oils as reported in the description of the Soma preparation of the 9th Mandala, the ancient Indo-Aryans[??? 6th C.] were in possession of the means to extract the pharmacologically relevant compounds.We can, however, not exclude that among the herbal ingredients mentioned in the Amrita recipes other species with psychoactive secondary metabolites are present than the ones we have identified. Only an experimental in vivo study can clarify what kind of pharmacologic effects on the human psyche a mixture of extracts made from Tinospora cordifolia, Desmodium gangeticum and Sida spp. has. The same accounts for the overall Amrita recipes described in the Bower Manuscript. Although synergistic effects of such a mixture can be anticipated, for the induction of a psychoactive effect elevated doses of the different ingredients would be required. Considering the structural features of the chemical compounds present in these species, concerns regarding the neurotoxicity of a highly concentrated potion are appropriate.


“And if anything should go wrong, there's soma. Which you go and chuck out of the window in the name of liberty, Mr. Savage. Liberty! He laughed.”

-- Brave New World, Aldous Huxley, 1932


Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Micaela Morelli for comments on a draft version of this paper and Caroline Weckerle for helping me out with literature.

_______________

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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon May 01, 2023 2:11 am

One of Harlan Crow's Hitler paintings from his collection of Nazi memorabilia is likely a fake, according to two top experts
by Jack Newsham and Katherine Long
Business Insider
Apr 26, 2023, 8:03 AM MDT

Image
Harlan Crow in his Dallas residence on October 2, 2015. Chris Goodney/Bloomberg via Getty Images

** Real estate magnate Harlan Crow has come under scrutiny over his dealings with Clarence Thomas.
** Questions have been raised about his unusual collection of Nazi and dictator memorabilia.
** But one of his supposed Hitler paintings appears to be fake, two experts told Insider.

Conservative political donor Harlan Crow's lavish gifts to his friend Clarence Thomas have put his collection of Nazi memorabilia in the spotlight — and one of its key pieces might be fake, Insider has learned.

A painting that apparently hung in Crow's library for at least three years, with the signature "A. Hitler" scrawled in the lower-left corner, is "definitely not an authentic Hitler painting," according to Bart FM Droog, a Dutch journalist and researcher who has written widely about Hitler forgeries.

And Bill Panagopulos, whose firm Alexander Historical Auctions has sold some Hitler sketches, said in his opinion there's "no chance" Hitler actually painted the work.

Crow's dealings with Thomas, including a real-estate deal and luxury vacations on Crow's dime that Thomas didn't disclose, have been criticized by Democrats and defended by Republicans.

The attention has also renewed scrutiny of Crow's large collection of artifacts, which includes a garden of dictator statutes and swastika-emblazoned napkins from the Third Reich.

A spokesperson for Crow Holdings, Crow's commercial real estate company, said he forwarded Insider's questions to "people who have more direct access to Harlan," but did not respond to a question about who they are. Crow has defended his relationship with Thomas and said his collection commemorates the good and the bad parts of history. He rejected any suggestion that he has authoritarian sympathies.

"My mom was on a ship that was sunk by Germans during World War II. If you try to kill my mom, I don't like you," he told the Dallas Morning News on April 16. "I mean, that's reasonably obvious. And so the idea that I could have sympathy for Nazism is insane."

Harlan Crow's little-seen Hitler art collection

Little is known about Crow's collection. Mother Jones described a 2019 event where some visitors wandered out of the main area of Crow's library and were upset to find his collection included "two Hitler paintings, a signed copy of Mein Kampf, and swastika embossed linens."

Crow has opened his doors to many visitors over the years. Some have shared photos of his collection on social media: a Stradivarius violin, a waxwork of Winston Churchill, Eisenhower's putter, a silver soup tureen that belonged to Saddam Hussein, and the purported Hitler watercolor.

Insider spoke with a person who attended a 2014 tour of Crow's library, led by Crow's personal librarian, who confirmed that he saw the Hitler watercolor in Crow's collection. Insider also found three photos of the same painting on Facebook and Instagram, posted in 2014, 2015 and 2016. One of those photos was reposted by the Twitter account @PatriotTakes on April 9. Insider was able to confirm that photo was of the watercolor attributed to Hitler in Crow's collection.

PatriotTakes
@patriottakes
An original painting by Adolf Hitler from Harlan Crow’s Nazi memorabilia collection. The painting is signed “A. Hitler” on the corner.

Image

7:45 AM · Apr 9, 2023


The painting appears to be of Vienna's old Carolinian Gate, which was demolished before Hitler was born. Several people are passing in and out, and buildings are visible over the wall. The painting bears a striking resemblance to an illustration that appeared in an 1883 book about Viennese aesthetics – but Crow's watercolor is signed "A. Hitler."

A market for Nazi memorabilia flooded with fakes

The market for Nazi memorabilia and so-called "Hitlerania" is niche, but significant, with buyers from as far afield as China willing to pay tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars for guns, daggers, coats, and carvings, according to a 2019 story in ArtNet. It is also flooded with fakes.

After World War II, many American soldiers came home with Nazi pins, helmets, and weapons they'd taken as military trophies. The US Army has four Hitler paintings in storage, Renee Klish, a retired Army curator, told Insider. Some European countries restrict the sale of Nazi paraphernalia, but others, like the Netherlands and Denmark, display it in dozens of private and public museums.

Goods connected to Adolf Hitler, who spent some of his late teens and early 20s trying to make it as an artist in Vienna, are especially valuable to some collectors. For decades after the war, a handful of Nazi loyalists and petty criminals who were close to Hitler sought to cash in, hawking sketches and memorabilia whose origins were difficult or impossible to confirm.

The infamous forger Konrad Kujau, who died in 2000, was a source of many of the works. Kujau also created phony versions of "Hitler Diaries" that German magazine Stern paid the equivalent of millions of dollars to obtain.

"One should look at any work of Adolf Hitler, either in writing or watercolor, with great suspicion," said Frederic Spotts, a former diplomat and historian who has written a book about Hitler's art. "Old Nazis wanted to have them, in the way that people around here — some people around here — want a photograph of Donald Trump."

'He was a better artist than this'

Some people familiar with Hitler's artwork said they couldn't be sure if the photos were of a real Hitler painting. Christian Fuhrmeister, an art historian has co-authored papers about Hitler's art with Droog, said the image from Instagram was simply too low-resolution.

Klish, the retired Army curator, said she also couldn't be sure. She said Hitler typically focused on architectural details, and the people in his paintings are typically dwarfed by the buildings, unlike the full-size human figures in Crow's piece.

But Droog, the Dutch researcher, was confident. He told Insider in an email that the piece is among many fakes that were featured in a monograph published by Billy F. Price, a now-deceased Texas businessman who spent years amassing a large collection of supposed Hitler artworks that's viewed with skepticism by Hitler painting experts. Droog shared a scanned page from Price's book that included Crow's painting, one of four paintings on the page that he said he believes are "all forgeries."

Droog also said the painting was likely a forgery because the people in the painting were rendered too well for it to be an authentic Hitler – who, Droog said, never advanced beyond "stick figures."

Panagopulos of Alexander Historical Auctions, who has often disagreed with Droog, also said it was doubtful that Crow's painting was genuine.

While he cautioned that it's impossible to be sure without inspecting the work up close, he said the artist seemed to struggle with perspective — painting far-away figures as tall as close-up ones, for example — in a way that Hitler didn't.

"He was a better artist than this," Panagopulos said.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue May 09, 2023 2:04 am

Jean Baptiste Joseph Gentil
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 5/8/23

In December 1776, Anquetil-Duperron received a package from India sent by his friend colonel Jean-Baptiste Le Gentil, the French envoy at Oudh (Awadh). It contained a voluminous Persian manuscript entitled Sirr-i akbar, the Great Secret. While reading its preface, Anquetil-Duperron already sensed that his search for the Veda, that most ancient record of divine revelation and master key to the "Indian religion" that had conquered Asia, was coming to an end. He translated the Persian preface by Prince Dara [Shikoh] (see Chapter 3), written in 1657, word for word to make sure that he did not miss anything. It brought the confirmation that the book's fifty Upanishads contain the very essence of the Vedas.
Anquetil's draft French translation (Bibliotheque Nationale, NAP 8857, Vols.4-5) / English translation of Anquetil's draft French translation (App) / English translation by Hasrat from the Persian (de Bary 1958:440)

After the certitude of these degrees (of that), it was known that in this ancient sect, before all the heavenly books, four heavenly books which (are) the Ragbeid, and the Djedjer Beid, and the Sam Beid, and the Athrban Beid, to the prophets of this time that the greatest of them is Brahma who is Adam chosen by God, on whom be salvation, with all the precepts of conduct: and this meaning is apparent from these books themselves. / And after verifications of these circumstances, it appeared that among this most ancient people, of all their heavenly books, which are the Rig Veda, the Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda, and the Atharva Veda, together with a number of ordinances, descended upon the prophets of those times, the most ancient of whom was Brahman or Adam, on whom be the peace of God, this purport is manifest from these books. And the essence (the purest part, the substance) of these four books, all the secrets of (religious) conduct and the meditation on the pure unity are included in it, and it is called Oupnek'hat. / And the summum bonum of these four books, which contain all the secrets of the Path and the contemplative exercises of pure monotheism, are called the Upanekhats [Upanishads].

...

[A]fter having studied the three celestial books (the Books of Moses, the Psalms of David, and the Evangile of Christ), Prince Dara found the four Vedas, which he saw as God's earliest revelation to Brahma (who is identical with Adam). These four Vedas contain the truth of unity (unitatis veritas), and their essence (cremor) is found in the book called Oupnek'hat, the Upanishads (Anquetil-Duperron 1801:7).30 Anquetil-Duperron first announced his discovery in a 1778 book on Oriental legislation:
Schahdjehan [Shah Jahan, 1592-1666], son of Djehanguir Uahangir, 1569-1627] permits all religions as long as they serve the growth of his empire. Dara Shako [Mohammed Dara Shikuh, 1615-59], the eldest son of Shahdjehan, shows publicly his indifference for Islam. In Delhi in 1656, this prince has brahmins of Benares translate the Oupnekat, a Sanskrit work whose name signifies The Word that must not be enounced (the secret that must not be revealed). This work is the essence of the four Vedas. It presents in 51 sections the complete system of Indian theology of which the result is the unity of the supreme Being [premier Etre] whose perfections and personified operations have the name of the principal Indian divinities, and the reunion [reunion] of the entire nature with this first Agent. I plan to publish as soon as possible the translation of this important work which I received in 1776 from North Bengal from Mr. Gentil, Chevalier of St. Louis and Captain of cavalry in the service of France. This work appears for the first time in Europe; no traveler has mentioned it until now. (Anquetil-Duperron 1778:21)

-- The Birth of Orientalism, by Urs App


Image

Jean Baptiste Joseph Gentil (1726-1799) was a French army colonel, Knight of the Royal and Military Order of Saint-Louis, who worked in India. He is known for the collections he made of historic manuscripts and artifacts from India and for his cartography and documentation of Mughal history.[1]

Gentil was born in Bagnols-sur-Cèze in a noble family on 25 June 1726. He joined the army in 1752 in India and served under Dupleix, Bussy, Law de Lauriston, Comte de Conflans and Lally. After the English took over Pondicherry in 1761, he served with General Lauriston to block the English advance in Chandernagore in Bengal. The French joined hands with Nawab Mir Qasim and declared war on the English East India Company forces. He became a friend of Khwaja Gregory (Gorgin Khan, Armenian minister and commander-in-chief of the Nawab of Bengal from 1760-1763) and was a witness to his assassination following internal conspiracies.[2] Gentil later joined the court of Shuja-ud-Doulah [Sirajud-Daulah] [Siraj ud-Daulah] at Oudh, becoming the French Resident there.[1] He also helped set up a battalion of French mercenaries who served Shuja-ud-Doulah [Sirajud-Daulah]. The battalion was disbanded after his death.[3]

While serving at Oudh, he purchased a large collection of objects of natural history, weapons, medals and manuscripts in many languages. When he returned to France he donated these collections to the royal library and museum. He also produced maps of the region and wrote on the history of the Moghul Empire. He was present at the battle of Buxar.[1]

Gentil married Theresa Velho at Faizabad in 1772. Theresa was a grand-niece of Juliana Dias da Costa.[3] He retired to France in 1778 and died in Bagnols-sur-Cèze in 1799.[1]

References

1. Michaud (1822). "Preface". In Gentil, J. (ed.). Memoires sur L'Indoustan, ou Empire Mogol (in French). Paris. pp. 1–12.
2. Seth, Mesrovb Jacob (1937). "Khojah Gregory, alias Gorgin Khan". Armenians in India. Calcutta: Self published. pp. 383–418.
3. Zaman, Taymiya R. (2013). "Visions of Juliana: A Portuguese Woman at the Courts of the Mughals". Journal of World History. 23 (4): 761–791. doi:10.1353/jwh.2012.0136. S2CID 145722574.

External links

• Gentil Album at the Victoria and Albert Museum
• Documents and pictures in the French digital library
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue May 09, 2023 3:19 am

Jean Law de Lauriston
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 5/8/23


Vyasa too, the son of Parasara before mentioned, has decided, that 'the Veda with its Angas, or the six compositions deduced from it, the revealed system of medicine, the Puranas, or sacred histories, and the code of Menu were four works of supreme authority, which ought never to be shaken by arguments merely human.’

It is the general opinion of Pandits, that Brahma taught his laws to Menu in a hundred thousand verses, which Menu explained to the primitive world, in the very words of the book now translated, where he names himself, after the manner of ancient sages, in the third person, but in a short preface to the law tract of Nared, it is asserted, that 'Menu, having written the laws of Brahma in a hundred thousand slocas or couplets, arranged under twenty-four heads in a thousand chapters, delivered the work to Nared, the sage among gods, who abridged it, for the use of mankind, in twelve thousand verses, and gave them to a son of Bhrigu, named Sumati, who, for greater ease to the human race, reduced them to four thousand; that mortals read only the second abridgement by Sumati, while the gods of the lower heaven, and the band of celestial musicians, are engaged in studying the primary code, beginning with the fifth verse, a little varied, of the work now extant on earth; but that nothing remains of NARED’s abridgement, except an elegant epitome of the ninth original title on the administration of justice.' Now, since these institutes consist only of two thousand six hundred and eighty five verses, they cannot be the whole work ascribed to Sumati, which is probably distinguished by the name of the Vriddha, or ancient Manava, and cannot be found entire; though several passages from it, which have been preserved by tradition, are occasionally cited in the new digest.

A number of glosses or comments on Menu were composed by the Munis, or old philosophers, whose treatises, together with that before us, constitute the Dherma sastra, in a collective sense, or Body of Law; among the more modern commentaries, that called Medhatithi, that by Govindaraja, and that by Dharani-Dhera, were once in the greatest repute; but the first was reckoned prolix and unequal; the second concise but obscure; and the third often erroneous. At length appeared Culluca Bhatta; who, after a painful course of study and the collation of numerous manuscripts, produced a work, of which it may, perhaps, be said very truly, that it is the shortest, yet the most luminous, the least ostentatious, yet the most learned, the deepest, yet the most agreeable, commentary ever composed on any author ancient or modern, European or Asiatick. The Pandits care so little for genuine chronology, that none of them can tell me the age of Culluca, whom they always name with applause; but he informs us himself, that he was a Brahmen of the Varendra tribe, whose family had been long settled in Gaur or Bengal, but that he had chosen his residence among the learned, on the banks of the holy river at Casi. His text and interpretation I have almost implicitly followed, though I had myself collated many copies of Menu, and among them a manuscript of a very ancient date: his gloss is here printed in Italicks; and any reader, who may choose to pass it over as if unprinted, will have in Roman letters an exact version of the original, and may form some idea of its character and structure, as well as of the Sanscrit idiom which must necessarily be preserved in a verbal translation; and a translation, not scrupulously verbal, would have been highly improper in a work on so delicate and momentous a subject as private and criminal jurisprudence.

Should a series of Brahmens omit, for three generations, the reading of Menu, their sacerdotal class, as all the Pandits assure me, would in strictness be forfeited; but they must explain it only to their pupils of the three highest classes; and the Brahmen, who read it with me, requested most earnestly, that his name might be concealed; nor would he have read it for any consideration on a forbidden day of the moon, or without the ceremonies prescribed in the second and fourth chapters for a lecture on the Veda: so great, indeed, is the idea of sanctity annexed to this book, that, when the chief native magistrate at Banares endeavoured, at my request, to procure a Persian translation of it, before I had a hope of being at any time able to understand the original, the Pandits of his court unanimously and positively refused to assist in the work; nor should I have procured it at all, if a wealthy Hindu at Gaya had not caused the version to be made by some of his dependants, at the desire of my friend Mr. [Jacques Louis Law de Clapernon? or Baron Jean Law de Lauriston?] Law. [1776]

-- Institutes of Hindu Law: Or, The Ordinances of Menu, According to the Gloss of Culluca. Comprising the Indian System of Duties, Religious and Civil, Verbally translated from the original Sanscrit, With a Preface, by Sir William Jones

Perhaps the most important name connected with the EzV in this early period is that of Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil Duperron (1731-1805), who quotes a long passage from it in the "Discours Preliminaire" to his Zend-Avesta (1771:1, I. lxxxiii-lxxxvii). Anquetil adds the interesting remark, that "the manuscript brought back to France by Mr. de Modave [Maudave] [and delivered to Voltaire] originally comes from the papers of Mr. Barthelemy, second of the Council at Pondicherry, who probably had the original translated by the Company's interpreters under his orders."...

The Ezourvedam Manuscripts

The Pondicherry Manuscripts


The manuscripts which Ellis saw in Pondicherry in 1816 can no longer be traced. The latest exhaustive reference to them is by Father Hosten, in three successive publications. He says (1923:137n28) that "what remains of them is in my possession now for study, lent to me by the authorities of the Catholic Mission of Pondicherry." Two years earlier he stated (1921:500; cf. also 1922:65) that manuscripts of the archives of the Procure des Missions Etrangeres de Paris, "bound up in two large tomes," had been with him, at Darjeeling, since the end of 1918. I am not sure how to interpret his reference to the size of the EzV: "The manuscripts contain portions of the Ezour-Vedam (Yajurveda), about which there has been no little commotion in Oriental circles since 1761, in Voltaire's time; but, whereas the Ezour-Vedam printed at Yverdon in 1778 contains only 8 books, the Pondicherry manuscripts of the Ezour-Vedam must have originally contained 42 books" (1922:65). For a reason which he explains no further, he seems to believe (1922:66; cf. also 1921:500) that "large portions still existing in 1816 have been lost."

In the description of manuscript No. 3, Ellis (1822:22) adds a remark on the handwriting of the entire collection: "The handwriting of this manuscript differs from that in which the Ezour Vedam is written, but agrees with that of the Sama Vedam and of all the others in which Sanscrit and French are found together." In other words, according to Ellis the handwriting of the EzV manuscript is different from that of all other texts in the collection. On the other hand, Hosten (1922:65-6; cf. also 1921:500; 1923:138n28) reports as follows on a visit to Pondicherry, in 1921: "During my visit to Pondicherry, a few minutes' search in the Cathedral Church registers, where many entries were in Father Mosac's handwriting, showed clearly that all the Pondicherry manuscripts on the Vedas, both transliterations and translations, are by Father Mosac. ... I had a photograph made of some of the entries in the Cathedral Church registers, signed by Father Mosac, and as I have photographs of parts of his translations, even the most exacting critics will be able to satisfy themselves as to the identity of the writings." As indicated earlier, Hosten believes that Mosac is the author of the French translation only, not of the Sanskrit original. "The fact that at times, he confesses that he does not understand the Sanskrit text proves also that he is not the author of the Sanskrit texts" (1922:65; cf. 1921:500; 1923:138n28). If Hosten's reference is indeed to marginal notes to the Sanskrit sections, in Mosac's handwriting, it is also possible that these manuscripts were Mosac's own copies, of both the French and the Sanskrit sides, of earlier documents, in which he occasionally was unable to establish the correspondence between the two. As Castets (1921:577) puts it: "even if the whole could be identified to be in the handwriting of the said Father, the only safe conclusion would be that this missionary had written down the document found in the Pondicherry Mission Library, but, not necessarily that he was rather the discoverer or the translator."

Although he does not explicitly say so, Castets himself seems to have seen the Pondicherry manuscripts, some time before 1935. He reports (1935:10) that "in the course of time the collection has been bound in two volumes, and is even considerably deteriorated." He also suggests (1935:12-3) that there are variant readings in the different manuscripts: "If Mr. Ellis had been able to compare the manuscript that was handed to him with the Yverdon edition, he would have discovered that if one confronts the three manuscripts -- Voltaire's, A. du Perron's, and the one found at the Mission -- with one another, not one is found to be identical with any other, at least not as far as the contents are concerned." And he adds (14), about Ellis' No. 2: "The Ezour Vedam in this copy-book contains eight books, even as the printed Vedam; but, as I indicated earlier, it differs from the other three manuscripts by many additions, in the form of introductions, or even additions of several of these books." Unfortunately, it is no longer possible to verify these data.

Castets also has different ideas on the original owner -- and annotator -- of the Pondicherry manuscripts. He quotes (1935:45) a letter by Calmette to show that, to acquire manuscripts in India, paying money for them was not necessarily a sufficient condition: "Less than six years ago two missionaries, one in Bengal and another one right here [i.e., in the Telugu area], have been misled. Mr. Didier, an engineer for the King, gave 60 roupies for a so-called Vedam, in favor of Father Pons, the superior of Bengal." From this Castets (46) draws the conclusion, first that Calmette fully realized that the Vedas at Pondicherry were nothing more than "counterfeits, composed and sold by Brahmin sharks, to impose upon them" and, second, that Calmette "provides us the name of the principal supplier of the collection, namely Father Pons, who is also the famous marginal annotator of these Pseudo-vedams." And Castets concludes (46) with a touching description of Pons' activities: "Father Pons, for a long time a missionary among the Telugus, Superior of the Mission in Bengal from 1728 to 1733, eminent sanskritist, author of a treatise on Sanskrit prosody, great collector of Sanskrit books, who finally, reduced by age and exhaustion, to forced leisures, at the seat of the Mission, in Pondicherry, enjoyed himself revising his past acquisitions, even in the year of his death which came in December 1751 or January 1752." The following year Srinivasan repeats (1936:132) that Father Pons "was a victim of the famous hoax perpetrated in connection with the Yajur Veda," on the authority of Castets.

Voltaire's and Anquetil's Manuscripts

As far as Voltaire's copy of the EzV is concerned, we know that he received it from Maudave, a well known figure in French colonial history. Louis-Laurent de Federbe, chevalier and later comte de Maudave, was born on 25 June 1725 at the castle of Fayet, near Grenoble. From April to July 1756 he took part in Louis XVs expedition to Menorca. In May 1757 he left for India, with Count Lally. He arrived in Pondicherry on 28 April 1758, and participated in the capture of Fort St. David and the siege of Madras. On 26 June 1758 he married Marie Nicole, the daughter of the commander of Karikal, Abraham Pierre Porcher des Oulches. When all senior officers were recalled in September 1759, Maudave returned to France; he arrived at Lorient on 2 February 1760. During the voyage he wrote part of a "Memoire sur les establissemens a la cote de Coromandel," which he completed after his arrival on Menorca, on 6 December 1760. We have seen earlier that it was on his way from Paris to Mahon that Maudave visited Voltaire at Ferney.

On 28 March 1761 Maudave again embarked for India, aboard the Fidelle. He arrived at the Ile de France (Mauritius) just after the news of the fall of Pondicherry (14 January 1761) reached the island. He convinced the governor to give him the Fidelle, and he sailed for Negapatam, where he arrived on 4 April 1762. Under the pretext of lightening the suffering of his compatriots in India, he actually tried to rally them around Yusuf Khan, of Madura. Not only did he lose the confidence of the Dutch and had to move to Tranquebar, he also lost the support of the Council of the Ile de France who terminated his mission on 31 January 1764. Seven weeks later he left Tranquebar and joined his family on Mauritius. Maudave spent two years and a half on the Ile de France, managing a large estate but not politically inactive. When the General Assembly at Port-Louis decided to send two representatives to Paris to discuss the colonization of Madagascar, Maudave was one of them. He arrived at Lorient on 9 May 1767. Ten months later he sailed again, and, via the Ile de France, reached Fort Dauphin on 5 September 1768, as the "commander on behalf of the King of the island of Madagascar." After two years he was recalled, and by the end of 1770 he left Madagascar for Mauritius.

But, once again, in 1773, Maudave sailed for India, "in search of a military career under one of the Indian princes." He traveled to Calcutta, Lucknow, Delhi, and Hyderabad; after four years he was taken seriously ill, and died at Masulipatam, on 22 December 1777. The British Government, for obvious reasons, refused to grant him the honors due to his rank.

From this short biography Maudave appears to us as the prototype of the eighteenth century adventurer. "His life was a true novel;" and, "intelligent, courageous, and a natural wanderer, Maudave is one of those who have gone everywhere but never arrived at anything." Yet, he also took an active interest in all parts of the world he visited, especially India. From the time of his first return from India, in 1760, when he visited Voltaire and when d'Alembert described him as "a man of intelligence and merit" (Best. 8496) and "an Indian" (Best. 8567), his advice was also sought and appreciated by the foreign minister of Louis XV. "Choiseul soon recognized Maudave as someone unusually well acquainted with matters Indian, on whose information he could rely: the puzzle of Hinduism, Oriental customs, the location of the warriors and neutrals, he knows everything, gives his opinion on everything. And this good soldier occasionally also turns out to be an accomplished economist. He bristles with ideas on the commercial possibilities of our establishments and on the ways to reorganize them. He supports his speeches with writings which he composed during the long journey."

To be sure, the religions of India were not Maudave's primary concern.
He states himself, at the end of the unpublished letter to Voltaire: "I feel I have neither the energy nor the knowledge, Sir, that would be required to explain to you here and now the foundations of Indian religion. To tell you the truth, this subject has roused my curiosity only intermittently. The political situation of the country, its history, and the ways and means to make our Establishments in it more flourishing, have occupied most of my time. These things appeal more to my taste and interest me more professionally. The abominable superstitions of these peoples arouse my indignation. They are a disgrace to human reasoning. But is there any place on the earth where reason is not corrupted by superstition?" Yet, he was also not totally uninterested in the religions of India. We are told by d'Alembert (Best 8567) that Maudave was anxious to meet Voltaire and "take his orders for the Bramins." He did write Voltaire extensively on the "Lingam." Unless there have been other similar letters to the philosopher of Ferney during or right after Maudave's first stay in India, Malesherbes' indication that this is only an extract from a longer letter may very well be confirmed by d'Alembert's statement in another letter to Voltaire (Best. 8458): "He has written you recently a great letter (une grande lettre) on India, which will be for him the best way to commend himself to you." We also know from the unpublished letter that Maudave knew the EzV well, so as to be able to quote from it the relevant passages on the "Lingam." This in turn is confirmed by two marginal notes in what was to become Voltaire's copy of the EzV. Twice on the same folio (fol. 14 recto = book 3, ch. 6), a handwritten note, probably by Maudave to himself, says: "Copy these prayers in the letter to M. de Voltaire." The prayers do not appear in Malesherbes' "extract," but may have figured elsewhere in the letter.

The "extract" raises more questions than it answers. If Maudave was convinced that Martin was the translator of the EzV, and if he wrote so to Voltaire, how do we explain the latter's belief, after he met Maudave in person, that the translator was the high priest "of the island of Cheringam," together with detailed information on this gentleman's knowledge of French and his defense of Law? On the one hand, Maudave assured Voltaire that the translation "was very faithful"; on the other hand, he writes in the letter (9- 10): "I must confess that this manuscript is quite strange. I find in it propositions on the unity of God and on the creation of the universe, which are so direct and so much in agreement with our own Sacred Books, that I cannot have full confidence in the accuracy of the translation."

In fact, Voltaire's general enthusiasm about the French EzV, as described earlier in this volume, is in strange contrast with Maudave's own misgivings. He believes in the antiquity of the Sanskrit language and its EzV, but he does not agree with the way in which the Jesuits interpret -- and translate -- the Vedas. According to them, "the four books of the Vedam contain our principal dogmas and even some of our mysteries." If the Jesuits are right in saying that they have discovered Latin words in the Vedas, the Vedas must be very recent. And this cannot be true. But, then, the Jesuits find traces of their own faith in every part of the world: in the Chinese books, in Mexico, among the savages of South America!

All this seems to indicate at least one thing: Maudave was puzzled by the French EzV, to the point of doubting its authenticity. But he was convinced that it was a translation from a Sanskrit original -- even though elsewhere in the letter (9) he calls it "a Malabar dialogue" --; to him no one must have even hinted at the fact that this might be a text written in French by the missionaries themselves. This leaves us with the question: did Maudave receive a copy of the EzV directly from the Jesuits, or did he obtain it through an intermediary? The sole conceivable argument in favor of the former alternative is Maudave's specific reference to the Jesuits and to the translator, Father Pierre Martin, in his unpublished letter. However, since this letter has remained unknown so far, the latter alternative has been invariably adhered to. Two possible intermediaries have been mentioned over the years.

The first intermediary that has been considered is Maudave's father-in-law, Abraham Pierre Porcher des Oulches, whose name appears repeatedly in the official documents of the French East India Company. He appears as the "chef de la Compagnie" at Masulipatam when his daughter Jeanne Marie was born on 28 October 1736. He was the commander at Karikal, at least from August 1754 until April 1758 and is still so described at the birth of Maudave's daughter Louise Marie Victoire Henriette, on 19 April 1760. Between his posts at Masulipatam and Karikal he was a member of the "Conseil Superieur," and he is again given that title from 6 November 1759 onward.

Porcher des Oulches seems to have taken pride in sending Indian documents to Europe. In his chapter: "On the religion of the Indians," de La Flotte refers to one of his sources as "a manuscript brought from Pondicherry in 1767, and sent through the intervention of Mr. Porcher, the former governor of Karikal. One sees, on one side, the Indian text, and on the other side figures of all the deities painted by a local painter, after the originals which are in de Pagodas." It was once again Porcher's son-in-law, Maudave, who brought these and/or similar documents with him when he returned to France on 9 May 1767. Anquetil, who returned from India on 15 March 1762, appears to refer to the same manuscripts, when he says (1808:3.122n) several years later: "A few years after my return to France, I was consulted about four large volumes in-folio, with figures of Indian deities, accompanied by a French translation, for which he (= Maudave) asked the King's Library a considerable price; the affair was arranged."

Anquetil mentions at least twice the possibility that Maudave obtained the manuscript of the EzV from his father-in-law. But it is clear that, according to him, it is more likely that it came from the papers of Louis Barthelemy.
I have already quoted Anquetil's handwritten note to that effect in his own manuscript of the EzV. In a note to Paulinus' Voyage he repeats (1808:3.122n): "The translation of the Ezour-Vedam, made by an interpreter of the Company, passed into the hands of Mr. de Medave (sic), while at the same time another copy remained among the papers of Mr. Barthelemy, which went to his nephew. Father Coeurdoux who, in 1771, mentioned to me the copy of his learned confrere Father Mosac, evidently did not know that the Ezour-Vedam existed in French, in the hands of Mr. Barthelemy; and Mr. de Medave, the purchaser, who wanted the merit of his present for himself, surely did not divulge his acquisition in India. He obtained it either from Mr. Barthelemy himself, or from Mr. Porcher, the commander of Karikal near the famous pagoda of Chalambron, whose daughter he had married."

In fact, at an earlier stage of his career Anquetil mentions (1771:1,1 .lxxxiii) Barthelemy only, and this is also the way in which the origin of the EzV is reported by Sainte-Croix (1778:viii): "This work comes originally from the papers of Mr. Barthelemy, second of the Council of Pondichery. Mr. de Modave, known for his intelligence and for his services, brought a copy of it from India." All this speculation derives, of course, from the way in which Anquetil himself acquired his own copy. As indicated earlier (see p. 8), based on a note in the manuscript, he obtained it, via Court de Gebelin, from Tessier de la Tour, nephew of Barthelemy. He returns to this in his note on Paulinus' Voyage, together with speculations on the origin of the text as translated, in his opinion, by Mosac: "Mr. Barthelemy, second of Pondichery, who was in charge of the interpreters, was a covert Protestant. It is through Mr. Court de Gebelin, also a protestant, that I have been given access to the copy of Mr. Teissier de la Tour, nephew of Mr. Barthelemy. The translation of the Ezour Vedam was sent to the King's library in 1761. Father Mosac, formerly the superior of the Jesuits at Schandernagor, which was taken by the English in 1757, could then very well be at Pondichery. In 1771 Father Coeurdoux mentioned to me that he was the translator of a Vedam in which Indian polytheism is refuted. In view of the precarious situation in which the Mission found itself, he may have tried to show his work to the secretary of the Council at Pondichery, to gain his support. Did Father Coeurdoux know this? Or else, the book may have existed among the Brahmes of Scheringam, who through their contacts with the French undoubtedly became more easy-going in matters of religion."

What was formerly Voltaire's copy of the EzV contains, written by a different hand, a "Notice sur le Zozur Bedo, et sur sa traduction." This notice which, according to a third hand, is "par Mr Court de Gebelin," elaborates in similar terms on the origin of the text. It is, as Pinard de la Boullaye (1922:213n1) rightly remarks, "highly fanciful;" yet, it deserves to be quoted in full in the original for it is also characteristic of Vedic speculations of the time.

[Google Translate from French] "Zozur is a word from the Gentoo languages, and is composed of the word "Zo", against & the word "Zur", poison. This Vedam cannot be better named.

"This Book must have been composed in Malabar. Brama, & the Aughtorrah-Bhade, which is like the Vedam of Malabar, an innovation of the original book, the Shastah of Brama, about 3400 years ago against the doctrines received & expressed themselves on all points of Indian Philosophy and Theology with much freedom and force. Thus the Zozur must be of that time, having been made in the same mind.

As for his Translation, it was made by order of Mr. Barthelemi, First Counselor in Pondicherry. Having a large number of interpreters for him, he had them translate some Indian works with all possible accuracy: but the wars of India & the ruin of Pondicherry led to the loss of everything he had collected on these objects: and only the translation of the Zozur escaped, of which only one complete copy remains in the hands of M. Teissier de la Tour, nephew of M. Constable Barthelemy. probably had no time to finish when M. de Modave embarked to return to Europe."]

I have not been able to gather any information on Tessier -- or Teissier -- de la Tour.

Louis Barthelemy is much better known; although his career in India runs parallel to that of Porcher des Oulches, of the two he is the more prominent one and holds the highest offices. His name appears repeatedly in the official documents of the French Company. He was born at Montpellier, circa 1695, came to India in 1729, and stayed there until his death at Pondicherry, on 29 July 1760. He served at Mahe, was a member of the council at Chandernagore, and was called to Pondicherry in 1742. His duties at Pondicherry were twice interrupted in later years: in 1748 he was appointed governor of Madras, and in 1753-54 he preceded Porcher as commander of Karikal. He rose to the rank of "second du Conseil Superieur," and in the short period in 1755, between the departure of Godeheu and the arrival of de Leyrit, Barthelemy's name appears first on all official documents. It should perhaps be mentioned, first, that on 22 February 1751 Barthelemy represented the father of the bride at the wedding of Jacques Law -- Dupleix was the witness for the bridegroom --, and second, that on 8 August 1758 he was godfather of Jacques Louis Law. These two entries seem to suggest that he was indeed close to the Law family, whose interpreter has been given credit for the translation of the EzV (see p. 28). It should also be pointed out that Barthelemy died more than half a year after Maudave -- and the EzV -- reached Lorient on 2 February 1760.

-- The Ezourvedam Manuscripts, Excerpt from Ezourvedam: A French Veda of the Eighteenth Century, Edited with an Introduction by Ludo Rocher

The Author of the Ezourvedam: Early Speculations

Voltaire obviously did not have a clear idea on the author of the EzV.35 On the one hand he seems to suggest the name of Chumontou; on the other hand he mentions a learned Brahman both as the author of the Sanskrit original and the French translation. Thus, in the Additions a l'essay sur l'histoire generale (1763:18): "I have in hand the translation of one of the most ancient manuscripts in the world; it is not the Vedam which is so much talked about in India but has not yet been communicated to any European scholar; it is the Ezourvedam, an ancient commentary, composed by Chumontou, on this Vedam, on that sacred book of which the Brames say that it has been given to mankind by God himself. This Commentary has been written by a very learned Brame, who has rendered important services to our East-India Company; and he himself has translated it from the sacred Language into French." In the Pricis du siecle de Louis XV Voltaire (1769-1785:25.313; 1774:2.86) refers more specifically to the translator of the EzV. He quotes someone's opinion that the Brahmans "afford the purest model of true piety, which is to be found on the face of the earth," and explains in a note: "The high priest of the island of Cheringam, in the province of Arcate, who justified the Chevalier Law,36 [Jacques Francois Law, who capitulated at Srirangam (12 June 1752). For the ensuing dispute between Law and Dupleix, see Alfred Marthineau: Dupleix et l'Inde Francaise III (1749-1754), Paris: Honore Champion, 1927, pp. 231-60 and passim. Martineau: Dupleix. Sa vie et son oeuvre, Paris: Societe d'Editions geographiques, maritimes et coloniales, 1931, pp. 179-88; Virginia McLean Thompson: Dupleix and his Letters (1742-1754), New York: Robert O. Ballou, 1933, pp. 300-66. It is difficult to verify the source of Voltaire's data: did he have them from Maudave, and, if so, did he reproduce them correctly? I have not been able to find the name of Law's defender. He can hardly be his interpreter Dhosti, since Law pretended that Dupleix and his wife bribed Dhosti to testify against him (Thompson 365).] against the accusations of governor du Pleix [Dupleix], was an old man, aged one hundred years, and respected for his incorruptible virtue; he understood the French language, and was of great service to the East-India Company. It was he that translated the Ezour-Wedam, the manuscript of which I sent to the royal library."

-- Ezourvedam: A French Veda of the Eighteenth Century, Edited with an Introduction by Ludo Rocher

...

What are we to make of this? Today we know, thanks to the efforts of many scholars, that Voltaire's Ezour-vedam was definitely authored by one or several French Jesuits in India, and Ludo Rocher has convincingly argued that the text was never translated from Sanskrit but written in French and then partially translated into Sanskrit (Rocher 1984: 57-60). Consequently, there never was a translator from Sanskrit to French -- which also makes it extremely unlikely that any Brahmin, whether from Benares in the north or Cherignan (Seringham) in the south, ever gave this French manuscript to Maudave. Whether Maudave was "a close friend of one of the principal brahmins" and how old and wise that man was appear equally irrelevant. Voltaire's story of the Brahmin translator appears to be entirely fictional and also squarely contradicts the only relevant independent evidence, Maudave's letter to Voltaire, which (rightly or wrongly; see Chapter 7) named a long-dead French Jesuit as translator and imputed Jesuit tampering with the text. Since it is unlikely that Maudave would arbitrarily change such central elements of his story when he met Voltaire, the inevitable conclusion is that Voltaire created a narrative to serve a particular agenda and changed that story when the need arose.

-- The Birth of Orientalism, by Urs App


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John Law de Lauriston

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Jean Law's Memoire: Mémoires sur quelques affaires de l’Empire Mogol 1756-1761 contains detailed information about the campaign of the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II and his French allies against the British East India Company.

Jean Law de Lauriston, (born 5 October, 1719 in Paris, died 16 July 1797, in Paris), was a French military commander and colonial official of Scottish origin.[1] He served twice as Governor General of Pondicherry. Not much is known about his life, but his contributions to the French Colonial Empire are notable.

Law was a nephew of the financier John Law, who had founded the Banque Générale and in 1719 had helped re-finance the French Indies companies.[2] He was a contemporary of Alivardi Khan [Aliverdi Khan] who says about him that, "He saw with equal indignation and surprise the progress of the French and the English on the Coromandel Coast as well as in the Deccan."

Law’s son was general and diplomat Jacques Lauriston.

Colonial career

In 1765


When in 1765 the town of Pondicherry was returned to France after a peace treaty with England, Pondicherry was in ruins. Jean Law de Lauriston, then Governor General set to rebuild the town on the old foundations and after five months 200 European and 2000 Tamil houses had been erected.

Transfer of Yanaon

Another significant event in the life of Lauriston was the re-transfer of Yanam to the French. A document dated 15 May 1765 showed that the villages of Yanam and Kapulapalem, with certain other lands, had been ceded by John White Hill and George Dolben. These two were Englishmen acting as agents for Jean Pybus, the head of the English settlement in Masulipatam. They had negotiated a deal (for taking over the villages) with Jean-Jacques Panon, the French Commissioner, who was Jean Law de Lauriston's deputy when he was Governor General of Pondicherry. The 1765 document mentions that France entered into possession of Yanam and its dependent territories with exemption from all export and import duties.

Memoire of 1767

Jean Law de Lauriston wrote Mémoires sur quelques affaires de l’Empire Mogol 1756-1761 which can be found in "Libraires de la Société de l'histoire des colonies françaises" Paris.

He stated in his "Memoire of 1767" as “It is from Yanam that we get out best ‘guiness’ (fine cloth). It is possible to have a commerce here worth more than a million livres per year under circumstances more favorable than those in which we are placed now, but always by giving advances much earlier, which we have never been in a position to do. From this place we also procured teakwood, oils rice and other grains both for the men as well as for the animals. Apart from commerce, Yanam enjoyed another kind of importance. The advantages which may be derived in a time of war from the alliances that we the French may conclude with several Rajas who sooner or later cannot fail to be dissatisfied with the English. Although the English gained an effective control over the Circars, Yanam enabled the French to enter into secret relations with the local chieftains. Yanam had some commercial importance".

Death

He died in Paris on July 16, 1797. There is a village in his name in Puducherry which is still today called as "Lawspet".

His son, Jacques Lauriston, became a general in the French army during the Napoleonic Wars.

References

1. "Jean Law de Lauriston (1719-1797)" (in French). Bibliothèque nationale de France. Retrieved 2023-02-02.
2. William Dalrymple The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of The East India Company, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019, p.48.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue May 09, 2023 6:25 am

Joseph François Dupleix
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 5/9/23

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Governor-General of French India
In office: 14 January 1742 – 15 October 1754
Monarch: Louis XV
Preceded by: Pierre Benoît Dumas
Succeeded by: Charles Godeheu, As Acting Governor-General
Personal details
Born: 23 January 1697, Landrecies, France
Died: 10 November 1763 (aged 66), Paris, France
Spouse: Jeanne Albert
Parent: François Dupleix (father)
Occupation: Governor-General of French India

Joseph Marquis Dupleix (French pronunciation: ​[ʒozɛf maʁki dyplɛks]; 23 January 1697 – 10 November 1763) was Governor-General of French India and rival of Robert Clive.

Biography

Dupleix was born in Landrecies, on January 23, 1697. His father, François Dupleix, a wealthy fermier général, wished to bring him up as a merchant, and, in order to distract him from his taste for science, sent him on a voyage to India in 1715 on one of the French East India Company's vessels. He made several voyages to the Americas and India, and in 1720 was named a member of the superior council at Bengal. He displayed great business aptitude, and in addition to his official duties made large ventures on his own account, acquiring a fortune.

In 1730 he was made superintendent of French affairs in Chandernagore. In 1741, he married Jeanne Albert, widow of one of the councillors of the company. Albert was known to the Hindus as Joanna Begum and proved of great help to her husband in his negotiations with the native princes.

His reputation procured him in 1742 the appointment of governor general of all French establishments in India.[1] Dupleix saw in the constant succession disputes among the Princes of India an opportunity to advance the interests of the French in India,[2] and for this purpose he entered into relations with the native princes, and adopted a style of oriental splendour in his dress and surroundings. He built an army of native troops, called sepoys, who were trained as infantry men in his service and also included the famous Hyder Ali of Mysore.

The British were alarmed by this, but the danger to their settlements and power was partly averted by the bitter mutual jealousy which existed between Dupleix and Bertrand François Mahé de La Bourdonnais, French governor of the Isle of Bourbon (today's La Réunion).[attribution needed]

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Dupleix meeting the Subadar of the Deccan, Muzaffar Jung

When the city of Madras capitulated to the French following the Battle of Madras[2] in 1746, Dupleix opposed that the town be returned under British rule, thus violating the treaty signed by La Bourdonnais. He then sent an expedition against Fort St David (1747), which won over the Nawab of Arcot, ally of the British. Dupleix again attempted the capture of Fort St David, and this time succeeded.

In 1748 Kolkata was besieged by the French, but in the course of the operations news arrived of the peace concluded between the French and the British at Aix-la-Chapelle. Dupleix next entered into negotiations about the subjugation of southern India. He sent a large body of troops to the aid of the two claimants of the sovereignty of the Carnatic and the Deccan. The British sided with their rivals to prevent the plans of Dupleix from materializing.

In 1750 the Subadar of Deccan gifted the Alamparai Fort to the French. This was a token of his appreciation of the services of Dupleix and the French forces to his services.

From 1751, Dupleix tried to expand French influence in Burma by sending the envoy Sieur de Bruno, and by providing military assistance the Mon in their conflict with the Burmese. Bruno proved remarkably successful in this effort, resulting in closer ties between the French and the Mon. However, the advent of the Seven Years' War meant that as French attentions were elsewhere this relationship came to nothing.[3]

Commemoration

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Dupleix on Banque de l'Indochine banknote

A number of things were named in his honour:

• A square, road and metro station in the 15th arrondissement of Paris are named after him.
• Four French warships have borne his name (beside two commercial ships):
o The steam corvette Dupleix (1861–1887), famous for her involvement in the Japanese revolution
o A 7,700-tonne armoured cruiser (1897–1919)
o A 10,000-tonne cruiser (1929–1942), scuttled in Toulon
o The F70 type frigate Dupleix
College Dupleix was the former name of Kanailal Vidyamandir and the Chandannagar College in Chandannagar, West Bengal.
• A road in New Delhi near the Indian parliament named after him.
• Rue Dupleix (Dupleix Street) was the former name of Nehru Street in Pondicherry.

Image
Monument to Dupleix in Puducherry

Statue of Joseph Francois Dupleix at Puducherry Beach

Dupleix left Puducherry in 1754, French recognition of his contribution came only in 1870, with the commissioning of two statues – one in Puducherry and the other in France. The former statue is now situated in Goubert Avenue at the end of Rock Beach. It was first installed on 16 July 1870. In 1979 the statue was moved from its previous location in the middle of the current Bharathy park to the current location at the beach.

Dupleix is represented as a man of commanding stature. In the large nose and massive under jaw, some resemblance may be traced to Oliver Cromwell as commonly represented in his portraits. In the statue, Dupleix wears Court dress with bag wig and long riding boots; in his right hand is a plan of Puducherry, his left reposing on the hilt of his sword.[4]

Restoration of the Dupleix statue was undertaken by the Public Works Department (PWD) of the government of Puducherry in 2014.[5]

See also

• French colonial empires
• Carnatic Wars
• France in the Seven Years' War
• Great Britain in the Seven Years' War
• genealogy on geneanet samlap's site

References

1. Dodwell, H., Dupleix and Clive (1968). The Beginning of Empire. Connecticut. pp. 103–115.
2. Metcalf, Barbara D.; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2012). A Concise History of Modern India (Third ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 49–51. ISBN 978-1107672185.
3. Burma Editor Sir Reginald Coupland, K.C.M.G., C.I.E., M.A., D.LITT. Late Bcit Professor of the History of the British Empire in the University of Oxford, p78-82 "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 December 2008. Retrieved 29 August 2008.
4. Higginbotham, J. J. (28 August 1874). Men Whom India Has Known: Biographies of Eminent Indian Characters. Higginbotham and Company. p. 115 – via Internet Archive. Dupleix statue.
5. "Facelift for Dupleix statue". The Hindu. 29 December 2014.

Sources

• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Dupleix, Joseph François". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 8 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 687.
Further reading[edit]
• Owen, Sidney J. (1886). "Joseph François Dupleix". English Historical Review. Oxford Journals. 1 (4): 699–733. doi:10.1093/ehr/I.IV.699.
• Duplieix by Colonel John Biddulph, 1910

External links

Media related to Joseph François Dupleix at Wikimedia Commons
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue May 09, 2023 8:28 am

Letter From Father Pierre Martin, Missionary of the Company of Jesus, to Father de Villette of the same Company. At Balassor, in the Kingdom of Bengal
January 30, 1699.
-- Lettres Edifiantes Et Curieuses, Ecrites Des Missions Etrangeres, by Charles Le Gobien, Volume 10, 1781
PAGES 36-53
[French Version]

According to the anonymous author in the Oriental Herald (anon. 1827:236) the EzV is "a work entirely composed of the celebrated Jesuit, Robert de Nobilibus, in the year 1621, for the express purpose of promoting, by this 'pious fraud,' the conversion of the Hindoos to Christianity." In von Bohlen's (1830:136) opinion "everything has now been clarified, even the name of the author has been established," namely: "The author is the Jesuit Missionary Robertus de Nobilius (s9c), a relative of Pope Marcellus II, who so zealously conducted conversions in India about 1620, that he even wore the apparel of an Italian mendicant, and, thanks to his knowledge of the vernacular languages and Sanskrit as well, composed a number of writings for that purpose." Adelung (1830:94; 1832:76; especially 1837:121) uses practically identical words, and Wiseman's reference (184:2.xxxix) to the EzV as "having been composed in 1621 by a pious missionary" undoubtedly derives from the same source.

In the meanwhile another variant on the divided participation of Nobili and others appears in the Preface (1831:vi-viii) to [William Hodge] Mill's Christa-sangita. "Whether Mr. Ellis is right in separating the composition from the forgery of the Pseudo-Vedas, and assigning the former only, on the view of his high character, to the celebrated nephew of Bellarmine, Robertus de Nobilibus, to whom their entire composition is ascribed by the Christians of Southern India, may admit of considerable question. I am disposed with him to ascribe the blundering part of the imposture, viz. the ascription of the title Veda, to the more modern copyist, whose diversity from Robert de Nobilibus is completely demonstrated from the circumstances which Mr. Ellis has brought to light, (the mode of exhibiting Sanscrit words in the MS. e.g. Okioro, Zoimeni, Bedo, &c.... being such as could only proceed from one who had learnt the language from the Pandits of the province of Bengal, which was certainly not the case with the founder of the Madhura Mission). But it would be difficult to exempt from all share in the forgery, him who puts Christian, or at least Anti-Vedic sentiments into the mouth of Atri, Narada, Jaimini, &c., a mendacious assumption of their names (as F. Paulin would not scruple to call it) in order to gain Hindu readers, which enters into the whole texture of the original composition. And whoever will study the history of the Society of Jesus -- not from the narration of enemies, but from their friends or themselves -- will see amidst the numerous contradictions it presents, abundant reason to distrust the validity of any argument, which would infer from the possession of extraordinary virtues, of real piety however debased by superstition, and the most disinterested benevolence and probity in all secular concerns, that such a forgery for a purpose deemed pious would be therefore inadmissible. As it should seem from vol. xiv, p. 62 of the Jesuits' Letters, that no one of their number after Robert de Nobilibus was sufficiently versed in Sanscrit to have composed these papers, it becomes of less consequence to enquire who was their transcriber at Masulipatam or elsewhere, who gave them their Bengalese interlineations, and perhaps their Vedic titles also. The history of the Jesuits in India presents us with more than one instance of missionaries who acquired their knowledge of Brahmanical literature in this province. One Pierre Martin, whose letter from Balassore in the year 1699 occurs in the 10th volume of the Lettres Edifiantes, tells us, that after five months' assiduous application of the Bengali, he disguised himself as a Brahman, and in that character commenced studying the Shastras as a Brahmachari or Sanscrit student in a celebrated Brahman University, (at Naddea doubtless), until the insurrection of Subha Sinh [Sobha Singh] against the government of Aurang Zeib compelled him to retreat thence to Orissa, after which we hear of him frequently in the same collection, as a most zealous and active missionary in the Southern Provinces."

"Other instances might doubtless be found in the subsequent history of these Roman Sannyasies (as the Jesuit Fathers were usually called in India), at a date more approaching that of the MSS. of this forgery, were the subject thought worthy of closer investigation."

-- Ezourvedam: A French Veda of the Eighteenth Century, Edited with an Introduction by Ludo Rocher


Lettre

Du Pere Pierre Martin, Missionnaire de la Compagnie de Jesus, au Pere de Villette de la meme Compagnie.

A Balassor, dans le Royaume de Bengale, le 30 Janvier 1699.

Mon Reverend Pere,

P.C.

On m'a remis entre les mains les lettres que vous vous etes donne la peine de m'ecrire. Je ne vous dirai pas le plaisir que j'ai ressenti en recevant ces marques de votre cher souvenir. Il est plus doux que vous ne pensez d'apprendre, dans ces extremites du monde, que nos amis ne nous oublient point, & que pendant que nous combatrtons, ils levent les mains au Ciel, & nous aident de leurs prieres. J'en ai eu, je vous assure, un tres-grand besoin depuis que je vous ai quitte, & je me suis troube dans des occasions qui vous paroitroient bien delicates & bien difficiles, si je pouvois vous les marquer ici.

Je suis venu dans les Indes par l'ordre de mes Superieurs. Je vous avouerai que je n'ai eu aucun regret de quitter la Perse, mon attrait etant pour une autre Mission, ou je croyois qu'il y avoit encore plus a souffrir & plus a travailler. J'ai trouve de que je cherchois plutot que je n'eusse pense. Dans le voyage je fus pris par les Arabes, & retenu priosonnier pour n'avoir pas voulu faire profession du Mahometisme. Quelque envie qu'eussent ces infidels de scavoir qui nous etions le Pere Beauvollier mon compagnon & moi, ils n'en purent venir a bout, & ils crurent toujours que nous etions de Constantinople. Ce qui les trompoit, est qu'ils nous voyoient lire des livres Turcs & Persans. Nous les laissames dans cette erreur jusqu'a ce qu'un d'entr'eux s'avisa d'exiger de nous la profession de leur maudite fecte. Alors nous nous declarames hautement pour Chretients, mais toujours sans dire notre pays. Nous parlames meme tres-fortement contre leur impostueur Mahomet; ce qui les mit de si mauvaise humeur contre nous, qu'ils faisirent le vaisseau, quoiqu'il apartint a des Maures. Ils nous menerent a terre, & nous mirent en prison. Ils nous firent comparoitre plusieurs fois, le Pere & moi, devant les Magistrats, pour tacher de nous seduire; mais nous trouvant toujours, par la misericorde de Dieu, fermes & constans, il se lasserent enfin de nous tourmenter, & envoyerent un expres au Gouverneur de la Province pour scavoir ce qu'ils feroient de nous. On leur ordonna de nous mettre en liberte, pourvu que nous ne fussions pas Franquis, e'est-a-dire, Europeens. Ils ne soupconnerent presque pas que nous le fussions, parce que nous parlions toujours turc, & que le Pere Beauvollier ne lisoit que des livres Arabes, & moi des livres Persans. Ainsi le Seigneur ne nous jugea pas dignes, dans cette occasion, de souffrir la mort pour la gloire de son saint nom, & nous en fumes quittes pour la prison, & pour quelques autres mauvais traitemens.

De-la nous vinmes a Surate1 [C'est la plus fameuse ville des Indes Orientales pour le commerce. Elle appartient au Grand Mogol.] ou le Pere Beauvollier demeura pour etre Superieur de la maison que nous y avons. Pour moi, je ne m'y arretai pas, mais je passai dans le Bengale (7), apres avoir couru risque plus d'une fois de tomber entre le mains des Hollandois.

Si-tot que je fus arrive dans ce beau Royaume, qui est fous la domination des Mahometans, quoique presque tout le peuple y soit idolatre, je m'appliquai serieusement a apprendre la langue Bengale. Au bout de cinq mois je me trouvai asses habile pour pouvoir me deguiser, & me jetter dans une fameuse Universite de Brames1 [Ce Royaume est a l'orient de l'Indoustan, & appartient au Grand Mogol.]. Comme nous n'avons eu jusqu'a present que de fort legeres connoissances de leur Religion, nos Peres souhaitoient que j'y demeurasse deux ou trois ans pour pouvoir m'en instruire a fond. J'en avois pris la resolution, & j'etois pret de l'executer, lorsqu'il s'eleva tout-a-coup une si furieuse guerre entre les Mahometans & les Gentils, qu'il n'y avoit de surete en aucun lieu, sur-tout pour les Europeens.2 [Ce sont les Docteurs des Indiens.] Mais Dieu, dans l'occasion, donne une force qu'on ne comprend pas. Comme je n'apprehendois presque pas le danger, mes Superieurs me permirent d'entrer dans un Royaume voisin nomme Orixa1 [Ce Royaume est sur le golphe de Bengale, en-deca du Gange.], ou dans l'espace de seize mois j'eus le bonheur de baptiser pres de cent personnes, dont quelques-unes passoient l'age de soixante ans.

J'esperois, avec la grace de Dieu, faire dans la suite une recolte plus abondante; mais tout ce que nous pumes obtenir, fut d'avoir soin d'une espece de Paroisse erigee dans la principale habitation que la royale. Compagnie de France a dans le Bengale.

Comme cette Mission ne manque pas d'ouvriers, nos Superieurs resolurent de m'envoyer avec trois de nos Peres a Pondichery2 [Elle est situee au milieu de la cote de Coromandel.], l'unique place un peu fortifiee que les Francois aient dans les Indes. Il y a environ cinq ans que les Hollandois s'en rendirent les maitres. Nous y avons une assez belle Eglise, dont nous allons nous remettre en possession en meme temps que les Francois retreront dans la place.

Nous serons la, mon cher Pere, a la porte de la Mission de Maudre1 [Madure est un Royaume situe au milieu des terres, dans la grande Peninsule de l'Inde, qui est en-deca du Gange.], la plus belle, a mon sens, qui soit au monde. Il y a sept Jesuites, presque tous Portugais, qui y travaillent infatigablement avec des fruits & des peines incroyables. Ces Peres me firent proposer, il y a plus de dix-huit mois, de me donner a eux pour aller prendre part a leurs travaux. Si j'eusse pu disposer de moi, j'aurois pris volontiers ce parti; mais nos Superieurs ne l'ont pas juge a propos, parce qu'ils veulent que nous etablissions de notre cote des Missions Francoises, & que dans ces vastes Royaumes nous occupions les pays que nos Peres Portugais ne peuvent cultiver a cause de leur petit nombre. C'est ce que notre Superieur general le Reverend Pere de la Breuille, qui est presentement dans le Royaume de Siam, vient de me marquer dans sa dernier lettre. Il me charge de la Mission de Pondichery, & me fait esperer qu'en peu de temps il m e permettra d'entrer dans les terres, ce que je souhaite depuis longtemps.

Par les dernieres lettres qu'on a recues d'Europe, on mande qu'on me destine pour la Chine; mais je renonce sans peine a cette Mission, sur la parole qu'on me donne de me faire passer incessamment dans celle de Madure, qui a, je vous l'avoue, depuis long-temps bien des charmes pour mois. des qu j'etois en Perse, je portois souvent mes voeux vers ce pays-la, sans avoir alors aucune esperance de les voir exauces. Mais je commence a juger que ces desirs si ardens & concus de si loin, ne venoient que d'une bonne source. Je les ai toujours senti croitre & s'augmenter a mesure que je m'approche de cet heureux terme. Vous n'aurez pas de peine a comprendre pourquoi je m'y sens si fort attire, si je vous dis qu'on compte dans cette Mission plus de cent cinquante mille Chretiens, & qu'il s'y en fait tous les jours un tres-grand nombre. Le moins que chque Missionnaire en baptise mar an est mille. Le Pere Bouchet, qui y travaille depuis dix ou douze ans, ecrit que cette derniere annee il en a baptise deux mille pour sa part, & qu'en un seul jour il a administre ce premier sacrement a trois cens; ensorte que les bras lui tomboient de foiblesse & de lassitude. Au reste, ce ne sont pas, dit-il, des Chretiens comme ceux du reste des Indes. On ne les baptise qu'apres de grandes epreuvres, & trois & quatre mois d'instruction. Quand une fois ils sont Chretiens, ils vivent comme des Anges, & l'Eglise de Madure paroit une vraie image de l'Eglise naissante. Ce Pere nous proteste qu'il lui est quelquefois arrive d'entendre les confessions de plusieurs villages, sans y trouver personne coupable d'un peche mortel. Qu'on ne s'imagine pas, ajoute-t-il, que ce soit l'ignorance ou la honte qui les empeche d'ouvrier leur conscience a ce sacre tribunal; ils s'en approchent aussi bien instruits que des Religieux, & avec une candeur & une simplicite de Novice.

Le meme Pere marque qu'il est charge de la conduite de plus de trente mille ames, de sorte qu'il n'a pas un moment de repos, & qu'il ne peut meme demeurer plus de huit jours dans un meme quartier. Il lui seroit impossible, aussi, bien qu'aux autres Peres, vu leur petit nombre, de vacquer a tout par eux-memes. C'est pourquoi ils ont chachun huit, dix, & quelquefois douze Catechistes, tous gens sages & parfaitement instruits de nos mysteres & de notre sainte Religion. Ces Catechistes precedent les Peres de quelques jours, & disposent les peuples a recevoir les sacremens; ce qui en facilite beaucoup l'administration aux Missionaires. On ne peut retenir ses larmes de joye & de consolation, quand on voit l'empressement qu'ont ces peuples pour la parole de Dieu, le respect avec lequel ils l'ecoutent, l'ardeur avec laquelle ils se portent a tous les exercicises de piete, le zele qu'ils ont pour se procurer mutuellement tous les secours necessaires au salut, pour se prevenir dans leurs besoins, pour se devancer dans la faintete, ou ils font des progres merveilleux. Ils n'ont presque aucun des obstacles qui se trouvent parmi les autres peuples, parce qu'ils n'ont point de communication avec les Europeens, dont quelques-uns ont gate & corrompu par leurs debauches & par leurs mauvais exemples presque toute la Chretiente des Indes, Leur vie est extremement frugale, ils ne font point de commerce, se contentant de ce que leurs terres leur donnent pour vivre & pour se vetir.

La vie des Missionnaires ne scauroit etre plus austere ni plus affreuse, selon la nature. Ils n'ont souvent pour tout habit qu'une longue piece de toile dont ils s'enveloppent le corps. Ils portent aux pieds des sandales bien plus incommodes que les soques des Recollets; car elles ne tiennent que par une espece de grosse cheville a tete, qui attache les deux premiers doigts de chaque pied a cette chaussure. On a toutes les peines du monde a s'y accoutumer. Ils s'abstiennent absolument de pain, de vin, d'oeufs, & de toutes sortes de viande, & meme de poisson. Ils ne peuvent manger que du ris & des legumes sans nul assaisonnement, & ce n'est pas une petite peine de conserver un peu de farine pour faire des hosties, & ce qu'il faut de vin pour celebrer le saint sacrifice de la Messe. Ils ne sont pas connus pour etre Europeens: si l'on croyoit qu'ils le fussent, il faudroit qu'ils quittassent le pays; car ils n'y feroient absolument aucun fruit. L'horreur des Indiens pour les Europeens a plus d'une cause. On a fait souvent de grandes violences dans leur pays. Ils ont vu des exemples affreux de toutes sortes de debauches & de vices; mais ce qui les frappe particulierement, c'est que les Franquis, ainsi qu'ils les nomment, s'enivrent & mangent de la chair, chose si horrible parmi eux, qu'ils regardent comme des personnes infames ceux qui le font.

Ajoutez a la vie austere que menent les Missionnaires, les dangers continuels ou ils sont de tomber entre les mains des voleurs, qui sont la en plus grand nombre que parmi les Arabes memes. Ils' n'oseroient presque tenir rien de ferme a clef, de peur de donner du soupcon qu'ils eussent des choses precieuses. Il faut qu'ils portent & qu'ils conservent tous leurs petits meubles dans des pots de terre. Ils se qualifient Brames du nord, c'est-a-dire, Docteurs venus du nord pour enseigner la loi du vrai Dieu. Quoiqu'ils soient obliges de pratiquer une pauvrete tres-rigoureuse, & qu'il faille peu de chose pour leur peronne, il leur faut neanmoins d'assez grands fonds pour pouvoir entretenir leurs Catechistes, & subvenir a une infinite de frais & d'avanies qu'on leur fait. Ils souffrent souvent de veritables persecutions. Il n'y a gueres que quatre ans qu'un de nos plus celebres & saints Missionnaires fut martyrise1 [Le venerable Pere Jean de Brito, Jesuite Portugais.]. Le Prince de Maravas2 [C'est un petit Royaume qui est entre le Madure & la Cote de la Pecherie.] lui fit couper la tete pour avoir preche a loi de Jesus-Christ. Helas, oserois-je jamais esperer une telle faveur? Je vous conjure, mon tres-cher Pere, de ne cesser par vous-meme & par vois amis, de demander a Notre Seigneur qu'il me convertisse veritablement a lui, & que je ne me rende pas indigne de souffrir quelque chose pour sa gloire.

Je me ferai un plaisir de vous instruire plus au long de tout ce qui regarde cette charmante Mission, quand j'aurai eu le bonheur de la connoitre par moi-meme. S'il y avoit quelques personnes vertueuses de celles que vous conduisez si bien dans la voie du Seigneur, qui voulussent contribuer dans ces pays a sa gloire, en y fondant la pension de quelques Catechistes, je vous assure devant Dieu que jamais argent ne peut etre mieux employe. L'entretient d'un Catechiste nous coute par an dixhuit ou vingt ecus (c'est beaucoup pour nous, c'est peu de chose en France) & nous pouvons compter que chaque Catechiste gagne par an a Jesus-Christ cent cinquante ou deux cens ames. Mon Dieu, il y a tant de personnes zelees qui donneroient volontiers leur fang pour en retirer une seule des mains du demon; du moins on le dit souvent au pied de l'Oratoire. Ne s'en trouvera-t-il point qui veuille par un si petit secours nous aider a remplir la bergerie du Pere de famille. Je connois votre zele pour la conversion des ames, mon tres-cher Pere; vous vous etiez sacrifie pour aller en Grece ramener au troupeau de Jesus-Christ les pauvres Schismatiques qui s'en sont separes depuis si long-temps. Votre sante foible obligea les Superieurs de vous faire retourner sur vos pas. Vous aurez sans doute rapporte dans votre Province tout le zele qui vous en avoit fait sortir si genereusement. Appliquez-le, je vous conjure, ce zele qui vous devore, a nous procurer des Missionnaires & des Catechistes. Je n'avois pas jusqu'ici ecrit une seule lettre pour inviter personne a venir nous aider dans nos travaux, parce que je ne voyois point sur mon passage de moisson, qui n'eut assez d'ouvriers. Maintenant que je decouvre des compagnes entieres dans un parfaite maturite; des infideles par milliers, qui ne demandent qu'a etre instruits; je crie de toutes me forces qu'on nous envoie d'Europe des secours d'hommes & d'argent, de bons Missionnaires & des fonds pour leur donner des Catechistes; & je me crois oblige en conscience d'interesser dans une si bonne oeuvre tous ceux que je connois propres a nous aider. Je ne vois personne, mon Reverend Pere, qui puisse mieux que vous entrer dans de si pieux desseins. Si vous nous trouvez quelques secours, envoyez-les a Paris au Pere qui a soin de nos Missions des Indes Orientales & de la Chine.

Le Pere Bouvet a mene a la Chine, l'annee 1698, une florissante recrue de Missionnaires. L'escadre du Roi en a apporte ici une petite troupe, mais treschoisie, qui est destinee aussi pour ce vaste Empire; elle est composee des Peres Fouquet, Pelisson, & d'Entrecolle, & des freres Rhodes & Fraperie, qui sont tres-habiles dans la Medecine & dans la Chirurgie. Ils valent tous infiniment, & meritent veritablement d'aller travailler dans un si beau champ. Le Pere d'Entrecolle s'est fait admirer par son zele & par sa charite dans le vaisseau sur lequel il a passe. L'escadre du Roi a ete affligee dans les Indes1 [A Negrailles, Isle pres des cotes du Pegou.] d'une terrible mortalite. Une grande partie des equipages y a peri, j'etois a cent lieues de l'endroit ou elle est venu aborder. Aussi-tot que j'appris un si grand malheur, je me jettai dans une chaloupe avec le Pere d'Entrecolle, pour aller la secourir. A notre arrivee nous trouvames deux Aumoniers morts, tous les Chirurgiens des vaisseaux morts aussi ou malades; de sorte qu'il nous fallut pendant deux mois servir de Medecins, de Chirurgiens, d'Aumoniers & d'Infirmiers. La Mousson2 [C'est la saison propre pour aller des Indes a la Chine, lorsque les vents d'Ouest soufflent ___?] pressa le Pere d'Entrecolle de partir avec le Pere Fouquet & le Frere Fraperie, qui etoient aussi venus depuis nous au secours des vaisseaux du Roi; de sorte que je me trouvai presque seul pendant assez longtemps, ayant sur les bras plus de cinq cens malades, dont plusieurs etoient attaques de maladies contagieuses. Deux autres de nos Peres vinrent ensuite partager un si saint travail, & profiter d'une occasion que nous ne croyions pas trouver aux Indes, de servir si utilement les Francois nos cheres compatriotes.

La main de Dieu s'est fait sentir bien vivement sur eux; c'est une espece de miracle qu'on ait pu sauver les vaisseaux du Roi, je ne dis pas tous, car l'Indient, un des plus beaux, alla s'echouer sur les cotes du Pegou2 [C'est une ville du Royaume de Siam, sur le golphe de Bengale.], ou les autres prirent la maladie; il n'y a eu que celui qui se separa pour porter a Merguy1 [C'est un Royaume qui est a la cote orientale du golphe de Bengale au-dela du Gange.] les Peres Tachard & de la Breuille, qui ait ete preserve d'accident. Un si grand fleau a touche plusieurs de ceux qui etoient sur la flotte, & a servi a les mettre dans la voie du salut. Il y avoit parmi eux quelques nouveaux convertis qui etoient plus attaches que jamais a leurs erreurs, j'ai eu la consolation de recevoir leur abjuration, & de les voir mourier avec de grands sentimens de componction & de penitence. L'escadres, quoique diminuee d'un vaisseau, est presentement en bon etat.

Nous allons en peu de journs prendre possession de Pondichery; Dieu me fasse la grace de n'y rester qu'autant de temps qu'il en faudra pour apprendre un peu la langue du pays, qui m'est necessaire pour ma chere Mission de Madures. Cette langue est toute differente du Turc, du Persan, du Maure & du Bengale, que j'ai deja apprises; le Persan & le Maure me serviront beaucoup, a cause d'un grand nombre de Mahometans qui sont repandus dans les terres. La langue Portugaise me sera encore necessaire pour traiter avec nos Peres de cette Nation; j'ai ete oblige de l'apprendre, parce que je me suis trouve charge de plus de mille Portugais des Indes, qui se trouverent abandonnes de leur Pasteur pendant plus de six mois.

Dans le temps que j'en avois la conduite, je recus ordre de M. L'Eveque de Saint-Thome1 [Cette ville qu'on appelle aussi Meliapor, est sur la cote de Coromandel.] de publier le Jubile, & de le leur faire gagner; ces bonnes gens ne scavoient ce que c'etoit que Jubile. Je travaillai pendant plus d'un mois a les mettre en etat de profiter du tresor que l'Eglise leur ouvroit; je faifois deux sermons par jour, & deux catechismes; le matin etoit destine a l'instruction des adultes catechumenes, & l'apres-dinee a celle des chretiens; la moitie de la nuit se passoit a entendre les confessions des hommes, & depuis la pointe du jour jusqu'a neuf heures que je disois la Messe, j'entendois les confessions des femmes. Ce grand travail me de-dommageoit des quatre annees que j'avois passees sans pouvoir rien faire qu'apprendre des langues. Je me sens plus d'ardeur que jamais pour etudier celle de Madure, parce que je suis convaincu qu'elle me sera plus utile que toutes les autres. Je ne veux retenir de Francois qu'autant qu'il en faudra pour vous ecrire, pour vous instruire de tout ce qui se passera dans ces Missions, & pour vous demander le secours de vos prieres. Souvenez-vous de ce que vous me promites, quand nous nous separames, & comptez que toutes les fois que j'ai dit la sainte Messe, j'ai pense nommement a vous. Aidons-nous tous deux mutuellement a nous sanctifier, & quoi que nous fassions si loin l'un de l'autre notre Sacrifice, unissons-le toujours dans celui pour lequel seul nous le saisons. Je suis avec bien du respect, & c.

[THE END]

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Letter From Father Pierre Martin, Missionary of the Company of Jesus, to Father de Villette of the same Company. At Balassor, in the Kingdom of Bengal
January 30, 1699.
-- Lettres Edifiantes Et Curieuses, Ecrites Des Missions Etrangeres, by Charles Le Gobien, Volume 10, 1781
[English Version by Google Translate]

Letter

From Father Pierre Martin, Missionary of the Company of Jesus, to Father de Villette of the same Company.

At Balassor, in the Kingdom of Bengal, January 30, 1699.

My Reverend Father,

P.C.

They have placed in my hands the letters that you have taken the trouble to write to me. I will not tell you the pleasure I felt in receiving these marks of your dear memory. It is sweeter than you think to learn, in these extremities of the world, that our friends do not forget us, and that while we fight, they raise their hands to Heaven, and help us with their prayers. I have had, I assure you, a very great need of it since I left you, and I have found myself on occasions which would seem very delicate and very difficult to you, if I could point them out to you here.

I came to India by order of my Superiors. I will confess to you that I had no regrets about leaving Persia, my attraction being for another Mission, where I believed that there was still more to suffer and more to work. I found what I was looking for sooner than I thought. On the journey I was taken by the Arabs, and held prisoner for not having wanted to make a profession of Mahometism. Whatever desire these infidels had to know who we were, Father Beauvollier, my companion and me, they could not overcome it, and they always believed that we were from Constantinople. What deceived them was that they saw us reading Turkish & Persian books. We left them in this error until one of them took it into his head to demand of us the profession of their accursed feast. So we declare ourselves loudly for Christians, but always without saying our country. We even spoke very strongly against their impostor Mahomet; which put them in such a bad humor against us, that they made the ship -- although it belonged to the Moors -- they took us ashore, and put us in prison. They made us appear several times, the Father & I, before the Magistrates, to try to seduce us; but finding us still, by the mercy of God, firm and constant, they finally got tired of tormenting us, and sent an express to the Governor of the Province to find out what they would do with us. They were ordered to set us free, provided we were not Franquis, that is to say, Europeans. They hardly suspected that we were, because we always spoke Turkish, and Father Beauvollier only read Arabic books, and I Persian books. Thus the Lord did not judge us worthy, on this occasion, to suffer death for the glory of his holy name, and we were released from prison, and from some other bad treatment.

From there we came to Surat1 [It is the most famous city of the East Indies for trade. It belongs to the Grand Mogol.] where Father Beauvollier lived to be Superior of the house we have there. As for me, I did not stop there, but I passed through the Bengale (7), after running the risk more than once of falling into the hands of the Dutch.

As soon as I arrived in this beautiful Kingdom, which is under the domination of the Mahometans, although almost all the people there are idolaters, I applied myself seriously to learning the Bengal language. At the end of five months I found myself clever enough to be able to disguise myself, and throw myself into a famous University of Brames
1 [This Kingdom is to the east of Hindustan, and belongs to the Great Mogul.]. As until now we have had only a very slight knowledge of their religion, our Fathers wanted me to stay there two or three years to be able to learn it thoroughly. I had taken the resolution, and was ready to execute it, when suddenly there arose such a furious war between the Mahometans and the Gentiles, that there was no security in no place, especially for the Europeans.2 [These are the Doctors of the Indians.] But God, on occasion, gives a strength which one does not understand. As I hardly apprehended the danger, my Superiors allowed me to enter a neighboring Kingdom called Orixa1 [This Kingdom is on the golph of Bengal, below the Ganges.], or within the space of sixteen months I had the good fortune to baptize nearly a hundred people, some of whom were past the age of sixty.

I hoped, with the grace of God, to reap a more abundant harvest in the future; but all that we could obtain was to take care of a sort of parish erected in the principal dwelling, the royal one, [that] Compagnie de France has in Bengal.

As this Mission does not lack workers, our Superiors resolved to send me with three of our Fathers to Pondicherry2 [It is located in the middle of the Coromandel coast.], the only slightly fortified place that the French have in The Indies. About five years ago the Dutch took control of it. We have a rather fine church there, which we are going to regain possession of at the same time as the Frenchmen retire to the place.

We will be there, my dear Father, at the door of the Mission of Maudre1 [Madure is a Kingdom located in the middle of the lands, in the great Peninsula of India, which is on the deca side of the Ganges.], the most beautiful, in my opinion, which is in the world. There are seven Jesuits, almost all Portuguese, who work there tirelessly with incredible fruits and pains. These Fathers made me propose, more than eighteen months ago, to give myself to them to go and take part in their work. If I could have disposed of myself, I would gladly have taken this course; but our Superiors did not judge it appropriate, because they want us to establish French Missions on our side, and that in these vast Kingdoms we occupy the countries which our Portuguese Fathers cannot cultivate because of their small number. This is what our Superior General the Reverend Father de la Breuille, who is presently in the Kingdom of Siam, has just marked me in his last letter. He puts me in charge of the Pondicherry Mission, and makes me hope that in a short time he will allow me to enter the land, which I have wanted for a long time.

By the last letters received from Europe, they tell me that I am destined for China; but I renounce this Mission without difficulty, on the word that I have been given to send me without delay to that of Madure, which, I confess to you, has for a long time had many charms for me. As soon as I was in Persia, I often took my wishes to that country, without then having any hope of seeing them granted. But I begin to judge that these desires, so ardent and conceived from so far away, only came from a good source. I have always felt them grow and increase as I approach this happy end. You will have no difficulty in understanding why I feel so strongly drawn to it, if I tell you that there are more than one hundred and fifty thousand Christians in this Mission, and that there are one every day very large number. The less that each Missionary baptizes is a thousand. Father Bouchet, who has been working there for ten or twelve years, writes that this last year he baptized two thousand for his part, and that in a single day he administered this first sacrament to three hundred; so that his arms fell from weakness and weariness. Besides, they are not, he says, Christians like those of the rest of India. They are baptized only after great trials, and three or four months of instruction. When once they are Christians, they live like Angels, and the Church of Madure appears to be a true image of the nascent Church. This Father protests to us that it has sometimes happened to him to hear the confessions of several villages, without finding anyone guilty of a mortal sin. Let no one imagine, he adds, that it is ignorance or shame that prevents them from working their conscience at this sacred tribunal; they approach it as well instructed as Religious, and with the candor and simplicity of the Novice.

The same Father points out that he is in charge of the conduct of more than thirty thousand souls, so that he does not have a moment of rest, and that he cannot even remain more than eight days in the same district. It would be impossible for him, too, although for the other Fathers, given their small number, to attend to everything by themselves. This is why they each have eight, ten, and sometimes twelve Catechists, all wise people and perfectly instructed in our mysteries and our holy Religion. These Catechists precede the Fathers by a few days, and dispose the people to receive the sacraments; which greatly facilitates its administration for the Missionaries. We cannot restrain our tears of joy and consolation, when we see the eagerness these people have for the word of God, the respect with which they listen to it, the ardor with which they devote themselves to all exercises of piety, the zeal they have for mutually obtaining all the help necessary for salvation, for forestalling their needs, for advancing in laziness, in which they make marvelous progress.
They have almost none of the obstacles that are found among other peoples, because they have no communication with the Europeans, some of whom have spoiled and corrupted by their debauchery and by their bad examples almost all of Christianity of the Indies. Their life is extremely frugal, they do not trade, contenting themselves with what their lands give them to live and to clothe themselves.

The life of the Missionaries could not be more austere or more dreadful, according to nature. Their only clothing is often a long piece of cloth with which they wrap their bodies. They wear sandals much more inconvenient than the soques of the Recollets; because they are only held by a kind of big ankle with a head, which attaches the first two fingers of each foot to this shoe. We have all the trouble in the world getting used to it. They absolutely abstain from bread, wine, eggs, and all kinds of meat, and even fish. They can only eat sweetbreads and vegetables without any seasoning, and it is no small trouble to keep a little flour to make hosts, and enough wine to celebrate the holy sacrifice of the Mass. They are not known to be Europeans: if one believed that they were, they would have to leave the country; for they would produce absolutely no fruit there. The horror of the Indians for the Europeans has more than one cause. There has often been great violence in their country. They have seen frightful examples of all sorts of debauches and vices; but what particularly strikes them is that the Franquis, as they call them, get drunk and eat flesh, a thing so horrible among them, that they regard those who do so as infamous.

Add to the austere life which the Missionaries lead, the continual dangers in which they are of falling into the hands of thieves, who are there in greater numbers than among the Arabs themselves. They would scarcely dare to keep anything locked, for fear of giving any suspicion that they had valuable things. They have to carry & keep all their little furniture in earthen pots. They call themselves Brams of the North, that is to say, Doctors who have come from the North to teach the law of the true God. Although they are obliged to practice a very rigorous poverty, and that little is needed for their person, they nevertheless need large enough funds to be able to maintain their Catechists, and provide for an infinity of expenses and snubs made to them. They often suffer from real persecution. Hardly four years ago one of our most famous & holy Missionaries was martyred1 [The Venerable Father Jean de Brito, Portuguese Jesuit.]. The Prince of Maravas2 [It is a small Kingdom which is between Madure & the Coast of Fisheries.] had his head cut off for having preached the law of Jesus Christ. Alas, would I ever dare to hope for such a favour? I conjure you, my very dear Father, not to cease by yourself and by your friends, to ask Our Lord that he convert me truly to him, and that I do not make myself unworthy to suffer something for his glory.

I will have the pleasure of instructing you further in all that concerns this charming Mission, when I shall have had the good fortune to know it for myself. If there were a few virtuous people of those whom you lead so well in the way of the Lord, who wanted to contribute in these countries to his glory, by founding there the pension of some Catechists, I assure you before God that money can never be better employed. The maintenance of a Catechist costs us eighteen or twenty crowns a year (it's a lot for us, it's very little in France) & we can count on each Catechist earning a year at Jesus Christ one hundred and fifty or two cens souls. My God, there are so many zealous people who would gladly give their fang to get a single one out of the hands of the demon; at least it is often said at the foot of the Oratory. Won't there be anyone who wants by such a little help to help us fill the sheepfold of the Father of the family. I know your zeal for the conversion of souls, my very dear Father; you had sacrificed yourselves to go to Greece to bring back to the flock of Jesus Christ the poor Schismatics who have been separated from it for so long. Your poor health forced the Superiors to make you retrace your steps. You will no doubt have brought back to your Province all the zeal which brought you out so generously. Apply, I conjure you, this zeal which devours you, to procure for us Missionaries and Catechists. I had not hitherto written a single letter to invite anyone to come and help us in our work, because I did not see on my passage of harvest, which had not enough workers. Now that I discover whole companions in perfect maturity; infidels by the thousands, who ask only to be instructed, I cry out with all my strength that they send us from Europe help of men and money, good Missionaries and funds to give them Catechists; & I believe myself obligated in conscience to interest in such a good work all those I know capable of helping us. I see no one, my Reverend Father, who can enter into such pious designs better than you. If you find some help for us, send it to Paris to the Father who takes care of our missions in the East Indies and China.

Father Bouvet brought to China, in the year 1698, a flourishing recruit of Missionaries. The King's squadron has brought here a small but very select troop, which is also destined for this vast Empire; it is made up of Fathers Fouquet, Pelisson, & d'Entrecolle, & the brothers Rhodes & Fraperie, who are very skilled in medicine and surgery. They are all infinitely worthy, and truly deserve to go to work in such a beautiful field. Father d'Entrecolle made himself admired for his zeal and his charity in the ship on which he passed. The King's squadron was afflicted in the Indies1 [At Negrailles, an island near the coast of Pegou.] by a terrible mortality. A large part of the crew perished there. I was a hundred leagues from the place where she came to land. As soon as I learned of such a great misfortune, I threw myself into a boat with Father d'Entrecolle to go and rescue her. On our arrival we found two Chaplains dead, all the Surgeons of the vessels also dead or ill; so that we had to serve as doctors, surgeons, chaplains and nurses for two months. La Mousson2 [It is the proper season to go from India to China, when the West winds blow.] urged Father d'Entrecolle to leave with Father Fouquet & Brother Fraperie, who had also come from us to the help of the King's ships; so that I found myself almost alone for quite a long time, having on my hands more than five hundred sick people, several of whom were attacked by contagious diseases. Two other of our Fathers then came to share such a holy work, and to take advantage of an opportunity that we did not believe we would find in India, to serve the French people so usefully, our dear compatriots.

The hand of God was felt very keenly on them; it's a kind of miracle that we were able to save the King's ships. I'm not saying all of them, because the Indian, one of the most beautiful, ran aground on the shores of the Pegou2 [It's a town in Kingdom of Siam, on the Bay of Bengal.], where the others took the disease; there was only the one who separated to bring to Merguy1 [It is a Kingdom which is on the eastern coast of the Gulf of Bengal beyond the Ganges.] the Fathers Tachard & de la Breuille, who was preserved accident. Such a great plague touched many of those who were on the fleet, and served to put them on the road to salvation. There were among them some new converts who were more attached than ever to their errors. I had the consolation of receiving their abjuration, and of seeing them die with great feelings of compunction and penance. The squadron, although reduced by one vessel, is presently in good condition.

We are going in a few days to take possession of Pondicherry; God grant me the grace to stay there only as long as it takes to learn a little the language of the country, which is necessary for me for my dear Mission of Madures. This language is quite different from Turkish, Persian, Moorish & Bengal, which I have already learned; the Persian and the Moor will be of great use to me, because of the large number of Mahometans who are spread over the lands. The Portuguese language will still be necessary for me to deal with our Fathers of this Nation. I was forced to learn it, because I found myself in charge of more than a thousand Portuguese from India, who found themselves abandoned by their Pastor for more than six months.

During the time that I was in charge of it, I received orders from M. L'Eveque de Saint-Thome1 [This town which is also called Meliapor, is on the Coromandel coast.] to publish the Jubilee, and to make them win; these good people did not know what Jubilee was. I worked for more than a month to put them in a position to benefit from the treasure that the Church was opening up to them. I give two sermons a day, and two catechisms. The morning was intended for the instruction of adult catechumens, and the afternoon for that of Christians. Half the night was spent hearing the confessions of the men, and from daybreak until nine o'clock when I said Mass, I heard the confessions of the women. This great work compensated me for the four years I had spent without being able to do anything but learn languages. I feel more eager than ever to study that of Madure, because I am convinced that it will be more useful to me than all the others. I only want to retain from Francois as much as is necessary to write to you, to inform you of everything that will happen in these Missions, and to ask you for the help of your prayers. Remember what you promised me when we parted, and count that every time I said Holy Mass, I thought of you by name. Let us both mutually help to sanctify ourselves, and although we make our Sacrifice so far from each other, let us always unite it in that for which we alone season it. I am with great respect, &c.

[THE END]
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Sun Oct 08, 2023 10:03 pm

Sayana [Sayanakarya] [Sayana Acharya]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 10/8/23

After five years spent in the collection of materials for an Edition of the Rig-veda and its Sanskrit Commentary by Sayanacharya, the first volume is now completed, comprising the first Ashtaka (Ogdoad), and about the fourth part of the whole....

There were many difficulties to be overcome in carrying out this work. In the public libraries of Germany no MSS. of the Rig-veda and its commentary were to be found, except some old copies of the text and a small and worm-eaten fragment of Sayana’s commentary in the Royal Library at Berlin. It was necessary, therefore, to spend several years in the libraries of Paris, London, and Oxford, in order to copy and collate all the necessary Vaidik MSS. A complete apparatus criticus having been brought together in this manner, it became possible to commence a philological study of the Rig-veda, and to prepare upon a safe basis a critical edition of both its text and commentary....The final success, however, of this undertaking is owing to the well-known liberality of the-Honourable the Court of Directors of the East-India Company, whose enlightened views on this subject cannot be better expressed than in their own words: ‘The Court consider that the publication of so important and interesting a work as that to which your proposals refer, is in a peculiar manner deserving of the patronage of the East-India Company, connected as it is with the early religion, history, and language of the great body of their Indian subjects....

we may now look forward to a more complete study of Vaidik literature than it is in the power of any single individual to bestow upon so comprehensive a subject, and to a better understanding of Vaidik language, religion, and mythology, than can be expected from a scholastic Indian commentator of the fourteenth century after Christ.

I determined therefore on publishing first a complete text of the Rig-veda-samhita, (the Sanhita and the Pada-text,) together with the only complete commentary on the Rig-veda now existing, the Madhaviya-vedartha-Prakasa by Sayanakarya. As the limits of this publication were fixed ... I had to exclude, and to reserve for a separate work, all critical and explanatory notes of my own, together with the various readings of the MSS.

My principal object in this present edition is therefore to give a correct text of the Rig-veda, and to restore from the MSS. a readable and authentic text of Sayana’s commentary. The former was by far the easier task....

I have now to state the principles which I have followed in editing the Commentary of Sayana. If the MSS. of the Rig-veda are generally the best, the MSS. of the Commentaries are nearly the worst to be met with in Sanskrit libraries: they have generally been copied by men who did not understand what they were writing, and the number of mistakes is at first sight quite discouraging. No class of writings would have needed more to be copied by men who were masters of their subject than commentaries such as these, which abound in short extracts, taken, without any further reference, from other books on grammatical, etymological, ceremonial, theological, and philosophical subjects. Most of these quotations are only detached fragments, full of technical expressions, and often quite unintelligible by themselves. In order to understand, nay frequently in order to read these passages, it was necessary to have recourse to the works from which they were taken. Some of these works were already published, but others existed only in MS., and had first to be analysed, and furnished with alphabetical indices, before any use could be made of them. By this process, however, a double advantage was gained. In most cases a comparison with the work from which passages were quoted served to correct the mistakes of the Commentary; while in other cases a frequent recurrence of the same quotation in the Commentary furnished also the means of correcting false readings in the original works, or supplied, at all events, a well-authenticated varietas lectionis. Sometimes, however, the same passage is quoted differently in different places of the Commentary. This may be accounted for by the fact that Indian authors trust so much to their memory as to quote generally by heart. Such slight differences, therefore, I have left unaltered whenever they were supported by the testimony of the best MSS.

As to the other part of the Commentary, which contains the original explanations of Madhava, as edited by Sayana, a similar advantage for a critical restoration of corrupt passages was derived from the frequent repetition of the same explanations in different hymns, which also made it easier to become familiar with the style of the Commentator, and his whole way of thinking and interpreting the Veda. It was a further advantage that the MSS. were most numerous for the first book of the Commentary, and, as Sayana says with regard to the first Adhyaya of his Commentary, [x] "he who has got through this, can understand the rest," it might, at all events, be said with some truth, that after having worked through the first Ashtaka, an editor may go on to the rest with a smaller number of MSS.

For the first Ashtaka I had twelve MSS. However, we have learnt from Greek and Latin philology that a great number of MSS. is not at all desirable for critical purposes. In most cases those numerous MSS. which have been collated for classical authors have only served to spoil the text; to make the reading of doubtful passages still more doubtful; and to give rise to a mass of conjectural readings, based either upon the authority of the transcriber of a MS., or upon that of an ingenious editor. In this manner an immense deal of labour has been wasted in classical philology; so that now, after the simple rules for using MSS. have been laid down by a new school of critical philologers, such as Bekker, Dindorf, Lachmann, and others, almost all the old editions of classical authors have become useless for critical purposes, with the exception of some of the editiones principes, which, as they simply reproduced one MS., though generally a very bad one, can claim for themselves at least a certain degree of authenticity. Before MSS. can be used for critical purposes, it is necessary that they should themselves be examined critically, in order to determine their origin, their age, and their genealogical ramifications, and thus to fix their relative value. If it were possible to recover the original MS. of a work, as written by the author himself, there would be no need of criticism; we might dispense with all later MSS., and we should merely have to reproduce the original text, pointing out at the same time such mistakes the author himself might have committed. But generally our MSS. are much later than the composition of the works which they contain, and, if compared with one another, they are found to differ from each other, partly in mistakes and omissions, partly in corrections and additions, arising, in the course of centuries, from the hands or heads of ignorant or learned transcribers. For the most part these various readings are not peculiar to one or the other MS. only, but the same mistakes occur generally in several MSS. at the same time. Now, if there are, for instance, certain MSS. which omit a certain number of passages that have been preserved in others, we may safely conclude that the MSS. which coincide in omitting these passages flow from the same original source. But out of the number of MSS. which thus coincide in omitting certain sentences, some may again differ in other characteristic passages, and thus form new classes and subdivisions. By carefully collecting a large number of such characteristic passages, all the MSS. of an author arrange themselves spontaneously, and form at last a kind of genealogical series, where each has its proper place, and commands, according to its position, but not according to its age, its proper share of authority. For a MS. may be of modern date, yet if by a comparison of certain classical passages it can be shown to have been copied immediately from an old MS., it inherits, so to say, a greater share of authority than MSS. which, though of greater age, are of more distant relationship. Here, however, a distinction must be made between the authenticity and the correctness of a certain reading. As the date of the oldest MS. reaches but seldom to the age of' the author of the work, we can only expect by a critical, and, so to say, genealogical arrangement of MSS., to arrive at the best authenticated, not at the original and correct text of an author. It sometimes happens, indeed, that all the MSS. of a work can be shown to have originated from one MS. which is still in existence, as is the case, for instance, with Sophocles. But most frequently there remain in the end two or more different groups of MSS., each with its own peculiar readings, and each group entirely independent of the other. In the former case the best that can be done in a merely critical edition is to reproduce the oldest and best authenticated MS. But it frequently happens, that even in the oldest MS., upon which all the others depend, mistakes occur, which have been corrected in more modern MSS., sometimes by mere conjecture, sometimes by using quotations from an author occurring in other works which have preserved a more ancient and more correct reading. Such passages are open to philological discussions, and have to be treated in notes. In the latter case, if there remain several independent branches of MSS., the task becomes more difficult; and as each class of MSS. may claim for itself the same degree of authenticity, it becomes the duty of an editor to choose in each particular case the reading of that class of MSS. which may seem to him most correct, and best in accordance with the general style of the author. Frequently, however, even in this case one class of MSS. will be discovered, which by its general character of correctness acquires a right to overrule the testimony of the other classes in doubtful passages. All this must be finally settled before a critical edition of any author can be commenced; and it is necessary, therefore, for an editor to collate most carefully even those passages where the various readings of MSS. bear the evident character of mere mistakes, but where, notwithstanding, the omission of a single letter may often serve to point out the connection of a certain class of MSS. Grave errors and long omissions are generally much less characteristic as marking a family likeness between certain MSS. than small and insignificant mistakes, because the former have often struck those who copied a MS., and have induced them to correct erroneous readings on their own authority, or to supply important omissions from other MSS., in case they could be procured. The more insignificant mistakes, on the contrary, were more likely to be overlooked and to remain unaltered.

With regard to the twelve MSS. of the Commentary to the first Ashtaka of the Riv-veda, I have only succeeded in reducing them to three independent classes. It is not very likely that MSS. should still be found in India contemporaneous with Sayana, though, if we could trust native authorities, copies of Sayana's works have been buried in the ground near Vidyanagara [Vijayanagara]. Excluding these MSS. the existence of which is extremely problematical, I am convinced that there are no Mss. at present which have any claim to be considered as exhibiting the Commentary exactly such as it came from the hands of Sayana.

I shall proceed to give a list of those MSS. which I have made use of for this edition. I shall call the three classes, to which all the MSS. belong, A, B, and C, marking at the same time each particular MS. by its own number....

A. 1. An old MS. of the National Library at Paris, containing the first Ashtaka only. It is well written, and indeed gave me the first hope that a critical edition of Sayana might still be possible. It is dated Samvat 1625 [1568]...

The second. class, B, is represented by two MSS., both of them complete copies of the Commentary. I owe my first acquaintance with this class of MSS. to the kindness and liberality of Professor E. Burnouf, who allowed me, during my stay at Paris, to copy and collate the MS. of Sayana in his possession. Besides several passages which are corrected or supplied by this MS. in places where mistakes or omissions occur in A. or C., it contains also a number of passages which evidently bear the character of later additions: they stand frequently without any connection with the rest of the Commentary, and I had no doubt that they owed their origin to marginal notes which had been added by Brahmans while studying the Veda, and which in later copies had been incorporated into the text, though inserted in a wrong place. This supposition I found fully proved by another MS., which has lately been added to the library of the East-India-House,and which is evidently the very MS. from which Professor Burnouf's copy was taken. In this MS. all those spurious passages, which occur neither in A. nor C., have not yet been incorporated into the text, but appear still as marginal notes. Nay, it is even easy to see how, by mistaking the signs of reference, the transcriber was led to misplace some of these additions. I call the MS. of the East-India-House B. 1., and that of Professor Burnouf B. 2.; though the latter is on the whole so carefully copied, that both may be considered as one MS....

The third class of MSS. is much more numerously represented, but consists almost entirely of modern copies, executed, with more or less care, for the use of European scholars. Yet this class of MSS. also was indispensable for restoring a complete and correct text of Sayana: for though omissions and mistakes are very frequent, yet some difficult passages are given more correctly in this class of MSS. than in either A. or B.; while others, which are partly omitted in A. or B., receive occasionally great help from a comparison of C. Modern additions occur, but very seldom, and their late origin is so evident that they cannot be mistaken. The following is a list of this last class of MSS....

C. 4. A complete copy of Sayana's Commentary, forming Nos. 78-86. in Professor Wilson's collection of Sanskrit MSS. in the Bodleian Library. It is dated Samvat 1890 = 1833 A.D....

That all these MSS. must be considered as separated from the MSS. of Sayana himself by at least one degree, I conclude from the existence of such mistakes as are common to all the three classes of our MSS. I do not mean to say that Sayana may not himself have committed mistakes in writing his commentary. On the contrary, there are mistakes in all the MSS. which most probably rest upon Sayana's own responsibility....

The [Panini] laws of Sandhi and other euphonic laws I have endeavoured to observe in the same way as they have been practically carried out in the best Sanskrit MSS., considering it necessary, in a work like that of Sayana, to avoid the innovations of European, as well as the antiquated subtleties of Indian grammarians. I have also followed the custom of the MSS., which sometimes suspend very properly the laws of Sandhi in order to avoid certain combinations of words, by which either single words or the structure of whole sentences might become obscure and doubtful. In this manner the Sandhi becomes for the Sanscrit what punctuation is for other languages, only it is as difficult to lay down general laws for the one as for the other.

I have now only to mention those works which I made use of for verifying the quotations in Sayana's Commentary. There is first of all Panini, whose grammatical rules are most frequently quoted by Sayana, sometimes at full length, sometimes only with a few words by way of reference[s]...

Two other collections of grammatical Sutras which are quoted by Sayana are the Unadi-sutras and the Phit-sutras of Santanacharya [?]. Both of them form part of the Siddhanta-kaumudi, as published at Calcutta, 1811, but they have been edited with much less care than Panini's Sutras. They have been reprinted in the Memoires de l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg, 1843 and 1844, by Professor Bohtlingk, but require, particularly the Unadi-sutras, a careful collation of MSS. and the help of commentaries. I have quoted the Sutras after Professor Bohtlingk's text, as being more accessible than the edition of the Siddhanta-kaumudi; but I have been continually obliged to have recourse to the MSS. and Commentaries of the Unadi-sutras.

The MS. from which I have derived the greatest use is the Unadivritti, by Uijvaladatta, a work which has been composed after a careful collation of old MSS. and Commentaries. It frequently points out words and sutras as being of later origin, and as not occurring in old Commentaries. In our printed editions some Sutras are left out, others mixed with the Commentary; some are incomplete, others incorrect; and the meaning and formation of words are frequently mistaken. I merely mention this here to point out how unsafe it would be to make use of our present editions for lexicographic purposes; but I shall soon have an opportunity of returning to this subject, when examining the historical value of this and other works previous to Panini.

A fourth grammatical work quoted by Sayana is the Dhatupatha. Of this work we have a most excellent edition by Professor Westergaard of Copenhagen, at the end of his Radices Linguae Sanscritae. I have quoted it only a few times, as it is very easy to find Sayana's quotations with the help of Prof. Westergaard's Radices. Sayana has himself written a Commentary on the Dhatupatha, before he wrote his Commentary on the Veda, and has frequently readings peculiar to himself, which he has defended in his Commentary....

Another work frequently used by Sayana for explaining the Veda is Yaska's Nirukta. This work existed only in manuscript when I began to print Sayana's Commentary, and as the greater part of the Nirukta is contained in Sayana's works, I was obliged to copy and analyse it, in order to verify Sayana's quotations. For though, with the help of the Sarvanukrama, all the passages from the Veda which are explained by Yaska may be traced back to their places in the text by referring to the Commentary on the Nirukta, where the Devata and Rishi of each passage are given, yet it is very difficult, vice versa, to find always the place in the Nirukta where a passage of the Veda has been explained by Yaska; still more so when only a few words out of Yaska's explanations are quoted by Sayana. In the course of carrying this first volume through the press, a very correct edition of the Nirukta has been published by my learned friend Profesor Roth in Germany. Prof. Roth had kindly informed me beforehand which of the two recensions of the Nirukta he would follow in his edition, and I am glad to find that consequently the references which I have always given, when the Nirukta is quoted by Sayana, coincide with his edition. In some few places Sayana quotations from Yaska do not exactly correspond with the text of the Nirukta; but this is probably owing to Sayana's manner of quoting, which, as I have mentioned before, is generally done from memory. Although these differences were very slight, yet I could not, in accordance with the principles of my edition, take it upon myself to correct them. I have not added references to Sayana's quotations from the Nighantus, because these lists of Vaidik words are already arranged systematically under different heads, and thus require no further reference....

Another author whom Sayana quotes most frequently with regard to the Vaidik ceremonial is Asvalayana [Ashvalayana 400 BCE? [????!!!]]. There are twelve books of Srauta-sutras, and four books of Grihya-sutras, none of them as yet published. Sayana quotes these Sutras continually, whenever a hymn or part of a hymn of the Rig-veda occurs which is to be employed by the Hotri-priests at a certain act of a sacrifice. Now if, like the Sutras to the Yajur-veda, the Sutras of Asvahlayana followed the same order as the hymns, it would not have been difficult to find Sayana's quotations in the MSS. of Asvalayana's Sutras, and it would scarcely have been necessary to give a reference to each of Sayana's quotations from Asvalayana. But the Rig-veda has preserved its old arrangement and its genuine form, and has not been supplanted by a Hotri-veda, or a prayer-book for the Hotri-priests; such as the Yajur-veda is for the Adhvaryu-priests, and the Sama-veda for the Udgatri-priests. If, like these two so-called ceremonial Vedas, the Rig-veda also consisted only of such passages as are requisite for the Brahmanic sacrifices, arranged in the same order as they have to be recited by the Hotri-priests at different ceremonies, the order of the hymns and of the Sutras, and probably also of the Brahmanas, would be the same. But, as it is, the Rig-veda represents to us the old collection of sacred poetry, as it has been handed down by tradition in different Vaidik families, each of which claimed a certain number of ancient poets (Rishis) as their own. The poems therefore which have been incorporated in the Rig-veda-samhita are arranged according to the old families to which the poets of certain songs are said to have belonged, and consequently those passages which in later times were selected as most appropriate to be employed at the grand sacrifices by the Hotri-priests, are found scattered about in different parts of this old collection. Sayana, who of course knew Asvalayana's Sutras by heart, quotes these Sutras whenever one of those verses occurs which Asvalayana has prescribed for any one of the different sacrifices. But all that Sayana adds, to enable one who has not learnt by heart these sixteen books of ceremonial Sutras, to find their place in Asvalayana, consists in mentioning the name of the particular part of the ceremonial, and sometimes in giving the beginning of the chapter where a certain Sutra occurs.

By the help of Indices, however, I have succeeded in verifying these passages also, and I have always added the book and chapter where Sayana's quotations are to be found in Asvalayana's work. If, in the passages which Sayana quotes from the Brahmanas, he had restricted himself to the Brahmanas of the Rig-veda, I should have added references to these quotations also. But as Sayana takes his quotations promiscuously from all the Brahmanas, whether connected with the Rig-veda or the Sama-veda, Yajur-veda, and Atharva-veda, I determined rather to give no references whatever for these Brahmana passages than to do it incompletely[x].

It is not only on account of the vastness of the Brahmana literature that I found it impossible to verify every quotation, but there are many Brahmanas of which there are not even MSS. to be procured in any of the European libraries. Some seem lost even in India, and are only known by name. With regard to the Brahmanas of the Sama-veda, I had stated, in a letter to my friend Professor Benfey at Gottingen, that there are eight....

Besides there was the difficulty that these Brahmanas and Aranyakas, which as yet exist only in manuscript, are not always divided in the same manner; so that if I had adapted my references to the MSS., they might perhaps not have been found in accordance with the editions of several of the Brahmanas which are now preparing for publication. In many instances I have derived great help from the original MSS. of the Brahmanas, particularly as Sayana's quotations from these works are generally full of mistakes, arising from old Vaidik forms, which the transcribers did not know and understand. Frequently, however, I found also that real differences existed between a passage as quoted by Sayana and the text as exhibited in the Brahmanas, which can only be accounted for by the supposition that Sayana used some Brahmanas in a Sakha different from that which as accessible to me in manuscript.

[To be cont'd.]

-- Rig-Veda-Sanhita: The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmans, Together with the Commentary of Sayanacharya, edited by Dr. Max Muller, Volume I, Published under the Patronage of the Honourable the East-India-Company, 1849


The text which has served for the following translation [RigVeda Sanhita. A Collection of Ancient Hindu Hymns, Constituting the First Ashtaka, or Book of the Rig-Veda: The Oldest Authority for the Religious and Social Institutions of the Hindus.] comprises the Suktas of the Rig-Veda and the commentary of Sayana Acharya, printed, by Dr. Muller, from a collation of manuscripts, of which he has given an account in his Introduction.

Sayana Acharya was the brother of Madhava Acharya, the prime minister of Vira Bukka Raya, Raja of Vijayanagara in the fourteenth century, a munificent patron of Hindu literature. Both the brothers are celebrated as scholars; and many important works are attributed to them, — not only scholia on the Sanhitas and Brahmanas of the Vedas, but original works on grammar and law; the fact, no doubt, being, that they availed themselves of those means which their situation and influence secured them, and employed the most learned Brahmans they could attract to Vijayanagara upon the works which bear their name, and to which they, also, contributed their own labour and learning. Their works were, therefore, compiled under peculiar advantages, and are deservedly held in the highest estimation.

The scholia of Sayana on the text of the Rig-Veda comprise three distinct portions. The first interprets the original text, or, rather, translates it into more modern Sanskrit, fills up any ellipse, and, if any legend is briefly alluded to, narrates it in detail; the next portion of the commentary is a grammatical analysis of the text, agreeably to the system of Panini, whose aphorisms, or Sutras, are quoted; and the third portion is an explanation of the accentuation of the several words. These two last portions are purely technical, and are untranslateable. The first portion constitutes the basis of the English translation; for, although the interpretation of SAYANA may be, occasionally, questioned, he undoubtedly had a knowledge of his text far beyond the pretensions of any European scholar, and must have been in possession, either through his own learning, or that of his assistants, of all the interpretations which had been perpetuated, by traditional teaching, from the earliest times.

In addition to these divisions of his commentary, Sayana prefaces each Sukta by a specification of its author, or Rishi; of the deity, or deities, to whom it is addressed; of the rhythmical structure of the several Richas, or stanzas; and of the Vini-yoga, the application of the hymn, or of portions of it, to the religious rites at which they are to be repeated. I have been unable to make use of this latter part of the description; as the ceremonies are, chiefly, indicated by their titles alone, and their peculiar details are not to be determined without a more laborious investigation than the importance or interest of the subject appeared to me to demand.

-- RigVeda Sanhita. A Collection of Ancient Hindu Hymns, Constituting the First Ashtaka, or Book of the Rig-Veda: The Oldest Authority for the Religious and Social Institutions of the Hindus. Translated from the Original Sanskrita, by H.H. Wilson, M.A., F.R.S., Member of the Royal Asiatic Society, of the Asiatic Societies of Calcutta and Paris, and of the Oriental Society of Germany; Foreign Member of the National Institute of France; Member of the Imperial Academies of Petersburgh and Vienna, and of the Royal Academies of Munich and Berlin; Ph.D., Breslau; M.D. Marburg, &c., and Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford.


Sayana (IAST: Sāyaṇa, also called Sāyaṇācārya; died 1387) was a 14th-century Sanskrit Mimamsa scholar[1][2][3] from the Vijayanagara Empire of South India, near modern day Bellary, Karnataka. An influential commentator on the Vedas,[4] he flourished under King Bukka Raya I and his successor Harihara II.[5] More than a hundred works are attributed to him, among which are commentaries on nearly all parts of the Vedas. He also wrote on a number of subjects like medicine, morality, music and grammar.

Early life

Sāyaṇācārya was born to Mayana (IAST: Māyaṇa) and Shrimati in a Brahmin family that lived in Hampi. He had an elder brother named Madhava (sometimes identified as Vidyaranya) and a younger brother named Bhoganatha (or Somanatha). The family belonged to Bharadvaja gotra, and followed the Taittiriya Shakha (school) of the Krishna Yajurveda.[6]

He was the pupil of Vishnu Sarvajna and of Shankarananda. Both Mādhavāchārya and Sāyaṇāchārya were said to have studied under Vidyatirtha of Sringeri, and held offices in the Vijayanagara Empire.[7] Sāyaṇāchārya was a minister, and subsequently prime minister in Bukka Raya's court, and wrote much of his commentary, with his brother and other Brahmins during his ministership.[8]

Works

Sāyaṇa was a Sanskrit-language writer and commentator,[9] and more than a hundred works are attributed to him, among which are commentaries on nearly all parts of the Vedas.[note 1] Some of these works were actually written by his pupils, and some were written in conjunction with his brother, Vidyāraṇya or Mādhavacārya.

His major work is his commentary on the Vedas, Vedartha Prakasha, literally "the meaning of the Vedas made manifest,"[11][note 2] written at the request of King Bukka[13][14] of the Vijayanagara empire "to invest the young kingdom with the prestige it needed."[14] He was probably aided by other scholars,[15][note 3][16] using the interpretations of several authors.[17][note 4] The core portion of the commentary was likely written by Sāyaṇāchārya himself, but it also includes contributions of his brother Mādhavāchārya, and additions by his students and later authors who wrote under Sāyaṇāchārya's name. "Sāyaṇa" (or also Sāyaṇamādhava) by convention refers to the collective authorship of the commentary as a whole without separating such layers.

Galewicz states that Sayana, a Mimamsa scholar,[1][2][3] "thinks of the Veda as something to be trained and mastered to be put into practical ritual use," noticing that "it is not the meaning of the mantras that is most essential [...] but rather the perfect mastering of their sound form."[18] According to Galewicz, Sayana saw the purpose (artha) of the Veda as the "artha of carrying out sacrifice," giving precedence to the Yajurveda.[1] For Sayana, whether the mantras had meaning depended on the context of their practical usage.[18] This conception of the Veda, as a repertoire to be mastered and performed, takes precedence over the internal meaning or "autonomous message of the hymns."[19]

His commentary on the Rigveda was translated from Sanskrit to English by Max Müller, 1823-1900. A new edition, prepared by the Vaidik Samshodhan Mandala (Vedic Research Institute) Pune, under the general editor V. K. Rajwade, was published in 1933 in 4 volumes.[20]

He has also written many lesser manuals called Sudhanidhis treating Prayaschitta (expiation), Yajnatantra (ritual), Purushartha (aims of human endeavour), Subhashita (Collection of moral sayings), Ayurveda (Indian traditional medicine), Sangita Sara (The essence of music), Prayaschitra, Alankara, and Dhatuvrddhi (grammar)[21][22]

Influence

According to Dalal, "his work influenced all later scholars, including many European commentators and translators."[23] Sayana's commentary preserved traditional Indian understandings and explanations of the Rigveda,[24] though it also contains mistakes and contradictions.[17][25][note 5] While some 19th century Indologists were quite dismissive of Sayana's commentary, others were more appreciative.[26] His commentary was used as a reference-guide by Ralph T. H. Griffith (1826-1906), John Muir (1810-1882), Horace Hayman Wilson (1786-1860) and other 19th century European Indologists.[27] According to Wilson, Sayana's interpretation was sometimes questionable, but had "a knowledge of his text far beyond the pretension of any European scholar," reflecting the possession "of all the interpretations which had been perpetuated by traditional teaching from the earliest times."[10][note 3] Macdonnell (1854-1930) was critical of Sayana's commentary, noting that many difficult words weren't properly understood by Sayana.[25] While Rudolf Roth (1821-1895) aimed at reading the Vedas as "lyrics" without the "theological" background of the interpretations of Yaska and Sayana, Max Müller (1823-1900) published a translation of the Rigvedic Samhitas together with Sayana's commentary.[28] His contemporaries Pischel and Geldner were outspoken about the value of Sayana's commentary:

German scholars Pischel and Geldner have expressed in unequivocal terms their opinion that in the matter of Vedic exegesis greater reliance ought to be placed on the orthodox Indian tradition represented by Yaska and Sayana than on modern philological methods. Linguistics may help one to understand the bare meaning of a Vedic word, but the spirit behind that word will not be adequately realised without due appreciation of the indigenous tradition.[10]


Modern scholarship is ambivalent. According to Jan Gonda, the translations of the Rigveda published by Griffith and Wilson were "defective," suffering from their reliance on Sayana.[29][note 6] Ram Gopal notes that Sayana's commentary contains irreconcilable contradictions and "half-baked" tentative interpretations which are not further investigated,[17] but also states that Sayana's commentary is the "most exhaustive and comprehensive" of all available commentaries, embodying "the gist of a substantial portion of the Vedic interpretations of his predecessors."[30] Swami Dayananda, the founder of Arya Samaj, did not give much significance to his vedic commentaries.[31]

See also

• Vijayanagara literature

Notes

1. Complete list of works by written by Sayana:[10]
 Subhashita-sudhanidhi
 Prayasuchitta-sudhanidhi
 Ayurveda-sudhanidhi
 Alamkara-sudhanidhi
 Purushartha-sudhanidhi
 Yajnatantra-sudhanidhi
 Madaviya-dhatuvritti
 Taitriyya-samhita-bhashya
 Taittriya-brahmnana-bhashya
 Taittriya-aranyaka-bhashya
 Aitareya-aranyaka-bhashya
 Samaveda-bhashya
 Tandya-brahmana-bhashya
 Samavidhana-brahmana-bhashya
 Arsheya-brahmana-bhashya
 Devatadhyaya-brahmana-bhashya
 Samhitopanishad-brahmana-bhashya
 Vamshya-brahmana-bhashya
 Aitareya-brahmana-bhashya
 Kanva-samhita-bhashya
 Atharvaveda-bhashya
2. Sardesai: "Of all the commentaries on the Vedas, the most comprehensive and arguably the highest regarded is the one by Sayana from Karnataka in South India in the fourteenth century C.E."[12]
3. Modak 1995, pp. 34, 40, quoting H.H. Wilson who translated the whole of Rigveda following the commentary of Sayana: "Although the interpretation of Sayana may be occasionally questioned, he undoubtedly had a knowledge of his text far beyond the pretension of any European scholar and must have been in possession, either through his own learning or that of his assistants, of all the interpretations which had been perpetuated by traditional teaching from the earliest times."
4. Gopal 1983, p. 170: "There is no doubt that Sayana's Rgveda-Bhasya which represents a synthesis of different exegetical traditions of ancient India is not the work of a single author. This is why it is marred by several contradictions which cannot be easily reconciled."
5. Jackson 2017, p. 51: "The meanings of the Rigveda barely survived the loss of Hindu autonomy. If Sayana, Vidyaranya's brother, had not written a voluminous commentary explaining or paraphrasing every word of the Rig Veda, many traditional meanings would be unknown today. This alone was a remarkable revival of Hindu knowledge, even if only on the textual level. As Sayana's commentary constantly referred to ancient authorities, it was thought to have preserved the true meanings of Rig Veda in a traditional interpretation going back to the most ancient times [...] Sayana has been of the greatest service in facilitating and accelerating the comprehension of the Vedas even though, with much labour and time-consuming searching, much could have been retrieved from various other sources in India and pieced together by others if Sayana had not done it. His work was an accumulated data bank on the Rig Veda referred to by all modern Vedic scholars."
Jackson refers to Macdonell 1968, p. 62, who is quite critical of Sayana, noting that many of Sayana's explanations could not have been based on "either tradition or etymology." According to Macdonell 1968, p. 62, "a close examination of his explanations, as well as those of Yaska, has shown that there is in the Rigveda a large number of the most difficult words, about the proper sense of which neither scholar had any certain information from either tradition or etymology." Macdonell 1968, p. 62 further states that "no translation of the Rigveda based exclusively on Sayana's commentary can possibly be satisfactory." It is Macdonell who states that most of the useful information provided by Yasana could also have been found out by the western philologists.
6. Klostermaier cites Jan Gonda (1975), Vedic Literature.

References

1. Galewicz 2004, p. 40.
2. Galewicz 2011, p. 338.
3. Collins 2009, "237 Sayana".
4. "Sound and meaning of Veda".
5. Griffith, Ralph (1 October 1896). Rig Veda Bhashyam (2 ed.). Nilgiri: Evinity Publishing. pp. Introduction.
6. Modak 1995, p. 4.
7. Modak 1995, pp. 4–5.
8. Purushasukta - Sayana's commentary. Melkote: Academy of Sanskrit research.
9. Lal Khera 2002, p. 388.
10. Modak 1995, pp. 34, 40.
11. Modak 1995, p. 31.
12. Sardesai 2019, p. 33.
13. Modak 1995, p. 16.
14. Galewicz 2004, pp. 38–39.
15. Modak 1995, p. 34.
16. Dalal 2014, "Sayana was probably assisted".
17. Gopal 1983, p. 170.
18. Galewicz 2004, p. 41.
19. Galewicz 2004, pp. 41–42.
20. Internet Archive search - 'Sayana's commentary'
21. Vijayanagara Literature from book History of Andhras Archived 2007-03-13 at the Wayback Machine, p. 268f.
22. Mohan Lal, ed. (1992). Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature. Vol. 5: Sasay to Zorgot. Sahitya Akademi. p. 3885. ISBN 978-81-260-1221-3.
23. Dalal 2014.
24. Jackson 2017, p. 51.
25. Macdonell 1968, p. 62.
26. Gopal 1983, pp. 172–175.
27. Muller 1869.
28. Klostermaier 2007, p. 54.
29. Klostermaier 2007, p. 54, n.50.
30. Gopal 1983, p. 169.
31. सायण और दयानन्द.

Sources

• Collins, Randall (2009), The Sociology of Philosophies, Harvard University Press
• Dalal, Rosen (2014), The Vedas: An Introduction to Hinduism's Sacred Texts, Penguin UK
• Galewicz, Cezary (2004), "Changing Canons: What did Sayana think he commented upon", in Balcerowicz, Piotr; Mejor, Marek (eds.), Essays in Indian Philosophy, Religion and Literature, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers
• Galewicz, Cezary (2011), "Why Should the Flower of Dharma be Invisible? Sayana's Vision of the Unity of the Veda", in Squarcini, Federico (ed.), Boundaries, Dynamics and Construction of Traditions in South Asia, Anthem Press
• Gopal, Ram (1983), The History and Principles of Vedic Interpretation, Concept Publishing Company
• Jackson, W.J. (2017). Vijayanagara Voices : Exploring south indian history and hindu literature. Routeledge. ISBN 978-0754639503.
• Klostermaier, Klaus (2007), A Survey of Hinduism (third ed.), State University of New York Press, ISBN 978-0-7914-7082-4
• Lal Khera, Krishan (2002). Directory of Personal Names in the Indian History from the Earliest to 1947. Munshiram Manoharlal. ISBN 978-81-215-1059-2.
• Macdonell, Arthur A. (1968) [1900], A History of Sanskrit Literature, Haskell House Publishers
• Modak, B. R. (1995). Sayana. Sahitya Akademi. ISBN 978-81-7201-940-2.
• Muller, Max F (1869). Rig Veda Sanhita: the sacred hymns of the Brahmans. London: Trubner & Co.
• Sardesai, Damodar Ramaji (2019). India: the definitive history. Routledge.

Further reading

• Max Müller, Rig-Veda Sanskrit-Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Sayana (aus dem 14. Jh. n. Chr.), 6 vols., London 1849-75, 2nd ed. in 4 vols. London 1890 ff.
• Rgveda-Samhitā Srimat-sāyanāchārya virachita-bhāṣya-sametā, Vaidika Samśodhana Mandala, Pune-9 (2nd ed. 1972)
• Siddhanatha Sukla The Rgveda Mandala III: A critical study of the Sayana Bhasya and other interpretations of the Rgveda (3.1.1 to 3.7.3) (2001), ISBN 81-85616-73-6.

External links

• Sayana's commentary to the Rigveda
http://rigveda.sanatana.in/
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon Oct 09, 2023 3:00 am

Meghaduta [Meghaduta]
by Wikipedia
Accessed 10//8/23

We have spoken of Max Muller as an inborn poet, and in later life he told a friend he had all his life tried not to be a poet. From the early age of nine he began to write verses, all of which were carefully kept by his devoted mother. They are verses written for Christmas, or family birthdays, but one on the beautiful God's Acre at Dessau attempts a higher flight.

'It is a beautiful and restful place,' he says in the Autobiography, 'covered with old acacia trees.' It was probably this association that gave Max Muller a peculiar love for acacia trees, and it was a real grief to him when one that stood in the Parks close to his house in Norham Gardens withered and died. He tells us that the inscription over the gateway of the God's Acre was a puzzle to his young mind: 'Death is not death, 'tis but the ennobling of man's nature.' It may have been the echo of these words in his mind that made him in 1884, in writing to one of his Buddhist pupils, speak of 'looking forward to a better life — I mean a life in which we shall be better.' When at school at Leipzig he constantly wrote poems in the letters he sent his mother, and there were three occasions at his school at Leipzig where he had to recite publicly verses of his own writing. There is a whole book full of manuscript sonnets and poems written during his University career, some of which were published at the time in journals and papers, and brought in a little money, most acceptable to the poor student.

***

This term Max Muller does not seem to have attended many lectures, but worked in his room on Pali and Hindustani and on translations from the Sanskrit. He finished his translation of the Meghaduta, and submitted it both to Ruckert and Brockhaus. His MS., with Ruckert's notes in pencil, still exists; and Brockhaus wrote to him as follows: —

Translation,
'I have read your translation with the greatest delight. You have conquered a great difficulty, and reproduced this peculiar artificial poetry in intelligible, and at the same time poetic, language. You have wisely omitted many isolated traits in order to preserve the principal picture, and to give the reader not accustomed to such pictures a clear idea of the whole. Your idea appears to me almost everywhere the right one. In a few places, I should take a different view, but you have been able to use explanatory materials with which I am not acquainted, and which, no doubt, justify you in many points.'...

[Letter to His Mother] "As to my Meghaduta, it has been a long time with Professor Brockhaus in Leipzig, who at last returned it. I then gave it to Ruckert, with whom I am learning Persian, and who remembers my father with great affection. He has given me many valuable hints with regard to versification, and even improved several of the verses himself. I shall send it in a few days to Mayer Wigand, as I should like to see it printed before I leave for Paris."

-- The Life and Letters of The Right Honourable Friedrich Max Muller, Edited by His Wife [Georgina Adelaide Grenfell Muller]


Image
King looking at a cloud in a night sky. Meghadūta illustration. Guler School of Pahari painting, c. 1800. Lahore Museum

Image
A scene from Meghaduta with the yaksha and the cloud messenger, with the first verse of the poem - on an Indian stamp (1960)

Image
Artist's impression of Kalidasa composing the Meghaduta

Meghadūta (Sanskrit: मेघदूत literally Cloud Messenger)[1] is a lyric poem written by Kālidāsa (c. 4th–5th century CE), considered to be one of the greatest Sanskrit poets. It describes how a yakṣa (or nature spirit), who had been banished by his master to a remote region for a year, asked a cloud to take a message of love to his wife. The poem became well-known in Sanskrit literature and inspired other poets to write similar poems (known as "messenger-poems", or Sandesha Kavya) on similar themes. Korada Ramachandra Sastri wrote Ghanavrttam,[2] a sequel to Meghaduta

About the poem

A poem of 120[3] stanzas, it is one of Kālidāsa's most famous works. The work is divided into two parts, Purva-megha and Uttara-megha. It recounts how a yakṣa, a subject of King Kubera (the god of wealth), after being exiled for a year to Central India for neglecting his duties, convinces a passing cloud to take a message to his wife at Alaka on Mount Kailāsa in the Himālaya mountains.[4] The yakṣa accomplishes this by describing the many beautiful sights the cloud will see on its northward course to the city of Alakā, where his wife awaits his return.

In Sanskrit literature, the poetic conceit used in the Meghaduta spawned the genre of Sandesa Kavya or messenger poems, most of which are modeled on the Meghaduta (and are often written in the Meghaduta's Mandākrāntā metre). Examples include the Hamsa-sandesha, in which Rama asks a Hansa Bird to carry a message to Sita, describing sights along the journey.

In 1813, the poem was first translated into English by Horace Hayman Wilson. Since then, it has been translated several times into various languages. As with the other major works of Sanskrit literature, the most famous traditional commentary on the poem is by Mallinātha.

The great scholar of Sanskrit literature, Arthur Berriedale Keith, wrote of this poem: "It is difficult to praise too highly either the brilliance of the description of the cloud’s progress or the pathos of the picture of the wife sorrowful and alone. Indian criticism has ranked it highest among Kalidasa’s poems for brevity of expression, richness of content, and power to elicit sentiment, and the praise is not undeserved."[5]

An excerpt is quoted in Canadian director Deepa Mehta's film, Water. The poem was also the inspiration for Gustav Holst's The Cloud Messenger Op. 30 (1909–10).

Simon Armitage appears to reference Meghaduta in his poem ‘Lockdown’.

It is believed the picturesque Ramtek near Nagpur inspired Kalidasa to write the poem.[6]

Visualisation of Meghadūta

Meghadūta describes several scenes and is a rich source of inspiration for many artists.

An example are the drawings by Nana Joshi.[7]

Composer Fred Momotenko wrote the composition 'Cloud-Messenger', music for a multimedia performance with recorder, dance, projected animation and electronics in surround audio. The world premiere was at Festival November Music, with Hans Tuerlings (choreography), Jasper Kuipers (animation), Jorge Isaac (blockflutes) and dancers Gilles Viandier and Daniela Lehmann.[8]

Influence

Indian filmmaker Debaki Bose adapted the play into a 1945 film titled Meghdoot.[9]

See also

• Mandākrāntā metre
• Hamsa-Sandesha
• Sanskrit literature
• Sanskrit drama
• Sandesh Rasak
• Sandesa Kavya
• Ashadh Ka Ek Din

Editions

• Wilson, Horace Hayman (1813). The Mégha Dúta, Or, Cloud Messenger: A Poem, in the Sanscrit Language. Calcutta: College of Fort William. Retrieved 11 November 2010.. 2nd ed 1843 Introduction, text with English verse translation, and assorted footnotes.
• Johann Gildemeister, ed. (1841), Kalidasae Meghaduta et Cringaratilaka ex recensione: additum est glossarium, H.B. König. Kalidasae Meghaduta et Çringaratilaka: additum est glossariumMeghaduta ; et, Çringaratilaka Sanskrit text, with introduction and some critical notes in Latin.
• The Megha-dūta (3 ed.), Trübner & co., 1867 With Sanskrit text, English translation and more extensive notes separately.
• Colonel H. A. Ouvry (1868), The Megha dūta: or, Cloud messenger, Williams and Norgate The Megha Dūta: Or, Cloud Messenger. A prose translation.
• Ludwig Fritze (1879), Meghaduta, E. Schmeitzner. German translation.
• The Megha duta; or, Cloud messenger: a poem, in the Sanscrit language, Upendra Lal Das, 1890. Hayman's translation, with notes and translation accompanying the Sanskrit text.
• Exhaustive notes on the Meghaduta, Bombay: D.V. Sadhale & Co., 1895 Exhaustive Notes on the Meghaduta: Comprising Various Readings, the Text with the Commentary of .... Text with Mallinātha's commentary Sanjīvanī. Separate sections for English translation, explanation of Sanskrit phrases, and other notes.
• Eugen Hultzsch, ed. (1911), Kalidasa's Meghaduta: Edited from manuscripts With the Commentary of Vallabhadeva and Provided With a Complete Sanskrit-English Vocabulary, Royal Asiatic society, London Kalidasa's Meghaduta
• T. Ganapati Sastri, ed. (1919), Meghaduta with the commentary of Daksinavartanatha
• Sri sesaraj Sarma Regmi, ed. (1964), Meghadutam of mahakavi Kalidasa (in Sanskrit and Hindi), chowkhmba vidybhavan varanasi-1
• Ramakrishna Rajaram Ambardekar, ed. (1979), Rasa structure of the Meghaduta - A critical study of Kalidaas's Meghaduta in the light of Bharat's Rasa Sootra (in English and Sanskrit)

Translations

The Meghadūta has been translated many times in many Indian languages.
• The Bengali poet Buddhadeva Bose translated Meghadūta into Bengali in 1957.
• Dr. Jogindranath Majumdar translated Meghaduta in Bengali keeping its original 'Mandakranta Metre' for the first time published in 1969
• Acharya Dharmanand Jamloki Translated Meghduta in Garhwali and was well known for his work.
• Moti BA translated Meghduta in Bhojpuri Language.
• Many Nepali poets such as Jiwanath Updhyaya Adhikari, Shiva Kumar Pradhan, Biswa Raj Adhikari have translated Meghduta in Nepali language[10]
• Mukhathala G.Arjunan translated Meghaduta in Malayalam keeping its original 'Mandakranta Metre'
• Uthaya Sankar SB retold Meghaduta in Bahasa Malaysia prose form in Thirukkural dan Megha Duta (2018)

References

1. "Meghdutam". Retrieved 28 February 2012.
2. Korada, Ramachandra Sastri (1917). Ghanavritham.
3. Pathak, K. B. (1916), Kalidasa's Meghaduta, pp. xxi–xxvii.
4. Wilson (1813), page xxi.
5. Keith, A. B. (1928). A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 86.
6. "History | District Nagpur,Government of Maharashtra | India". Retrieved 2 July 2020.
7. Joshi, Nana. "A Visual Interpretation of Kalidas' Meghadūta". Joshi Artist. Retrieved 1 January 2014.
8. "Alfred Momotenko-Levitsky, composer". http://www.alfredmomotenko.com.
9. Sanjit Narwekar (1994). Directory of Indian Film-makers and Films. Flicks Books. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-948911-40-8.
10. Monica (23 April 2018). "Writer Pradhan passes away". The Himalayan Times. Retrieved 9 January 2022.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue Oct 10, 2023 1:04 am

Table of Eras
by Praful Thakkar's Classic Gallery of Indian Numismatics
Accessed: 10/9/23

Collectors of Indian Numismatic items do find different dates on coins, medals, tokens, badges etc. Many a time these dates are written in different Eras. Here. we have tried to give comparative date tables, so that collectors can immediately place them in the corresponding date of the required Era.

1. The Hijari Era was introduced by Muhammadans and was used on coins by Sultans of Delhi, and other Muhammadan dynasties including Mughals. The Era commenced in A.D. 622, the year connected with Muhammad’s flight from Mecca to Madina. Subtracting 622 from the Christian year and then adding 3% to the resulting figure can achieve a short, but fairly accurate, conversion of Christian year to Hijari year.
e.g. A.D. 1943 – 622 = 1321
add 1321 x 0.03 = 1361

2. Vikram Samvat was introduced in 57 B.C. and hence if 57 is deducted from Vikram Samvat year we get Christian year. e.g. V.S. 2054 – 57 = A.D. 1997.

3. The Saka Samvat or Era commenced in B.C. 78 during Saka Kshatrap Nahpan’s time. By adding 78 to Saka year, we get Christian year. e.g. Saka 1752 + 78 = A.D. 1830.

4. The Fasli Era is introduced to match with ‘Fasal’ i.e. crop. The Hijari Era had a lunar calendar and hence it did not correspond with the natural crop seasons. The Era was introduced into the Maratha Region in 1637-38. To convert the Fasli year to the Christian it is necessary to add 590 e.g. Fasli year 1250 + 590 = A.D. 1840.

HIJARI A.H. / CHRISTIAN A.D. / VIKRAM SAMVAT / SAKA SAMVAT / FASLI

932 1525 1582 1447
933 1526 1583 1448
934 1527 1584 1449
935 1528 1585 1450
936 1529 1586 1451
937 1530 1587 1452
938 1531 1588 1453
939 1532 1589 1454
940 1533 1590 1455
941 1534 1591 1456
942 1535 1592 1457
943 1536 1593 1458
944 1537 1594 1459
945 1538 1595 1460
946 1539 1596 1461
947 1540 1597 1462
948 1541 1598 1463
949 1542 1599 1464
950 1543 1600 1465
951 1544 1601 1466
952 1545 1602 1467
953 1546 1603 1468
954 1547 1604 1469
955 1548 1605 1470
956 1549 1606 1471
957 1550 1607 1472
958/959 1551 1608 1473
960 1552 1609 1474
961 1553 1610 1475
962 1554 1611 1476
963 1555 1612 1477
964 1556 1613 1478
965 1557 1614 1479
966 1558 1615 1480
967 1559 1616 1481
968 1560 1617 1482
969 1561 1618 1483
970 1562 1619 1484
971 1563 1620 1485
972 1564 1621 1486
973 1565 1622 1487
974 1566 1623 1488
975 1567 1624 1489
976 1568 1625 1490
977 1569 1626 1491
978 1570 1627 1492
979 1571 1628 1493
980 1572 1629 1494
981 1573 1630 1495
982 1574 1631 1496
983 1575 1632 1497
984 1576 1633 1498
985 1577 1634 1499
986 1578 1635 1500
987 1579 1636 1501
988 1580 1637 1502
989 1581 1638 1503
990 1582 1639 1504
991 1583 1640 1505
992 1584 1641 1506
993/994 1585 1642 1507
995 1586 1643 1508
996 1587 1644 1509
997 1588 1645 1510
998 1589 1646 1511
999 1590 1647 1512
1000 1591 1648 1513
1001 1592 1649 1514
1002 1593 1650 1515
1003 1594 1651 1516
1004 1595 1652 1517
1005 1596 1653 1518
1006 1597 1654 1519
1007 1598 1655 1520
1008 1599 1656 1521
1009 1600 1657 1522
1010 1601 1658 1523
1011 1602 1659 1524
1012 1603 1660 1525
1013 1604 1661 1526
1014 1605 1662 1527
1015 1606 1663 1528
1016 1607 1664 1529
1017 1608 1665 1530
1018 1609 1666 1531
1019 1610 1667 1532
1020 1611 1668 1533
1021 1612 1669 1534
1022 1613 1670 1535
1023 1614 1671 1536
1024 1615 1672 1537
1025 1616 1673 1538
1026/1027 1617 1674 1539
1028 1618 1675 1540
1029 1619 1676 1541
1030 1620 1677 1542
1031 1621 1678 1543
1032 1622 1679 1544
1033 1623 1680 1545
1034 1624 1681 1546
1035 1625 1682 1547
1036 1626 1683 1548
1037 1627 1684 1549
1038 1628 1685 1550
1039 1629 1686 1551
1040 1630 1687 1552
1041 1631 1688 1553
1042 1632 1689 1554
1043 1633 1690 1555
1044 1634 1691 1556
1045 1635 1692 1557
1046 1636 1693 1558
1047 1637 1694 1559 1047
1048 1638 1695 1560 1048
1049 1639 1696 1561 1049
1050 1640 1697 1562 1050
1051 1641 1698 1563 1051
1052 1642 1699 1564 1052
1053 1643 1700 1565 1053
1054 1644 1701 1566 1054
1055 1645 1702 1567 1055
1056 1646 1703 1568 1056
1057 1647 1704 1569 1057
1058 1648 1705 1570 1058
1059 1649 1706 1571 1059
1060/1061 1650 1707 1572 1060
1062 1651 1708 1573 1061
1063 1652 1709 1574 1062
1064 1653 1710 1575 1063
1065 1654 1711 1576 1064
1066 1655 1712 1577 1065
1067 1656 1713 1578 1066
1068 1657 1714 1579 1067
1069 1658 1715 1580 1068
1070 1659 1716 1581 1069
1071 1660 1717 1582 1070
1072 1661 1718 1583 1071
1073 1662 1719 1584 1072
1074 1663 1720 1585 1073
1075 1664 1721 1586 1074
1076 1665 1722 1587 1075
1077 1666 1723 1588 1076
1078 1667 1724 1589 1077
1079 1668 1725 1590 1078
1080 1669 1726 1591 1079
1081 1670 1727 1592 1080
1082 1671 1728 1593 1081
1083 1672 1729 1594 1082
1084 1673 1730 1595 1083
1085 1674 1731 1596 1084
1086 1675 1732 1597 1085
1087 1676 1733 1598 1086
1088 1677 1734 1599 1087
1089 1678 1735 1600 1088
1090 1679 1736 1601 1089
1091 1680 1737 1602 1090
1092 1681 1738 1603 1091
1093/1094 1682 1739 1604 1092
1095 1683 1740 1605 1093
1096 1684 1741 1606 1094
1097 1685 1742 1607 1095
1098 1686 1743 1608 1096
1099 1687 1744 1609 1097
1100 1688 1745 1610 1098
1101 1689 1746 1611 1099
1102 1690 1747 1612 1100
1103 1691 1748 1613 1101
1104 1692 1749 1614 1102
1105 1693 1750 1615 1103
1106 1694 1751 1616 1104
1107 1695 1752 1617 1105
1108 1696 1753 1618 1106
1109 1697 1754 1619 1107
1110 1698 1755 1620 1108
1111 1699 1756 1621 1109
1112 1700 1757 1622 1110
1113 1701 1758 1623 1111
1114 1702 1759 1624 1112
1115 1703 1760 1625 1113
1116 1704 1761 1626 1114
1117 1705 1762 1627 1115
1118 1706 1763 1628 1116
1119 1707 1764 1629 1117
1120 1708 1765 1630 1118
1121 1709 1766 1631 1119
1122 1710 1767 1632 1120
1123 1711 1768 1633 1121
1124 1712 1769 1634 1122
1125 1713 1770 1635 1123
1126 1714 1771 1636 1124
1127/1128 1715 1772 1637 1125
1129 1716 1773 1638 1126
1130 1717 1774 1639 1127
1131 1718 1775 1640 1128
1132 1719 1776 1641 1129
1133 1720 1777 1642 1130
1134 1721 1778 1643 1131
1135 1722 1779 1644 1132
1136 1723 1780 1645 1133
1137 1724 1781 1646 1134
1138 1725 1782 1647 1135
1139 1726 1783 1648 1136
1140 1727 1784 1649 1137
1141 1728 1785 1650 1138
1142 1729 1786 1651 1139
1143 1730 1787 1652 1140
1144 1731 1788 1653 1141
1145 1732 1789 1654 1142
1146 1733 1790 1655 1143
1147 1734 1791 1656 1144
1148 1735 1792 1657 1145
1149 1736 1793 1658 1146
1150 1737 1794 1659 1147
1151 1738 1795 1660 1148
1152 1739 1796 1661 1149
1153 1740 1797 1662 1150
1154 1741 1798 1663 1151
1155 1742 1799 1664 1152
1156 1743 1800 1665 1153
1157 1744 1801 1666 1154
1158 1745 1802 1667 1155
1159 1746 1803 1668 1156
1160 1747 1804 1669 1157
1161/1162 1748 1805 1670 1158
1163 1749 1806 1671 1159
1164 1750 1807 1672 1160
1165 1751 1808 1673 1161
1166 1752 1809 1674 1162
1167 1753 1810 1675 1163
1168 1754 1811 1676 1164
1169 1755 1812 1677 1165
1170 1756 1813 1678 1166
1171 1757 1814 1679 1167
1172 1758 1815 1680 1168
1173 1759 1816 1681 1169
1174 1760 1817 1682 1170
1175 1761 1818 1683 1171
1176 1762 1819 1684 1172
1177 1763 1820 1685 1173
1178 1764 1821 1686 1174
1179 1765 1822 1687 1175
1180 1766 1823 1688 1176
1181 1767 1824 1689 1177
1182 1768 1825 1690 1178
1183 1769 1826 1691 1179
1184 1770 1827 1692 1180
1185 1771 1828 1693 1181
1186 1772 1829 1694 1182
1187 1773 1830 1695 1183
1188 1774 1831 1696 1184
1189 1775 1832 1697 1185
1190 1776 1833 1698 1186
1191 1777 1834 1699 1187
1192 1778 1835 1700 1188
1193 1779 1836 1701 1189
1194/1195 1780 1837 1702 1190
1196 1781 1838 1703 1191
1197 1782 1839 1704 1192
1198 1783 1840 1705 1193
1199 1784 1841 1706 1194
1200 1785 1842 1707 1195
1201 1786 1843 1708 1196
1202 1787 1844 1709 1197
1203 1788 1845 1710 1198
1204 1789 1846 1711 1199
1205 1790 1847 1712 1200
1206 1791 1848 1713 1201
1207 1792 1849 1714 1202
1208 1793 1850 1715 1203
1209 1794 1851 1716 1204
1210 1795 1852 1717 1205
1211 1796 1853 1718 1206
1212 1797 1854 1719 1207
1213 1798 1855 1720 1208
1214 1799 1856 1721 1209
1215 1800 1857 1722 1210
1216 1801 1858 1723 1211
1217 1802 1859 1724 1212
1218 1803 1860 1725 1213
1219 1804 1861 1726 1214
1220 1805 1862 1727 1215
1221 1806 1863 1728 1216
1222 1807 1864 1729 1217
1223 1808 1865 1730 1218
1224 1809 1866 1731 1219
1225 1810 1867 1732 1220
1226 1811 1868 1733 1221
1227 1812 1869 1734 1222
1228/1229 1813 1870 1735 1223
1230 1814 1871 1736 1224
1231 1815 1872 1737 1225
1232 1816 1873 1738 1226
1233 1817 1874 1739 1227
1234 1818 1875 1740 1228
1235 1819 1876 1741 1229
1236 1820 1877 1742 1230
1237 1821 1878 1743 1231
1238 1822 1879 1744 1232
1239 1823 1880 1745 1233
1240 1824 1881 1746 1234
1241 1825 1882 1747 1235
1242 1826 1883 1748 1236
1243 1827 1884 1749 1237
1244 1828 1885 1750 1238
1245 1829 1886 1751 1239
1246 1830 1887 1752 1240
1247 1831 1888 1753 1241
1248 1832 1889 1754 1242
1249 1833 1890 1755 1243
1250 1834 1891 1756 1244
1251 1835 1892 1757 1245
1252 1836 1893 1758 1246
1253 1837 1894 1759 1247
1254 1838 1895 1760 1248
1255 1839 1896 1761 1249
1256 1840 1897 1762 1250
1257 1841 1898 1763 1251
1258 1842 1899 1764 1252
1259 1843 1900 1765 1253
1260 1844 1901 1766 1254
1261/1262 1845 1902 1767 1255
1263 1846 1903 1768 1256
1264 1847 1904 1769 1257
1265 1848 1905 1770 1258
1266 1849 1906 1771 1259
1267 1850 1907 1772 1260
1268 1851 1908 1773 1261
1269 1852 1909 1774 1262
1270 1853 1910 1775 1263
1271 1854 1911 1776 1264
1272 1855 1912 1777 1265
1273 1856 1913 1778 1266
1274 1857 1914 1779 1267
1275 1858 1915 1780 1268
1276 1859 1916 1781 1269
1277 1860 1917 1782 1270
1278 1861 1918 1783 1271
1279 1862 1919 1784 1272
1280 1863 1920 1785 1273
1281 1864 1921 1786 1274
1282 1865 1922 1787 1275
1283 1866 1923 1788 1276
1284 1867 1924 1789 1277
1285 1868 1925 1790 1278
1286 1869 1926 1791 1279
1287 1870 1927 1792 1280
1288 1871 1928 1793 1281
1289 1872 1929 1794 1282
1290 1873 1930 1795 1283
1291 1874 1931 1796 1284
1292 1875 1932 1797 1285
1293 1876 1933 1798 1286
1294 1877 1934 1799 1287
1295/1296 1878 1935 1800 1288
1297 1879 1936 1801 1289
1298 1880 1937 1802 1290
1299 1881 1938 1803 1291
1300 1882 1939 1804 1292
1301 1883 1940 1805 1293
1302 1884 1941 1806 1294
1303 1885 1942 1807 1295
1304 1886 1943 1808 1296
1305 1887 1944 1809 1297
1306 1888 1945 1810 1298
1307 1889 1946 1811 1299
1308 1890 1947 1812 1300
1309 1891 1948 1813 1301
1310 1892 1949 1814 1302
1311 1893 1950 1815 1303
1312 1894 1951 1816 1304
1313 1895 1952 1817 1305
1314 1896 1953 1818 1306
1315 1897 1954 1819 1307
1316 1898 1955 1820 1308
1317 1899 1956 1821 1309
1318 1900 1957 1822 1310
1319 1901 1958 1823 1311
1320 1902 1959 1824 1312
1321 1903 1960 1825 1313
1322 1904 1961 1826 1314
1323 1905 1962 1827 1315
1324 1906 1963 1828 1316
1325 1907 1964 1829 1317
1326 1908 1965 1830 1318
1327 1909 1966 1831 1319
1328 1910 1967 1832 1320
1329/1330 1911 1968 1833 1321
1331 1912 1969 1834 1322
1332 1913 1970 1835 1323
1333 1914 1971 1836 1324
1334 1915 1972 1837 1325
1335 1916 1973 1838 1326
1336 1917 1974 1839 1327
1337 1918 1975 1840 1328
1338 1919 1976 1841 1329
1339 1920 1977 1842 1330
1340 1921 1978 1843 1331
1341 1922 1979 1844 1332
1342 1923 1980 1845 1333
1343 1924 1981 1846 1334
1344 1925 1982 1847 1335
1345 1926 1983 1848 1336
1346 1927 1984 1849 1337
1347 1928 1985 1850 1338
1348 1929 1986 1851 1339
1349 1930 1987 1852 1340
1350 1931 1988 1853 1341
1351 1932 1989 1854 1342
1352 1933 1990 1855 1343
1353 1934 1991 1856 1344
1354 1935 1992 1857 1345
1355 1936 1993 1858 1346
1356 1937 1994 1859 1347
1357 1938 1995 1860 1348
1358 1939 1996 1861 1349
1359 1940 1997 1862 1350
1360 1941 1998 1863 1351
1361 1942 1999 1864 1352
1362/1363 1943 2000 1865 1353
1364 1944 2001 1866 1354
1365 1945 2002 1867 1355
1366 1946 2003 1868 1356
1367 1947 2004 1869 1357
1368 1948 2005 1870 1358
1369 1949 2006 1871 1359
1370 1950 2007 1872 1360
1371 1951 2008 1873 1361
1372 1952 2009 1874 1362
1373 1953 2010 1875 1363
1374 1954 2011 1876 1364
1375 1955 2012 1877 1365
1376 1956 2013 1878 1366
1377 1957 2014 1879 1367
1378 1958 2015 1880 1368
1379 1959 2016 1881 1369
1380 1960 2017 1882 1370
1381 1961 2018 1883 1371
1382 1962 2019 1884 1372
1383 1963 2020 1885 1373
1384 1964 2021 1886 1374
1385 1965 2022 1887 1375
1386 1966 2023 1888 1376
1387 1967 2024 1889 1377
1388 1968 2025 1890 1378
1389 1969 2026 1891 1379
1390 1970 2027 1892 1380
1391 1971 2028 1893 1381
1392 1972 2029 1894 1382
1393 1973 2030 1895 1383
1394 1974 2031 1896 1384
1395 1975 2032 1897 1385
1396/1397 1976 2033 1898 1386
1398 1977 2034 1899 1387
1399 1978 2035 1900 1388
1400 1979 2036 1901 1389
1401 1980 2037 1902 1390
1402 1981 2038 1903 1391
1403 1982 2039 1904 1392
1404 1983 2040 1905 1393
1405 1984 2041 1906 1394
1406 1985 2042 1907 1395
1407 1986 2043 1908 1396
1408 1987 2044 1909 1397
1409 1988 2045 1910 1398
1410 1989 2046 1911 1399
1411 1990 2047 1912 1400
1412 1991 2048 1913 1401
1413 1992 2049 1914 1402
1414 1993 2050 1915 1403
1415 1994 2051 1916 1404
1416 1995 2052 1917 1405
1417 1996 2053 1918 1406
1418 1997 2054 1919 1407
1419 1998 2055 1920 1408
1420 1999 2056 1921 1409
1421 2000 2057 1922 1410
1422 2001 2058 1923 1411
1423 2002 2059 1924 1412
1424 2003 2060 1925 1413
1425 2004 2061 1926 1414
1426 2005 2062 1927 1415


...end of table
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