FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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The Bronze Laminetta Of Drusus Minor Preserved At The Provincial Museum Of Torcello: A False Unmasked (* [In addition to the numerous people thanked in the individual footnotes, I am grateful to my colleagues Alfredo Buonopane, Giovannella Cresci and Franco Luciani for reading the final drafting of this contribution and helping me with their advice.])
by Lorenzo Calvelli
Epigraphic
LXXVII, 1-2, p. 133
2015

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Abstract

This article examines in detail a small bronze tablet belonging to the collection of the Museo Provinciale di Torcello, near Venice. The tablet is inscribed on both sides and bears a dedication to Drusus the Younger, emperor Tiberius’ son who died in AD 23, plus some abbreviations that are difficult to expand. The object has long been considered to be genuine, however in more recent times its authenticity has been questioned. Internal analysis, which reveals some anomalous characteristics, supports these doubts, but the most convincing arguments are offered by comparison with other artefacts. In fact, previous editors failed to remark that several objects bearing the same text had already been registered and considered false by the curators of the Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. A vast survey conducted through a network of European museums demonstrates that nearly identical tablets are kept today in Arezzo, Madrid and Basel. It is likely that these counterfeit antiquities, whose inscribed words and letters reproduce with slight variations the texts that were readable on authentic inscriptions and coins, were actually created in Tuscany in the mid 18th century.

Key words: bronze inscriptions; epigraphic forgeries; Drusus the Younger; Museo Provinciale di Torcello; Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate di Arezzo; Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid; Antikenmuseum Basel; Accademia Colombaria.

1. The laminetta of Torcello

In the archaeological collection of the Provincial Museum of Torcello there is a rectangular opistograph bronze sheet which has repeatedly attracted the attention of scholars (Figs. 1-2) (1). Its first mention is due to Luigi Conton, director of the museum collection in the early decades of the twentieth century: in an article published in 1909, the scholar presented a detailed analysis of the find, reporting that it had been found "recently near Torcello " (2); in another contemporary publication he specified: "This bronze plate was found a short distance from the cathedral at a depth of one meter, in the year 1908" (3).

Image
Fig. 1. TORCELLO (VE), Provincial Archaeological Museum, inv. 1910a-b, recto (Photo: Province of Venice).

Image
Fig. 2. TORCELLO (VE), Provincial Archaeological Museum, inv. 1910a-b, verso (Photo: Province of Venice).

The exhibit measures 2.9 × 6.5 × 0.3 cm, weighs 44.5 grams and is currently exhibited in a showcase on the upper floor of the ancient Palazzo dell'Archivio, together with other metal artifacts, mostly dating back to the Roman times. The edges of the object are intact and slightly rounded on the corners; in the central part of the upper margin there is a conspicuous trapezoidal chipping. The two faces of the blade are engraved with an inscription in relief, obtained by casting (and not typing) from a negative bivalve matrix. The text follows an approximate alignment and is spread over four lines in the recto and two lines in the back (4). The letters have a variable height that varies between 0.6 and 0.4 cm on the front and 1.3 and 1 cm on the reverse. The transcription proposed following an autopsy check (September 2014) is the following:

Drusus Caisari,
Aug(usti) to you, god
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(aged) c(raised).//
I(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -) d(- - -).
From Drusus Caesar, son of Tiberius Augustus, nephew of the divine Augustus, by decree of the senate. -).


Both sides of the inscription adopt a centered and symmetrically well-set layout. In the text there are several circular punctuation marks, arranged at variable heights, often out of height and at the foot of the letter, both between the individual words, as well as at the beginning and at the end of some lines. The groove of the letters is on the whole well marked. From the palaeographical point of view, the G with a very pronounced pillar can be seen in the rr. 2 and 3 of the recto and the P with open eyelet at the beginning of the r. 2 of the reverse. The autopsy of the artifact, carried out with the aid of grazing light and binocular glasses, made it possible to identify between the two terms of r 1 of the front a punctuation mark, placed just above the ideal guideline on which the inscription runs; it is followed by the remains of a semicircular letter with the curve turned to the left, identifiable with the lower half of a C: this has led to a preference for the CAISARI reading instead of KAISARI, for which all the previous publishers had opted instead.

The content analysis of the document, conducted by Ezio Buchi in a short essay published in 1994, identified without hesitation in the text engraved on the front of the flap a dedication to Drusus Caesar, also known as Drusus Minor, son of Tiberius and Vipsania Agrippina, born between 15 and 12 BC and died in 23 A.D., perhaps poisoned by his wife Livilla in complicity with the praetorian prefect Seiano (5). According to the Tacitian testimony, on the occasion of the untimely death of his son, the emperor bestowed even greater honors on him than those decreed four years earlier to the designated Germanic heir (6). As for the two lines on the reverse of the artefact, they are characterized by a sequence of abbreviated terms that are difficult to dissolve. The only exegetical proposals so far advanced are devoid of reliable comparisons and little or not at all convincing (7).

A careful autopsy examination of the find, however, raises serious doubts as to its authenticity. By resorting to diplomatic terminology, it can be observed in particular that among the intrinsic characters the punctuation marks placed at the beginning or at the end of a line and at variable height are unusual in Latin epigraphs on bronze of the high-imperial era (8 ), as well as the sequences of litterae singulares [GT: individual letters ] present on the reverse of the artefact. As regards extrinsic characters, the peculiarity of the support on which the text of the inscription is engraved stands out above all (9). Specifically, it does not find comparisons with other well-known categories of the so-called instrumentum inscriptum [GT: written instrument]: in fact it is neither a tabula lusoria [game board], nor a hospitalis [hospitality token] or nummularia card [a bronze tag for money changers], nor a label to affix (as an opisthographer) or from hang (as it has no hole or ring socket). The possible use of this type of artefact therefore remains to be explained. Finally, it should be noted that the dimensions of the find are in no way comparable to ancient units of measurement.


Some of the considerations set out here were already advanced a few years ago by Antonio Sartori, who was the first to suggest the possibility that the bronze plate was actually a fake of the modern era (10). The hypothesis expressed by the scholar followed the appearance on the Parisian antiques market of three small bronze opisthograph finds, similar in type to the one preserved in Torcello, on one of which a substantially identical text was engraved (11). The other two small plates also had inscriptions of dubious authenticity, one of which reproduced with gross errors the text of a genuine epigraph (12), containing a dedication to Germanicus and two of his sons, engraved on a marble slab of non-urban origin, but already attested in Rome in the sixteenth century (13).

2. The flails of the pigeons

A new bibliographic investigation has now been the starting point for a further advancement of the research. The first tome of the eleventh volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum [GT: A body of Latin inscriptions], published in 1888, in fact contains an entry dedicated to a group of four epigraphs engraved on bronze objects, which Eugen Bormann, curator of this section of the CIL, relegated without hesitation to the category of falsae (Fig. 3) (14). Among these artifacts, defined as "laminae aeriale in agro Pistoriensi a. 1763 repertae" [GT: aerial plates in the field of Pistorius a. 1763 found](15), first of all shows an example of the dedication to Germanicus and his sons mentioned earlier, perhaps the very same one that has recently reappeared on the Paris antiques market (16). However, it is the second of the epigraphic documents transcribed to us by Bormann that most draws our attention (17):

Drusus Caisari,
Aug(usti) to you, god
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(aged) c(raised).//
I(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -).


Image

209* brass plates in the Pistorian field a. 1763 discovered by Merlin.
1. ..germanico neroni druso / caesar germanici / gemamanici / caesaris f. casaris / e / aus ob. no august // imp
2. Drusus caisari / ti Aug. f. long / Aug. n / s.c. // me / p. l. d
3. imp. titus caesari / diui vespasian f / vespasiano // f. e. r / p
4. Titus July / Aug. / m. nestor // s. p. Q. r / d. l
Fr. Ignatius Merlini Calderini, who had bought it, took care to print the images on the folio, one example of which is in ms. associates annals of pigeons 19; from there he published Cantini's inscr. dove 1 p. 92 n. 9 contrary to n. 2, p. 95 n. 10 reversed n. 4.
He who made these and similar letters has forged almost all the genuine inscriptions, but he has made several copies. As the number of addresses 2. 3. 4 similar patterns in the records of the dove. they are said to be, whose plaster casts were proposed for colonnades d. 17 April 1763 (annal. 28 p. 40, where the words are not mentioned), but they were said to have been found in Favente and had been bought by a dovecote associate; they are perhaps those which now exist in Bononia (above n. 105*, 5. 6. 9). Another or the same copy of inscription 2 is now preserved in the museum of Arretino.

Fig. 3. CIL XI, 209*.


Already at first sight it can be seen that the text is substantially identical to that which can be read on the bronze sheet preserved in the Provincial Museum of Torcello. The only significant difference is the presence of only one D in the final line of the reverse of the epigraphic document transcribed by Bormann. The object on which this inscription was engraved, as well as the other three reviewed in the same CIL entry, belonged in the eighteenth century to Abbot Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, a Pistoian scholar and member of the Columbian Academy of Florence (18).

As can be seen from the bibliographic indications cited in the apparatus, Bormann had learned this news by consulting the manuscript Annals of the Florentine cultural institution (19). The original of the document consulted by the scholar is transcribed in full below, who fortunately escaped the destruction that the ancient headquarters of the Academy suffered during the Second World War (20):

On September 11 [1763]. Gather to the usual lair. Verecondo brought a printed copy of some inscriptions that can be read in relief on four copper sheets, recently found in the Pistoia area and purchased by Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, our foreign partner. It has been observed that the last three laminae are quite similar to three others of those that our Wanderer communicated to us, as in the year preceding f. 40 (21).


The text summarizes the topics addressed by the members of Colombaria during a session held on Sunday 11 September 1763. On this occasion, the Florentine patrician scholar Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni, known with the academic name of "Verecondo" (22), had provided others present a printed reproduction of some bronze artefacts purchased from their Pistoian partner Merlini Calderini. Unfortunately, this graphic documentation, initially attached to the Annual and viewed by Bormann, is no longer available today (23).

During the meeting in question, the Pigeons remarked on the close affinities that existed between three of the small plates owned by Merlini Calderini and other similar finds, mentioned in a passage from the previous volume of the Annals, which is transcribed below:


On April 17, 1763. Gathered at the usual den etc. Six plaster tablets were donated to our Society, which are placed in a small picture, with very ancient Roman inscriptions. They were formed on the bronze tablets, purchased by the Vagante, who came from Faenza, where they were found underground by a worker in making some pits on his farm (24).


From the document it is clear that another columbarium partner, Giovanni Baldovinetti known as the "Vagante" (25), was in possession of six bronze plates, which a marginal annotation places in relation to those subsequently reported by Merlini Calderini (26). The plaster casts of these finds were donated to the Academy itself, but even today they are no longer available.

Summarizing, therefore, on two separate occasions during 1763 two members of the Colombarian Academy communicated to their associates that they had come into possession of two different groups of bronze laminas: the first, coming from the Faenza countryside and bought by Giovanni Baldovinetti, included six inscribed finds; the second, found in the Pistoia countryside and acquired by Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, numbered only four. Of the latter there was a printed reproduction, currently dispersed, from which Bormann obtained the transcripts he reproposed in the eleventh volume of the CIL (27). As the Colombi had already remarked, three of the laminas purchased by Merlini Calderini were identical to as many in the possession of Baldovinetti. In the first place, therefore, it was the existence of several examples of these artifacts that led the publisher of the Corpus to include them in the falsae section, while acknowledging the expertise with which they were made (28).

In addition to Bormann's considerations, the vagueness of the information relating to the discovery of the two allegedly antiquated nuclei is suspected (note above all the topos of the discovery made "by a worker in making some graves on his farm"):

in this perspective, a further investigation of archival documentation could prove to be a harbinger of new information. In particular, the existence, in the State Archives of Florence, of the correspondence between Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini and Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni, which includes 29 letters sent by the Pistoian abbot to the Florentine scholar during the 1763 (29). Similarly, an investigation into the relations between Giovanni Baldovinetti and his relative Margherita Baldovinetti Gambereschi, wife of Count Vincenzo Gabellotti of Faenza (30) could be profitable.

3. Laminette and more laminette

In addition to the bronze finds known through the manuscript deeds of the Accademia Colombaria, Bormann was also able to see some of them in person. Among these, a group of nine small blades was distinguished, preserved in Bologna and described as "complures tablee ariae inscriptae exemplis falsis titulorum genuinorum" (31). One of them again reported the same text engraved on the front of the artefact kept in Torcello (32):

Druso Caisari,
Ti (beri) Aug (usti) f (ilio), divi
Aug (usti) n (epoti),
s (enatus) c (onsulto).


The transcription provided by Bormann does not indicate the presence of letters on the back of the laminetta. According to the German epigraph, this find, as well as all the others belonging to the same collection nucleus, was formerly kept in the University Museum of the city of Bologna and from here it passed into the public museum (33). A comparison made at the Archaeological Civic Museum of Bologna, however, gave a negative result: it is perhaps possible that, once recognized as fake, the bronze finds were discarded from the collection or that they were lost during the last war period or after the war. immediately following (34). In addition to the eleventh volume of the CIL, the Bolognese laminetta with a dedication to Drusus Minor is also registered in the section of the Corpus relating to falsae of urban origin, with the indication "aerial table in the Bononiensi museum. […] Descripsit et damnavit Bormann »(35).

Albeit incidentally, Bormann himself also indicated that he had seen another example of the same artifact, kept "in the Arretino museum" (36). After extensive research, it was possible to identify this find at the National Archaeological Museum Gaio Cilnio Mecenate in Arezzo (Figs. 4-5) (37). The affinities with the laminetta kept in Torcello appear compelling, both in relation to the support and to the text engraved on its two sides:

Druso Caisari,
Ti (beri) Aug (usti) f (ilio), divi
Aug (usti) n (epoti),
s (enatus) c (onsulto) .//
Myself(- - -)
p (- - -) l (- - -) d (- - -) d (- - -).


Image

Fig. 4. AREZZO, National Archaeological Museum Gaius Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229, recto (Photo: courtesy of the Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage of Tuscany, Florence).

Image
Fig. 5. AREZZO, National Archaeological Museum Gaius Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229, verso (Photo: courtesy of the Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage of Tuscany, Florence).

Towards the middle of the upper edge the artefact is crossed by a small circular through hole, which affects the first line of the text both in the recto and in the verso, without however compromising its reading. The laminetta appears to have belonged to the Museum of the Fraternity of the laity, the main welfare congregation in Arezzo, whose collections form the founding nucleus of the current Archaeological Museum (38). A file from the Fraternity archive, drawn up by Angelo Pasqui in 1882, indicates that the find was found in Arezzo in Piazza Guido Monaco in 1865 (39). The indication, followed by a question mark, seems to be aimed at accrediting the authenticity of the artifact thanks to the expedient of an evidently fictitious discovery. Although in the immediate post-unification period the works for the construction of Piazza Guido Monaco actually resulted in numerous important archaeological discoveries (40), it is unlikely that among them there were also false finds, already attested in the Tuscan collecting circuits over a century earlier. It seems much more plausible that the laminetta preserved in Arezzo is one of those previously belonging to the members of the Accademia Colombaria, but it cannot be excluded that it is a further copy, perhaps acquired through some local antiquarian collection (41). An investigation into the Arezzo archival collections may perhaps allow us to determine more precisely the collection vicissitudes of the artefact in the future.

The presence of the inscribed bronze plates dedicated to Drusus Minor is not limited to the Italian territory alone. In recent times a specimen of the same object has been reported by Helena Gimeno Pascual (42): it is located in the Museo Arqueológico Nacional in Madrid and where it entered in 1876, together with the collection of antiquities of Don Tomás de Asensi (Figs. 6-7 ) (43). Also in this case the dimensions of the find are in all similar to those of the porcelain laminetta, just as the text that is engraved on it is analogous (44):

Druso Caisari,
Ti (beri) Aug (usti) f (ilio), divi
Aug (usti) n (epoti),
s (enatus) c (onsulto) .//
Myself(- - -)
p (- - -) l (- - -) d (- - -) d (- - -).


Image
Fig. 6. MADRID, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104, recto. (Photo: Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid).

Image

Fig. 7. MADRID, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104, verso. (Photo: Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid).

Tomás de Asensi, a knight of the Royal Order of Isabella the Catholic, was vice consul of Spain in Nice and commercial director for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministerio de Estado) around the middle of the 19th century (45). It is possible that he had purchased the laminetta at the time of his residence in Nice or during the many trips he took to Italian territory. In the autograph catalog of his collection, the bronze artefact is described as follows:

Pieza n. 684 (sin fi cha). Tesera de bronce, ó sea permiso para asistir a las diversiones públicas, ó de la liberalidad, llamadas congiari, de los emperadores ú otros personajes del imperio; with inscripciones en el derecho y en el revés. The del derecho says: Druso - Caesari - Ti. - Aug. T. Divi - Aug. N. - S. C. (To Druso César, hijo de Tiberio Augusto, nieto of the divine Augustus - Senatus Consultum). La del revés says: ME - P.L.D.D. De this leyenda no es fácil la explicación. Las últimas cuatro letras pueden explicarse así: Publicus Ludus Dedit, ó sea dió juegos públicos; but no así las dos primeras letras ME, que no pudieron ser explicadas ni aún por el doctor profesor de Arquelogía Sr. Henzen, secretary of the Instituto de Correspondencia Arqueológica de Rome (46).


The entry in the catalog is distinguished by the attempt to classify the bronze sheet as an object of the Roman era, which would have been used on the occasion of games, holidays or public distributions organized by the emperors; according to its owner it would therefore fall into the category of metal artifacts known as tesserae spectaculis (47), well attested by the archaeological documentation and similar to those used for the collection of foodstuffs, which literary sources call tesserae nummariae or frumentariae (48) . The most common types of these objects, however, are made of lead and their features differ considerably from those of the laminette examined in this study. The tesserae are in fact almost always circular in shape and have the effigy of a prince or a member of the imperial domus on the front, while on the reverse their legend usually indicates the name of the magistrate in charge of setting up the shows or celebrations ( 49).

From the form drawn up by Asensi it is also clear that he had consulted Wilhelm Henzen, secretary of the Institute of Archaeological Correspondence in Rome, in an attempt to give meaning to the initials engraved on the reverse of the bronze artefact (50). In the correspondence of the German scholar, however, there is no trace of letters sent by the Spanish collector (51): it is therefore possible that Asensi had recourse to an intermediary or that, during a stay in Italy, he had contacted Henzen in person.

Henzen himself, on the other hand, got to know, albeit indirectly, another batch of finds similar to those examined so far. In fact, during a meeting of the Institute of Archaeological Correspondence held on 24 February 1860, he reported to his associates that he had received the "paper impressions of five bronze plates with letters detected, recently passed into the Basel Museum and recognized as false by mr. prof. Guglielmo Vischer, who had sent them to the Institute to find out, if this were possible, their provenance "(52). A check carried out at the Antikenmuseum in Basel made it possible to locate this nucleus of registered artifacts again (53). One of them (Figs. 8-9), as already pointed out by Henzen (54), once again reports the text of the now well-known dedication to Drusus Minor:

Druso Caisari,
Ti (beri) Aug (usti) f (ilio), divi
Aug (usti) n (epoti),
s (enatus) c (onsulto) .//
Myself(---)
p (---) l (---) d (---).


As in the case of the laminetta owned by Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, the only difference between the text of the epigraph preserved in Torcello is the presence of only one D in the final line of the verso. The ways in which the Antikenmuseum of Basel acquired this find and the other four belonging to the same lot have yet to be precisely determined (55). The terminus ante quem consists precisely of the report sent by Vischer to Henzen (56).

Image
Fig. 8. BASEL, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26, recto. (Photo: R. Habegger).

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Fig. 9. BASEL, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26, verso. (Photo: R. Habegger).

In the aforementioned meeting of the Instituto Henzen he again reported that, in addition to the bronze artifacts preserved in Basel, others were also known, in the possession of Heinrich Schreiber, senior professor of History at the University of Freiburg in Breisgau (57). On his death, which occurred in 1872, he bequeathed his collections to the city where he had taught (58). Indeed, in a coeval handwritten inventory the presence of at least two inscribed laminas appears, one of which is undoubtedly identifiable as an example of CIL XI, 209 *, 1 (59). During the twentieth century, however, the collection was dispersed and divided between various Friborg institutions, such as the Augustinermuseum, the Prehistoric Museum (Museum für Urgeschichte, which was in turn suppressed and partially merged into the Archäologisches Museum Colombischlössle) and the City Archive (Stadtarchiv) (60). So far it has not been possible to identify the location of the flaps that belonged to Schreiber, given that they are still available.

4. Concluding remarks

The study of the bronze sheet preserved in the Provincial Museum of Torcello has brought to light an unexpected scenario. The doubts about the authenticity of the small inscribed artefact, already expressed in the past, were supported by a new autopsy examination and confirmed by the identification of numerous other laminates of similar manufacture. These findings have been unanimously judged false by epigraphic criticism, also due to the serial nature that distinguishes them. In fact, as has been found in the course of this essay, only eight or perhaps nine specimens of the small plate with a dedication to Drusus Minor are documented, of which a short summary list is provided for convenience, structured according to the order of presentation adopted in the previous pages:

1. laminetta belonging to the Provincial Museum of Torcello, apparently found in Torcello in 1908;

2. laminetta reported to a Parisian antiquarian in the nineties of the last century, of which Antonio Sartori has published the reproduction of a cast in relief in aluminum foil;

3. laminetta that belonged to Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, of which he provided a printed reproduction to the colombari members in September 1763;

4. laminetta that belonged to Giovanni Baldovinetti, of whom he provided a plaster cast to the Colombarian Academy in April 1763;

5. laminetta reported by Eugen Bormann at the Archaeological Civic Museum of Bologna and formerly belonging to the University Museum of the same city;

6. laminetta kept at the National Archaeological Museum Gaio Cilnio Mecenate of Arezzo, already reported by Eugen Bormann and apparently found in Arezzo in 1865;

7. laminetta preserved in the Museo Arqueológico Nacional in Madrid, from which it was acquired in 1876 together with the collection of Don Tomás de Asensi;

8. flap kept at the Antikenmuseum in Basel, already reported by Wilhelm Vischer in February 1860;

9. flap owned by Heinrich Schreiber in Friborg, reported by Vischer himself in February 1860 (it is not certain, however, that it bore the same text engraved on the Torcello flap).

At the current state of research, only four of these laminas can be located with certainty: these are those preserved in the museums of Torcello, Arezzo, Madrid and Basel, of which photographic reproductions have been provided approx. It is possible that other specimens will be identified in the future, just as it is not excluded that some of those listed here actually correspond to the same find, which would be documented in different phases of its collecting history (61).

From this point of view, the results of the research conducted so far can only be considered partial. It remains to be determined, first of all, the identity of the character who produced the series of laminette, as well as the time and place in which he acted. With regard to this latter aspect, it seems plausible to attribute the genesis of the bronze finds to the Tuscan context and not to the Roman one, as instead implicitly suggested by the inclusion of the Bolognese specimen in the sixth volume of the CIL dedicated to the inscriptiones falsae ( 62). The presence of the first laminates known to us in the collections of the members of the Colombarian Academy shortly after the mid-eighteenth century suggests that their creation is due to a forger active at that time in the Medici city (63).

Also with regard to the aims of the creation of the flaps there are many points that remain to be clarified. Lately, the topic of epigraphic falsification has been dealt with several times by sector bibliographies, which not only examined numerous specific cases, but also focused on the various reasons underlying this phenomenon (64). In this regard, in a very recent contribution, Alfredo Buonopane has convincingly proposed to recognize the existence of three distinct categories: that of forgeries in the strict sense (i.e. of deliberately counterfeited inscriptions and for malicious purposes), that of copies and that of reworkings or pastiches (65). In our specific case, however, the intentions of the counterfeiter are not yet determinable with precision: if on the one hand the initial conviction that the flails flaunted by the colombari partners were authentic would lead to the presumption of the existence of a fraud devised against them (or with their involvement). possible trade, not antiques, but collectibles or tourism end of the eighteenth century "(66). In any case, the recognition of the non-authenticity of the laminetta kept in Torcello necessarily leads to reject the news of its alleged discovery near the cathedral of the island and to seek new information on its acquisition by the Provincial Museum.

In the future, therefore, a number of questions will have to be addressed which still remain unanswered. Specifically, it will be necessary to try to understand: whether all the foils attested together with those with a dedication to Drusus Minor are the result of a conscious counterfeiting; whether their mass production dates back to the same period or can be ascribed to different circumstances and locations; whether or not their various owners were aware of owning fake items; whether the epigraphic texts usually engraved on the recto of small bronze artifacts more or less faithfully reflect the content of authentic inscriptions and whether the initials on the reverse have a specific meaning that has not been deciphered up to now; whether other ancient sources can also be included among the models of inspiration, such as legends of coins or literary testimonies.

In relation to the single exhibit to which this essay is dedicated, the opinion of the editors of the sixth volume of the CIL is noted, according to which the text of the laminetta would have been reproduced starting from the central lines of a genuine honorary plate of the Tiberian era, found in Rome in 1665 and now kept in Palazzo del Drago in Via delle Quattro Fontane (67). The epigraph was actually already well known in the eighteenth century, as it was included in the printed syllogs of Spon and Fabretti, published respectively in 1685 and 1702 (68). Another written document that could have served as a model for the text engraved on the recto of the small bronze artifact is a dedication to Drusus Minor from Segobriga in Hispania Tarraconensis (69), already published in Gruter's Corpus absolutissimum, printed in Heidelberg at the beginning of the seventeenth century (70). This last collection enjoyed, as is well known, a very wide circulation in the following centuries and also served in other cases as a repertoire of archetypes which, for the most varied reasons, were then copied onto a stone support (71). Finally, it cannot be excluded that the flap was exemplified starting from the legends of some coins of the Tiberian or Fl avian era, which are distinguished not only by the same title attributed to the son of Tiberius, but also by the explicit dedication on a resolution of the Senate (an aspect that is absent in the epigraphic testimonies) (72). These coins were widely known in the eighteenth century, as evidenced by their presence in the main numismatic repertoires of the time (73). An examination of the archival documentation certifies, for example, that some specimens were also owned by the first members of the Accademia Colombaria (74).

In the face of a still very wide range of possibilities, the research work must temporarily stop. Only an investigation extended to all the other bronze inscribed plates reported from time to time together with the one with a dedication to Drusus Minor can perhaps provide a definitive clarification on the events relating to the creation and dissemination of these artifacts, which appear repeatedly in the volumes of the CIL and which often lie, as we have seen, hidden or set aside in various Italian and European museums. In other words, as Henzen already warned in 1860, of these finds, hitherto substantially neglected, "it would be important to bring together all the specimens known to exist, with exact information on their provenance" (75). This proposal certainly deserves to be the subject of future in-depth study.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Part 2 of 3

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Notes:

(1) Torcello (VE), Provincial Museum, inv. 1910a-b; see CONTON 1909a, pp. 9-12, 19; CONTON 1909b, p. 25; CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25 n. 57; BUCHI 1993, pp. 153-154 n. IR 3 (AEp 1993, 755); BUCHI 1994; SARTORI 2008 (AEp 2008, 264).

(2) CONTON 1909a, p. 9. On the figure of Luigi Conton (1866-1954), still little studied, see ZORZI 1981; FOGOLARI 1993, pp. 11-12.

(3) CONTON 1909b, p. 25; cf. CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25: "found at the Torcello cathedral in 1908".

(4) In reality it is difficult to determine which of the two faces of the inscription is to be considered the recto and which the back: cf. in this regard SARTORI 2008, p. 582. By convention, the same approach to the text adopted by the previous publishers has been accepted here.

(5) See BUCHI 1994, pp. 304-306. On Drusus Minor and on the funeral honors attributed to him and to Germanicus see most recently BUONOPANE 2010, with extensive bibliographers in the previous one.

(6) See TAC. ann. 4, 9: Memoriae Drusi eadem quae in Germanicum decernuntur, plerisque additis, ut ferme amat posterior adulatio.

(7) See CONTON 1909a, p. 10: "Me (renti) p (ublicas) l (audes) d (e) d (it)"; CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25 n. 57: "Me (renti) / p (ublicas) l (audes) d (e) d (it)"; cf. also BUCHI 1993, pp. 153-154 n. IR 3, which proposes the alternative dissolution Me (renti) or Me (moriae) p (ublicas) l (audes) d (are) d (ebeto) or Me (renti) or Me (moriae) p (ublicos) l ( udos) d (are) d (stupid).

(8) See DI STEFANO MANZELLA 1987, p. 155.

(9) See formerly CONTON 1909a, p. 9: "This small bronze is an archaeological rarity, not so much for its historical content as for its shape!"

(10) See SARTORI 2008, p. 585.

(11) See SARTORI 2008, p. 582: Druso Caesari / Ti (beri) Aug (usti) f (ilio) divi / Aug (usti) n (epoti) / (ex) s (enatus) c (onsulto). // ME / P. L • DD. The finds were seen "in the early nineties of the last century" at "an antiquarian in Paris", who released some "relief casts in aluminum foil, the one used in the kitchen to wrap, protected by layers of wadding inside a impromptu boxes "(SARTORI 2008, p. 581).

(12) For the identification of the model of this flap see formerly SARTORI 2008, p. 584.

(13) CIL VI, 31274, cf. pp. 4341, 4390, 4392. The critical apparatus of the CIL notes that the existence of an apocryphal copy on bronze of this epigraph had already been reported by Gaetano Marini in his manuscript cards kept at the Vatican Apostolic Library: "Exemplum novicium in lamina ahenea litteris anaglyphis neglegenter exaratum nescio ubi vidit Marini '.

(14) CIL XI, 209 *. On the work done by Eugen Bormann (1842-1917) for the CIL, with particular attention to the sites of Bononia and Sarsina, see WEBER 1989; WEBER 1991.

(15) The indication appears to derive from CANTINI 1800, p. 92. On the author of the work, the Florentine scholar Lorenzo Cantini (1765-1839), see D'ORAZI FLAVONI 1975; elsewhere Bormann defined the character "impudentissimus falsarius" (CIL XI, p. 305).

(16) CIL XI, 209 *, 1: «.. Germanic Nero Drusus | Germanic caesari | geamanici | caesaris f. casaris | and | aus ob. Not. august || imp ". The transcription of the find coincides exactly with that inferable from the cast on aluminum sheet reproduced by SARTORI 2008, p. 582 fi g. 2.

(17) CIL XI, 209 *, 2.

(18) On Merlini Calderini (1718-1767) see Novelle 1768, coll. 786-787; CAPPONI 1883, p. 274; the Pistoian was elected external member of the Colombarian Academy on 6 February 1749 with the academic name "Arguto": cf. SORBI 2001, p. 29 n. 100. For a history of the early years of Colombaria, see Colombaria 1735-1985; ERMINI 2003, with previous bibliographers.

(19) Cf. CIL XI, 209 *: "Br. Ignatius Merlini Calderini, qui coemerat, imagines in folio exprimendas curavit, cuius unum exemplum est in ms. company. columbariae annal. XIX ». For the documents consulted by Bormann at the Accademia Colombaria see CIL XI, p. 305 n. YOU.

(20) Almost the entire archive and a large part of the Colombaria library were destroyed when they were in the headquarters in Via de 'Bardi 32, demolished by the mines that the fleeing German army blew up on the night between 3 and 4 August 1944 to block access to the Ponte Vecchio: cf. SPANISH 1993, p. 79; ERMINI 2003, pp. 78-79. Fortunately, the bibliographic reference provided by Bormann (see previous note) contains a providential typo: the volume of the Annals to which the scholar intended to allude was not the nineteenth, perished during the Second World War, but the XXIX, which escaped destruction. On the Annals of Colombaria see ERMINI 2003, pp. 75-87.

(21) Florence, Tuscan Academy of Sciences and Letters «La Colombaria», Archive, Annals, vol. XXIX, f. 5v; cf. DORINI 1913-1914, pp. 20-26, in part. p. 22. I would like to warmly thank Dr. Vaima Gelli for having facilitated my research at the Library of the Colombarian Academy with great competence and extraordinary availability.

(22) On Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni (1729-1808) see ZAPPERI 1966; TIMPANARO MORELLI 1976, pp. VII-XIV. Pelli Bencivenni, like Merlini Calderini, was also elected a member of the Accademia Colombaria on February 6, 1749: cf. SORBI 2001, p. 29 n. 99.

(23) It is likely that the reproduction was found inside the Hopper (collection of drawings and other documents that were discussed in the Colombaria gatherings) relating to vol. XXIX of the Annals, destroyed in 1944.

(24) Florence, Tuscan Academy of Sciences and Letters «La Colombaria», Archive, Annals, vol. XXVIII, p. 40.

(25) Giovanni di Poggio Baldovinetti (1695-1772), a prominent figure of 18th-century Florentine culture, had set up a private collection of considerable importance; although mainly focused on numismatics and sphragistics, it also included some Etruscan and Roman bronzes: see BRUNI 2004, pp. 9-18, in part. p. 17; cf. also ROMANELLI 2000, pp. XVII-XVIII, 150. For the election of Baldovinetti as external partner of the Colombarian Academy, which took place on January 28, 1759, see SORBI 2001, p. 32 n. 216.

(26) Florence, Tuscan Academy of Sciences and Letters «La Colombaria», Archive, Annals, vol. XXVIII, p. 40: "See Annual XXIX at 5v".

(27) CIL XI, 209 *, 1-4.

(28) Cf. CIL XI, 209 *: "Qui has et similes tabellas fecit falsarius expressit fere inscriptiones genuinas, complura autem fecit exemplaria".

(29) ASFi, Pelli Bencivenni Giuseppe letters, fi lza VIII 1763; cf. TIMPANARO MORELLI 1976, ad indicem.

(30) On Margherita by Luca Baldovinetti Gambereschi (1693-1767) see ROMANELLI 2000, p. XVII.

(31) CIL XI, 105 *.

(32) CIL XI, 105 *, 5.

(33) Cf. CIL XI, 105 *: "Fuerunt ante in museo universitatis, nunc in publico". Since the Archaeological Civic Museum of Bologna, in which the collections of the University Museum merged, was inaugurated in 1881, it should be deduced that Bormann had carried out the autopsy of the finds between 1881 and 1888, the year of publication of the first tome of the 'eleventh volume of the CIL. It is not excluded, however, that the German scholar had already been able to view the laminette in the course of his previous stays in Bologna, on which see WEBER 1989. On the history of the formation of the Civic Archaeological Museum, see the contributions collected in MORIGI GOVI - SASSATELLI 1984.

(34) I am grateful to Marinella Marchesi and Daniela Picchi for the checks carried out at my request in the collections of the Civic Archaeological Museum of Bologna.

(35) CIL VI, 3561 *.

(36) Cf. CIL XI, 209 *: "Inscriptionis 2 aliud vel idem exemplum servatur nunc in the Arretino Museum".

(37) Arezzo, National Archaeological Museum Gaius Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Silvia Vilucchi, director of the Museum, and to Dr. Sara Faralli for the pertinacity with which they searched for and identified the laminetta.

(38) See ZAMARCHI GRASSI - BARTOLI 1987, pp. 16-17; FARALLI 2009.

(39) Arezzo, National Archaeological Museum Gaio Cilnio Mecenate, Archive of the Fraternity of the laity, Pasqui file.

(40) See FARALLI 2009, pp. 49-53.

(41) One of the main private collections acquired by the Archaeological Museum of Arezzo in the nineteenth century is that of the Bacci family: see DROANDI 2003; FARALLI 2005-2006.

(42) See GIMENO PASCUAL 2006, p. 382 note 72.

(43) Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104.

(44) I sincerely thank Helena Gimeno Pascual for sharing with me her sheet of the laminetta kept at the Museo Arqueológico Nacional in Madrid.

(45) On Tomás de Asensi and his collection, which the widow Rosario de Laiglesia sold to the Spanish state between 1876 and 1878, see GONZÁLEZ SÁNCHEZ 1993; PAZ YANES 1995. Remember that Nice belonged to the Kingdom of Sardinia until 1860.

(46) PAZ YANES 1995, p. 8.

(47) See most recently RUCINSKI 2011, with extensive bibliographers in the preceding.

(48) See for demonstration SUET. Aug. 41, 2; Ner. 11, 2. On the subject see VIRLOUVET 1995.

(49) The contributions that Michail Rostowzew published before his transfer to the United States (ROSTOWZEW 1903; ROSTOWZEW 1905) are still fundamental for a catalog of the different types of leaded tesserae and an interpretative synthesis.

(50) On Wilhelm Henzen (1816-1887) see BLANCK 2003; more recently see also BLANCK 2009.

(51) I am grateful to Dr. Thomas Fröhlich for allowing me to consult the Henzenian correspondence file kept at the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom.

(52) HENZEN 1860, p. 37. On the work of Wilhelm Vischer (1808-1874) in Basel, see VISCHER 1958; WYSS 1962.

(53) Basel, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26. I am grateful to the director dott. Andrea Bignasca and the curator dott. Esau Dozio for the invaluable help they provided me during my research.

(54) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 note 1 n. 4.

(55) The inventory card relating to one of the laminas (bearing a copy of CIL VI, 1316, of which false copies on bronze are also reported in CIL XI, 44a * and CIL XI, 105 *, 3) indicates as provenance "Antiquarin Wolf ".

(56) The original of the letter cannot be found in the Archives of the Germanic Archaeological Institute in Rome.

(57) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 note 1: «The very clear Vischer wrote to us at the same time possessing some similar tablets the prof. Schreiber of Freiburg ». For a brief biographers of Heinrich Schreiber (1793-1872) see GRAF 2007.

(58) At least initially, access to these collections had to be particularly difficult for scholars; cf. ECKER 1880, Vorwort, note *: «Schreiber hat seine Sammlungtestamentarisch der Stadt Freiburg vermacht; es steht daher dieselbe unter der Hut eines städtischen Archivars und es ist den Universitätslehrern, die sich mit diesen Gegenständen befassen, insbesusione also Prof. H. Fischer und mir, bisher nicht vergönnt gewesen, dieselbe ungehindert benutzen zu können ".

(59) «Bronzetafel mit gleicher Inschrift; dto. mit lateinischer Inschrift: Germanico Neroni Drusus (ob ächt) ». The inventory is kept at the Augustinermuseum in Freiburg. Thank you very much to Dr. Gerhard Dangel (Städtische Museen Freiburg - Augustinermuseum) for this report.

(60) I am grateful to Dr. Jens-Arne Dickmann (Archäologische Sammlung der Albert- Ludwigs-Universität) and Dr. Hans Oelze (Archäologisches Museum Colombischlössle) for the findings made on my behalf in Freiburg. I also thank Dr. Alessandra Gilibert (Freie Universität Berlin) for helping me to relate to German institutions.

(61) Think of the laminetta kept at the Antikenmuseum in Basel, distinguished, like the one previously owned by Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, by the presence of only one D in the final line of the verso.

(62) CIL VI, 3561 *; cf. formerly HENZEN 1860, p. 38 note 1: "provenance that Vischer most likely brings back to Rome".

(63) On the presence of counterfeit, pseudo-ancient and 'old-fashioned' works in the Tuscan collections between the 17th and 18th centuries, see FARALLI 2007, with further bibliographers a. On the subject of falsification, the considerations of PAUL 1985 remain valid.

(64) To limit ourselves to the contributions of recent years, I would like to point out KORHONEN 2010; MAYER I OLIVÈ 2011; SOLIN 2012; BUONOPANE 2014; ORLANDI - CALDELLI - GREGORI 2014; SOLIN 2014. For the specifi c case of forgeries on bronze support see. BUBBLE 2014.

(65) BUONOPANE 2014, p. 293.

(66) SARTORI 2008, p. 585.

(67) CIL VI, 910, 31198, cf. p. 4304, rr. 3-4: Druso Caesari Ti (beri) Augusti f (ilio), / Dì vì Augusti n (epoti).

(68) See SPON 1685, p. 266; FABRETTI 1702, p. 395 n. 276, p. 683 n. 72.

(69) CIL II, 3103: Drusus Cae / sar (i) Ti (beri) f (ilio) Au / tastes n (epoti) divi / pron (epoti) / [L (ucius)] Turellius / L (uci) f (ilius) Geminus / aed (ilis) d (e) s (ua) p (ecunia); cf. ALMAGRO BASCH 1984, p. 24.

(70) See GRUTER 1603, p. 236 n. 6-7.

(71) See formerly BILLANOVICH 1967.

(72) See RIC 42 (sestertius of 22-23 AD with legend DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N PONT TR POT II around the central initials S C), RIC 45 (axis of 21-22 AD with legend DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N on the front and PONTIF TRIBVN POTEST ITER around the central code S C on the reverse); RIC II, 414-415 (axes minted during the principality of Titus, with the legend DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N on the front and IMP T CAES DIVI VESP F AVG REST around the central initials S C on the reverse).

(73) See by way of demonstration RASCHE 1785, coll. 463-468, with extensive bibliographers in the preceding. I am grateful to Tomaso Maria Lucchelli for this report.

(74) Some "medals" with a legend mentioning Drusus Minor that belonged to the colombari members are commented on in the so-called Sunti del Tarpato, a collection of fourteen manuscript volumes, written between 1735 and 1753 by Andrea Da Verrazzano (known with the academic name of " Tarpato ») and containing detailed descriptions of the objects presented during the meetings of the Colombaria: cf. ERMINI 2003, p. 79 note 16. By way of demonstration see Florence, Tuscan Academy of Sciences and Letters «La Colombaria», Archive, Sunti del Tarpato, vol. II, pp. 74, 85-86, 94; vol. VII, pp. 392-393. I am grateful to Vaima Gelli for this report.

(75) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 note 1.

ABBREVIATIONS

ASFi = State Archives of Florence.
DBI = Biographical Dictionary of Italians, Rome 1960-.
NDB = Neue deutsche Biographie, Berlin 1953-.
RIC = The Roman Imperial Coinage, London, 1923-.

The abbreviations of L’Année philologique have been adopted for periodical publications.

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VIRLOUVET, 1995 C. VIRLOUVET, Wheat card. Les procédures de distribution du blé public à Rome à la fi n de la République et au début de l'Empire, Rome 1995.

VISCHER, 1958 E. VISCHER (edited by), Wilhelm Vischer, Gelehrter und Ratsherr, 1808-1874, im Spiegel seiner Korrespondenz mit Rudolf Rauchenstein, Basel 1958.

WEBER, 1989 E. WEBER, L’impresa epigrafi ca di Eugen Bormann, in Il contributo dell’Università di Bologna alla storia della città: l’evo antico, Atti del convegno (Bologna, 11-12 marzo 1988), a cura di G.A. Mansuelli e G. Susini, Bologna 1989, pp. 333-342.

WEBER, 1991 E. WEBER, Eugen Bormann e le iscrizioni di Sarsina, «RSA», 21, 1991, pp. 87-95.

WYSS, 1962 B. WYSS, Wilhelm Vischer-Bilfi nger (1808-1874) und das philologische Seminar der Universität Basel, «MH», 19, 1962, pp. 225-231.

ZAMARCHI GRASSI - BARTOLI, 1987 P. ZAMARCHI GRASSI - D. BARTOLI, Il Museo Archeologico Nazionale G. C. Mecenate di Arezzo, Firenze 1987.

ZAPPERI, 1966 R. ZAPPERI, Bencivenni Pelli, Giuseppe, in DBI, 8, 1966, pp. 219-222.

ZORZI, 1981 E. ZORZI, Luigi Conton pescatore di ceramiche, in L. CONTON, Le antiche ceramiche veneziane scoperte nella laguna / Antique Venetian Ceramics Discovered in the Lagoon, Venezia 1981, pp. 7-18.

* * *

EPIGRAPHICA

ARISTIDE CALDERINI and GIANCARLO SUSINI

Management: Angela DONATI, Manager

Maria BOLLINI, Co-Director
Attilio MASTINO, Co-Director

Scientific Committee:

Alain BRESSON, Bordeaux
Francesca CENERINI, Bologna
Mare MAYER, Barcelona
Stephen MITCHELL, Exeter
Joan FISO, Cluj
Antonio SARTORI, Milan
Christian WITSCHEL, Heidelberg

The Management also avails itself of a large international reading committee to which it submits, according to specific skills and anonymously, the articles received.

Collaborate in the editing:
Alda CALBI, Valeria CICALA,
Piergiorgio FLORIS, Paola GIACOMINI,
Daniela RIGATO, Patrizia TABARONI,
Livio ZERBINI

Patronage:
Association Internationale d'Épigraphie
Grecque et Latine (A.I.E.G.L.)

http://www.epigraphica.org

© 2015 Fratelli Lega Editori, Faenza
EPIGRAPHIC

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL
OF EPIGRAPHY

LXXVII, 1-2
2015

FRATELLI LEGA EDITORI
FAENZA

Image

EPIGRAPHICA
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF EPIGRAPHY
LXXVII, 2015

INDEX


Francesca ROCCA, The liberation of the schiavi and the theater ................................ p. 9

Alessia DIMARTINO, L'epistola di Ierone II e l'orkion boulas (IG XIV, 7): a new epigraphic dossier?............... ............................................ » 39

Noemí MONCUNILL MARTÍ, The Iberian lead plaque in the Víctor Català collection (Empúries, L’Escala). A new study and edition ...................... » 67

María LIMÓN BELÉN, Concepción FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ, On the authenticity of the Fibula of Preneste. The evidence of the text and its scientific confirmation ........................................... ........................................... » 85

Julián GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, Tabella defixionis from the 1st century B.C. found in the portal (province of Cádiz) ......................................... ..... » 103

Carolina CORTÉS BÁRCENA, Riflessioni del cippo di confine di Bevke (AEp 2002, 532) alla luce di termini tra comunità appartenenti a province diverse....................... ........................................................... ........................... » 117

Lorenzo CALVELLI, La laminetta bronzea di Druso Minore preserved at the Museo Provinciale di Torcello: a false smascherato.............................. » 133

Michel CHRISTOL, Une inscription du «quotidien municipal» dans la colonie d'Antioche de Pisidie ​​.................................. ................................... » 159

Khaled MARMOURI, Ob liberalitatem annuam perpetuam epulativam. Une nouvelle souscription publique d’Afrique proconsulaire ........................ » 173

Ulrike Ehmig, Ausschlussverfahren: Eine Gruppe italischer Grabinschriften als Beispiel sozialer Überassimilierung in der römischen Kaiserzeit ...... » 193

Yann Le Bohec, Raid sur El-Agueneb.............................................. .................... » 207

John LEWIS. External evidence and the reconstruction of missing texts: CIL III, 256 as case study .................................. ........................................... » 221

Roberta DE VITA, A lottatore di Amastri sul Ponto in campania ............ » 229

Eleonora SALOMONE GAGGERO, Testimonianze di una nuova gens a Luni: gli Hortorii .................................... ........................................................... » 241

Bernard KAVANAGH, The cursus and possible origin of Sex. Appius Severus ................................................ ........................................................... ............. » 259

Marc MAYER I OLIVÉ, Concerning a new equestrian pedestal, AEp 2009, 652, recently found in Valencia. Considerations on the allii of Turris Libisonis ................................................ ............................. » 271

Ignazio TANTILLO, L. Amnivs …nivs Caesonivs Nicomachvs Anicivs Pavlinvs ...................................... ........................................................... ................... » 285

Claudia SQUINTU, The reason for accidental death in a poem from Lyon (CLE 1198 = CIL XIII, 2219) ............................. ..................................... »301

Maria Teresa SBLENDORIO CUGUSI, The Salonitan epigram longum CLE 1141 ...................................... .................................................. ........... "317

Filippo BOSCOLO, Roman Ateste: history and epigraphy in the last twenty years .................................... .................................................. ........................... "337

Manuel RAMÍREZ-SÁNCHEZ, Manel GARCÍA SÁNCHEZ, Sebastià GIRALT SOLER, Epigraphia 3D. A proyecto de innovación científica en the dissemination of the epigraphic heritage of Hispania ..................................... .................................................. .............. p. 371

* * *

Factsheets and news

Marco BUONOCORE, Epigraphic gleanings. IX ...................................... "397

Giulia TOZZI, A new Greek inscription from the 10th city hall of Rome ......... »423

Giorgio CRIMI, EDR's contribution to the CIL update: the dedicatory inscription of the Baths of Diocletian in the light of a new fragment ....................... .................................................. ....................................... "426

Angela DONATI, CIL VI, 12897 recovered .......................................... ........ "447

Antonino NASTASI, A "Numidian" epigraph on the Janiculum Hill. Giuseppe Gatti editor of a 1903 Latin inscription ....................................... ..... »448

Umberto SOLDOVIERI, Of a new funeral inscription from the Volcei estate (Regio III)) ................................. ................................................ "457

Gemma CORAZZA, New funerary inscriptions from Irpinia ......................... "459

Heikki SOLIN, Mika KAJAVA, Olli SALOMIES, Minturnian epigraphic stories ...................................... .................................................. ................ "466

Carlo MOLLE, An unpublished inscription and the Inside of Aquinum ....................... "483

Nice MONTANILE, On an unpublished inscription from Brundis ............................. "492

Silvia BRAITO, Attia Mulsula T. f. and "Tarquitia Mulsula": note on a ghost name of the instrumentum inscriptum ................................... ...................... »494

Agnes DI DONATO, The stele of C. Iulius Valens ....................................... . "497

Camilla CAMPEDELLI, Two unpublished 'Bauinschriften' from Thamugadi .............. "501

Mauro REALI, Stone and paper exhibition. Epigraphic books and epigraphs of the Ambrosiana, Pinacoteca Ambrosiana in Milan (from 27 May to 14 September 2014), edited by Antonio Sartori and Federico Gallo ........... "506

* * *

Bibliography

C. Fernández Martínez, M. Limón Belén, J. Gómez Pallarès, J. del Hoyo Calleja (ed.), Ex workshop. Literatura epigráfica en verso, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla 2013 (Mauro Reali) ............................. »513

Antonio Sartori, Loquentes lapides. The epigraphic collection of the Ambrosiana, Accademia Ambrosiana, Class of Greek and Latin Studies (Sources and studies 21), Milan, Bulzoni, 2014 (Alfredo Valv o) ................. ............................. "516

The statio. Archeology of a lieu de pouvoir dans l'empire romain, édité par Jérôme France, Jocel yne Nel is-Clément, Scripta Antiqua 66, Bordeaux 2014 (Angela Donati) ............... .......................................... »520

Riccardo Olivito, The forum in the atrium. Images of architecture, life and market scenes in the frieze from Praedia by Iulia Felix (Pompei, II, 4,3), Bari 2013 (Angela Donati) ................. .................................................. ....... »521

Bibliographic Announcements ................................................ ......................................... »523

* * *

Indices, edited by Angela DONATI ........................................... ........................ »525

I. Onomastic ............................................... ............................................ "527

II. Geographical ................................................. ......................................... »530

III. Notabiliora ................................................. .......................................... »532

IV. Balance tables ............................................... ............................ "535

List of collaborators ............................................... ...................................... »537


* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Italian Original

La Laminetta Bronzea Di Druso Minore Conservata Al Museo Provinciale Di Torcello: Un Falso Smascherato (*[Oltre alle numerose persone ringraziate nelle singole note a piè di pagina sono riconoscente ai colleghi Alfredo Buonopane, Giovannella Cresci e Franco Luciani per aver letto la stesura fi nale di questo contributo e avermi aiutato con i loro consigli.])
by Lorenzo Calvelli
Epigraphica
LXXVII, 1-2, p. 133
2015

Riassunto

L’articolo esamina nel dettaglio una piccola laminetta bronzea appartenente alla collezione del Museo Provinciale di Torcello. Sulle due facce della laminetta si trova inciso un testo epigrafi co comprendente una dedica a Druso Minore, fi glio dell’imperatore Tiberio morto nel 23 d.C., e alcune abbreviazioni di diffi cile scioglimento. Sebbene per lungo tempo il reperto sia stato considerato autentico, studi recenti ne hanno invece messo in dubbio la genuinità. Tale sospetto è confermato dall’analisi dei caratteri intrinseci, che rivela caratteristiche anomale, nonché, soprattutto, dal confronto con altri manufatti. Ai precedenti editori era infatti sfuggito che diversi oggetti simili che trasmettono lo stesso testo furono censiti e considerati falsi dai curatori del Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Un’ampia ricognizione condotta su scala europea ha consentito di individuare laminette sostanzialmente identiche nei musei di Arezzo, Madrid e Basilea. Tali contraffazioni, prodotte probabilmente in Toscana attorno alla metà del XVIII secolo, recano iscritte parole e lettere che riproducono con leggere varianti i testi esistenti su epigrafi e monete autentiche.

Parole chiave: iscrizioni su bronzo; falsi epigrafi ci; Druso Minore; Museo Provinciale di Torcello; Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate di Arezzo; Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Madrid; Antikenmuseum Basel; Accademia Colombaria.

1. La laminetta di Torcello

Nella collezione archeologica del Museo Provinciale di Torcello si conserva una laminetta opistografa in bronzo di forma rettangolare che ha più volte richiamato l’attenzione degli studiosi (Figg. 1-2) (1). La sua prima segnalazione si deve a Luigi Conton, direttore della raccolta museale nei primi decenni del Novecento: in un articolo dato alle stampe nel 1909 lo studioso presentò una dettagliata analisi del reperto, riferendo che esso era stato rinvenuto «di recente nei pressi di Torcello» (2); in un’altra pubblicazione coeva egli precisava: «Questa piastrina di bronzo fu trovata a poca distanza dal duomo a un metro di profondità, l’anno 1908» (3).

Image
Fig. 1. TORCELLO (VE), Museo Archeologico Provinciale, inv. 1910a-b, recto (Foto: Provincia di Venezia).

Image
Fig. 2. TORCELLO (VE), Museo Archeologico Provinciale, inv. 1910a-b, verso (Foto: Provincia di Venezia).

Il reperto misura cm 2,9×6,5×0,3, pesa gr 44,5 e si trova attualmente esposto in una vetrina al piano superiore dell’antico Palazzo dell’Archivio, assieme ad altri manufatti metallici, perlopiù risalenti all’epoca romana. I bordi dell’oggetto sono integri e leggermente arrotondati sugli angoli; nella parte centrale del margine superiore è presente una vistosa scheggiatura di forma trapezoidale. Le due facce della laminetta recano incisa un’iscrizione a rilievo, ricavata mediante procedimento di fusione (e non di battitura) da una matrice negativa bivalve. Il testo segue un allineamento approssimativo e si sviluppa su quattro righe nel recto e su due righe nel verso (4). Le lettere hanno un’altezza variabile che oscilla fra cm 0,6 e 0,4 nel recto e cm 1,3 e 1 nel verso. La trascrizione che si propone a seguito di verifi ca autoptica (settembre 2014) è la seguente:

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).//
Me(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -) d(- - -).
A Druso Cesare, fi glio di Tiberio Augusto, nipote del divino Augusto, per decreto del senato.//Me(- - -)p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -) d(- - -).


Entrambe le facce dell’iscrizione adottano un’impaginazione centrata e simmetricamente ben impostata. Nel testo sono presenti diversi segni di interpunzione di forma circolare, disposti ad altezza variabile, spesso fuori quota e a piè di lettera, tanto fra le singole parole, quanto al principio e alla fi ne di alcune righe. Il solco delle lettere è nel complesso ben marcato. Dal punto di vista paleografi co si rilevano la G con pilastrino assai pronunciato nelle rr. 2 e 3 del recto e la P con occhiello aperto all’inizio della r. 2 del verso. L’autopsia del manufatto, effettuata con l’ausilio di luce radente e di occhiali binoculari, ha consentito di individuare fra i due termini della r. 1 del recto un segno di interpunzione, posto poco al di sopra dell’ideale linea guida su cui corre l’iscrizione; ad esso seguono i resti di una lettera semicircolare con la curva rivolta a sinistra, identifi cabile con la metà inferiore di una C: ciò ha indotto a preferire la lettura CAISARI in luogo di KAISARI, per la quale avevano invece optato tutti i precedenti editori.

L’analisi contenutistica del documento, condotta da Ezio Buchi in un breve saggio pubblicato nel 1994, ha individuato senza esitazione nel testo inciso al recto della laminetta una dedica a Druso Cesare, noto anche come Druso Minore, fi glio di Tiberio e Vipsania Agrippina, nato fra il 15 e il 12 a.C. e morto nel 23 d.C., forse avvelenato dalla moglie Livilla in complicità con il prefetto del pretorio Seiano (5). Secondo la testimonianza tacitiana, in occasione della scomparsa prematura del fi glio, l’imperatore gli tributò onorifi cenze ancor maggiori di quelle decretate quattro anni prima all’erede designato Germanico (6). Per quanto attiene invece alle due righe presenti sul verso del manufatto, esse risultano contraddistinte da una sequenza di termini abbreviati di diffi cile scioglimento. Le uniche proposte esegetiche fi nora avanzate risultano prive di confronti attendibili e poco o per nulla convincenti (7).

Un accurato esame autoptico del reperto ingenera tuttavia seri dubbi sulla sua autenticità. Ricorrendo alla terminologia diplomatistica, si può osservare in particolare come fra i caratteri intrinseci risultino inconsueti nell’epigrafi a latina su bronzo di epoca alto-imperiale tanto i segni di interpunzione posti all’inizio o alla fi ne di riga e ad altezza variabile (8), quanto le sequenze di litterae singulares presenti al verso del manufatto. Per quanto attiene ai caratteri estrinseci si distingue soprattutto la peculiarità del supporto su cui è inciso il testo dell’iscrizione (9). Nello specifi co esso non trova confronti con altre categorie ben note del cosiddetto instrumentum inscriptum: non si tratta infatti né di una tabula lusoria, né di una tessera hospitalis o nummularia e nemmeno di un’etichetta da affi ggere (in quanto opistografa) o da appendere (in quanto priva di foro o presa anulare). Il possibile utilizzo di una tale tipologia di manufatto resta dunque ancora da spiegare. Si noti infi ne come le dimensioni del reperto non siano in alcun modo raffrontabili ad unità di misura antiche.

Alcune delle considerazioni qui esposte furono già avanzate alcuni anni fa da Antonio Sartori, che per primo prospettò la possibilità che la laminetta bronzea torcellana fosse in realtà un falso di epoca moderna (10). L’ipotesi espressa dallo studioso faceva seguito alla comparsa sul mercato antiquario parigino di tre piccoli reperti opistografi in bronzo, affi ni per tipologia a quello conservato a Torcello, su uno dei quali si trovava inciso un testo sostanzialmente identico (11). Anche le altre due laminette presentavano iscrizioni di dubbia autenticità, una delle quali riproduceva con grossolani errori il testo di un’epigrafe genuina (12), contenente una dedica a Germanico e a due dei suoi fi gli, incisa su una lastra marmorea di provenienza non urbana, ma già attestata a Roma nel XVI secolo (13).

2. Le laminette dei Colombi

Una nuova indagine bibliografi ca ha costituito ora il punto di partenza per un ulteriore avanzamento della ricerca. Il primo tomo dell’undicesimo volume del Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, pubblicato nel 1888, contiene infatti una voce dedicata ad un gruppo di quattro epigrafi incise su oggetti in bronzo, che Eugen Bormann, curatore di questa sezione del CIL, relegò senza esitazione nel novero delle falsae (Fig. 3) (14). Fra tali manufatti, defi niti «laminae aereae in agro Pistoriensi a. 1763 repertae» (15), fi gura innanzitutto un esemplare della dedica a Germanico e ai suoi fi gli citata poc’anzi, forse proprio lo stesso ricomparso in tempi recenti sul mercato antiquario di Parigi (16). È però il secondo dei documenti epigrafi ci trascritti da Bormann che richiama maggiormente la nostra attenzione (17):

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).//
Me(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -).


Image

209* laminae aereae in agro Pistoriensi a. 1763 repertae MERLINI.
1. ..germanico neroni druso / caesar germanici / geamanici / caesaris f. casaris / e / aus ob. non. august // imp
2. druso caisari / ti. aug. f. diui / aug. n / s.c. // me / p. l. d
3. imp. tito caesari / diui uespasiani f / uespasiano // f. e. r / p
4. tito iulio / aug. / m. nestori // s. p. q. r / d. l
Fr. Ignatius Merlini Calderini, qui coemerat, imagines in folio exprimendas curavit, cuius unum exemplum est in ms. societ. columbariae annal. XIX; inde edidit Cantini inscr. colomb. 1 p. 92 n. 9 adversam n. 2, p. 95 n. 10 aversam n. 4.
Qui has et similes tabellas fecit falsarius expressit fere inscriptiones genuinas, complura autem fecit exemplaria. Ut inscriptionum n. 2. 3. 4 similia exemplaria in actis columbar. esse dicuntur, quorum ectypa gypsea proposita sunt colunbariis d. 17 Apr. 1763 (annal. XXVIII p. 40, ubi verba non referuntur), ipsa autem dicebantur esse reperta Faventiae et coempta erant a socio columbario; sunt fortasse quae nunc extant Bononiae (supra n. 105*, 5. 6. 9). Inscriptionis 2 aliud vel idem exemplum servatur nunc in museo Arretino.

Fig. 3. CIL XI, 209*.


Già a prima vista si può rilevare come il testo sia sostanzialmente identico a quello leggibile sulla laminetta bronzea conservata al Museo Provinciale di Torcello. L’unica differenza di rilievo è costituita dalla presenza di una sola D nella riga fi nale del verso del documento epigrafi co trascritto da Bormann. L’oggetto su cui era incisa tale iscrizione, così come gli altri tre recensiti nella stessa voce del CIL, era appartenuto nel XVIII secolo all’abate Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, letterato pistoiese e socio dell’Accademia Colombaria di Firenze (18).

Come si evince dalle indicazioni bibliografi che citate in apparato, Bormann aveva appreso tale notizia consultando gli Annali manoscritti dell’istituzione culturale fi orentina (19). Di seguito si trascrive integralmente l’originale del documento consultato dallo studioso, fortunatamente scampato alle distruzioni che l’antica sede dell’Accademia subì nel corso della Seconda Guerra Mondiale (20):

A dì 11 settembre [1763]. Adunati al solito covo. Il Verecondo ha portata una copia in stampa di alcune iscrizioni che si leggono in rilievo sopra quattro laminette di rame, trovate ultimamente nel territorio pistoiese ed acquistate da Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, nostro socio estero. È stato osservato che le tre ultime lamine sono affatto simili a tre altre di quelle che ci communicò il nostro Vagante, come nell’Annale antecedente a c. 40 (21).


Nel testo si relazionano sommariamente gli argomenti affrontati dai soci della Colombaria durante una seduta svoltasi domenica 11 settembre 1763. In tale occasione l’erudito patrizio fi orentino Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni, noto con il nome accademico di «Verecondo» (22), aveva fornito agli altri presenti una riproduzione a stampa di alcuni manufatti bronzei acquistati dal loro consocio pistoiese Merlini Calderini. Purtroppo tale documentazione grafi ca, inizialmente allegata all’Annale e visionata da Bormann, non è oggi più reperibile (23).

Nel corso dell’adunata in questione i Colombi rimarcarono le strette affi nità che intercorrevano fra tre delle laminette possedute da Merlini Calderini e altri reperti affi ni, menzionati in un passo del volume precedente degli Annali, che si trascrive qui di seguito:

A dì 17 aprile 1763. Adunati al solito covo etc. Furono donate alla nostra Società sei tavolette in gesso, che si ripongono in un quadretto, con inscrizioni romane assai antiche. Sono esse state formate sopra le tavolette di bronzo, acquistate dal Vagante, venute di Faenza, ove erano state ritrovate sotto terra da un lavoratore nel fare alcune fosse nel suo podere (24).


Dal documento si evince che un altro socio colombario, Giovanni Baldovinetti detto il «Vagante» (25), era in possesso di sei laminette in bronzo, che un’annotazione marginale pone appunto in relazione con quelle successivamente segnalate da Merlini Calderini (26). I calchi in gesso di tali reperti erano stati donati all’Accademia stessa, ma anch’essi oggi non sono più reperibili.

Riassumendo, dunque, in due distinte occasioni nel corso del 1763 due membri dell’Accademia Colombaria comunicarono ai propri consoci di essere entrati in possesso di due diversi gruppi di laminette bronzee: il primo, proveniente dalla campagna faentina e comperato da Giovanni Baldovinetti, comprendeva sei reperti iscritti; il secondo, rinvenuto nell’agro pistoiese e acquisito da Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, ne annoverava solo quattro. Di questi ultimi esisteva una riproduzione a stampa, attualmente dispersa, dalla quale Bormann ricavò le trascrizioni da lui riproposte nell’undicesimo volume del CIL (27). Come già avevano rimarcato i Colombi, tre delle laminette acquistate da Merlini Calderini risultavano identiche ad altrettante in possesso di Baldovinetti. In primo luogo fu dunque l’esistenza di più esemplari di tali manufatti che indusse l’editore del Corpus ad includerli nella sezione delle falsae, pur riconoscendo la perizia con cui essi erano stati realizzati (28).

In aggiunta alle considerazioni di Bormann, risulta sospetta la genericità delle notizie relative al ritrovamento dei due nuclei di presunte antichità (si noti soprattutto il topos della scoperta effettuata «da un lavoratore nel fare alcune fosse nel suo podere»):

in tale ottica un’ulteriore indagine sulla documentazione archivistica potrebbe rivelarsi foriera di nuove informazioni. Si segnala in particolare l’esistenza, presso l’Archivio di Stato di Firenze, del carteggio intercorso tra Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini e Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni, nel quale sono incluse ben 29 lettere inviate dall’abate pistoiese all’erudito fi orentino nel corso del 1763 (29). Analogamente potrebbe risultare profi cua un’indagine sui rapporti intercorsi fra Giovanni Baldovinetti e la sua parente Margherita Baldovinetti Gambereschi, moglie del conte Vincenzo Gabellotti di Faenza (30).
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Sat Oct 22, 2022 1:21 am

Part 3 of 3

3. Laminette e ancora laminette

Oltre ai reperti bronzei noti tramite gli atti manoscritti dell’Accademia Colombaria, Bormann ne poté visionare alcuni anche di persona. Fra questi si distingueva un gruppo di nove laminette, conservate a Bologna e descritte come «complures tabellae aereae inscriptae exemplis falsis titulorum genuinorum» (31). Una di esse riportava nuovamente lo stesso testo inciso sul recto del manufatto custodito a Torcello (32):

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).


La trascrizione fornita da Bormann non indica la presenza di lettere sul verso della laminetta. Secondo l’epigrafi sta tedesco, tale reperto, così come tutti gli altri appartenenti allo stesso nucleo collezionistico, era anticamente conservato nel Museo Universitario della città felsinea e da qui era transitato nel museo pubblico (33). Un riscontro effettuato presso il Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna ha dato però esito negativo: è forse possibile che, una volta riconosciuti come falsi, i reperti bronzei siano stati scartati dalla collezione oppure che essi siano andati dispersi durante l’ultimo periodo bellico o nel dopoguerra immediatamente successivo (34). Oltre che nell’undicesimo volume del CIL, la laminetta bolognese con dedica a Druso Minore si trova censita anche nella sezione del Corpus relativa alle falsae di provenienza urbana, con l’indicazione «tabella aerea in museo Bononiensi. […] Descripsit et damnavit Bormann» (35).

Seppur incidentalmente, lo stesso Bormann indicò inoltre di aver visionato un altro esemplare dello stesso manufatto, conservato «in museo Arretino» (36). Dopo lunghe ricerche, è stato possibile individuare tale reperto presso il Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate di Arezzo (Figg. 4-5) (37). Le affi nità con la laminetta custodita a Torcello appaiono stringenti, in relazione tanto al supporto, quanto al testo inciso sulle sue due facce:

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).//
Me(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -) d(- - -).


Image
Fig. 4. AREZZO, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229, recto (Foto: su concessione della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Toscana, Firenze).

Image
Fig. 5. AREZZO, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229, verso (Foto: su concessione della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Toscana, Firenze).

Verso la metà del bordo superiore il manufatto è attraversato da un piccolo foro passante circolare, che intacca la prima riga del testo sia nel recto che nel verso, senza tuttavia comprometterne la lettura. La laminetta risulta essere appartenuta al Museo della Fraternita dei laici, la principale congregazione assistenziale aretina, le cui raccolte costituiscono il nucleo fondativo dell’attuale Museo Archeologico (38). Una scheda dell’archivio della Fraternita, redatta da Angelo Pasqui nel 1882, segnala che il reperto sarebbe stato trovato ad Arezzo in Piazza Guido Monaco nel 1865 (39). L’indicazione, seguita da un punto interrogativo, sembra fi nalizzata ad accreditare l’autenticità del manufatto grazie all’espediente di un rinvenimento evidentemente fi ttizio. Anche se nell’immediato periodo post-unitario i lavori per la costruzione di Piazza Guido Monaco determinarono effettivamente numerose scoperte archeologiche importanti (40), risulta improbabile che fra di esse vi fossero anche reperti falsi, già attestati nei circuiti collezionistici toscani oltre un secolo prima. Sembra assai più plausibile che la laminetta conservata ad Arezzo sia una di quelle appartenute in precedenza ai soci dell’Accademia Colombaria, ma non si può escludere che si tratti di un’ulteriore copia, acquisita forse attraverso qualche raccolta antiquaria locale (41). Un’indagine nei fondi archivistici aretini potrà forse consentire in futuro di determinare con maggior precisione le vicissitudini collezionistiche del manufatto.

La presenza delle laminette bronzee iscritte dedicate a Druso Minore non si limita al solo territorio italiano. In tempi recenti un esemplare del medesimo oggetto è stato segnalato da Helena Gimeno Pascual (42): esso si trova al Museo Arqueológico Nacional di Madrid e dove entrò nel 1876, assieme alla collezione di antichità di don Tomás de Asensi (Figg. 6-7) (43). Anche in questo caso le dimensioni del reperto sono in tutto affi ni a quelle della laminetta torcellana, così come analogo è il testo che vi si trova inciso (44):

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).//
Me(- - -)
p(- - -) l(- - -) d(- - -) d(- - -).


Image
Fig. 6. MADRID, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104, recto. (Foto: Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid).

Image
Fig. 7. MADRID, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104, verso. (Foto: Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid).

Tomás de Asensi, cavaliere del Real Ordine di Isabella la Cattolica, fu viceconsole di Spagna a Nizza e direttore commerciale per il Ministero degli Esteri (Ministerio de Estado) attorno alla metà del XIX secolo (45). È possibile che egli avesse acquistato la laminetta all’epoca della sua residenza nizzarda oppure nel corso dei numerosi viaggi da lui intrapresi in territorio italiano. Nel catalogo autografo della sua collezione il manufatto bronzeo è così descritto:

Pieza n. 684 (sin fi cha). Tesera de bronce, ó sea permiso para asistir a las diversiones públicas, ó de la liberalidad, llamadas congiari, de los emperadores ú otros personajes del imperio; con inscripciones en el derecho y en el revés. La del derecho dice: Druso - Caesari - Ti. - Aug. T. Divi - Aug. N. - S. C. (A Druso César, hijo de Tiberio Augusto, nieto del divino Augusto - Senatus Consultum). La del revés dice: ME - P.L.D.D. De esta leyenda no es fácil la explicación. Las últimas cuatro letras pueden explicarse así: Publicus Ludus Dedit, ó sea dió juegos públicos; pero no así las dos primeras letras ME, que no pudieron ser explicadas ni aún por el doctor profesor de Arquelogía Sr. Henzen, secretario del Instituto de Correspondencia Arqueológica de Roma (46).


La voce del catalogo si distingue per il tentativo di classifi care la laminetta bronzea come un oggetto di epoca romana, del quale ci si sarebbe avvalsi in occasione di giochi, festività o distribuzioni pubbliche organizzate dagli imperatori; secondo il suo proprietario essa sarebbe dunque rientrata nella categoria dei manufatti metallici noti come tesserae spectaculis (47), ben attestati dalla documentazione archeologica e assimilabili a quelli utilizzati per la riscossione di generi alimentari, che le fonti letterarie chiamano tesserae nummariae o frumentariae (48). Le tipologie più diffuse di tali oggetti sono però realizzate in piombo e le loro fattezze differiscono notevolmente da quelle delle laminette esaminate in questo studio. Le tesserae sono infatti quasi sempre di forma circolare e presentano al recto l’effi gie di un principe o di un membro della domus imperiale, mentre al verso la loro legenda indica solitamente il nome del magistrato incaricato dell’allestimento degli spettacoli o delle celebrazioni (49).

Dalla scheda redatta da Asensi si evince ancora che questi aveva consultato Wilhelm Henzen, segretario dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica a Roma, nel tentativo di attribuire un senso alle sigle incise sul verso del manufatto bronzeo (50). Nel carteggio dello studioso tedesco non vi è però traccia di missive spedite dal collezionista spagnolo (51): è possibile, quindi, che Asensi fosse ricorso a un intermediario oppure che, durante un soggiorno in Italia, egli avesse contattato Henzen di persona.

Lo stesso Henzen, d’altro canto, ebbe modo di conoscere, seppure per via indiretta, un altro lotto di reperti affi ni a quelle esaminati fi nora. Nel corso di un’adunanza dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica svoltasi il 24 febbraio 1860 egli segnalò infatti ai propri consoci di aver ricevuto le «impronte cartacee di cinque laminette di bronzo a lettere rilevate, passate di recente nel Museo di Basilea e riconosciute per false dal sig. prof. Guglielmo Vischer, il quale le avea mandate all’Instituto per conoscerne, se ciò fosse possibile, la provenienza» (52). Una verifi ca effettuata presso l’Antikenmuseum di Basilea ha consentito di localizzare nuovamente tale nucleo di manufatti iscritti (53). Uno di essi (Figg. 8-9), come già segnalava Henzen (54), riporta ancora una volta il testo dell’ormai ben nota dedica a Druso Minore:

Druso Caisari,
Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio), divi
Aug(usti) n(epoti),
s(enatus) c(onsulto).//
Me(---)
p(---) l(---) d(---).


Come nel caso della laminetta posseduta da Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, l’unica differenza che intercorre con il testo dell’epigrafe conservata a Torcello è costituita dalla presenza di una sola D nella riga fi nale del verso. Le modalità con cui l’Antikenmuseum di Basilea acquisì tale reperto e gli altri quattro appartenenti allo stesso lotto devono essere ancora determinate con precisione (55). Il terminus ante quem è costituito proprio dalla segnalazione inviata da Vischer a Henzen (56).

Image
Fig. 8. BASEL, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26, recto. (Foto: R. Habegger).

Image
Fig. 9. BASEL, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26, verso. (Foto: R. Habegger).

Nella citata adunanza dell’Instituto Henzen riferì ancora che, oltre ai manufatti bronzei conservati a Basilea, ne erano noti anche altri, in possesso di Heinrich Schreiber, anziano docente di Storia dell’Università di Friburgo in Brisgovia (57). Alla sua morte, sopravvenuta nel 1872, questi lasciò in eredità le proprie collezioni alla città in cui aveva insegnato (58). Effettivamente in un inventario manoscritto coevo risulta la presenza di almeno due laminette iscritte, una delle quali è identifi cabile senza dubbio come un esemplare di CIL XI, 209*, 1 (59). Nel corso del XX secolo, però, la raccolta fu dispersa e suddivisa tra diverse istituzioni friburghesi, quali l’Augustinermuseum, il Museo Preistorico (Museum für Urgeschichte, poi a sua volta soppresso e parzialmente confl uito nell’Archäologisches Museum Colombischlössle) e l’Archivio cittadino (Stadtarchiv) (60). Fino ad ora non è stato pertanto possibile individuare la collocazione delle laminette appartenute a Schreiber, posto che esse siano ancora reperibili.

4. Considerazioni conclusive

Lo studio della laminetta bronzea conservata al Museo Provinciale di Torcello ha posto in luce uno scenario inaspettato. I dubbi sull’autenticità del piccolo manufatto iscritto, già espressi in passato, sono stati suffragati da un nuovo esame autoptico e confermati dall’individuazione di numerose altre laminette di analoga fattura. Tali reperti sono stati concordemente giudicati falsi dalla critica epigrafi ca, anche a causa del carattere di serialità che li contraddistingue. In effetti, come si è potuto riscontrare nel corso di questo saggio, della sola laminetta con dedica a Druso Minore risultano ad oggi documentati ben otto o forse nove esemplari, di cui si fornisce per praticità un breve elenco riassuntivo, strutturato secondo l’ordine di presentazione adottato nelle precedenti pagine:

1. laminetta appartenente al Museo Provinciale di Torcello, apparentemente rinvenuta a Torcello nel 1908;

2. laminetta segnalata presso un antiquario parigino negli anni Novanta del secolo scorso, della quale Antonio Sartori ha pubblicato la riproduzione di un calco a rilievo in foglio di alluminio;

3. laminetta appartenuta a Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, di cui egli fornì una riproduzione a stampa ai soci colombari nel settembre 1763;

4. laminetta appartenuta a Giovanni Baldovinetti, della quale egli fornì un calco in gesso all’Accademia Colombaria nell’aprile 1763;

5. laminetta segnalata da Eugen Bormann presso il Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna e già appartenuta al Museo Universitario della stessa città;

6. laminetta custodita presso il Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate di Arezzo, già segnalata da Eugen Bormann e apparentemente rinvenuta ad Arezzo nel 1865;

7. laminetta conservata al Museo Arqueológico Nacional di Madrid, da cui è stata acquisita nel 1876 assieme alla collezione di don Tomás de Asensi;

8. laminetta conservata all’Antikenmuseum di Basilea, già segnalata da Wilhelm Vischer nel febbraio 1860;

9. laminetta posseduta da Heinrich Schreiber a Friburgo, segnalata dallo stesso Vischer nel febbraio 1860 (non è certo, tuttavia, che essa recasse lo stesso testo inciso sulla laminetta di Torcello).

Allo stato attuale della ricerca solo quattro di tali laminette risultano localizzabili con certezza: si tratta di quelle conservate nei musei di Torcello, Arezzo, Madrid e Basilea, delle quali si è fornita la riproduzione fotografi ca. È possibile che altri esemplari vengano individuati in futuro, così come non è escluso che alcuni di quelli qui elencati corrispondano in realtà allo stesso reperto, che risulterebbe documentato in diverse fasi della sua storia collezionistica (61).

In tale ottica i risultati della ricerca fi n qui condotta non possono che considerarsi parziali. Rimane ancora da determinare innanzitutto l’identità del personaggio che produsse la serie di laminette, nonché l’epoca e il luogo in cui egli agì. In merito a quest’ultimo aspetto sembra plausibile attribuire la genesi dei reperti bronzei all’ambito toscano e non a quello romano, come invece suggerito in maniera implicita dall’inclusione dell’esemplare bolognese nel fascicolo del sesto volume del CIL dedicato alle inscriptiones falsae (62). La presenza delle prime laminette a noi note nelle raccolte dei soci dell’Accademia Colombaria poco dopo la metà del XVIII secolo lascia piuttosto supporre che la loro realizzazione sia da ricondurre a un falsario attivo in quell’epoca nella città medicea (63).

Anche per quanto attiene alle fi nalità della creazione delle laminette non pochi sono i punti che restano da chiarire. Ultimamente il tema della falsifi cazione epigrafi ca è stato affrontato a più riprese dalla bibliografi a di settore, che non solo ha esaminato numerosi casi specifi ci, ma si è anche concentrata sulle diverse motivazioni che soggiacciono a tale fenomeno (64). A tal proposito, in un contributo recentissimo, Alfredo Buonopane ha convincentemente proposto di riconoscere l’esistenza di tre distinte categorie: quella dei falsi in senso stretto (cioè delle iscrizioni contraffatte deliberatamente e a scopo doloso), quella delle copie e quella delle rielaborazioni o pastiches (65). Nel nostro caso specifi co, tuttavia, le intenzioni del falsario non risultano ancora determinabili con precisione: se da un lato l’iniziale convinzione che le laminette ostentate dai soci colombari fossero autentiche lascerebbe presumere l’esistenza di una frode escogitata ai loro danni (o con il loro coinvolgimento), dall’altro non si può escludere che si tratti semplicemente di reperti pseudo-antichi, ovvero, come già proposto da Antonio Sartori, di «riproduzioni minuscole […] e varie, a scopo quasi di souvenir, per un possibile commercio non antiquario, ma collezionistico o fi n turistico del XVIII secolo» (66). In ogni caso il riconoscimento della non autenticità della laminetta custodita a Torcello induce necessariamente a respingere la notizia del suo presunto rinvenimento nei pressi della cattedrale dell’isola e a ricercare nuove informazioni sulla sua acquisizione da parte del Museo Provinciale.

In futuro bisognerà dunque affrontare diverse questioni che rimangono ancora senza risposta. Nello specifi co si dovrà cercare di comprendere: se tutte le laminette attestate assieme a quelle con dedica a Druso Minore siano il frutto di una contraffazione consapevole; se la loro produzione in serie risalga alla stessa epoca o possa essere ascritta a diverse circostanze e località; se i loro diversi proprietari furono o meno consapevoli di possedere oggetti falsi; se i testi epigrafi ci solitamente incisi sul recto dei piccoli manufatti bronzei rispecchino più o meno fedelmente il contenuto di iscrizioni autentiche e se le sigle presenti sul verso abbiano un signifi cato specifi co che fi nora non è stato decifrato; se fra i modelli di ispirazione possano essere annoverate anche altre fonti antiche, quali ad esempio legende di monete o testimonianze letterarie.

In relazione al singolo reperto cui è dedicato questo saggio si segnala l’opinione degli editori del sesto volume del CIL, secondo i quali il testo della laminetta sarebbe stato riprodotto a partire dalle righe centrali di una lastra onoraria genuina di epoca tiberiana, rinvenuta a Roma nel 1665 e oggi conservata a Palazzo del Drago in Via delle Quattro Fontane (67). L’epigrafe risultava effettivamente già ben nota nel Settecento, in quanto inclusa nelle sillogi a stampa di Spon e Fabretti, pubblicate rispettivamente nel 1685 e nel 1702 (68). Un altro documento iscritto che avrebbe potuto servire da modello per il testo inciso sul recto del piccolo manufatto bronzeo è una dedica a Druso Minore da Segobriga nella Hispania Tarraconensis (69), già edita nel Corpus absolutissimum di Gruter, dato alle stampe a Heidelberg agli inizi del Seicento (70). Quest’ultima raccolta godette, come è noto, di amplissima circolazione nei secoli a seguire e funse anche in altri casi da repertorio di archetipi che, per motivi fra i più disparati, furono poi ricopiati su supporto lapideo (71). Non si può infi ne escludere che la laminetta sia stata esemplata a partire dalle legende di alcune monete di epoca tiberiana o fl avia, che si distinguono non solo per la medesima titolatura attribuita al fi glio di Tiberio, ma anche per l’esplicitazione della dedica su deliberazione del senato (aspetto invece assente nelle testimonianze epigrafi che) (72). Tali monete erano ampiamente note nel Settecento, come dimostra la loro presenza nei principali repertori numismatici dell’epoca (73). Uno spoglio della documentazione archivistica certifi ca ad esempio che alcuni esemplari ne erano posseduti anche dai primi soci dell’Accademia Colombaria (74).

A fronte di una gamma di possibilità ancora molto ampia, il lavoro di ricerca deve momentaneamente arrestarsi. Soltanto un’indagine estesa a tutte le altre laminette bronzee iscritte segnalate di volta in volta assieme a quella con dedica a Druso Minore potrà forse fornire un chiarimento defi nitivo sulle vicende relative alla creazione e alla diffusione di tali manufatti, che compaiono ripetutamente nei volumi del CIL e che giacciono spesso, come si è visto, nascosti o accantonati in diversi musei italiani ed europei. In altre parole, come già avvertiva Henzen nel 1860, di tali reperti, fi nora sostanzialmente negletti, «sarebbe importante di riunirne tutti gli esemplari di cui si conosce l’esistenza, con notizie esatte sulla loro provenienza» (75). Tale proposito merita sicuramente di essere l’oggetto di un futuro studio approfondito.

APPUNTI:

(1) Torcello (VE), Museo Provinciale, inv. 1910a-b; vd. CONTON 1909a, pp. 9-12, 19; CONTON 1909b, p. 25; CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25 n. 57; BUCHI 1993, pp. 153-154 n. IR 3 (AEp 1993, 755); BUCHI 1994; SARTORI 2008 (AEp 2008, 264).

(2) CONTON 1909a, p. 9. Sulla fi gura di Luigi Conton (1866-1954), ancora poco studiata, vd. ZORZI 1981; FOGOLARI 1993, pp. 11-12.

(3) CONTON 1909b, p. 25; cfr. CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25: «trovata presso il duomo di Torcello nel 1908».

(4) In realtà è diffi cile determinare quale delle due facce dell’iscrizione sia da considerare il recto e quale il verso: cfr. a tal proposito SARTORI 2008, p. 582. Per convenzione si è qui accolta la medesima impostazione del testo adottata dai precedenti editori.

(5) Cfr. BUCHI 1994, pp. 304-306. Su Druso Minore e sugli onori funebri attribuiti a lui e a Germanico vd. da ultimo BUONOPANE 2010, con ampia bibliografi a precedente.

(6) Cfr. TAC. ann. 4, 9: Memoriae Drusi eadem quae in Germanicum decernuntur, plerisque additis, ut ferme amat posterior adulatio.

(7) Vd. CONTON 1909a, p. 10: «Me(renti) p(ublicas) l(audes) d(e)d(it)»; CALLEGARI 1930, p. 25 n. 57: «Me(renti)/ p(ublicas) l(audes) d(e)d(it)»; cfr. anche BUCHI 1993, pp. 153-154 n. IR 3, che propone gli scioglimenti alternativi Me(renti) o Me(moriae) p(ublicas) l(audes) d(are) d(ebeto) oppure ancora Me(renti) o Me(moriae) p(ublicos) l(udos) d(are) d(ebeto).

(8) Cfr. DI STEFANO MANZELLA 1987, p. 155.

(9) Cfr. già CONTON 1909a, p. 9: «Questo piccolo bronzo è una rarità archeologica, non tanto pel suo contenuto storico, quanto per la sua forma!».

(10) Vd. SARTORI 2008, p. 585.

(11) Cfr. SARTORI 2008, p. 582: Druso Caesari / Ti(beri) Aug(usti) f(ilio) divi / Aug(usti) n(epoti) / (ex) s(enatus) c(onsulto). // ME / P. L•DD. I reperti furono visti «nei primi anni novanta del secolo scorso» presso «un antiquario di Parigi», che ne diffuse alcuni «calchi a rilievo in foglio di alluminio, quello che si usa in cucina per avvolgere, protetti da falde di ovatta dentro a scatoline estemporanee» (SARTORI 2008, p. 581).

(12) Per l’individuazione del modello di tale laminetta cfr. già SARTORI 2008, p. 584.

(13) CIL VI, 31274, cfr. pp. 4341, 4390, 4392. L’apparato critico del CIL rileva come l’esistenza di una copia apocrifa su bronzo di tale epigrafe fosse già stata segnalata da Gaetano Marini nelle sue schede manoscritte conservate alla Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: «Exemplum novicium in lamina ahenea litteris anaglyphis neglegenter exaratum nescio ubi vidit Marini».

(14) CIL XI, 209*. Sul lavoro svolto da Eugen Bormann (1842-1917) per il CIL, con particolare attenzione ai siti di Bononia e Sarsina, vd. WEBER 1989; WEBER 1991.

(15) L’indicazione risulta derivare da CANTINI 1800, p. 92. Sull’autore dell’opera, l’erudito fi orentino Lorenzo Cantini (1765-1839), vd. D’ORAZI FLAVONI 1975; altrove Bormann defi nì il personaggio «impudentissimus falsarius» (CIL XI, p. 305).

(16) CIL XI, 209*, 1: «..ermanico neroni druso | caesari germanici | geamanici | caesaris f. casaris | e | aus ob. non. august || imp». La trascrizione del reperto coincide esattamente con quella desumibile dal calco su foglio di alluminio riprodotto da SARTORI 2008, p. 582 fi g. 2.

(17) CIL XI, 209*, 2.

(18) Su Merlini Calderini (1718-1767) vd. Novelle 1768, coll. 786-787; CAPPONI 1883, p. 274; il pistoiese fu eletto socio esterno dell’Accademia Colombaria il 6 febbraio 1749 con il nome accademico «l’Arguto»: cfr. SORBI 2001, p. 29 n. 100. Per una storia dei primi anni della Colombaria si rimanda a Colombaria 1735-1985; ERMINI 2003, con bibliografi a precedente.

(19) Cfr. CIL XI, 209*: «Fr. Ignatius Merlini Calderini, qui coemerat, imagines in folio exprimendas curavit, cuius unum exemplum est in ms. societ. columbariae annal. XIX». Per i documenti consultati da Bormann all’Accademia Colombaria vd. CIL XI, p. 305 n. VI.

(20) La quasi totalità dell’archivio e gran parte della biblioteca della Colombaria furono distrutte quando si trovavano nella sede di Via de’ Bardi 32, abbattuta dalle mine che l’esercito tedesco in fuga fece saltare nella notte tra il 3 e il 4 agosto 1944 per bloccare l’accesso al Ponte Vecchio: cfr. SPAGNESI 1993, p. 79; ERMINI 2003, pp. 78-79. Fortunatamente il riferimento bibliografi co fornito da Bormann (vd. nota precedente) contiene un provvidenziale refuso: il volume degli Annali cui intendeva alludere lo studioso non era il XIX, perito durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale, ma il XXIX, scampato alla distruzione. Sugli Annali della Colombaria vd. ERMINI 2003, pp. 75-87.

(21) Firenze, Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere «La Colombaria», Archivio, Annali, vol. XXIX, f. 5v; cfr. DORINI 1913-1914, pp. 20-26, in part. p. 22. Desidero ringraziare vivamente la dott.ssa Vaima Gelli per aver facilitato le mie ricerche alla Biblioteca dell’Accademia Colombaria con grande competenza e straordinaria disponibilità.

(22) Su Giuseppe Pelli Bencivenni (1729-1808) vd. ZAPPERI 1966; TIMPANARO MORELLI 1976, pp. VII-XIV. Anche Pelli Bencivenni, come Merlini Calderini, fu eletto socio dell’Accademia Colombaria il 6 febbraio 1749: cfr. SORBI 2001, p. 29 n. 99.  

(23) È probabile che la riproduzione si trovasse all’interno della Tramoggia (raccolta di disegni e altri documenti di cui si discuteva nelle adunate della Colombaria) relativa al vol. XXIX degli Annali, andata distrutta nel 1944.

(24) Firenze, Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere «La Colombaria», Archivio, Annali, vol. XXVIII, p. 40.

(25) Giovanni di Poggio Baldovinetti (1695-1772), personaggio di spicco della cultura fi orentina settecentesca, aveva costituito una collezione privata di notevole importanza; pur essendo incentrata prevalentemente sulla numismatica e sulla sfragistica, essa comprendeva anche alcuni bronzetti etruschi e romani: vd. BRUNI 2004, pp. 9-18, in part. p. 17; cfr. anche ROMANELLI 2000, pp. XVII-XVIII, 150. Per l’elezione di Baldovinetti a socio esterno dell’Accademia Colombaria, avvenuta il 28 gennaio 1759, vd. SORBI 2001, p. 32 n. 216.

(26) Firenze, Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere «La Colombaria», Archivio, Annali, vol. XXVIII, p. 40: «Vedi l’Annale XXIX a 5v».

(27) CIL XI, 209*, 1-4.

(28) Cfr. CIL XI, 209*: «Qui has et similes tabellas fecit falsarius expressit fere inscriptiones genuinas, complura autem fecit exemplaria».

(29) ASFi, Pelli Bencivenni Giuseppe lettere, fi lza VIII 1763; cfr. TIMPANARO MORELLI 1976, ad indicem.

(30) Su Margherita di Luca Baldovinetti Gambereschi (1693-1767) vd. ROMANELLI 2000, p. XVII.  

(31) CIL XI, 105*.

(32) CIL XI, 105*, 5.  

(33) Cfr. CIL XI, 105*: «Fuerunt ante in museo universitatis, nunc in publico». Poiché il Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna, nel quale confl uirono le raccolte del Museo Universitario, fu inaugurato nel 1881, se ne dovrebbe dedurre che Bormann avesse effettuato l’autopsia dei reperti fra il 1881 e il 1888, anno di pubblicazione del primo tomo dell’undicesimo volume del CIL. Non è escluso, tuttavia, che lo studioso tedesco avesse già potuto visionare le laminette nel corso dei suoi precedenti soggiorni bolognesi, sui quali vd. WEBER 1989. Sulla storia della formazione del Museo Civico Archeologico si rimanda ai contributi raccolti in MORIGI GOVI - SASSATELLI 1984.

(34) Sono grato a Marinella Marchesi e Daniela Picchi per le verifi che eseguite su mia richiesta presso le collezioni del Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna.

(35) CIL VI, 3561*.

(36) Cfr. CIL XI, 209*: «Inscriptionis 2 aliud vel idem exemplum servatur nunc in Museo Arretino».

(37) Arezzo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate, inv. 12229. Sono profondamente grato alla dott.ssa Silvia Vilucchi, direttrice del Museo, e alla dott.ssa Sara Faralli per la pertinacia con cui hanno cercato e identifi cato la laminetta.

(38) Cfr. ZAMARCHI GRASSI - BARTOLI 1987, pp. 16-17; FARALLI 2009.

(39) Arezzo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Gaio Cilnio Mecenate, Archivio di Fraternita dei laici, Schedario Pasqui.

(40) Cfr. FARALLI 2009, pp. 49-53.

(41) Fra le principali collezioni private acquisite dal Museo Archeologico di Arezzo nell’Ottocento si segnala quella della famiglia Bacci: vd. DROANDI 2003; FARALLI 2005-2006.

(42) Vd. GIMENO PASCUAL 2006, p. 382 nota 72.

(43) Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 10104.

(44) Ringrazio di cuore Helena Gimeno Pascual per aver condiviso con me la sua scheda della laminetta conservata presso il Museo Arqueológico Nacional di Madrid.

(45) Su Tomás de Asensi e sulla sua collezione, che la vedova Rosario de Laiglesia vendette allo stato spagnolo fra 1876 e 1878, vd. GONZÁLEZ SÁNCHEZ 1993; PAZ YANES 1995. Si ricordi che Nizza appartenne al Regno di Sardegna fi no al 1860.

(46) PAZ YANES 1995, p. 8.

(47) Vd. da ultimo RUCINSKI 2011, con ampia bibliografi a precedente.

(48) Cfr. a titolo dimostrativo SUET. Aug. 41, 2; Ner. 11, 2. Sul tema vd. VIRLOUVET 1995.

(49) Per un catalogo delle diverse tipologie di tesserae plumbee e una sintesi interpretativa restano ancora fondamentali i contributi che Michail Rostowzew pubblicò prima del suo trasferimento negli Stati Uniti (ROSTOWZEW 1903; ROSTOWZEW 1905).

(50) Su Wilhelm Henzen (1816-1887) si rimanda a BLANCK 2003; più di recente vd. anche BLANCK 2009.

(51) Sono grato al dott. Thomas Fröhlich per avermi consentito di consultare lo schedario del carteggio henzeniano conservato al Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom.

(52) HENZEN 1860, p. 37. Sull’operato di Wilhelm Vischer (1808-1874) a Basilea si rimanda a VISCHER 1958; WYSS 1962.

(53) Basel, Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig, Alter Bestand o. n. 26. Sono grato al direttore dott. Andrea Bignasca e al curatore dott. Esaù Dozio per il prezioso aiuto che mi hanno fornito durante la mia ricerca.

(54) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 nota 1 n. 4.

(55) La scheda inventariale relativa a una delle laminette (recante una copia di CIL VI, 1316, di cui esemplari falsi su bronzo sono segnalati anche in CIL XI, 44a* e CIL XI, 105*, 3) indica come provenienza «Antiquarin Wolf».

(56) L’originale della missiva non è reperibile presso l’Archivio dell’Istituto Archeologico Germanico a Roma.

(57) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 nota 1: «Il chiarissimo Vischer ci scrisse nello stesso tempo possederne alcune simili tavolette il prof. Schreiber di Friburgo». Per una breve biografi a di Heinrich Schreiber (1793-1872) vd. GRAF 2007.

(58) Almeno inizialmente l’accesso a tali collezioni dovette risultare particolarmente diffi coltoso per gli studiosi; cfr. ECKER 1880, Vorwort, nota *: «Schreiber hat seine Sammlungtestamentarisch der Stadt Freiburg vermacht; es steht daher dieselbe unter der Hut eines städtischen Archivars und es ist den Universitätslehrern, die sich mit diesen Gegenständen befassen, insbesondere also Prof. H. Fischer und mir, bisher nicht vergönnt gewesen, dieselbe ungehindert benutzen zu können».

(59) «Bronzetafel mit gleicher Inschrift; dto. mit lateinischer Inschrift: Germanico Neroni Druso (ob ächt)». L’inventario è conservato presso l’Augustinermuseum di Friburgo. Ringrazio molto il dott. Gerhard Dangel (Städtische Museen Freiburg - Augustinermuseum) per questa segnalazione.

(60) Sono grato al dott. Jens-Arne Dickmann (Archäologische Sammlung der Albert- Ludwigs-Universität) e al dott. Hans Oelze (Archäologisches Museum Colombischlössle) per i riscontri effettuati per mio conto a Friburgo. Ringrazio inoltre la dott.ssa Alessandra Gilibert (Freie Universität Berlin) per avermi aiutato a relazionarmi con le istituzioni tedesche.

(61) Si pensi alla laminetta conservata all’Antikenmuseum di Basilea, contraddistinta, come quella precedentemente posseduta da Francesco Ignazio Merlini Calderini, dalla presenza di una sola D nella riga fi nale del verso.

(62) CIL VI, 3561*; cfr. già HENZEN 1860, p. 38 nota 1: «provenienza che il Vischer con ogni probabilità riporta a Roma».

(63) Sulla presenza di opere contraffatte, pseudo-antiche e ‘all’antica’ nelle collezioni toscane fra XVII e XVIII secolo vd. FARALLI 2007, con ulteriore bibliografi a. Sul tema della falsifi cazione rimangono valide le considerazioni di PAUL 1985.

(64) Per limitarsi ai contributi degli ultimi anni segnalo KORHONEN 2010; MAYER I OLIVÈ 2011; SOLIN 2012; BUONOPANE 2014; ORLANDI - CALDELLI - GREGORI 2014; SOLIN 2014. Per il caso specifi co dei falsi su supporto bronzeo vd. BOLLA 2014.

(65) BUONOPANE 2014, p. 293.

(66) SARTORI 2008, p. 585.

(67) CIL VI, 910, 31198, cfr. p. 4304, rr. 3-4: Druso Caesari Ti(beri) Augusti f(ilio),/ Dì vì Augusti n(epoti).

(68) Cfr. SPON 1685, p. 266; FABRETTI 1702, p. 395 n. 276, p. 683 n. 72.

(69) CIL II, 3103: Druso Cae/sar(i) Ti(beri) f(ilio) Au/gusti n(epoti) divi / pron(epoti) / [L(ucius)] Turellius / L(uci) f(ilius) Geminus / aed(ilis) d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia); cfr. ALMAGRO BASCH 1984, p. 24.

(70) Cfr. GRUTER 1603, p. 236 nn. 6-7.

(71) Cfr. già BILLANOVICH 1967.

(72) Cfr. RIC 42 (sesterzio del 22-23 d.C. con legenda DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N PONT TR POT II attorno alla sigla centrale S C), RIC 45 (asse del 21-22 d.C. con legenda DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N al recto e PONTIF TRIBVN POTEST ITER attorno alla sigla centrale S C al verso); RIC II, 414-415 (assi coniati durante il principato di Tito, con legenda DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N al recto e IMP T CAES DIVI VESP F AVG REST attorno a sigla centrale S C al verso).

(73) Cfr. a titolo dimostrativo RASCHE 1785, coll. 463-468, con ampia bibliografi a precedente. Sono grato a Tomaso Maria Lucchelli per questa segnalazione.

(74) Alcune «medaglie» con legenda menzionante Druso Minore appartenute ai soci colombari sono commentate nei cosiddetti Sunti del Tarpato, una raccolta di quattordici tomi manoscritti, redatti tra il 1735 e il 1753 da Andrea Da Verrazzano (noto con il nome accademico di «Tarpato») e contenenti descrizioni dettagliate degli oggetti presentati durante le adunate della Colombaria: cfr. ERMINI 2003, p. 79 nota 16. A titolo dimostrativo vd. Firenze, Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere «La Colombaria», Archivio, Sunti del Tarpato, vol. II, pp. 74, 85-86, 94; vol. VII, pp. 392-393. Sono grato a Vaima Gelli per questa segnalazione.

(75) HENZEN 1860, p. 38 nota 1.

ABBREVIAZIONI

ASFi = Archivio di Stato di Firenze.
DBI = Dizionario biografi co degli Italiani, Roma 1960-.
NDB = Neue deutsche Biographie, Berlin 1953-.
RIC = The Roman Imperial Coinage, London, 1923-.

Per le pubblicazioni periodiche sono state adottate le sigle de L’Année philologique.

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* * *

EPIGRAPHICA

Fondata nel 1939, diretta da ARISTIDE CALDERINI e da GIANCARLO SUSINI

Direzione: Angela DONATI, Responsabile

Maria BOLLINI, Condirettore
Attilio MASTINO, Condirettore

Comitato scientifico:

Alain BRESSON, Bordeaux
Francesca CENERINI, Bologna
Mare MAYER, Barcelona
Stephen MITCHELL, Exeter
Joan FISO, Cluj
Antonio SARTORI, Milano
Christian WITSCHEL, Heidelberg

La Direzione si vale inoltre di un ampio Comitato internazionale di lettura al quale sottopone, a seconda delle specifiche competenze e in forma anonima, gli articoli pervenuti.

Collaborano alla redazione:
Alda CALBI, Valeria CICALA,
Piergiorgio FLORIS, Paola GIACOMINI,
Daniela RIGATO, Patrizia TABARONI,
Livio ZERBINI

Patrocinio:
Association Internationale d'Épigraphie
Grecque et Latine (A.I.E.G.L.)

http://www.epigraphica.org

© 2015 Fratelli Lega Editori, Faenza
EPIGRAPHICA

PERIODICO INTERNAZIONALE
DI EPIGRAFIA

LXXVII, 1-2
2015

FRATELLI LEGA EDITORI
FAENZA

Image

EPIGRAPHICA
PERIODICO INTERNAZIONALE DI EPIGRAFIA
LXXVII, 2015

INDICE


Francesca ROCCA, La liberazione degli schiavi e il teatro ........................... p. 9

Alessia DIMARTINO, L’epistola di Ierone II e l’orkion boulas (IG XIV, 7): un nuovo dossier epigrafico?..................................................................... » 39

Noemí MONCUNILL MARTÍ, The Iberian lead plaque in the Víctor Català collection (Empúries, L’Escala). A new study and edition ..................... » 67

María LIMÓN BELÉN, Concepción FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ, Sobre la autenticidad de la Fíbula de Preneste. Las evidencias del texto y su confirmación científica .............................................................................. » 85

Julián GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, Tabella defixionis del siglo I a.C. encontrada en el portal (provincia de Cádiz) .............................................. » 103

Carolina CORTÉS BÁRCENA, Riflessioni del cippo di confine di Bevke (AEp 2002, 532) alla luce di termini tra comunità appartenenti a province diverse......................................................................................................... » 117

Lorenzo CALVELLI, La laminetta bronzea di Druso Minore conservata al Museo Provinciale di Torcello: un falso smascherato.............................. » 133

Michel CHRISTOL, Une inscription du «quotidien municipal» dans la colonie d’Antioche de Pisidie ................................................................... » 159

Khaled MARMOURI, Ob liberalitatem annuam perpetuam epu-lativam. Une nouvelle souscription publique d’Afrique proconsulaire ........................ » 173

Ulrike Ehmig, Ausschlussverfahren: Eine Gruppe italischer Grabinschriften als Beispiel sozialer Überassimilierung in der römischen Kaiserzeit ...... » 193

Yann Le Bohec, Raid sur El-Agueneb............................................................ » 207

Juan LEWIS. External evidence and the reconstruction of missing texts: CIL III, 256 as case study ......................................................................... » 221

Roberta DE VITA, Un lottatore di Amastri sul Ponto in campania ............ » 229

Eleonora SALOMONE GAGGERO, Testimonianze di una nuova gens a Luni: gli Hortorii ....................................................................................... » 241

Bernard KAVANAGH, The cursus and possible origo of Sex. Appius Severus ............................................................................................................... » 259

Marc MAYER I OLIVÉ, A propósito de un nuevo pedestal ecuestre, AEp 2009, 652, hallado recientemente en Valencia. Consideraciones sobre los allii de Turris Libisonis ........................................................................ » 271

Ignazio TANTILLO, L. Amnivs …nivs Caesonivs Nicomachvs Anicivs Pavlinvs .......................................................................................................... » 285

Claudia SQUINTU, Il motivo della morte accidentale in un carme lionnese (CLE 1198 = CIL XIII, 2219) .................................................................. » 301

Maria Teresa SBLENDORIO CUGUSI, L’epigramma longum salonitano CLE 1141 ................................................................................................... » 317

Filippo BOSCOLO, Ateste romana: storia ed epigrafia negli ultimi vent’anni ................................................................................................................. » 337

Manuel RAMÍREZ-SÁNCHEZ, Manel GARCÍA SÁNCHEZ, Sebastià GIRALT SOLER, Epigraphia 3D. Un proyecto de innovación científica en la divulgación del patrimonio epigráfico de Hispania ..................................................................................................... p. 371

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Schede e notizie

Marco BUONOCORE, Spigolature epigrafiche. IX ...................................... » 397

Giulia TOZZI, Una nuova iscrizione greca dal X municipio di Roma ......... » 423

Giorgio CRIMI, Il contributo di EDR all’aggiornamento del CIL: l’iscrizione dedicatoria delle Terme di Diocleziano alla luce di un nuovo frammento ................................................................................................................ » 426

Angela DONATI, CIL VI, 12897 recuperata .................................................. » 447

Antonino NASTASI, Un’epigrafe «numidica» sul Gianicolo. Giuseppe Gatti redattore di un’iscrizione in latino del 1903 ............................................ » 448

Umberto SOLDOVIERI, Di una nuova iscrizione funeraria dal tenimento di Volcei (Regio III)) ................................................................................. » 457

Gemma CORAZZA, Nuove iscrizioni funerarie dall’Irpinia ......................... » 459

Heikki SOLIN, Mika KAJAVA, Olli SALOMIES, Storie epigrafiche minturnesi ........................................................................................................ » 466

Carlo MOLLE, Un’iscrizione inedita e i Dentrii di Aquinum ....................... » 483

Nice MONTANILE, Su un’iscrizione inedita brundisina ............................. » 492

Silvia BRAITO, Attia Mulsula T. f. e «Tarquitia Mulsula»: nota su un ghost name dell’instrumentum inscriptum ......................................................... » 494

Agnese DI DONATO, La stele di C. Iulius Valens ........................................ » 497

Camilla CAMPEDELLI, Due ‘Bauinschriften’ inedite da Thamugadi .............. » 501

Mauro REALI, Mostra La pietra e la carta. Libri epigrafici ed epigrafi dell’Ambrosiana, Pinacoteca Ambrosiana di Milano (dal 27 maggio al 14 settembre 2014), a cura di Antonio Sartori e Federico Gallo ........... » 506

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Bibliografia

C. Fernández Martínez, M. Limón Belén, J. Gómez Pallarès, J. del Hoyo Calleja (edd.), Ex officina. Literatura epigráfica en verso, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla 2013 (Mauro Reali) ............................. » 513

Antonio Sartori, Loquentes lapides. La raccolta epigrafica dell’Ambrosiana, Accademia Ambrosiana, Classe di Studi greci e latini (Fonti e studi 21), Milano, Bulzoni, 2014 (Alfredo Valv o) .............................................. » 516

La statio. Archéologie d’un lieu de pouvoir dans l’empire romain, édité par Jérôme France, Jocel yne Nel is-Clément, Scripta Antiqua 66, Bordeaux 2014 (Angela Donati) ......................................................... » 520

Riccardo Olivito, Il foro nell’atrio. Immagini di architetture, scene di vita e di mercato nel fregio dai Praedia di Iulia Felix (Pompei, II, 4,3), Bari 2013 (Angela Donati) .......................................................................... » 521

Annunci Bibliografici ......................................................................................... » 523

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Indici, a cura di Angela DONATI ................................................................... » 525

I. Onomastica ........................................................................................... » 527

II. Geographica .......................................................................................... » 530

III. Notabiliora ........................................................................................... » 532

IV. Tavole di conguaglio ........................................................................... » 535

Elenco dei collaboratori ..................................................................................... » 537
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Sat Oct 22, 2022 11:42 pm

A treasured manuscript in a college library that was believed to have been written by Galileo is a forgery, university says
by Aya Elamroussi
Contributors Claudia Dominguez
CNN
Published 24th August 2022

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Among the heavenly bodies the ancients worshipped chiefly the sun not, thinks Herbert, 'in itself', but, like Plato, as the 'sensible simulachrum' of God.4 [Herbert, De Rel. Gent., p. 19: ' ... quamvis superius Sole numen sub hisce praesertim vocabulis coluerunt Hebraei, Solem, neque aliud numen, intellexerunt Gentiles, nisi fortasse in Sole, tanquam praeclaro Dei summi specimine, et sensibili ejus, ut Plato vocat, simulachro, Deum summum ab illis cultum fuisse censeas: quod non facile abnuerem, praesertim quum Symbolica fuerit omnis fere religio Veterum ...', (Google translate: ... although above the Sun the god under these particular terms The Hebrews worshiped the Sun, and no other god, the Gentiles understood, except perhaps in the Sun, as the glorious image of the supreme God, and his sensibility, as Plato calls in a pretense, you may think that God was the highest worship by them: which is not easy I would refuse, especially since almost all the religion of the Ancients was symbolic...') Plato, Republ., VI, 508 B-C.] This sunworship was then, in Herbert's terms, a cultus symbolicus [symbolic worship], not a cultus proprius [proper worship]; and throughout his treatise he insists that the pagan cult of natural objects, and of men, was of this symbolic nature, at least among educated people.5 [ ibid., pp. 183-4, 222.] 'That the cult of the sun was both very ancient and universal' is witnessed by all ancient historians; men received it 'from the very dictate of Nature'.6 [ibid., p. 20: 'Solis cultum tum antiquum maxime, tum universalem fuisse, testantur non solummodo S. S. sed Homerus, et Hesiodus, ipsi quoque veteres Historici ... Ad Coelos igitur, ex ipso Naturae dictamine, non maximis in periculis tantum, sed in rebus secundis, oculos supplicesque manus tendebant ...' (Google translate: The ancient worship of the sun especially, and that it was universal not only St. S., but Homer and Hesiod, themselves ancients, testify Historians ... To the Heavens therefore, from the dictates of Nature itself, not in the greatest perils so much, but in secondary matters, they stretched out their eyes and their supplicating hands.)] Herbert then proceeds to demonstrate, with a considerable show of erudition, that the names of most of the pagan gods originally referred to the sun, and that the Hebrew names for God were taken by the Gentiles to mean the sun, so that we have a series of equations, such as Jehovah = Iacchus or Bacchus = sun, or Adonai = Adonis = sun.1 [ibid., pp. 16-9, 20-31.] An Orphic hymn is quoted to show that Priapus was one of the names given to the sun;2 [ibid., p. 25; Orphei Hymni, ed. G. Quandt, Berolini, 1955, p. 7 ([x], 1. 8-9).] and a chapter is devoted to showing that the names of the planets originally referred to the sun.3 [ibid. pp. 29-31.]

In spite of the primacy given to the sun, the other planets and stars were not neglected in the ancient religion; for Plato, in the Cratylus, says that the most ancient Greeks 'believed, like many present-day barbarians, the only gods to be the sun and moon, earth, stars and sky', and, in the Timaeus and Laws, he states that the world, sky and stars are gods. Many other 'egregious philosophers', especially Stoics, were of this opinion.4 [ibid., pp. 39-40; Plato, Cratylus, 397 C- D, Timaeus, 39 E-40 C, Laws, 899 A-B.] Some modern philosophers believe the planets to be animated, and indeed 'the most approved Christian authors, among them Thomas Aquinas, consider that the stars are alive'. Herbert goes on:5 [ibid., p. 40: 'Et sane vivere astra, probatissimi Authores Christiani censent; et cum primis Thomas Aquinas, et alii, quorum catalogum in Vossio lib. 2 de Idol. videre est ... Verum enimvero si vivunt, coli posse aliquo cultu sacro et religioso, qualis hominibus sanctis convenit, doctissimus Jesuita in dissertatione sua de Caelo 4. putat: Majorem quippe honorem, et cultum supera, quam infera, aeterna quam caduca, mereri videntur, tum praesertim inter illos, qui post hanc vitam transactam, faelicitatem sempiternam in Caelo et Astris dari statuebant. Turpe et indecorum enim existimaverant, non advenerari ea, unde ortum ducere, et in quae redire animas suas (Deo summo ita volente) crederent antiquitus Philosophi Sacerdotesque Gentiles.' (Google translate: And of course the stars live, the most approved Christian authors consider; and with the first Thomas Aquinas, and others, whose catalog is in Vossio lib. 2 of Idol. it is to be seen ... It is indeed true that if they live, they can be worshiped with some sacred worship and religious, such as befits holy men, the most learned Jesuit in his dissertation 4. He thinks of his own from Heaven: For greater honor and worship is higher than hell, eternal rather than ephemeral, they seem to deserve, and especially among those who are after this they decided to give eternal happiness in heaven and the stars after the life was spent. For they had thought it shameful and unseemly not to arrive at the thing from which it arose to lead, and into which they would return their souls (so willing to the supreme God) of ancient times Gentile Philosophers and Priests.')]
Verily indeed, if they are alive, they can be worshipped with some sacred and religious cult, such as is fittingly given to holy men; which is the opinion of a most learned Jesuit in his 4th dissertation on the heavens; since those things that are higher seem to deserve greater honour and worship than those that are lower, the eternal than the corruptible, especially among people who considered that, after this life is over, sempiternal felicity is enjoyed in the heavens and stars.

Among the planets Jupiter is particularly important, since under this name the ancients worshipped a pantheistic God, witness Orpheus' Hymn of Jove and the Stoics.1 [ibid., p. 47: 'Altius tamen quiddam quam Stellam hanc, nedum numen animale ex Iove, intellexerunt olim Philosophi. Ideo Orpheus Iovem omnium primum atque postremum appellabat, eumque omnia tempora, quae unquam fuere, praecessisse, permansurumque post cuncta quae futura sint; illum supremam mundi partem colere, infimam quoque omnium attingere, totumque ubique esse dixit.' (Google translate: 'However, there is something deeper than this Star, let alone an animal god from Jupiter, as the Philosophers once understood. Therefore, Orpheus Jupiter first of all and he called it the last, and that all the times that ever were had preceded him, and will continue after all things that are to come; that supreme of the world He said to worship a part, to reach also the lowest of all, and to be the whole everywhere.') cf. supra, p. 86.] Moreover, as a planet, Jupiter's influence was believed to be especially benign, being intermediate between 'the fervour of Mars and the frigidity of Saturn'; and indeed, so efficacious was its influence, that in certain conjunctions it enabled men to obtain everything they prayed for -- 'of which Peter of Abano writes that he has found it to be most true'.2 [ibid., pp. 46- 8: 'Quum enim id temperamenti huic Stellae misti crederetur, ut medium quid inter Martis fervorem Saturnique frigiditatem obtineret, benigna prorsus Stella habebatur ... non solummodo salutaris ad omnia existimatus fuit Planeta hiC, sed ita efficax, ut si Luna ilLi jungeretur cum Capite Draconis omnia impetrari possent, quae a Deo postulantur; quod et Petrus Aponensis scribit se comperisse verissimum'; Petrus Aponensis, Liber Conciliator, Venetiis, 1521, Diff. 113, 156, fos 158 vo, 202 ro. (Google translate: For when it was believed that the temperament of this star was mixed, so as to obtain a medium between the heat of Mars and the coldness of Saturn, kind He was regarded as a total star ... not only was he considered a savior for all things This planet, but so efficacious, as if the Moon there were united with the Dragon's Head they could obtain what is required of God; which also Peter of Aponensis writes himself to have discovered the truest thing'; Peter Aponensis, Liber Conciliator, Venice, 1521, Diff. 113, 156, fos 158 vo, 202 ro.)] Immediately after this casual reference to dangerous mediaeval magic, Herbert, passing to Saturn, mentions Galilei's Medicean satellites3 [ibid., p. 48.] (he had already for Mars referred us to Kepler and Scheiner),4 [ ibid., p. 46.] and then discusses the poetic fables about Saturn. Some of these do conceal a solid truth, such as that of Saturn being bound by Jove, which means that the 'malignant power of Saturn may be corrected by the salutary star Jupiter'. Saturn, according to the Platonists, produces contemplative characters and melancholics; and according to 'our Roger Bacon', the Jews chose Saturday as the Sabbath, because Saturn, being 'idle and slow, is not fortunate or suitable for doing things'. Finally, to wind up the chapter on planets, we are told, for 'the harmonious proportion of the planets to consult, after Pythagoras, Kepler'.5 [ibid., p. 48: 'Ita ubi Saturnum a Iove in vincula conjectum, et in Tartara paecipitem datum, narrant Poetae, id ita intelligunt Mythologi, ut Saturni vis maligna a Iovis salutari sydere castigetur, et corrigatur, ingensque aeris altitudo, ubi primitus eorum operationes perficiantur, Tartarus hic sit. Saturnus quoque contemplationis author esse existimatur a Platonicis, tum quod Caelo supremo proximus, vim illam inderet animis, tum quod animas ita ad primordia sua revocet ... In anno quoque eum praefecere [sic] Autumno, in Hebdomade Diei Septimae, ut ideo noster Rogerus Bacon scribere non dubitaverit, Iudaeorum more tum temporis feriandum, quia segne et tardum sydus Saturni parum sit foelix, et idoneum rebus agendis . . . De harmonica Planetarum proportione consulatur post Pythagoram Keplerus.' (Google translate: Thus, when Saturn was thrown into chains by Jupiter, and into Tartarus the poets tell us that he was given a sword, and the mythologists understand it in this way, as the force of Saturn the wicked will be punished by Jupiter's salutary star, and he will be corrected, and the great height of the air, where at first their operations were accomplished, let Tartarus be here. Saturn too It is thought by the Platonists to be responsible for contemplation, as well as for the highest heaven next, he would impart that power to the souls, and that souls thus to their beginnings he will call back ... In the year also to preside over him [sic] in the Autumn, in the Week of the Day Seventh, as our Roger Bacon did not hesitate to write, of the Jews to be celebrated at the same time, because the slow and slow star of Saturn is small happy, and fit to do things. . . On the Harmonic Proportion of the Planets Kepler is consulted after Pythagoras.')]

-- The Ancient Theology: Studies in Christian Platonism from the Fifteenth to the Eighteen Century, by Daniel Pickering Walker (1914-1985)


[A]s I said before, since at that time no laws were yet administered, nor punishment suspended over evil deeds, they recorded as rightful and brave deeds, adulteries and sodomy, and incestuous and unlawful marriages, and bloodshed and parricides, and murders of children and brethren, and moreover, wars and seditions actually carried on by their own champions, whom they both accounted and called gods, and bequeathed the remembrance of them as worshipful and brave to later generations.

Such was the ancient theology which was transformed by certain moderns of yesterday's growth, who boasted of having a more reasonable philosophy, and introduced what they called the more physical view of the history of the gods, by devising more respectable and ingenious explanations for the legends: yet they neither escaped altogether the fault of their forefathers' impiety, nor, on the other hand, could endure the self-manifested wickedness of their so-called gods.

So, in their eagerness to palliate the fault of their fathers, they changed the legends into physical narratives and theories, and boasted, as the more mystical view, that the things which give nourishment and increase to the nature of the body are those which the legends set forth.

Going on from this point, these men also gave the title of gods to the elements of the world, not just merely to sun and moon and stars, but also to earth and water, and air and fire, and their combinations and resultants, and moreover to the seasonable fruits of the earth, and all other produce of food both dry and liquid: and these very things, regarded as causes of the life of the body, they called Demeter, and Kore, and Dionysus, and other like names, and, by making gods of them, introduced a forced and untrue embellishment of their legends.

But it was in a later age that these men, as if ashamed of the theologies of their forefathers, added respectable explanations, which each invented of himself, to the legends concerning their gods; for no one dared to disturb the customs of their ancestors, but paid great honour to antiquity, and to the familiar training which had grown with them from their boyhood.


Their elders, however, besides their deifications of men, gave equal rank to their consecrations of brute animals, because of the benefit derived from them also for the causes previously assigned; and they devoted equal religious worship to the brutes, and with libations, sacrifices, mystic rites, and hymns, and songs, exalted the honours paid to them, in the same manner as to the men who had been deified. And so they marched on to such a pitch of evil, that, through excess of unbridled lust, they consecrated with divine honours those parts of the body that lead to impurity, and the unrestrained passions of mankind, while their so-called theologians declared that in these things there is no need at all to use solemn phrases. We must, then, hold it to have been proved on the highest testimony, that the oldest generations knew nothing more at all than the history, but adhered to the legends only. Since, however, we have once begun to glance at the august and recondite doctrines of the noble philosophers, let us go on and examine these also more fully, that we may not seem to be ignorant of their wonderful physical theories.

But before we make our exposition of these doctrines, we must first indicate the mutual contradiction even here of these admirable philosophers themselves. For some of them make random statements, and set forth their opinions according to what comes into the mind of each individually: for they do not agree one with another even in their physical theories. While others more candidly sweep away the whole system, and banish from their own republic not only the indecent stories about the gods, but also the interpretations given of them; though sometimes they speak softly of the legends through fear of the punishment threatened by the laws.

Listen then to the Greeks themselves speaking by the mouth of the one noblest of them all, now banishing and now again adopting the legends. Thus their admirable Plato, when he lays bare his own preference, with great boldness forbids altogether the thinking or saying such things concerning the gods, as had been said by them of old, whether they contained anything latent indicated in allegorical meanings, or were spoken without any allegorical meaning at all. But at other times he speaks softly of the laws, and says that we ought to believe the legends about the gods, though there is nothing indicated by them in allegorical meanings.


But when at last he has dissociated his own theology from the ancient legends, and has stated his physical theories about the heaven, and sun, and moon, and stars, and moreover about the whole cosmos, and the parts of it severally, he again specially and separately goes through the ancient genealogical accounts of the gods just as follows word for word in the Timaeus....

Such, we see were the opinions entertained by the best philosophers, and by the ancient and most eminent men of the Roman empire concerning the theology of the Greeks----opinions which give no admission to physical theories in their legends concerning the gods, nor to their gorgeous and sophistical impostures...

Now much labour has been spent upon these subjects by numberless other professors of philosophy, who have made different subtle explanations of the same, and strongly insist that the opinion which occurred to each was the exact truth. But for my part I am content to bring forward my proofs from the most illustrious authors who are well known to all philosophers, and have carried off no small reputation for philosophy among the Greeks.

Of whom take first and read the words of Plutarch of Chaeroneia on the questions before us, wherein with solemn phrase he perverts the fables into what he asserts to be mysterious theologies....

But why need I thus anticipate, when we may hear the man himself, in the essay which he wrote On the Daedala at Plataea, expounding as follows what was hidden from the multitude in the secret physiological doctrines concerning the gods.

[PLUTARCH] 'THE physiology of the ancients both among Greeks and Barbarians was a physical doctrine concealed in legends, for the most part a secret and mysterious theology conveyed in enigmas and allegories, containing statements that were clearer to the multitude than the silent omissions, and its silent omissions more liable to suspicion than the open statements.
This is evident in the Orphic poems, and in the Egyptian and Phrygian stories: 'out the mind of the ancients is most clearly exhibited in the orgiastic rites connected with the initiations, and in what is symbolically acted in the religious services.

'For instance, not to digress far from our present subjects, they do not suppose nor admit any intercourse between Hera and Dionysus; and they guard against combining their worship; and their priestesses at Athens, they say, do not speak to each other when they meet, nor is ivy ever brought into the precincts of Hera, not because of their fabulous and nonsensical jealousies, but because the goddess presides over marriage and bridal processions, and drunkenness is unbecoming to bridegrooms, and most unbefitting to a marriage feast, as Plato says: for the drinking of strong wine causes disorder both in body and soul, whereby what is sown and conceived being shapeless and misplaced does not take root well. Again, those who sacrifice to Hera do not consecrate the gall, but bury it beside the altar, meaning that the wedded life of wife and husband ought to be free from anger and wrath, and undisturbed by rage and bitterness.

'This symbolical style is more common in the tales and legends. As for instance, they relate that Hera ...

'Such then is the legend: and the explanation of it is as follows. The variance and quarrel of Hera and Zeus is nothing else than the distemper and confusion of the elements, when they no longer bear a due proportion to each other in the cosmos, but disproportion and roughness arise, and they have a desperate fight and dissolve their connexion, and work the ruin of the universe.

If then Zeus, that is, the force of heat and fire, gives occasion to the variance, a drought overtakes the earth: but if it is on the part of Hera, that is, the element of rain and wind, that any outbreak or excess takes place, there comes a great flood, and deluges and overflows everything. And as something of this kind occurred about those times, and Boeotia especially had been deeply flooded, as soon as ever the plain emerged and the flood abated, the order which followed from the tranquillity of the atmosphere was called the agreement and reconciliation of the deities. The first of the plants that sprang up out of the earth was the oak; and men welcomed this, because it gave a permanent supply of food and safety....

THIS is what Plutarch says; and we learn from the statements which he sets before us, that even the wonderful and secret physiology of the Greek theology conveyed nothing divine, nor anything great and worthy of deity, and deserving of attention.

For you have heard Hera called at one time Gamelios, and a symbol of the joint life of husband and wife, and at another time the earth called Hera, and at another the element of water; and Dionysus translated into drunkenness, and Latona into night, and the sun into Apollo, and Zeus himself into the force of heat and fire.

So then the original indecency of the legends, and the physiological explanation, which is thought to be more respectable, led not up to any heavenly, intellectual, and divine powers, nor yet to rational and incorporeal essences, but the explanation itself led down again to drunkenness, and marriage feasts, and human passions, and reduced the parts of the cosmos to fire, and earth, and sun, and the other elements of matter, without introducing any other deity.

And Plato too knew this. In the Cratylus, at least, he expressly acknowledges that the first inhabitants of Greece knew nothing more than the visible parts of the cosmos, and supposed the luminaries in the heaven and the other phenomena to be the only gods.

So he speaks as follows word for word:

'It appears to me that the first inhabitants of Greece acknowledged no other gods than those whom many of the barbarians acknowledge now, namely, sun, and moon, and earth, and stars, and heaven.'...


Now we might reasonably ask, to which set of gods, will they say, do the forms belong which are engraven on their statues. Are they those of daemons? Or those of fire, and air, and earth, and water? Or likenesses of men and women, and shapes of brute animals and wild beasts?...

[S]urely true reason shouts and cries aloud, all but in actual speech, and testifies that they of whom we speak have been mortal men. And Plutarch with superabundant pains describes the particular character of their bodily shapes, in his work On Isis and the Gods of Egypt. Speaking as follows:

'The Egyptians narrate that in body Hermes was short-armed, and Typhon red in complexion, and Horus fair, and Osiris dark-skinned, as having been by nature men.'

Thus speaks Plutarch. So then their whole manufacture of gods consists of dead men; and their physical explanations are fictitious. For what need was there to model figures of men and women, when without them they could worship the sun and moon and the other elements of the cosmos?

To which of these two classes did they assign names of this kind, and with whom did they begin? I mean, for example, Hephaestus and Athena, and Zeus, and Poseidon, and Hera.

Were these in the first place names of the universal elements, which they have since ascribed to mortals, making them of the same name as the heavenly bodies? Or on the contrary, have they transferred the names in use among men to the natural substances?

But why should they address the natural elements of the universe by names of mortal men? And the mysteries belonging to each god, and the hymns, and songs, and the secrets of the initiatory rites,----do these introduce the symbols of the universal elements, or of the mortal men of old who had the same names with the gods?

Then as to wanderings, and drunken fits, and amours, and seduction of women, and plots against men, and countless things, which are in truth shameful and unseemly practices of mortal men, how could any one refer these to the universal elements, acts which bear upon their very face mortality and human passion?

So that from all these proofs this wonderful and noble physiology is convicted of having no connexion with truth, and containing nothing really divine, but possessing only a forced and counterfeit solemnity of external utterance...


After we have given so many proofs in confutation of their inconsistent theology, both the more mythical so-called, and that which is forsooth of a higher and more physical kind which the ancient Greeks and Egyptians were shown to magnify, it is time to survey also the refinements of the younger generations who make a profession of philosophy in our own time: for these have endeavoured to combine the doctrines concerning a creative mind of the universe, and those concerning incorporeal ideas and intelligent and rational powers,----doctrines invented long ages afterwards by Plato, and thought out with accurate reasonings,----with the theology of the ancients, exaggerating with yet greater conceit their promise concerning the legends. Listen then to their physiology also, and observe with what boastfulness it has been published by Porphyry.

-- Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel), by Eusebius of Caesarea


Image
Annotations recording Galileo's discovery of the four moons of Jupiter, from the single leaf manuscript in our collection. (University of Michigan Library) Credit: University of Michigan Library

A prized manuscript in the University of Michigan library that was believed to have been written by the famed Italian astronomer Galileo Galilei is a forgery, the university said.

The one-page document known as the "Galileo manuscript" can't be traced to any earlier than 1930 and was likely written by the notorious Italian forger Tobia Nicotra, it said in a statement.


Tobia Nicotra was a prolific Italian forger who produced counterfeit works of artists in various disciplines. In 1937, he was described as "the most proficient forger of autographs".  He may have produced as many as 600 forgeries before he was caught.

During the 1920s, the works of Italian conductor Arturo Toscanini were popular in the United States and had "so important a role in the country's musical life" that during Nicotra's visit to the United States starting in the late 1920s, he capitalized on the popularity by writing a biography of the conductor. His 1929 manuscript was in Italian, but it was published only in English: chapter 22  by Alfred A. Knopf with translation provided by Irma Brandeis and H. D. Kahn.  It was rife with mistakes and has been described as "superficial" and containing "invented conversations". In 1932, he returned to the United States leading a salon orchestra impersonating Riccardo Drigo, an Italian composer who had died in 1930.

Nicotra produced forged manuscripts for various artists, including a poem by Torquato Tasso,  the four-page musical manuscript Baci amorosi e cari attributed to Mozart, and works by Giovanni Battista Pergolesi
. He attributed four of his forged manuscripts to Pergolesi, though his attempts to imitate the composer's handwriting were not entirely successful.  Two of these were described by music historian Barry S. Brooks as "awful" and written by a "totally unmusical" forger.  He forged at least two manuscripts he ascribed to Handel: an aria he stated was from Handel's Italian period; and an air from the 1741 oratorio Messiah. Other musical forgeries he created were attributed to Gluck, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, and Richard Wagner.

His forgeries of composer autographs were described as "convincingly executed" by Harry Haskell.  He achieved this by visiting libraries in Milan housing historical manuscripts, tearing out flyleaves (blank pages at the front or back of books) on which he would then add autographs.  He wrote on this laid paper with a quill using iron-gall ink, which imparted the forged documents with an air of legitimacy.  He brought the poem manuscript he forged and attributed to Tasso to an expert, stating he thought it might be a forgery; he was told it was authentic.

He also created forgeries of letters and other documents purportedly written by famous historical figures, including Christopher Columbus, Leonardo da Vinci, Abraham Lincoln, the Marquis de Lafayette, Martin Luther, Michelangelo, and George Washington.
Major institutions purchased some of his forgeries, including the Library of Congress which in 1928 bought several Mozart autographs for $60 (equivalent to $947 in 2021) that experts had "accepted as genuine".

With the income he earned from the sale of his forgeries, Nicotra rented seven apartments in Milan, each for a mistress.

Many of his forgeries were sold in the United States during his visits in the 1920s and early 1930s. Forged Pergolesi autographs were sold to the Library of Congress, the Metropolitan Opera, and even to the library in Pergolesi's hometown of Pergola. Walter Toscanini, son of Arturo and an authority in antiquarian manuscripts, bought a Mozart manuscript from Nicotra for 2,700 lire. Upon inspection, he suspected it to be a forgery and sent it to Mozarteum University Salzburg, where an historian verified it as authentic.  Toscanini later determined it was a forgery, and with Milanese detective Giorgio Florita was able to catch Nicotra selling forgeries to Milanese publishing house Hopeli.  Nicotra was eventually arrested for failing to provide an identity document upon request; a search yielded a forged identity document with his photograph and Drigo's name.

On 9 November 1934 he was sentenced to two years in prison and fined 2,400 lire (equivalent to £5,698,202 in 2020),  based on testimony by Walter Toscanini and librarians from Milan whose testimony described the ruined manuscripts in their libraries.  Police who had arrested him testified that at the time of his arrest he had autograph forgeries in progress at his workshop, including those for Christopher Columbus, Warren G. Harding, Tadeusz Kościuszko, Leonardo da Vinci, Abraham Lincoln, the Marquis de Lafayette, Martin Luther, Michelangelo, and George Washington. Nicotra was paroled early by the National Fascist Party that ruled the Kingdom of Italy to forge signatures for them.

In August 2022, a Galileo Galilei manuscript at the University of Michigan Library that had been described as "one of the great treasures" held in its collection was identified as a Nicotra forgery.

-- Tobia Nicotra, by Wikipedia


An investigation was launched after Nick Wilding, a professor of history at Georgia State University, contacted the university's curator, Pablo Alvarez. Wilding questioned the manuscript's watermark and provenance and shared serious doubts about its authenticity.

"Wilding concluded that our Galileo manuscript is a 20th-century fake executed by the well-known forger Tobia Nicotra," the university said. "After our own experts studied his most compelling evidence -- about the paper and provenance -- and reexamined the manuscript, we agreed with his conclusion."

Among the aspects Wilding questioned was the paper itself, particularly the monograms in the paper's watermark which date the paper to no earlier than the 18th century, the university said.


Nicotra was jailed for two years in 1934 for forgery, including Galileo documents, the statement noted.

The university is now reconsidering the manuscript's role in its collection.[!!!]

Image
A portrait of Galileo Galilei painted in 1636. Credit: Imagno/Getty Images

Before the forgery determination, the document was described by the university as "one of the great treasures of the University of Michigan Library."

It purported to show notes recording Galileo's discovery of Jupiter's four moons.

"This was the first observational data that showed objects orbiting a body other than the Earth," the university's description of the manuscript states. "It reflects a pivotal moment in Galileo's life that helped to change our understanding of the universe."


The astronomer, who died in 1642, invented the telescope -- among many other achievements -- which enabled him to discover that Jupiter has moons. He became the foremost advocate of Copernican astronomy, which denied that the earth was the fixed center of the universe.

The University of Michigan acquired the manuscript in 1938 after it was bequeathed to the library by a Detroit businessman, Tracy McGregor, who was a collector of books and manuscripts, it said.

When McGregor obtained it, the document had been authenticated by Cardinal Pietro Maffi, who was the Archbishop of Pisa and who "compared this leaf with a Galileo autograph letter in his collection," the university said.


Image
His Eminence Pietro Maffi, Archbishop of Pisa

Pietro Maffi (12 October 1858 – 17 March 1931) was an Italian Cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church. He served as Archbishop of Pisa from 1903 until his death, and was elevated to the cardinalate in 1907.

Born in Corteolona, Pietro Maffi studied at the seminary in Pavia (from where he obtained his doctorate in theology) before being ordained to the priesthood in 1881. He was raised to the rank of Privy Chamberlain of His Holiness that same year, and taught philosophy and sciences at the Pavia seminary, of which he was also rector. Maffi founded the meteorological observatory and the Museum of Natural History of Pavia, as well as serving as editor and director of Rivista di scienze fisiche e matematiche. Maffi was later named Pro-Vicar General of Pavia and pro-synodal examiner, doctor honoris causa of theological college of Parma, and a supernumerary member of its scientific academy. In 1901, Maffi was made Vicar General of Ravenna and the prefect of its seminary's studies, becoming Apostolic Administrator of the archdiocese on 26 April 1902.

On 9 June 1902 Maffi was appointed Auxiliary Bishop of Ravenna and Titular Bishop of Caesarea in Mauretania by Pope Leo XIII. He received his episcopal consecration on the following 11 June from Cardinal Lucido Parocchi, with Archbishops Felix-Marie de Neckere and Diomede Panici serving as co-consecrators, at the Basilica of Saint Paul Outside the Walls in Rome. Maffi was later advanced to Archbishop of Pisa on 22 June 1903. In addition to his pastoral duties, he was named director and administrator of the Vatican Observatory on 30 November 1904.

Pope Pius X created him Cardinal Priest of San Crisogono in the consistory of 15 April 1907. Maffi participated in and was a chief candidate in the 1914 papal conclave, which selected Pope Benedict XV.

During World War I, Maffi was known as the "War Cardinal" for his support of a fight-to-the-finish policy.

He also participated in the 1922 conclave, which selected Pope Pius XI. In a 1925 pastoral letter, the Archbishop issued a scathing attack on the Fascist government, which subsequently halted the letter's publication.

A close friend of the Royal Family, in 1930, he presided at the marriage of Crown Prince Umberto of Italy and Princess Marie-José of Belgium. The Cardinal continued to write numerous scientific and astronomical works, the best known of which is Nei cieli. His love for science once provoked Pisa's outrage, when Maffi proposed to erect a statue of Galileo Galilei, the scientist condemned by the Inquisition as a heretic.

Maffi died in Pisa, at age 72. He is buried at the Cathedral of Pisa.

-- Pietro Maffi, by Wikipedia

'Ptolemy too, the son of Agesarchus, in his first book concerning Philopator says that Cinyras and the descendants of Cinyras are buried in Paphos in the temple of Aphrodite.
'Were I, however, to go over all the tombs which are worshipped by you, "all time would not suffice for me to tell"; [Homer, Od. xx. 351] while you, if no shame for these audacities steals over you, may wander round with your faith in the dead, utterly dead yourselves:

"Ah! wretched men, what evil doom is this?"

A little further on he says:
'Another new god the Roman Emperor has deified with great solemnity in Egypt, and almost in Greece; his favourite Antinous, who was extremely beautiful, was deified by him, as Ganymede was by Zeus.

'For lust, when free from fear, is not easily restrained: and men now celebrate the sacred nights of Antinous, the shame of which was known to the lover who shared his vigils.'

He also adds:
'And now the favourite's tomb is the temple and city of Antinous: for just as temples are held in reverence, so, I suppose, are tombs, pyramids, mausoleums, and labyrinths----other temples these of the dead, as those before mentioned were tombs of the gods.'

And again, a little further on:
'Come then, let us also briefly make the round of your games, and put an end to these great sepulchral festivals, the Isthmian, Nemean, and Pythian, and besides these the Olympian. At Pytho the Pythian dragon is worshipped, and the festival of the serpent is proclaimed as the Pythia. At the Isthmus the sea cast up a miserable carcass, and the Isthmian games are a lamentation for Melicertes: at Nemea another child Archemorus is buried, and the boy's funeral games are called Nemea. Pisa is the tomb in your midst, O Panhellenes, of a Phrygian charioteer, and the Zeus of Phidias claims as his own the Olympian games, which are the funeral libations of Pelops.'

So speaks our author.

-- Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel), by Eusebius of Caesarea
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Part 1 of 2

Degrassis' Edition of the Consular and Triumphal Fasti*
by Lily Ross Taylor
Classical Philology, Vol. 45, No. 2 (Apr., 1950), pp. 84-95
Apr., 1950

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[*In the preparation of this article I have depended, particularly for architectural details, on a joint paper written in 1945 by Professor L. B. Holland and me, but not published for reasons explained in the article. I was also aided by a discussion in the Forum which he and I and Professor Frank Brown had in July 1949 with Professor Degrassi, and with the Director of Antiquities of the Forum aind Palatine, Dr. Pietro Romanelli, and the architect Italo Gismondi. Professor Holland will publish a note elsewhere on the results of that discussion and of the investigation of the foundations of the Arch of Augustus carried out at that time. For suggestions on other points in the article I am under obligation to Professor Degrassi and also to my colleague Professor T. R. S. Broughton.]

A PLAN for a complete new publication of all Latin inscriptions of the classical period found in Italy was announced by the Union of Italian Academies twenty years ago. The publication was to provide full photographic reproductions such as are available only in the most recent issues of the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions. Of the volumes of this new Inscriptiones Italiae, numbered according to the Augustan regions of Italy, a few fascicles from certain sites have appeared --- from Volume I, Tibur (1936); from Volume IX, Augusta Bagiennorum and Pollentia (1948); from Volume X, Parentium (1934), Histria Septentrionalis (1936), Pola and Nesactium (1947); from Volume XI, Eporedia (1931), and Augusta Praetoria (1932). Further material from Volume X and from one or two other sites is now ready for publication, but there are no plans in prospect now for the completion of the whole project.

By far the most important and difficult material in the entire undertaking was presented by the consular and triumphal fasti, the calendars, and the elogia, first brought out in CIL, I by Mommsen and Henzen in 1863 and later published in a second edition by Mommsen and Huelsen in 1893.
In later years there have been significant new discoveries, and there was a crying need for a new edition illustrated by photographs.

The publication of these important documents, assigned to Volume XIII of the Inscriptiones Italiae, was entrusted to Professor Attilio Degrassi, who had already prepared for the series a portion of the inscriptions of his native Istria (Parentium and Histria Septentrionalis). There could not have been a more fortunate choice of editor, for Degrassi is a remarkable epigraphist, trained in the traditions of the most extraordinary work of co-operative scholarship in the classical field, Mommsen's great Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Both at the University of Vienna and in the field Degrassi worked under one of Mommsen's ablest coadjutors, Eugen Bormann, editor of CIL, XI, and he has been able to combine the care and ingenuity that has characterized the best of Latin epigraphists with the modern methods made available through the resources of the Italian Academies.

Degrassi began his task in 1935. Not having a university appointment (which is to be regretted, for he ought to be training a new generation of epigraphists), he was able to put his entire time on the investigation. He read every stone himself and searched out every manuscript record of lost stones. He mastered the vast scholarly literature on the inscriptions. The elogia, increased in scope by the discoveries in the Forum of Augustus, came out in 1937. The work on the calendars is completed but still awaits publication. The fascicle dealing with consular and triumphal fasti, with which I am concerned in this paper, came out late in 1947. Fascicle is a very modest term for this large publication issued in two parts which should, for convenient use, be bound separately.1


The fascicle is beautifully printed on good paper, imported, Degrassi tells me, from the United States. The printer has done his difficult job well, though Degrassi states that in some particulars the art of printing inscriptions has declined. I remembered that many years ago Dessau had made a similar comment to me about the problem of printing CIL, XIII in Germany, and I asked Degrassi for an explanation. The difficulty, he says, is not with the printer's art but with the funds available for the printer's work.

There are excellent photographs of all the inscriptions and sometimes photographs of squeezes which show the letters more clearly than the stones do. There are also numerous drawings in the text and plates, a valuable adjunct to the photographs. The architectural drawings are in most cases the work of Dr. Guglielmo Gatti, architect and archaeologist, now Inspector of Antiquities in Rome. Other drawings are the work of Achilles Capizzano, Rosa Falconi, and Severino Brusa. These illustrations are supplemented by full information on measurements and character of the stone or marble used for the inscriptions-important details that were ignored in the earlier volumes of CIL.

The text, written in easy intelligible Latin, has full commentaries on all the inscriptions, with bibliography that is up to date until the beginning of the war and includes German and Italian publications after that date.2 The views of other scholars are considered fairly and dispassionately, and the conclusions are independent and worthy of the most careful consideration. I would note for instance the explanation (p. 142) of the omission of the praenomen of M.' Aemilius' grandfather. The material is arranged with remarkable understanding of the needs of the reader. One of the most valuable features of the volume is the new version of Mommsen's conspectus of the evidence for consuls under each year. In addition to the material from the stones, from the derivatives of the Fasti Capitolini, and from the historians, all of which was presented by Mommsen, there is a heading, alia testimonia, which gives, besides most of the available literary evidence, quotations from inscriptions, many of which have come to light since 1893.3

Of no less importance for the scholar are the indices that seem to have foreseen every need for which I have so often gone through CIL, I. In addition to lists of nomina [GT: appointment] and cognomina [GT: last names] there are both alphabetical and chronological lists (in which it is a pleasure to have B.C. dates given preference over a.u.c.) of chief magistrates, including consules suffecti [GT: the consuls were overpowered], of magistrates who died in office, who abdicated, who were vitio creati [GT: created by vice], of the various types of magistrates who triumphed, of dates of triumphs, and of contradictions between various sets of records.


Naturally the greatest interest attaches to the consular and triumphal lists inscribed under Augustus on a building in the Roman Forum. These lists, known from the fact that they are in the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitoline Hill as the Capitoline Fasti, far surpass in extent and significance any other inscribed list of magistrates. It is with Degrassi's view of the monument to which these Fasti belonged and with the date when they were inscribed that I am mainly concerned in this article. But before proceeding to the discussion I shall consider briefly other consular4 and triumphal fasti published by Degrassi.

Whereas in the second edition of CIL, I Mommsen and Huelsen included with the Capitoline Fasti seventeen other consular and triumphal lists, Degrasssi includes thirty-five. Not all of them are new, for he did not, like the editors of CIL, exclude from his volume post-Augustan records. But there is also a good deal of material both from new lists and from new fragments of old lists discovered since 1893. The most significant new records are the consular lists (and calendar) from Antium, painted on plaster, the Fasti Ostienses and the fasti set up in Rome by vicorum magistri of the Aventine [GT: the masters of the streets of the Aventine.]. The painted fasti of Antium, the only republican consular lists that we possess, are a valuable record of consuls and censors of many years in the period 164-84 B.C. Particularly on the censors they provide important new information. The Fasti Ostienses, a few fragments of which were known before 1893, now number forty-two fragments, (including the fragment in Degrassi's "Additamenta," pp. 571 f.), most of which have come to light in the excavations of Ostia during the last forty years. They cover large sections of the period from 49 B.C. to A.D. 160. These inscriptions are a mine of information for imperial chronology, particularly for the period from Domitian to Antoninus Pius. Degrassi has presented the first complete collection of the inscriptions accompanied by an admirable commentary. He is a master of imperial as well as of republican prosopography. The fasti from the Aventine have provided much new material on consules suffecti of the Augustan period.
Prosopography is an investigation of the common characteristics of a group of people, whose individual biographies may be largely untraceable. Research subjects are analysed by means of a collective study of their lives, in multiple career-line analysis. The discipline is considered to be one of the auxiliary sciences of history. -- Prosopography, by Wikipedia

There is also a new fragment of a triumphal list, a stone from Urbisalvia, which, joined to a small fragment already known, covers certain years between 195 and 158 B.C. This is an important document, for it proves that municipalities sometimes set up lists of triumphatores as well as lists of chief magistrates. With good reason Degrassi (pp. 339 f.) disputes the view of Moretti and Altheim, who attributed these lists to an earlier period than the Fasti Capitolini. The use of Greek marble in these records provides strong reason for believing that they are not earlier than Augustus.

Nor are Degrassi's new contributions confined to new monuments. He has a very interesting discussion (pp. 143 f.) of the marble fragments of the Fasti feriarum Latinarum [GT: Latin holiday fast] which were discovered in the precinct of Juppiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount. He argues against Henzen's reconstruction of the monument to which these fasti belonged, and presents his own tentative restoration. Noting that the fragment covering the years 27-22 differs in form of presentation from the fragments covering earlier years, he concludes that the monument had been inscribed before 27, but probably not long before that date. He also notes the differences between these fasti and the Fasti Capitolini.

To go back to the Fasti Capitolini, Degrassi's work has involved a thorough study of the seven new fragments that have come to light since 1893 and also of all the old fragments belonging to this, the most important record of consuls and triumphs. There are new readings of some importance, for instance under the years 279 and 265 in the consular fasti and under 437 and 291 in the triumphal lists.

But the great discovery concerns the architectural character and the identification of the monument to which the Fasti belonged. The marble monument on which these lists were inscribed was found accidentally in 1546 somewhere between the temple of Antoninus and Faustina and the east side of the temple of Castor. It was discovered accidentally in 1546 in a search for marble to be used for lime. Cardinal Alexander Farnese heard about the inscribed fragments that were found, gathered together all of them that could be discovered, and had the site searched for additional stones. A decree of the Roman Consiglio of 1548, which Degrassi has found in the archives of the Campidoglio,5 charged the epigraphist Gentile Delphino and Tommaso Cavalieri with the arrangement of stones in the Palazzo dei Conservatori. In Degrassi's view Cavalieri was probably responsible for calling on Michelangelo, who designed the wall in which the fragments were placed. There were additional insertions of inscriptions in the wall after Carlo Fea in 1816-17 unearthed stones from both consular and triumphal fasti in an excavation beside the temple of Castor. Stones discovered later were placed in the Sala della Lupa, where the wall now is, or were stored in the magazzino of the Museum.

Through the co-operation of the Director of the Museum, Dr. Settimo Bocconi, Degrassi's work has resulted in a rearrangement of the material in the Museum. Stones from extraneous lists, erroneously inserted in the wall, have been removed and transferred to the Capitoline Museum.6 Various fragments discovered since 1816 have been placed in the wall, and the other existing fragments are all now collected in the room. Thus all the stones can be studied together.

It was a great gain for Degrassi's work that he was able for purposes of study to have certain fragments removed temporarily from the wall. The examination of these fragments, in which Gatti cooperated with Degrassi, has led to important results for the character of the monument.

It was recognized by epigraphists of the time that Michelangelo's wall did not represent the monument that was discovered in the Forum. Onofrio Panvinio makes it clear that four "tablets" of consular fasti were found, three in fragmentary state, but one, the third tablet, in a much better state of preservation. That third tablet, the lower part of which is intact in the central portion of Michelangelo's wall, consists of a central aedicula with lists inside it of chief magistrates of the years 292-154, and with flanking pilasters on which were inscribed the triumphatores from Romulus to the year 222. The fourth tablet also had flanking pilasters on which were inscribed the names of triumphatores through the year 19 B.C. Tablets one and two, with lists of kings, consuls, and chief magistrates from the beginning of the Roman state, were not flanked by inscribed pilasters.

The careful work of Degrassi and Gatti has shown that Huelsen's calculations on the distribution of the material in the four tablets were incorrect in many details.7 It is now clear that, contrary to the view of Huelsen, the four tablets were of equal height, and that all of them, and not simply the third and fourth, were enclosed aediculae.

Degrassi's important new discovery concerns the building to which the Fasti belonged. It was not the Regia but the triple Arch of Augustus, whose foundations are preserved beside the temple of Divus Julius at the northeast corner of the temple of Castor. The inscriptions were in the two lateral openings of the triple arch; the third and fourth tablets with their inscribed pilasters are assumed to have been in the opening next to the temple of Divus Julius, while the first and second tablet are assigned to the other opening which was always at least partly blocked by the temple of Castor.
Degrassi's discovery was not made until after the volumes were in proof. The evidence, briefly stated in the text, is fully discussed in the Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, XXI (1945-46), pp. 57-104; in an article that follows Degrassi's (pp. 105-22), Gatti discusses the reconstruction of the Arch of Augustus.

The suggestion that the tablets were on an arch is not new. It goes back to the architect, Pirro Ligorio, who as early as 1553 described the monument as a Iano [?]. Ligorio, whose imagination was never limited by the evidence he had observed, restored a Janus Quadrifrons [?] (Degrassi, Rendiconti, Figs. 1 and 2) inscribed inside the openings and outside with consular and triumphal records and other lists suggested to him by his active mind.
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the creation of epigraphic forgeries became more and more frequent. Well-known forgers, like Annio da Viterbo and Pirro Ligorio, produced thousands of false inscriptions, both on paper and on durable materials, like stone or metal...

In a letter written to the young Danish scholar Olaus Kellerman, in 1835, the great Italian Epigraphist Bartolomeo Borghesi, complimented on the former's intention of setting up a corpus of Latin inscriptions. In the first place, because such a work would eventually help scholars to get rid of thousands of impostures and forged texts, which were still circulating in their days. Kellerman died young, and his project was revived by Theodor Mommsen, who gave way to a new science, namely "Epigraphic Criticism." Mummson fully described this method in his proposal for a Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, which he addressed to the Berlin Academy of Sciences in 1847. A full paragraph of his text was devoted to the critique of authenticity. In Mommsen's view, there were three different kinds of epigraphic forgeries. 1) Those deceitfully produced by antique dealers, 2) those created by local scholars, usually just on paper, to celebrate their homeland, and 3) those fabricated by professional forgers, which were also the most difficult to detect. And this was the case of Ligorio, towards whom both Borghesi and Mommsen had developed a real aversion.

Mommsen put in place his principles in the addition of the Latin Inscriptions from the Kingdom of Naples, published in 1852. In his introduction to the work, which was dedicated to Borghesi, he developed his own set of rules for dealing with untrustworthy epigraphic documents. Mommsen's assumption was that inscriptions are, in the first place, fundamental documents for the study of the past. In his positivist view, history had to be an exact science. But in order to be so, it had to be written using objective and reliable primary sources. The latter included the text of Greek and Latin authors, but also, and perhaps above all, the text of ancient inscriptions which have come to us directly without the mediation of medieval copyists.

It is well worth reading the rules which Mommsen set in treating epigraphic forgeries, because after over 150 years, they're still very, very influential. So I will perhaps read them in English translation, but you have the original text in front of you.

The first I included in my corpus -- all the inscriptions -- the ones that I saw, and the ones that I did not see: the unpublished ones, and the ones that were previously published, no matter in what way. The genuine ones, the suspect ones, and the fake ones.

Second Rule: the very first goal of the volume was to separate genuine inscriptions from forgeries.

In the third rule, uh, Mommsen, who was a jurist, recognized the principle of the so-called presumption of innocence, dolum nom praesumi. But he also stated that once the deceitful intent of an author had been proven, his entire credibility as a source, was invalidated, and his whole production must be labeled as forged. This is really a crucial point, which comes in also in the following point.

In point number four, he says, "I did not prosecute single inscriptions, but single authors." Meaning, that he challenged the trustworthiness of the whole production of those who had transcribed inscriptions. We can call it the principle of the "unreliability of the first witness." If the earliest transcription of an inscription comes from an author who had been identified as a forger, then no matter its contents, such an inscription must be false. So, in other words, Mommsen discarded the whole production of certain authors, like Ligorio, because he simply had no time for checking that all the inscriptions that these authors had copied, were genuine, or or false. He states that very clearly. And his conclusion is semel fur, semper ful: once a thief, always a thief. And also that it is better to to keep a genuine inscription among the forgeries, than the other way around.

-- Epigraphic Criticism and the Study of Forgeries: A Historical Perspective, by Lorenzo Calvelli

The epigraphist Onofrio Panvinio also attributed the fragments to a Iano, but abandoned the idea in favor of his theory that the monument was the hemicycle of Verrius Flaccus.8 The illustration that he published, of which I shall speak later, provides support for the theory of an arch. Carlo Fea, in the publication of his discoveries of 1816-17, accepted the view that the inscriptions belonged to an arch.9 The Italian architect Luigi Canina took up the idea and published a reconstruction of the arch (Gatti, Rendiconti, Fig. 6). He placed the inscriptions on the outer face.

But the attribution of the Fasti to the Regia practically obliterated the memory of these earlier assignments of the inscriptions to an arch. This attribution, first proposed by Piale in 1832, was not seriously considered until Detlefsen, without knowledge of Piale's work, suggested it to Henzen when the two men were working on the first edition of CIL, I. Detlefsen was himself skeptical, but Henzen took up the idea and set forth his arguments fully in CIL, 1, published in 1863. His views obtained general acceptance after Mommsen added his authority to the attribution. The Regia, where the pontifex maximus in earlier times posted each year a tablet giving names of magistrates and lists of important events, seemed eminently the right place for the official annalistic record of Rome. When in 1886 Nichols identified the remains of the Regia in front of the temple of Antoninus and Faustina, Huelsen, who had been working with Henzen on the revision of CIL, I and assumed charge of the work after Henzen's death, held firmly to the Regia as the place for the Fasti, and decided that Carlo Fea's discoveries beside the temple of Castor represented a dump of material that was not in situ [situated in the original place]. In the second edition of CIL, I and in subsequent articles published after new fragments of the Fasti were found, Huelsen presented his restorations of the Regia. There were, to be sure, some differences of opinion between Huelsen and Schon on the position that the Fasti were thought to occupy on the Regia, but no one any longer questioned the attribution. The inscriptions are constantly referred to as the Fasti of the Regia, and Huelsen's curious restorations of the Regia's wall have been widely reproduced in handbooks.

As far as I know, the first person in this century to doubt the attribution was Professor Frank Brown, and he did not put his doubts into print. As Fellow of the American Academy in Rome in 1931-33 Brown undertook a study of the Regia. Although he said nothing of the Fasti in his publication,10 the careful reader can see that there is no place for the inscriptions on his reconstruction of the monument. Degrassi proved to be a very careful reader, and Brown's work on the Regia was important in leading him to his new view. Meantime I had had indirect reports of Brown's work and knew that he was disposed to assign the Fasti to the Arch of Augustus. My knowledge of Brown's ideas, confirmed by correspondence with him, contributed to the new dating of the Fasti (21-17 B.C.) which I proposed in a paper presented at the Philadelphia Archaeological Society in May 1945 and published in this journal in 1946.11

Professor Leicester B. Holland became interested in the architectural problem of the monument to which the Fasti could have belonged. He and I had prepared a joint article in which, with acknowledgment to Brown, we argued for the attribution of the Fasti to the arch, when in September 1945 I received a letter from Degrassi informing me of his new results. They had been announced the previous spring at the Pontifical Academy, and thus had priority over our findings, as well as the advantage of work on the spot and in archives not available to us. Our paper was not published; our work and Brown's contribution to it were referred to in generous terms in a note that Degrassi added to the proof of his article (Rendiconti, p. 104).

In reaching the conclusion that the Fasti were on the arch and not on the Regia, Degrassi, with more definite evidence than we had, was influenced by much the same considerations that led Holland and me to the same result:

1. There is no place for the Fasti on the Regia as interpreted by Brown. Huelsen's familiar restoration cannot be adapted to the remains of the building.

2. Two groups of fragments of the Fasti, for the discovery of which we have specific evidence, were found at the northeast corner of the temple of Castor. These include the fragments found by Carlo Fea in 1816-17 (the stones that Huelsen argued were not found in situ) and several other fragments discovered in 1872-73. For the spot where the first group came to light Degrassi cited a drawing of the architect Gau in a communication of Niebuhr to the Prussian Academy, dated March 26, 1817.12 He might also have cited the star by which Fea on Plate II of his Frammenti dei Fasti consolari e trionfali [GT: A fragment of the fast god to be comforted from the triumphal] (Rome, 1820) indicated the site of his finds.13 For the discoveries of 1872-73 Degrassi has been able to produce unpublished archival material which proves definitely that the stones, including a fragment that Henzen and Huelsen attributed to the site of the Regia, were found close to the northeast corner of the temple of Castor.14

3. On no building to the northeast of the temple of Castor except the Arch of Augustus is it architecturally possible to restore the Fasti.


Image
FIG. 1

4. The foundations of the Arch of Augustus are on the very site where fragments of the Fasti were found in 1816-17 and again in 1872-73. Gau's drawing and Fea's star indicate that the spot where the stones came to light in 1816-17 corresponds to the north lateral opening of the arch. In 1546-47 sculptured decorations that would fit an arch were found in the excavation. Panvinio speaks of ornamental details15 and Metellus is more explicit in his description of sculptures: tanquam tropaea quaedam barbarorum, scuta pugiones et galeae et alia ornamenta [GT: as some trophies of the barbarians, shields, daggers, and helmets, and other ornaments.].16 The section of the third tablet, with flanking pilasters, that forms the center of Michelangelo's wall, does not appear to be a part of a long wall such as he constructed or such as Huelsen posited for the Regia; it is rather an independent unit such as was assumed by Ligorio and also, as Holland realized, though Degrassi and Gatti did not, by the unknown man who made the drawing in Panvinio's publication of the Fasti (Fig. 1). The illustration is adapted to the idea that Panvinio originally had that the building was a Iano, and not to his later view that it was a hemicyclium [sundial].17 The reproduction clearly shows a pylon with an engaged column just beyond the inscribed pilasters on either side.

As Degrassi and Gatti discovered, and as Holland concluded independently, the only place for the Fasti is inside the openings of the arch. As Gatti has shown, the width of the third tablet fits the lateral openings of the arch.18 As Degrassi has recently pointed out,19 a parallel for such inscriptional adornment of the passage-way of an arch is to be found in the quadrifront arch of A.D. 203 at Theveste.

Degrassi, aided by the important architectural contribution of Gatti, has proved beyond doubt that the Capitoline Fasti were in the lateral openings of the Arch of Augustus whose base stands beside the temple of Divus Julius.
I have thought it worth while to add to the evidence he has presented the confirmation of the attribution which Holland found in the published work of Panvinio and Fea. The credit for the new discovery belongs partly to Brown. His study of the Regia, which, with the report of his unpublished results, formed the basis on which Holland and I worked, also contributed indirectly to Degrassi's investigation.

Now that the attribution of the Fasti Capitolini to the arch is definitely established, it seems curious that, in spite of the views of Ligorio, Panvinio (in his first interpretation of the monument), Fea, and Canina, the mistaken assignment of the Fasti to the Regia should have been so long accepted. Topographers and architects who have puzzled over the problem of the arch or arches of Augustus might well have shown the right way, for they have quoted Metellus on the discovery, with the inscriptions, of architectural ornaments that might have belonged to an arch.20 The real obstacle to a proper understanding of the facts was that lists of consuls seemed entirely suitable as inscribed decoration of the Regia. That was the basis of Huelsen's strange obstinacy in interpreting the evidence of the stones, and that was the reason why Schon, who saw the impossibility of Huelsen's reconstruction,21 never questioned the attribution of the Fasti to the Regia.22

The dating of the arch and the inscriptions is discussed by Degrassi very briefly in the volume (19 f.) and in great detail in the Rendiconti. The foundations beside Divus Julius have been attributed to two different arches, to the one which the senate voted to erect in 31-30 after Actium, and to the arch with which Augustus was honored after the return of the Parthian standards in 20.23 A Vergilian scholiast makes it clear that the arch commemorating the success over the Parthians stood iuxta aedem divi Iulii [GT: next to the house of the god Julius ],24 and that would have settled the date of the arch if there were not conflicting evidence from coins.

Triple arches that differ from each other in important details are represented on two series of Augustan coins;25 one of these arches on a coin from a Spanish mint is clearly associated by its inscription with the return of the standards from Parthia. The other arch, of a very peculiar type, found on a coin of the Roman mint, has no such definite association. The arch represented on it would seem to be better suited for the base found beside Divus Julius.
26 Richter solved the problem by restoring a second arch north of Divus Julius, but when no traces of that arch were found in the region he abandoned his restoration.27 Since then topographers have puzzled over the question of the arch or arches of Augustus in the Forum. On the whole, the weight of opinion has been in favor of the view that the Spanish coins contain architectural inaccuracies, that the arch decreed in 31-30 never was erected, and that the foundations we have belong to the Parthian arch.28

Degrassi and Gatti have revived Richter's earlier view of two arches close to Divus Julius, though in the absence of recognizable remains they make no attempt to fix the location of the second arch. For them the arch whose foundations we have is the one voted by the senate after Actium.29 This identification of the arch accords with the date which Degrassi assigns to the inscriptions.

The date of the inscriptions is to be determined by the time when the names of the Antonii [GT: Anthony] were cancelled in the consular lists. Holding to a view first proposed by Borghesi and since then generally accepted, Degrassi believes that the Antonii were cancelled when by decree of the senate Antony's honors were annulled in September or October of 30. Degrassi rejects my suggestion30 that the names of the Antonii were removed after the disgrace and death of Mark Antony's son Iullus in 2 B.C. The reason for the rejection is that the Antonii were left intact in the triumphal lists.31 Those lists, as Hirschfeld showed, were inscribed between 19 and 11 B.C., for they are carefully planned to fill the space, and they end with a triumph of 19 B.C. and do not include the ovatio of Drusus in 11 B.C. Degrassi accepts the view of Mommsen that the pilasters were not inscribed until after the names of the Antonii had been erased and then restored in the consular lists.

In support of this dating Degrassi and Gatti find slight palaeographical differences that indicate a change of hand between the sections of the Fasti dealing with the period immediately before and after the year 30. From the form of the letter V, clearly shown on photographs of squeezes (P1. XLIV-XLVII), they hold that the fragment dealing with the years 26-22 was not inscribed by the stone cutter who was responsible for the years 44-36. Degrassi emphasizes the slightness of the differences and suggests that the stone cutters who carried on the work after 30 came from the officina charged with the original inscription. I agree with him about the change of hand, but, as he points out, several men seem to have worked on the inscriptions, and I find a similar V in earlier sections.32 The difference may mean nothing more than that one workman from the officina was replaced by another to finish the job.

When the Fasti were assigned to the Regia, rebuilt from the spoils of Domitius Calvinus' victory, for which he triumphed in 36 B.C., there was a period of six years during which the monument could have been built and the inscriptions could have been placed on it. That period, as Degrassi recognizes, must be radically reduced if the inscriptions were on an arch built in 31-30.

Degrassi assumes that the senators, as soon as they heard the news of Actium, fought on September 2, 31, passed a decree voting the erection of an arch to Octavian, and that work was begun at once on the arch. Although all the decoration may not have been in place, Degrassi holds that the arch had been erected and its lateral openings had been inscribed with the consular lists before the senate received news of Antony's death and voted to annul his honors. That vote took place when Cicero's son Marcus was consul suffectus, between September 13 and November 1 of 30 B.C.33 At that time, in Degrassi's view, the names of the Antonii were erased.

Thus only about a year would have been available for the work, and, while that might have been adequate for the actual building, it would hardly have been sufficient for the planning of the monument and the preparation of the lists. The responsible authorities in Rome34 would have had to obtain the permission of Octavian for the erection of a structure that altered radically the character of the region beside the temple that he was building for his deified father. It would have taken time to obtain Octavian's approval, for, except for a brief stay at Brundisium early in 30,35 he was in the East during this year. Even if Octavian gave his approval promptly, and the construction of the monument could proceed at once, the adornment of the arch would have required time. Degrassi does not think that the adornment would necessarily have been completed by 30; in fact, there is an inscription dated in the year of Octavian's triumph, 29, that may, in Degrassi's view, have been placed over one of the lateral arches.36 Yet he would have us believe that, although the space over the lateral openings in the front of the arch was left vacant, the more inconspicuous interior of the openings was hastily inscribed with the consular lists. The preparation of the consular lists would have taken a great deal of time. Even if, as Degrassi believes, a list that had already been prepared was adopted, there would have had to be additions and adaptations to present the offices and titles of Octavian and also of Caesar. The period from 49 to 30 was treated in great detail in the Fasti, and one may be sure that the text was not inscribed without the full consent of Octavian. And that could not have been secured without considerable delay.

What, it may be asked, was the reason for hurry in the completion of the monument? Degrassi believes (Rendiconti, pp. 95, 97) that the arch had to be ready in order that Octavian might pass beneath it in his triumph. It is true that the decree passed after Actium, as reported by Dio, provided at the same time for triumph and arch.

But it is also true that there is no evidence that any of the so-called triumphal arches (better described by the German term, Ehrenbeigen) was erected for a triumphal procession. The general in triumph passed through the Porta Triumphalis. If he was also honored with an arch, the monument in every case for which we have specific information was set up afterwards in commemoration of the event.37 The relation of the arch to the triumphal return of the victorious commander is well illustrated by the Parthian arch. That was apparently voted as soon as news came of the restoration of the standards, presumably in the summer of 20. At the same time Augustus was voted an ovatio [GT: standing ovation] which he did not accept.38 But, although his return on October 12, 19 B.C. was celebrated with pomp and ceremony worthy of a triumph, the arch was not dedicated until many months later. The inscription on the Spanish coin, which has been recognized as a copy of the inscription on the arch, fixes the dedication in the sixth tribunitial power of Augustus, that is, between June 26, 18 and June 25, 17.39

That is the arch to which I assign the Fasti and the foundations beside Divus Julius. The identification is supported by the Vergilian scholiast. If the legend on the coin records the dedication of the arch, the Fasti were inscribed during Augustus' sixth tribunitial power. That is a more exact dating than the limits 21-17 which I proposed before the Fasti were assigned to the arch.40

As for the name of the Antonii, I am still convinced that they were erased by unauthorized action after the scandal attending the death of Iullus Antonius. I concede the validity of Degrassi's criticism that, if my date were correct, the Antonii should have been removed from the triumphal lists, which were written in larger letters than the consular records. But in a damnatio memoriae [GT: damnation of memory], official or unofficial, the main point was to remove the names from the fasti, ex fastis evellere [GT: to pull out of the fasts], and the triumphal lists are never in ancient terminology described as fasti. As Mommsen recognized, there can be no doubt from Tacitus' statement about Iullus (Ann. iii. 18) that the erasure of his name was considered.41


Iullus Antonius (43–2 BC) was a Roman magnate and poet. A son of Mark Antony and Fulvia, he was spared by the emperor Augustus after the civil wars of the Republic, and was married to the emperor's niece. He was later condemned as one of the lovers of Augustus's daughter, Julia, and committed suicide.

Early life

Born in Rome, and named after his father's benefactor Iullus and his elder brother had a disruptive childhood. His mother Fulvia gained many enemies including Octavian (nephew and adopted son of Julius Caesar). His half-sister, Claudia, had been Octavian's first wife; however, in 41 BC, Octavian divorced Clodia without having consummated the marriage and married Scribonia, the mother of Julia the Elder, Octavian's only child. Fulvia saw this as an insult on her family and, together with Iullus' uncle Lucius Antonius, they raised eight legions in Italy to fight for Antonius' rights against Octavian. The army occupied Rome for a short time, but eventually retreated to Perusia (modern Perugia). Octavian besieged Fulvia and Lucius in the winter of 41-40 BC, starving them into surrender. Fulvia was exiled to Sicyon, where she died of a sudden illness.

In the same year of Fulvia's death, Antonius' father Mark Antony married Octavian's full sister, Octavia Minor. The marriage had to be approved by the Senate as Octavia was pregnant with her first husband's child at the time. The marriage was for political purposes to cement an alliance between Octavian and Mark Antony. Octavia appears to have been a loyal and faithful wife who was good and treated her husband's children with the same kindness as her own. Between 40 BC–36 BC, Octavia lived with him in his Athenian mansion. She raised both of Mark Antony's sons and her children by her first husband together for the years of her marriage to their father. They all traveled with him to various provinces. During the marriage Octavia produced two daughters, who became Iullus' half-sisters, Antonia Major and Antonia Minor. Antonia Major was the paternal grandmother of the Emperor Nero and maternal grandmother of the Empress Valeria Messalina. Antonia Minor was the sister-in-law of the Emperor Tiberius, paternal grandmother of the Emperor Caligula and Empress Agrippina the Younger, mother of the Emperor Claudius, and maternal great-grandmother/paternal great-aunt of the Emperor Nero.

Civil war

In 36 BC Mark Antony abandoned Octavia and her children in Rome and sailed to Alexandria to rejoin his former lover Cleopatra VII (they had already met in 41 BC and were parents of twin children). Mark Antony divorced Octavia circa 32 BC. Iullus and his half-sisters returned to Rome with Octavia while Antyllus remained with his father in Egypt. Antyllus was raised by Cleopatra beside his father's children by her, Ptolemy Philadelphus, Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene II, and their stepbrother Caesarion.

In the Battle of Actium the fleets of Antony and Cleopatra were destroyed, and they fled to Egypt. In August 30 BC Octavian, assisted by Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, invaded Egypt. With no other refuge to escape to, Mark Antony committed suicide by falling on his sword, having been tricked into thinking that Cleopatra had already done so. A few days later, Cleopatra did actually commit suicide.

Octavian and his army seized control of Egypt and claimed it as part of the Roman Empire. While Iullus' elder brother Marcus Antonius Antyllus and his stepbrother Caesarion were murdered by Octavian, he showed some mercy to the half siblings Alexander Helios, Cleopatra Selene II and Ptolemy Philadelphus. They were given to Iullus' first stepmother Octavia to be raised as Roman citizens. In 27 BC they returned to Rome, and Octavian was given the title of Augustus.

Career and marriage

Following the civil wars, Iullus was granted high favours from Augustus, through Octavia's influence. In 21 BC Augustus wanted his daughter Julia the Elder to marry Agrippa, who at the time was married to Iullus' stepsister Claudia Marcella Major. Agrippa agreed to the marriage and so divorced Marcella. Marcella consequently obliged Iullus to marry her. Iullus and Marcella's children were the sons Iullus Antonius, Lucius Antonius and a daughter Iulla Antonia.

Iullus became praetor in 13 BC, consul in 10 BC, and Asian proconsul in 7/6 BC, and was highly regarded by Augustus. Horace refers to him in a poem, speaking of an occasion when Iullus intended to write a higher kind of poetry praising Augustus for his success in Gaul. Iullus was also a poet and is credited with having written twelve volumes of poetry on Diomedia some time before 13 BC, which has not survived.

Scandal and death

Although when their relationship began is uncertain, Iullus Antonius became a lover of Julia the Elder. Agrippa died in 12 BC and Julia had been forced to marry her stepbrother, Tiberius. Julia's marriage to her stepbrother had become a disaster and she was desperate to divorce him if not satisfy her desires, and Iullus was open to do so. Tiberius had left Rome in 8 BC leaving Julia and her five children by Agrippa, Gaius Caesar, Lucius Caesar, Julia the Younger, Agrippina the Elder, and Agrippa Postumus, in Rome. Julia felt that her children were unprotected and may have approached Iullus to be a protector for her children, especially her two elder sons, Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar, who were Augustus' joint heirs.

Both contemporary and modern historians have suggested Iullus had designs upon the monarchy and wanted to marry Julia before her children Gaius and Lucius came of age possibly to form some sort of regency. It is unlikely, however, that Julia would have put her father or her sons at risk. It is possible that she planned to divorce Tiberius and make Iullus Antonius protector of her sons.

The scandal finally broke in 2 BC. When Augustus took action on his daughter Julia's copious promiscuity, Antonius was exposed as her prominent lover. The other men accused of adultery with Julia were exiled but Iullus was not so lucky. He was charged with treason and sentenced to death; subsequently, he committed suicide. Modern scholars have speculated that Iullus Antonius is one of the figures represented on the north face of the Ara Pacis, a Roman altar.

-- Iullus Antonius, by Wikipedia

I have questioned Degrassi's dating of the arch because a year, though perhaps adequate for the construction and inscription of the arch, does not seem long enough if one takes into account the planning, of the monument and the preparation of the lists. I have questioned it also because it is based on a mistaken idea of the purpose of the monumental arch. But in this paper I have not considered the evidence on date supplied by the text of the Fasti. Before the Fasti were shown to have been on the arch that evidence led me to assign the inscriptions to a period after Augustus had consolidated his power. Degrassi and I differ only about a decade in our dates, but it is a very important decade. If Degrassi is right, the Fasti represent not an official Augustan list but an earlier list, which, with some adaptation, was based on the Liber annalis of Atticus.42 If I am right, the Fasti are an official Augustan version of Roman annals. In the paper published in 1946 I presented arguments from the text of the Fasti for my view. Now I have additional evidence which I expect to present in a subsequent paper.

It is to Degrassi's splendid publication of the stones and to his masterly presentation of the material that I owe the fresh evidence. From intensive study of Degrassi's text I can testify that the student of these great records of the Roman past will find in his pages a clarity and an objectivity that are beyond all praise. Here is an enduring work of a great scholar.
43

BRYN MAWR COLLEGE
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Sun Oct 23, 2022 11:43 am

Part 2 of 2
_______________

Notes:

1 Inscriptiones Italiae, Vol. XIII, Fasc. 1: Fasti consulares et triumphales (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1947). [Google translate: Italian Inscriptions, Vol. XIII, Fasc. 1: Consular and triumphal fasts (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1947).] Part 1, pp. 572; Part 2, Tabulae CIV, Indices, pp. 581-678.

2 As a, minor criticism I would suggest that much space could have been saved by use (as in CIL) of Arabic instead of Roman numerals and by abbreviation in the form of references, notably to the Real-encyclopddie. Except for the supplementary volumes the use of volume numbers in referring to that work should be abolished. Scholars usually consult it by the aid of the alphabet.

3 For the historians there are full citations of manuscript variants available in recent editions, such as the Conway-Walters Livy and Drachmann's text of the Roman annals of Diodorus. In preparing the section headed alia testimonia Degrassi (see p. 347) has used the works of Costa and Vaglieri and has added much material from inscriptions.

4 For the sake of brevity I shall use the term consular fasti for the list of chief magistrates, recognizing that the list also includes decemviri, military tribunes with consular power, dictators, masters of horse, and censors. I also use the term fasti for the triumphal lists, recognizing, as Degrassi does, that there is no ancient authority for the use.

5 See his paper "Le sistemazioni dei Fasti Capitolini," [Google translate: "The accommodations of the Capitoline Fasti,"] Capitolium, XVIII, 2 (1943), 327-35.

6 The Fasti Colotiani and Biondiani. See pp. 273, 291. The arrangement of the room in the Conservatori is fully discussed in the article cited in note 5.

7 Degrassi prepared a restoration of the four tablets for the celebration of the Augustan Bimillenium in 1938. His reconstructions, which he would now alter in certain minor details, are reproduced on Plates XXIII-VI of the volume. Here too Gatti collaborated with Degrassi, and they have shown that Michelangelo's reconstruction was architecturally incorrect in various details.

8 Fastorum libri V a Romulo rege usque ad imp. Caesarem Carolum V Austrium Augustum, [Google translate: Book 5 of the fasts from King Romulus until the imp. Caesar Charles V Austrium Augustus] Venice, 1,558. (Copies of this rare book are to be found in this country in the libraries of the University of Illinois and of Bryn Mawr College.) Following the dedicatory letter to Cardinal Alexander Farnese, Panvinio discusses the authorship of the "tabulae Capitolinae." He decides on Verrius Flaccus. He accepts Pantagathus' emendation of Praeneste to Vestae in Suetonius, De gram. 17 ("statuam habet (Verrius) Praeneste in superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium in quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat" [Google translate: "He (Verrius) has a statue of Praeneste in the upper part of the forum, around the hemicycle, in which he published the flags ordered by him and cut into the marble wall."]). Panvinio, therefore, concludes that the fasti were on the hemicycle of Verrius Flaccus. In a passage overlooked by Henzen, Huelsen, and Degrassi, but noticed by Holland (see below), Panvinio makes it clear that he had originally shared the idea that the monument was a Ianus: "Atque hac ratione Fastorum Capitollnorum Auctor, formaque aediflci,l quae in Hemicycli speciem erat, non Iani pervii, ut quibusdam placet, et ego aliquando credidi." [Google translate: "And on this account the Author of the Capitoline Fasts, and the form of the building which was in the form of a Hemicycle, I did not reach Janus, as some people like, and I sometimes believed."]

9 For Henzen's misleading account of Fea's views see Degrassi, Rendiconti, p. 60, n. 10.

10 Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, XII (1935), 67-88.

11 "The Date of the Capitoline Fasti," CP, XLI (1946), 1-11.

12 A. Harnack, Geschichte der preuss. Akademie, II (1900), 389 ff.

13 On this plate, as Holland notes, the figure 2 appears twice on the earth which covers the front line of the temple. In the description of the plate (p. cxxii) we find: "2. 2. Facciata del Tempio, unica versa la Via Sacra; e scala di nuova idea, a tre partite, la principale dritta nel mezzo; e due laterali, che poi andavano a riunirsi in alto. Incontro a questa furono trovati i primi Fasti. Ivi, e alquanto di fianco al piedestal lo destro *, notai le terre, o calcinacci quasi crivellati." [Google translate: "2. 2. Facade of the Temple, the only one facing the Via Sacra; and a new concept staircase, with three sections, the main straight in the middle; and two lateral ones, which then joined together at the top. Fasti. There, and somewhat next to the pedestal on the right *, I noticed the earth, or almost riddled rubble."]

14 See p. 6, note on Frag. XXVI; cf. Rendiconti, p. 87. Degrassi quotes the Rapporto degli scavi del Foro Romano in the Archivio di Stato. [Google translate: Report of the excavations of the Roman Forum in the State Archives.] For a summary of all the evidence on the places where fragments were discovered see Rendiconti, p. 88.

15 Op. cit., 4th page, unnumbered, of introductory essay on the authorship of the Fasti: "Quum autem marmora illa crassissima fuissent, reliqua eorum pars quae ignem effugerat, in subtiles tabulas dissecta fuerat. In quibus quaedam barbara et penitus inepta ornamenta, avium, florum, pentagonorum, quos nodos Solomonis vocant, et similia incisa erant." [Google translate: "And whereas those marbles had been very thick, the rest of them which had escaped the fire had been cut into fine plates. In which were cut some barbarous and utterly absurd ornaments, birds, flowers, pentagons, which they call Solomon's knots, and the like."]

16 For quotation of Metellus' statement, Cod. Vat. Lat. 6039, f. 13, see Degrassi, Rendiconti, p. 90, n. 149; cf. Huelsen, CIL, I, 12, p. 3.

17 For illustration and description Panvinio depended on peritissimi architecti [Google translate: the most skilled architects] who saw the monument in situ. His statement is quoted in CIL I, 12, p. 4.

18 Rendiconti, pp. 106 f. The outside base of the side arches measures 4.50 m., and the width of the third tablet in Michelangelo's wall is 3.86 m. For the adaptation of this width of the pylon to the bases see Rendiconti, pp. 91, 115.

19 "Epigraphia Romana, I, Roma (1937-46)," in Doxa, II (1949), 50.

20 See Kahler, s.v., "Triumphbogen," RE, pp. 380 f.

21 Wiener Studien, XXIV (1902), 332 ff.

22 Degrassi and Gatti do not discuss the reasons why the Fasti were placed on an arch. In a forthcoming article on "Janus and the Fasti" my colleague Dr. Louise Adams Holland and I expect to suggest an explanation.

23 Both reports come from Dio. The first one (i. 19. 1) appears under the year 30 in a series of decrees of 31-30: [x]. I agree with Degrassi that this decree may have been passed as soon as the news of Actium was received -- perhaps in the second half of September 31. Under the year 20, when the standards were restored from Parthia, Dio lists a series of honors given to Augustus in this and succeeding years. After stating that Augustus on his return was honored with an ovatio, Dio adds (liv. 8. 3): [x]. The report on the ovatio is incorrect, based, Mommsen suggested (RG2, p. 19), on a senatorial decree bestowing an honor that Augustus refused.

24 Schol. Ver. on Aen. vii. 606 (Parthosque reposcere signa): "quae Licinio Crasso interfecto interceperant Parthi haec (reportavit) Augustus. Huius facti Nicae repraesentantur in arcu qui est iuxta aedem divi lulii." [Google translate: (And the Parthians put back the signs): "which Augustus (reported) to the Parthians had intercepted when Licinius Crassus was killed. This deed is represented at Nicaea in the arch which is near the house of the god Lulius."]

25 See Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, I (1923), p. 14, No. 77, P1. 3. 4: p. 73, No. 427, P1. 10. 2.

26 See Gatti, Rendiconti, pp. 114 f.; Holland, AJA, L (1946), p. 56. The essential difference between the arches on the two coins is that while the side openings are vaulted on the Spanish coin, they are not on the Roman coin. According to both Gatti and Holland, the narrow outside bases might have been inadequate to sustain the thrust of a vault.

27 Jahrb. d. arch. Inst., IV (1889), 151-58; Topographie der Stadt Rom (Munich, 1901), pp. 93 f. and, for his revised view, the Nachtrag to that volume, pp. 360 f.

28 This was Huelsen's view, and it is suggested as probable by Kahler in the most recent study (1939) of the triumphal arch, "Triumphbogen," RE. He presents the evidence for all the known arches in the Roman world. On the arches of Augustus in the Forum, see pp. 379 ff. Degrassi, Rendiconti, pp. 100 f., holds that the senate could not have failed to carry out the decree of 31-30. But the emperor regularly decided whether he would accept honors offered by the obsequious senate, and, as his Res gestae show, he refused many of them. (See note 23 for an instance). Holland (op. cit. in n. 26) suggested as a solution of the problem that the central section of the arch may have been built in 30, and that the side openings may have been added after the return of the standards in 20. Examination of the foundations has now convinced him that the suggestion is impossible.

29 If Degrassi and Gatti are right in this identification, there may be another explanation of the Vergilian scholiast which would not make it necessary to assume the existence of one more arch in this well excavated region. The arch might have been erected in 31-30, and then after 20 B.C. it might have been decorated with Parthian symbols. Degrassi and Gatti do not make this suggestion, for they evidently have confidence in the architectural details presented on the coins.

30 See CP, XLI, 1 ff.

31 See p. 51 of the article cited in note 19. There is also a brief statement in the Additamenta to the volume, p. 571.

32 See Degrassi, P1. XXVII, Frags. I and II from tablet 1; P1. XXXIII, Frag. XII from tablet 2. Other sections of these two tablets, to judge from the V, should be attributed to a different hand. On the variety of hands, see pp. 19, 22, and the discussion of the Fasti Ostienses, p. 174. Cf. Rendiconti, p. 96.

33 Dio li. 19. 4; Plut. Cic. 49. 4. For the evidence that Cicero's son held the office from September 13 to November 1, see Degrassi, p. 510.

34 The consul suffectus of 31, Cn. Pompeius Rufus, who served from the first of October (Degrassi, p. 510), may have been in Italy. Maecenas was in general charge in Octavian's absence and Agrippa was temporarily recalled. See Dio li. 3. 5; Plut. Anton. 73.

35 Octavian was recalled to quell a mutiny of soldiers. See Dio li. 4; cf. Gardthausen, Augustus und seine Zeit (Leipzig, 1891), I, 397 f.; II, 211 f.

36 CIL, VI, 873 (cf. 31188 a), Dessau, 81: "Senatus populusque Romanus imp. Caesari divi Iull f. cos. quinct. cos. design. sext. imp. sept. re publica conservata." [Google translate: "The senate and the Roman people imp. of the divine Caesar Iull f. cos. quinct. cos. design. sext. imp. sept. re publica preserved."] Ligorio is the sole authority that this inscription was discovered in the building to which the FC belonged. Smetius and Pighius say that it was found near the three columns (of Castor); Manutius gives the place of discovery as innanzi il portico di Faustina. See Degrassi, Rendiconti, pp. 81, 97. The stone is lost. The measurement given for its width, nine feet, is of course only approximate, but the stone seems certainly to have been too narrow for the central opening. I agree with Kahler, loc. cit., that its attribution to the Arch of Augustus is uncertain.

37 See Huelsen's vigorous protest against the view that arches were erected for the triumph, Hirschfeld Festschrift (Berlin, 1903), pp. 423 ff. See Kahler, Op. cit., pp. 470 ff; cf. also 374 ff., 464 ff., 488 ff.

38 See n. 23 above. The date of the return of the standards was probably May 12, 20. Cf. Gardthausen, Op. cit. II, 476 f.

39 The inscription is: (on the obverse) "S. p. q. r. imp. Caesari Aug. cos. XI tr. pot. VI"; (on the reverse) "civib. et sign. milit. a Part. recup." Dressel made the suggestion that this inscription came from the arch. See Kahler, op. cit., p. 380; Degrassi, Rendiconti, pp. 100 ff.

40 In a later article I shall discuss the validity of my earlier terminus ante quem, the date of the secular games, which were celebrated from May 31 to June 3 of 17 B.C.

41 See CP, XLI, 4. Whether or not I am right about my dating of the erasures in the FC, there seems to me no doubt that the Antonii were removed from the Fasti Colotiani (Degrassi, pp. 273 ff.; P1. LXXXV) after the death of lullus. These lists end with the year 12 B.C. and the surviving fragments cover the years 45-40, 23-12. They clearly exhibit the same hand for all the entries. The only difference that has been discovered in the writing is the frequent omission of periods dividing words in the upper half of the second columni, a very weak objection in view of the uniform character of the writing.

42 See the brief statement, Rendiconti, p. 104; for the use of Atticus' work in the Fasti, see Degrassi's Praefatio to the volume, pp. xiv f.; cf. p. 110.

43 After this paper was in proof I received a letter from Mrs. Joyce Gordon, who is collaborating with her husband, Professor Arthur E. Gordon, on a study of paleographical criteria for dating Latin inscriptions. On the date of the FC Mrs. Gordon had independently reached conclusions that anticipated the results of this article. She has now read the article, and I am glad to be able to report that she agrees with my views on paleographical details in the FC and also with my dating (see n. 41 above) of the Fasti Colotiani.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Sun Oct 23, 2022 11:43 am

Part 1 of __

Defining Authorship, Debating Authenticity: Problems of Authority from Classical Antiquity to the Renaissance
Edited by Roberta Berardi, Martina Filosa, and Davide Massimo
© 2021 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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Contents:

Roberta Berardi: Acknowledgements
• Roberta Berardi, Martina Filosa, Davide Massimo: Introduction
• 1 Auctor est aequivocum
• 2 Outline of the Volume
o 2.1 part 1: Attribution
o 2.2 Part 2: Authorship
o 2.3 Part 3: Authenticity
• Part 1: Attribution
Elisa Nuria Merisio: Semonides or Simonides? A Century-Long Controversy over the Authorship of a Greek Elegiac Fragment
o 1 Introduction
o 2 A Century-Long Authorship Controversy
o 3 Style and Content as Attribution Criteria
o 4 P. Oxy. 59.3956: A Turning Point in the Authorship Controversy
o 5 Conclusions
Linda Rocchi: Greek Readers' Digests (Again)? Some Lysianic [x] on P. Oxy. 31.2537
o 1 Introduction
o 2 The Papyrus
o 3 The Contents
o 4 Some Instructive Examples
o 5 Further Evidence: The Speeches For Euthynus against Nicias (II. 18-24 verso)
o 6 Conclusions
o 7 Appendix: Texts
Davide Massimo: Defining a 'Pseudo-Plato' Epigrammatist
o 1 Introduction
o 2 The Authenticity of the Epigrams
o 3 The Anecdotes about Plato the poet
o 4 Diogenes Laertius and Pseudo-Aristippus
o 5 Apuleius
o 6 The Greek Anthology
o 7 Conclusions
Pietro Zaccaria: Distinguishing Homonymous [Having the Same Name] Writers, Detecting Spurious Works: Demetrius of Magnesia's On Poets and Authors with the Same Name
o 1 Introduction
o 2 Demetrius' On Poets and Writers with the Same Name
o 3 Xenophon's Constitution of the Athenians and the Spartans (fr. 14 Mejer)
o 4 Epimenides' Letter to Solon (fr. 10 Mejer)
o 5 Dinarchus' Against Demosthenes (fr. 1 Mejer)
o 6 Conclusions
Anna Dorotea Teofilo: 'On Sail-Flying Ships Did I Roam the Great Sea ..."
Rosa Lorita: When the Author Is Not Identifiable
Part 2: Authorship
Sara De Martin: Theognis the Author, Traditional Wisdom, and Some Side Effects of Authority
o 1 Theognis Between 5th and 4th Century BC
o 2 Two Cases of Later Reception
o 3 Conclusions
o Federica Nicolardi: Beyond the Scribal Error
o Elena Bonollo: The 'Co-Authorial' Role of Ancient Pupils, Excerptores, and Copyists in the Genuinely Menandrean [x]
 1 An Authorial Perspective on the Corpora: Their Ascription to the Authority of Menander and the Contribution of 'Co Authors'
 2 From Menander's Comedies to the Collections of Monostichs: variae lectiones as Consequences of Re-Adaptation
 3 Conclusions
o Nicola Reggiani: [x]! Book Format, Authority, and Authorship in Ancient Greek Medical Papyri
 1 Introduction
 2 Book Authority in Ancient Medicine
 3 Authority in the 'Therapeutic Literature'
 4 Conclusions
o Gianmario Cattaneo: Defensio Bessarionis: Giorgio Benigno Salviati and the Concept of Authorship in Cardinal Bessarion's Circle
 1 Giorgio Benigno Salviati and the Plato-Aristotle Controversy in the Quattrocento
 2 Giorgio Benigno Salviati, Domizio Calderini, Niccolo Perotti and Their Treatises in Defence of Cardinal Bessarion
 3 Traces of the Defensio Bessarionis in Perotti's Refutatio
o Part 3: Authenticity
o Pietro Bertocchini: Can Virtue Be Taught?
 1 Introduction
 2 The Motif in the Socratics
 3 The Motif in the Spurious and Dubious Dialogues
 4 Conclusions
o Marco Donata: Reshaping Socrates' Authority in the Pseudoplatonica
 1 Socrates in the Academy
 2 Socratic Dialogues in the Academy
 3 Setting Socrates in Motion: A Survey
 4 Conclusions: Socratic Authority and Platonic Authorship
o Roberta Berardi: Letter 1 of Demosthenes and the Prayer to the Gods
 1 The Chronology of the Letters
 2 The 'Prayer to the Gods'
o Anna Mambelli: The Second Epistle of Peter: A Different Approach to Lexical Analysis
 1 Classification of the Uncommon Terms of 2 Peter: Problems of Terminology and Methodology
 2 Analysis of Rare Words Used in 2 Peter
 3 The Style of 2 Peter
 4 Conclusions
o Chiara Calvano: Forged Inscriptions in Early Epigraphic Corpora
 1 The Intellectual Context: Expectations of an Epigraphic Corpus in the 16th Century
 2 The Genesis of the Gruterian Corpus
 3 The spuriae ac supposititiae
 4 The Sources of the spuriae
 5 The Gruter-CIL Concordances: Proposals for Integration
 6 Conclusions
o Bibliography
o Abbreviations
o Online Databases and Resources
o References
o List of contributors
o Index
o Defining Authorship, Debating Authenticity
o Beitrage zur Altertumskunde
o Herausgegeben von
o Susanne Daub, Michael Erler, Dorothee Gall, Ludwig Koenen und Clemens Zintzen
o Band 385

Acknowledgements

Conceiving, assembling, and editing this volume has constituted a long and challenging journey, one which started in October 2017, on the occasion of the 2nd International Prolepsis Conference Auctor est Aequivocum, and carried on until Spring 2020. This was a spring that most of us will remember as one of the peaks of a pandemic that forced most of the world to go into lockdawn. Despite the hard times and the difficulty in accessing resources (especially libraries), we did our best to commit to the goal of finishing our work on this book, for which we deeply thank our authors, who have always been receptive to our requests. Furthermore, we would like to thank our peer-reviewers, Luciano Bossina, Laura Carnevale, Guglielmo Cavallo, Daniela Colomo, Antonio Felle, Tristano Gargiulo, Valentina Garulli, Margherita Losacco, Massimo Magnani, Roberta Marchionni, Maria Chiara Martinelli, Rosa Otranto, Massimo Pinto, Claudio Schiano, for their invaluable help. Composing this volume in English has not been an easy choice, but was done with the aim of making it more accessible to the international scholarly community, while remaining faithful to the international nature of the original conference, which benefitted from the attendance and papers of many international graduate students and early career researchers. We are deeply grateful to the proof-readers who helped to significantly improve parts of the manuscript with great professionalism and availability, namely Marcus Chin, Thomas Coward, and the others who have been acknowledged in single chapters. We would also like to thank the staff at De Gruyter for their continuous assistance at such a difficult time, and, especially in this regard, Martin Hallmannsecker and Simone Hausmann. We are grateful also to Gregory Hutchinson and Claudia Sode for their support and encouragement. On a more personal note, we would also like to thank the loved ones who continuously supported us in our work: Alessio, Heidi, Jenicek, Lidia, Mesi, as well as all of our respective families. Finally, a special thanks goes to the other members of the Cultural Association Prolepsis for organizing the conference from which this volume originates, and to all the speakers who contributed to making it a precious moment for sharing knowledge and research on the themes of authorship and authenticity. In particular, we owe an immense debt of gratitude to Luisa Fizzarotti, who has provided constant impetus to the intellectual project underpinning this book, and participated keenly in the early stages of its assemblage.

Introduction
by Roberta Berardi, Martina Filosa, Davide Massimo


En attendant, etudions les choses qui ne sont plus. Il est necessaire de les connaitre, ne fut-ce que pour les eviter. Les contrefacons du passe prennent de faux noms et s'appellent volontiers l'avenir. [GT: In the meantime, let us study the things that are no more. It is necessary to know, if only to avoid them. Forgeries of the past take false names and willingly call themselves the future.] -- (Victor Hugo, Les Miserables)


1 Auctor est aequivocum [GT: The author is equivocal]

The present volume further examines the themes studied in BzA 375, On the Track of the Books,1 as part of a project of coordinated conferences organized by the Cultural Association Prolepsis. Book circulation, one of the main topics of On the Track of the Books and the colloquium from which it originated, has often been the only way in which certain books have survived, where these were lost in their original place of production, and later re-discovered elsewhere -- far away, even -- wherever book trade took them. The second Prolepsis' International Conference, Auctor est Aequivocum: Authenticity, Authority, and Authorship from the Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages (Bari, October 26-27, 2017), has delved further into the subject and, among other topics, focussed on texts which have survived to our day only because of their erroneous, but in the end fortunate, misattribution to a 'more important' author. Authorship and authenticity have indeed played crucial roles in the survival and persistence of literary and historical works that would otherwise have been regarded only as works of 'minor' significance. The survival and circulation of books, and the dynamics governing these processes, hence form a fil rouge [GT: Red string] uniting the present collection with BzA 375, On the Track of the Books.

The title of the conference from which this volume derives is a quotation by Honorius of Autun, a 12th-century Christian theologian, who declares in his Expositio in Cantica Canticorum (prol., PL 172, 348) that 'Auctor est aequivocum', thereby underlining the ambiguity of the term 'auctor'. This quotation presents a useful starting point for discussion of the vast number of issues arising from the concepts of authority, authorship, and authenticity. and of the problems that relate to their -- often controversial -- definitions. The contributions in the present volume address a number of these themes through studies focussed on particular aspects: the problem of homonymous (or near-homonymous) authors, the role of authorial voices, the presence of spuria in the literary corpora of ancient authors (Plato, above all), the difficulties posed by anonymity, and, finally, the challenges posed by deliberate forgery, ancient and modern. Forgery happened in literature, but not exclusively so; when one considers epigraphical forgeries and the problems of authenticity and authorship associated with these, for example, it is necessary to take into account not only the text, but the physical monument bearing the text as well. These problems are not new, and neither is reflection on them. Since antiquity, scholars have thought about authenticity and authorship: establishing the authenticity of texts was, indeed, one of the principle tasks of the industrious philologists at Alexandria. Moreover, doubts about the attribution of certain works remained a crucial topic in ancient, Late-antique and Mediaeval scholarship, as shown for instance by the many occurrences of the expression [x], 'if genuine', in the works of the major lexicographical works of these periods, and indeed later on, too. Debates surrounding authenticity have not found their conclusion, but rather only further points of departure, in the modern 'obsession' for unveiling forgeries (epistolary [letter] forgeries, above all), of which Richard Bentley's life and scholarly activity represents but the tip of the iceberg. On the whole, the inherent ambiguity of literary authorship will never cease to be a part of reflection on literature of all time and genres -- one thinks of the never-ending debate of authorship in Shakespeare, to give just one illustrious example -- but it is a fact that this reflection is true in the present time more than ever. Moreover, misattribution may itself originate in a learned and literary act, and is worth studying for that reason. A clumsy reader might recall the beautiful-sounding famous line of Augustine on love, 'Amo, volo ut sis.' [I love you: I want you to be.] But Augustine actually never wrote anything of the sort: it was in fact Martin Heiddeger, writing a letter to his beloved pupil Hannah Arendt,2 who attributed these words to the Christian philosopher, and made them memorable, by conferring on them the remarkable authority of Augustine. Was this a fraud, a forgery, or a trick of the memory or ego?

'Qu'est-ce qu'un auteur?' was Michel Foucault's question in an article of 1969.3 where he questioned the very necessity of identifying an author in modern literature, in a pronouncement not too different in tone from that of Roland Barthes, who a year before provocatively had claimed the death of the author.4

We are aware that what we offer in this volume is just a small specimen of the many topics encompassed by a study of authenticity and authorship in antiquity; among others not coming under its purvey one might name, for instance, the complications arising from the difference between oral and written traditions, ancient forms of intellectual property, the role of scribes,5 or the problem of textual and editorial variants: these are all issues which have been, however, already treated at length in the past by authorities on these specific issues. This is why this book is conscious to place itself within a long, but continuously lively, tradition of studies on the subject.

A few crucial titles have been key within this tradition. Landmark studies are constituted by the works of W. Speyer and N. Brox on pseudepigraphical literature.6 The field was then explored by several Italian scholars, and in this context it is worth mentioning the volume edited by F. Roscalla, L'autore e l'opera,7 in which the contribution by D. Lanza (11-19), in particular, bearing the same title, provides a theoretical framework (taking into account anonymity, pseudepigraphy, transmission, and attribution) for the other case studies in that volume. This need for a theoretical framework also emerged strongly from F. Condello's review of Roscalla's volume.8 Beginning with Foucault's provocative question, Condello, on the basis of the premises underpinning Lanza's introductory essay to Roscalla's volume, discusses the identity and role of 'the author'.9 More recently, two volumes edited by J. Martfnez10 have dealt with the theme of fakes and forgeries, acknowledging the changed attitude towards this type of literature: scholarly focus has shifted from concern with problems of textual authenticity, and hence with isolating fakes and condemning forgers, to an interest in the cultural historical contexts and dynamics of textual production from which they emerged.

The study of authenticity, authorship, and literary authority has become a broad and diverse field encompassing subjects of wide-ranging time periods and themes; the lively scholarly attention it continues to attract is reflected in the ongoing and burgeoning activity of conferences and publications. In the so-called era of 'fake news' -- perhaps a misleading label -- and therefore the era of 'fake literature', when an erroneous attribution and the click of a mouse are enough to misdirect thousands of readers as to the authorship of a statement or even of an entire poem, a reflection on the blurring borders between non-authenticity and mistaken authorship needs necessarily to start from the Classical and Mediaeval worlds -- worlds which often had no more effective technology for defending the authority of a writer than a mere seal, a [x].11 It is in light of this contemporary concern around literary authenticity, and the long tradition of studying it, that this volume hopes to make further contributions to the wide-ranging debates on ancient authenticity and authorship.

2 Outline of the Volume

The book is divided into three sections: 'Attribution', 'Authorship', and 'Authenticity'. The chapters within each section broadly follow the chronological order of their subject-matter, although the complexity of pseudepigraphical literature, of course, prevents clear-cut chronological specificity, and many chapters necessarily deal with material stretching over several centuries. Anonymous texts, moreover, often elude sound dating. For these same reasons, the three sections have been structured primarily on thematic lines, even if this has inevitably resulted in overlapping content.

2.1 Part 1: Attribution

The first section, 'Attribution', deals with the process of ascribing a particular work to a particular author, and the reasons for doing so, from ancient to modern times: debates about ascription can be detected already in antiquity, sometimes begin to emerge only later, and in some cases continues to puzzle scholars to this day.

'Semonides or Simonides? The century-long controversy over the attribution of a Greek elegiac fragment' is Elisa Nurla Merisio's (La Sapienza-University of Rome) starting point for deeper reflection on authorship and the attribution of authorship in Archaic Greek fragmentary lyric poetry.

The paper by Linda Rocchi (University of Edinburgh) deals with the intriguing case of P. Oxy. 31.2537 (2nd/3rd century AD), a papyrus codex containing 22 lysianic [x]. In her paper, she argues that this papyrus might have been a sort of annotated catalogue of all available Lysianic speeches -- regardless of their authenticity -- and may therefore be regarded as a snapshot of the Lysianic corpus as it was known to X orat. 836a and Phot. Bibl. 262, 488b; namely, at the beginning of its formation.

Davide Massimo's (University of Oxford) paper investigates the viability of applying the label 'pseudo-Plato' to a series of epigrams variously ascribed to the philosopher Plato in ancient times, and which are now generally believed to be spurious. Focusing on the sub-group of erotic epigrams, the paper analyzes the various factors which influenced how the corpus has been slowly shaped over the centuries, and the misunderstandings, erroneous readings, and possible forgeries that have led to the ascription of these epigrams to Plato.

The aim of Pietro Zaccaria's (KU Leuven) paper is to determine the criteria used by ancient textual critics, as outlined in the lost work of Demetrius of Magnesia -- a 1st-century BC scholar, who authored a pinacographical and biographical work entitled On Poets and Writers with the Same Name -- for distinguishing homonymous writers and detecting spurious works, as well as his method of detecting pseudepigraphical works.

Latin metrical inscriptions, their authors as well as the literary works quoted in them form the core of Anna Dorotea Teofilo's (Independent Researcher) paper. She closely analyses the epitaph of an anonymous merchant found in Brundisium, Apulia [CIL IX 60 = CLE 1533] and outlines a profile of its remarkably skilled and competent -- albeit anonymous -- author.

Rosa Lorita (Independent Researcher) shows in her paper the importance of identifying composers of epigraphic texts -- especially when these relate to the government of the Roman Empire. She does so by thoroughly examining the so-called Volcei land-register [CIL X 407], a fragmentary list of properties on stone.

2.2 Part 2: Authorship

The second section. 'Authorship', explores the conceptual boundaries of the notion of authorship and the role that figures such as pupils, collaborators and scribes play in many different texts -- a role that is very often more difficult to trace than that of the original 'author' itself.

The riddle of the Theognidea is the focus of Sara De Martin's (King's College London) paper. By analyzing Theognis' place in the literary culture of the 4th century BC, as well as the reception of the Sylloge Theognidea in the imperial and Byzantine periods, the author underscores the benefits of the diachronic reception-based approach to Theognis and the Theognidean corpus, and looks at the Theognidean text as a repository for traditional wisdom.

Federica Nicolardi (University of Naples 'Federico II') explores the problem of authorship within the library of the Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum. A detailed analysis of P. Herc. 1427, which contains the inner portion (the so-called midollo) of Philodemus' On Rhetoric Book 1, leads her to a reconstruction of the history of this text. The formal aspects of this papyrus would suggest that it be included among the definitive copies preserved in the Villa; however, the much-discussed term [x] can be read in its subscriptio, as in the subscriptiones to other rolls, which would suggest it was a provisional copy.

The collection of Menandrian maxims, the Menandri Sententiae, are at the core of Elena Bonollo's (University of Udine) paper. The author aims to shed light on the interpretation of the variae lectiones characterizing the maxims that have been differentiated from their original texts, which had traditionally been all gathered under the name of the much-appreciated comic poet Menander.

Book format, authority and authorship in so-called therapeutic (medical) literature are the focus of Nicola Reggiani's (University of Parma) research. Through the investigation of medical papyri, ostraca, and parchment 'notebooks', the author analyses the concepts of authority and authorship in relation to different text-bearing objects.

Gianmario Cattaneo's (University of Turin) contribution identifies some of the authors of the Refutatio deliramentorum Georgii Trapezuntii Cretensis, a treatise attributed to Niccolo Perotti, a member of the literary circle of Cardinal Bessarion, whose famous treatise In calumniatorem Platonis was the product of a collection of authors. With the aid of other texts and epistles, Cattaneo shows clearly that the Refutatio belongs to Bessarion's 'familia', and also demonstrates the extent to which the concepts of author and authorship were blurred within the Academia Bessarionis.

2.3 Part 3: Authenticity

The third section, 'Authenticity', deals with the thorny issue of the authenticity of texts or portions of texts, and problems associated with spurious texts and forgeries.

Pietro Bertocchini (University of Padua) studies the so-called pseudo-Platonic dialogues, trying to find -- despite their heterogeneity -- potential common threads running through them. He identifies one of these commonalities in the motif-like interest in the possibility of acquiring virtue (by birth, by learning, by training or by other means) and explores the different ways in which pseudo-Platonic or spuriously Platonic dialogues deal with this highly debated Socratic theme.

Socratic authority and Platonic authorship are also the subject of Marco Donato's (Aix-Marseille University) work. The 'return to Socratism', as well as the imitatio Socratis promoted by the Academy from the last quarter of the 4th century BC, are to be sensed both in the school's work of exegesis, and in the collection of the corpus of Plato's Socratic dialogues. In order to investigate these topics, the author closely examines three pseudo-Platonic dialogues: Eryxias (or Erasistratus), Theages, and Clitophon.

Roberta Berardi (University of Oxford) investigates the much-discussed authenticity of the six epistles attributed to Demosthenes, with particular attention to the proemium to Letter 1. In order to do so, she examines the order in which the letters 1-4 (the ones explicitly composed during the exile of the orator) are preserved in the manuscript tradition, and investigates some similarities between the first introductory paragraph of Letter 1 and other proemia of Demosthenes, and also to the peculiar introductory letter to the collection of epistles attributed to Brutus.

The research of Anna Mambelli (FSCIRE Bologna/University of Strasbourg) explores pseudonymity, forgery, and pseudepigraphy within the New Testament. In her paper she analyzes the Second Epistle of Peter with a new methodological approach -- a text which was accepted into the canon of the New Testament late in the 4th century with greater hesitation than any other book, because many felt that Peter was not the original author of the work (e.g. EUs. Hist. Eccl. 3.25.3; 6.25.8).

Finally, Chiara Calvano's IIndependent Researcher) paper deals with epigraphic forgeries and the first attempts at their categorization, following increasingly rigorous epigraphic criticism in mid-16th century. The authors stresses, moreover, the importance of a new methodological approach in Jan Gruter's Corpus -- the first comprehensive publication to acknowledge the existence of epigraphic forgeries.

_______________

Notes:

1 Berardi et al. (2019).
2 The letter is dated to March 1925, and the attribution is explicit in Arendt (1963 3).
3 Foucault (1969).
4 Barthes (1967).
5 Very famous is the expression invented by Canfora: 'il copista come autore' ('the scribe as the author'), in Canfora (2002).
6 Speyer (1971) and Brox (1975).
7 Roscalla (2006).
8 Condello (2011). Excellent tools to study the topic of authenticity and authorship in antiquity from a theoretical point of view are also Ronconi (1955), Cerri (2000), D'Ippolito (2000), which discuss the terminology necessary for talking about these subjects, but also other crucial problems, such as the intentions of the author/forger in creating a pseudepigraphical work, and, further, the interesting problem of ancient and modern approaches to pseudepigraphical literature.
9 An interesting volume on the role of the 'author' is Marmodoro/Hill (2013).
10 Martinez (2012) and Martinez (2014).
11 It is difficult here not to mention the example of Galen, always very careful to claim the authorship of his own works, even to the point of composing a treatise entitled 'On my own books'.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon Oct 24, 2022 10:13 am

Part 2 of __

Part 1: Attribution

Semonides or Simonides? A Century-Long Controversy over the Authorship of a Greek Elegiac Fragment
(Simonides, fr. 8 W. = frr. 19-20 W.2)
by Elisa Nuria Merisio
From Defining Authorship, Debating Authenticity: Problems of Authority from Classical Antiquity to the Renaissance
Edited by Roberta Berardi, Martina Filosa, and Davide Massimo
© 2021 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

1 Introduction


The attribution of Archaic Greek lyric fragments proves to be complicated because of the very nature of these poems and of the way they have come down to us. The fragmentary condition of most poems -- which is often quite apparent but sometimes cannot be safely assumed because the fragment seems to be complete -- is the main difficulty in determining their authorship, both in the case of verses preserved in Late-antique anthologies or in other authors' works and in the case of the ones included in papyri discovered many centuries later, which are often incomplete and full of lacunae [gap]. An additional difficulty lies in the peculiar character of Archaic Greek poetry, which often makes modern style and content-oriented criteria unsuitable.

An elegiac fragment quoted in a Late-antique anthology and included in a papyrus found at the end of the 20th century is a case in point. The attribution process of this fragment has turned out to be complicated and highly controversial and perhaps it has not yet come to an end.

Joannes Stobaeus, a 5th-century learned compiler, quotes a poem consisting of elegiac couplets and having the lemma [x] (4.34.28) in Book 4 of his Anthologium under the rubric [x] (How life is short, miserable and full of concerns). The text, included by M.L. West in the section dubia of the first edition of Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati (West [1972]) as fr. 8 of Simonides, is quoted below:

[x]

The man from Chios said one thing best: "As is the generation of leaves, so is the generation of men". Few men hearing this take it to heart, for in each man there is a hope which grows in his heart when he is young. As long as a mortal has the lovely bloom of youth, with a light spirit he plans many deeds that will go unfulfilled. For he does not expect to grow old or die; nor when healthy does he think about illness. Fools are they whose thoughts are thus! Nor do they know that the time of youth and life is short for mortals. But you, learning this at the end of your life, endure, delighting in good things in your soul.1


At first glance, the poem seems to be complete, but the unusual presence of a pentameter at the beginning has led scholars from the Renaissance onwards to assume that at least one initial hexameter was lost. Camerarius attempted to reconstruct exempli gratia the allegedly lost line as follows: [x]2. Moreover, the particle [x] at the beginning of the first line seems to fulfil a connective function, either continuative or adversative, and not an inceptive one.3 The suggestion that one or more initial lines were discarded by Stobaeus when quoting the passage is well-grounded, since his quotations are grouped by themes and such poems often featured some 'private' information at the beginning that was not relevant considering the general character of the Anthologium.4

2 A Century-Long Authorship Controversy

However, until the publication of P. Oxy. 59.3965 in 1992 (see section 4 below), the main problem associated with this poem did not lie in its fragmentary nature but rather in its authorship. As noted above, the poem was included by West as fr. 8 of Simonides in the section dubia,5 but since the 16th century this fragment has been assigned to many different poets, leading to a century-long authorship controversy. The main reason behind this controversy lies in the name attributed by Stobaeus to the author of the couplets, i.e. [x]. The phonetic similarity of the names of two Archaic Greek poets called [x] and [x] -- the former, Semonides of Amorgos [7th century BC], being a iambic poet6 thought to have lived earlier than the latter, Simonides of Ceos [556-468 BC],7 the author of poems covering a variety of genres, including monodic poetry and epigrams -- has caused the two poets to be confused since Antiquity. While their names are still clearly distinguishable in a 1st-century BC papyrus that features works by Philodemus of Gadara,8 they overlapped at least from the 2nd century onwards, probably also owing to the phonetic phenomenon known as itacism, which began in the Hellenistic period and spread widely during the Roman Empire.9 In his Anthologium, Stobaeus himself associates the lemma [x] with both fragments for which Semonidean authorship has been firmly established (e.g. Stob. 4.34.15 = fr. 1 W. and Stob. 4.22.193 = fr. 7 W., the well-known satirical account of different types of women) and fragments which are unquestionably from works by Simonides (e.g. PMG 521 = Stob. 4.41.9 and PMG 522 = Stob. 4.51.5). Even though in the 9th century AD George Choiroboskos, a Byzantine grammarian, had pointed out the different spelling of the names of the two poets,10 the two continued to overlap over the subsequent centuries. Nor did the editors of the earliest printed collections of ancient Greek lyric poets make any distinction between the two. Stephanus ascribed all the poems having the lemma [x], including iambs, to Simonides of Ceos11, whereas Crispinus, followed by Winterton, explicitly placed the iambic poems along with the elegiac fragment among the works of the iambographer of Amorgos.12

It is worth mentioning that in 1823-1824 Giacomo Leopardi translated fr. 1 W. by Semonides and the elegiac fragment handed down by Stobaeus. The two poems, respectively Dal greco di Simonide (no. 40) and Delio stesso (no. 41),13 are included at the end of Leopardi's Canti, the collection of his poems. Following Stephanus' edition, the Italian poet always identifies 'Simonides' with the poet of Ceos, as E. Pellizer has convincingly demonstrated (see Pellizer [1976]).

In the 18th century the two poets were still confused and only in the 19th century, following the development of Classical philology in Germany, was the distinction between them more clearly established. T. Bergk once again made a conscious attempt to ascribe the disputed fragment to the iambic poet Semonides of Amorgos14 (fr. Sim. 85 in his collection Poetae lyrici Graeci). This attribution was supported by U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, who strongly argued for a Semonidean authorship in Homerische Untersuchungen (1884)15 and in Sappho und Simonides (1913),16 where he further elaborated on the topic. H. Diehl included the poem as fr. Sem. 29 in his Anthologio lyrica Graeca and W. Jaeger spoke of Bergk's attribution as 'one of the unquestionable achievements of Classical philology' in a footnote to Paideia.17 The two criteria followed by those arguing in favour of a Semonidean authorship are clearly summarized by Wilamowitz in a footnote to his 1913 work:18 (a) the thematic similarity between the disputed fragment and fr. 1 W. by Semonides - a iamb dealing with the contrast between human illusions and the griefs of life in the same protreptic tone -- that is preserved in the chapter of Stobaeus' Anthologium (4.34.15) devoted to the brevity of life, just like the elegiac fragment; (b) a style deemed 'unworthy' of Simonides.

Conversely, in the early 1930s, W.J. Oates argued strongly in favour of Simonidean authorship in his study on the influence of Simonides on Horace's poetry.19 He questions Wilamowitz's and Bergk's opinions by convincingly arguing, inter alia, that the style of elegiac poems must be investigated from different perspectives20 (this topic will be further expanded in section 3 below).

Since the 1950s, several scholars have reached widely different conclusions about the attribution of this fragment. Some have continued to argue in favour of a Semonidean authorship, including D. Babut who resorts once again to the criterion of thematic similarity, even though he admits that there are differences in style between the iambic fragment by Semonides and the disputed elegiac fragment.21 Other scholars have tried to find a solution alternative to the Semonides-Simonides pair. V. Steffen assigns the fragment to Mimnermus on the basis of the style and content similarity between this poem and the elegiac fragments by the poet of Colophon;22 J.A. Davison leaves the question unsettled and, what is more, reverses the perspective by maintaining that the thematic similarity between the two fragments might be the reason behind their attribution to the same author;23 H. Frankel (followed by H. Lloyd-Jones)24 believes that the fragment's linguistic facies is too modern to be ascribed to Semonides and assumes that it is an epigraphic funerary epigram which was assigned to Simonides, along with many others, back in Antiquity.25 As noted above, West includes the poem as fr. 8 of Simonides in the dubia section and ascribes it to a poet contemporary to Simonides of Ceos. West expands on this topic in Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus: 26 despite the Suda's testimony,27 only iambic poems have been transmitted under Semonides' name, whereas we know for sure that Simonides wrote poems in a variety of genres, including elegy. Then, West offers an objective review of all the arguments put forward in favour of a Semonidean authorship up until the early 1970s, and his analysis of the style and of the expressions used in the fragment leads him to conclude that it cannot be dated earlier than the 5th century BC.28

3 Style and Content as Attribution Criteria

The publication of P. Oxy. 59.3965 by P. Parsons in 1992 opened up new perspectives in the assessment of the elegiac fragment29 even though in some scholars' opinion the authorship question is still far from being settled. Before dealing with this new chapter in the authorship controversy related to fr. 8 W., it is worth making a few remarks about the attribution criteria followed by scholars before the publication of P. Oxy. 59.3965.

Special attention must be paid to the stylistic and formal criteria that were often used to rule out a Simonidean authorship in the late 19th century and in the early 20th century. Such criteria are based on a modern concept developed by Romanticism whereby each poet has his own individual style. In Archaic Greek poetry, however, individual style was clearly subordinated to poetic genres and, consequently, to performance occasions. In particular, as Oates pointed out,30 archaic elegy was deeply influenced by epic language31 on the one hand and by sympotic performance settings on the other32. As a result before considering the individual style of a poet, the poem in question has to be analyzed within the framework of the relevant genre. In this case, Simonides' versatility in composing in a variety of genres, forms and styles speaks for an attribution to the poet of Ceos despite the difference in style of this elegiac fragment compared to other poems whose Simonidean authorship has been firmly established. Conversely, the identification of expressions and concepts that are not attested before a given period33 is a useful criterion allowing to establish at least an approximate dating, even though it may prove misleading: for instance, the noun [x] in fr. 1 W. by Semonides is subsequently attested as late as the Imperial period.

Content was another criterion of paramount importance in trying to establish the authorship of the disputed fragment. As noted above, the thematic similarity between fr. 1 W. by Semonides and the elegiac fragment handed down by Stobaeus has been considered to be conclusive evidence in favour of a Semonidean authorship by many scholars. However, if this perspective is reversed, as Davison has done, it is worth pointing out that Archaic Greek poetry featured topoi that were reused and readapted to different performance occasions. Original topics were not an essential feature, and the authority of poetry lay in drawing upon tradition.34 Even poets like Simonides, who conveyed new messages, resorted to well-established forms and registers between the 6th and 5th century BC. Archaic poetry had a parenetic and gnomic function: the misery and 'ephemeral' nature of human existence are frequent topics, as well as human weakness vis-a-vis destiny and the gods. A pitiless picture is painted of human hopes and illusions that are bound to be soon dispelled35 to urge men to have a disillusioned view of reality and to bear the griefs of life, but this 'pessimistic' view of the human experience is combined with the celebration of bravery, art and poetry and with an invitation to enjoy the present while being aware of the precariousness of life. Although both the elegiac fragment considered and Semonides' iambic poem surely share the former perspective -- we do not know for sure whether Semonides' composition included the latter --,36 this thematic similarity must lead us to conclude not that they were written by the same author or that the two poems refer to each other, but rather that they share a common cultural background.

The poetic reuse of the well-known simile of the leaves must be read against this backdrop. The famous words uttered by Glaucus in book 6 of the Iliad37 are the first know attestation of the image. The same comparison was used by Mimnermus in fr. 2 W. and the disputed elegiac fragment features the first line of the Iliadic simile. Subsequently, this image was repeatedly reused by Greek and Latin poets.38 Interestingly enough, out of the many examples of the reuse of the Homeric simile, the elegiac fragment is the only text to quote its opening line word by word. Such feature has been sometimes regarded as evidence of a Simonidean authorship, since Simonides is known to have quoted verses by earlier poets, often for polemic purposes.39 Even though this argument sounds convincing, it does not appear conclusive.

4 P. Oxy. 59.3956: A Turning Point in the Authorship Controversy

As noted above, the publication in 1992 of P. Oxy. 59.3956, which dates back to the 2nd century AD, marked a significant turning point in the century-long controversy. Fr. 5 of the papyrus overlaps with an elegiac couplet by Simonides quoted by Plutarch.40 This detail, along with the similar content of the poems and the fact that two more passages featured in P. Oxy. 59.3965 overlap with other passages contained in P. Oxy. 22.2327, has allowed for an almost certain identification of Simonides as the author of the verses included in the two groups of papyrus fragments.41 What is more, fr. 26 of the papyrus contains eight of the 13 lines of the elegiac fragment quoted by Stobaeus. The text of fr. 20 W. 2, which contains the papyrus passages, included in the second edition of Iambi et Elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati by West, is quoted below:

[x]


The first five lines of the fragment handed down by Stobaeus, which are included as fr. 19 assigned to Simonides, just like fr. 20 above, in the second edition by West, are quoted below:

[x]5


The discovery of P. Oxy. 59.3965 seems to have settled the authorship controversy in favour of Simonides, although some scholars still disagree (see below). However, it has raised two additional questions. First, what is the relationship between the first five lines quoted by Stobaeus (fr. 19 W. 2) and the remaining eight lines making up the previous fr. 8 W.? In the papyrus, the latter lines are preceded by traces of verses that do not match those quoted in the Anthologium and, what is more, they are followed by at least eight more lines that are full of blanks (see the transcription above). Secondly, what is the relationship between this fragment and the remaining verses contained in the papyrus?

As far as the first issue is concerned, scholars agree that frr. 19 and 20 W. 2 belong to the same poem. The few readable words in the lines following the last eight lines of the fragment handed down by Stobaeus (West tried to reconstruct them by way of example)42 seem to refer to Homer again. The poet is celebrated as someone who succeeded, by means of his poetry, in defeating 'Time who tames everything' (l. 15 as reconstructed by West) and in countering the ephemeral nature of human existence, as this is described in the preceding lines by the very use of a Homeric reminiscence. Sider believes that the lines have been handed down in the right order and assumes that there has been an omission of the lemma that introduced the second group of lines in Stobaeus' manuscript tradition, an omission that led to the combination of the two passages that originally did not follow each other.43 West instead thinks that the two passages were originally inverted, with fr. 20 preceding fr. 19. 44

Several assumptions have been made concerning the relationship between these verses and the remaining verses contained in P. Oxy. 59.3965. The main contribution made by the papyrus discovery is related to the verses assigned to the Plataea elegy composed by Simonides (frr. 10-18 W. 2) and to other verses belonging to the same genre of historical elegy,45 whereas frr. 19-22 W. 2 seem to be intended for sympotic performance. As a consequence, the papyrus may contain either an anthology that includes poems belonging to various genres or passages of an edition of Simonidean works made by Alexandrian grammarians, but the whole matter is highly controversial and open to conjecture.46 Conversely, Sider suggests that frr. 19-20 W. 2 too may belong to the historical Plataea elegy, where Simonides would be acting as a new Homer who celebrates the military deeds of the Greek army by means of lasting verses, in stark contrast to other poets like Mimnermus who fail to understand the importance of this poetic genre.47

The above issues rest on the assumption of a Simonidean authorship. However, T.K. Hubbard,48 who argued in favour of a Semonidean authorship before the discovery of the papyrus -- in his opinion, the poet of Amorgos lived later than is generally believed49 -- does not think that P. Oxy. 59.3965 is conclusive evidence to assign the fragment to Simonides. The fragments contained in the papyrus cover different genres, which points to a possible post-Alexandrian anthology, considering the taxonomical precision of Alexandrian philologists. If this is the case, in all likelihood the compiler of the anthology confused the names of the two poets; alternatively, the Alexandrian compilers themselves might have confused them. Finally, the Suda's testimony that Semonides wrote elegies as well, the similarity between Semonides' fr. 1 W. and the elegiac fragment, and the close relationship between the two passages (Simonides would never 'copy' a poem by Semonides, whereas the iambographer is more likely to have turned the trimeters into elegiac meter) are all arguments in favour of Semonides' authorship put forward by Hubbard.

5 Conclusions

What, then, is the real contribution made by the papyrus? Hubbard resorts to the same criteria followed by philologists before the publication of the papyrus, criteria which have been already discussed. In this regard he wrote:

[ ... ] with the discovery of an important new literary papyrus, there is often in the rush of scholarly excitement a tendency to conclude that old controversies have been settled or that the new discovery may be of greater importance for some questions than it actually is.50


Papyri in turn raise interpretation-related issues: even when the author is mentioned, or the papyrus contains a passage preserved in the indirect tradition and whose authorship has been firmly established, or the papyrus partially overlaps with another one that features passages whose author is known,51 the papyrus sheets are highly fragmented, and it is hard to establish whether they come from the same roll. Furthermore, the transcription and reconstruction of the text are somewhat subjective and, as a result, a given interpretation of the passages cannot be based on completely certain scientific evidence.52 At any rate, common sense and a moderate degree of confidence in the available evidence, however weak, are very much needed. The reasonable words written by Parson in relation to this authorship controversy read:

It had for long been argued by some that the ascription in Stobaeus, [x], might refer to Semonides of Amorgos, known otherwise for his iambs; it was thought that the style and subject -- recalling Mimnermus -- pointed to a date earlier than the sophisticated Simonides of Ceos. Now it seems that the question is settled -- or is it? You can wriggle: perhaps these papyri represent an anthology of elegy, not the elegies of Simonides; failing that, perhaps the Alexandrian editors mixed up the two Simonides. Well, yes, perhaps and perhaps. But why struggle? The evidence of fact, however weak, should carry more weight than the evidence of style, however strong. Here, it seems to me, two factors come into play. One is the dead hand of the past. The nineteenth century created the science of antiquity; what survived of Greek literature was built into that towering positivist structure. Genres were defined, allusions recognized, literary movements constructed -- all on the basis of a few flyspecks. Now, in that general crumbling of certainties which began in 1914, we have questioned many of those categories. And yet there remains a certain attachment to the fable convenue, the painful squeezing of maximum certainty from minimum evidence. A second factor forms part of that inheritance: the romantic belief that a poet is an individual, and an individual is a style. Once again, we think in general that we know better: not style, but manner; and manner relates to genre, genre to performance, performance to occasion. But it seems to me that there continues to be an underlying assumption of unity. Now Simonides should stand as the counter-example: not one manner, but several, according to circumstance. Why should one of those manners not be a nice old-fashioned bow to Mimnermus?53


The elegiac fragment considered is a significant example of the issues associated with the attribution of Archaic Greek poems in general. Uncertainties surrounding ancient poets and their timeframes, the supremacy of poetic genres over individual styles, the recurrence of traditional topics and the highly fragmented nature of most poems must be taken into account when attempting to establish the authorship of a poem. As far as Archaic elegy is concerned, the reuse of poems in sympotic [historical] settings makes the concept of authorship even more blurred.

Keeping the above observations in mind, it is nevertheless useful to try to ascribe a poem to an author while accepting the real possibility of error. At the same time, more attention should be paid to the contribution made by each fragment to our knowledge of Archaic Greek literature at large.

_______________

Notes:

1 Transl. D. Sider.
2 Camerarius (1551). The line, freely reconstructed by the editor, was permanently included in the fragment and reprinted by most editors before Diehl: cf. Pellizer/Tedeschi (1990) 62 (in app.).
3 Denniston (1970 2) 162-3.
4 Sider (2001) 275, n. 4.
5 'Ego si non manum, at aetatem Cei sentio' [GT: 'I, if not the hand, but I feel the age of Cei'](in app.).
6 According to Suda (0446), the poet of Amorgos also wrote two books of poems in elegiac meter, but only iambic poems have been transmitted under Semonides' name.
7 Semonides is thought to have lived between the mid-8th century and the late 6th century BC; most scholars agree that he lived some time between the late 7th century and the early 6th century but, based on the scanty evidence available, Pellizer/Tedeschi (1990) ix-xvii argue that the iambographer lived in the first half of the 7th century.
8 Cf. Phld. De poematis tractatus tertius, P. Herc. 1074, fr. f, col. 31. 5 (Sbordone [1976] II 212-3): in this passage the iambographer is referred to as [x]; cf. Sider (2001) 276, n. 7.
9 Authors such as Plutarch, Strabo and Pollux do not seem to draw any distinction between the two: cf. Babut (1971) 23, n. 36.
10 Cf. Etym. Magn. 713. 16-19:[x].
11 Stephanus (1560).
12 Crispin us (1569); Wintertonus (1635). The Greek scholar and theologian Leo Allatius stands out in this attribution controversy: in the mid-17th century he carried out research about Semonides and was one of the first scholars to argue in favour of his correct identity and to distinguish him from the poet of Ceos: cf. Allatius (1664) 205-17.
13 The first line of Leopardi's translation 'Umana cosa picciol tempo dura' [GT: A human thing for a little while tough ] translates the line added by Camerarius (see section 1 above) and included by Stephanus in his own edition.
14 Whereas in the first edition (1843) the fragment is ascribed to Simonides of Ceos without any further comment (it is worth pointing out that Bergk himself never spells the names of the two poets differently, even though he draws a clear distinction between them), in the fourth edition (PLG III 425) the scholar wrote in the apparatus: 'Elegiacum hoc carmen, quod plenum atque integrum esse videtur, non dubitaverunt homines docti Ceo poetae vindicare, mihi a melici consummata arte et ingenio prorsus abhorrere videtur, itaque nescio an potius sit Amorgini, quem praeter iambos etiam elegias scripsisse constat'. [GT: This elegiac poem, which seems to be complete and complete. The learned men did not hesitate to claim the poet Ceos, me from the navel. He seems utterly abhorrent to finished art and talent, so I don't know or rather Amorginus, who besides iambics also wrote elegies it is agreed.] The same opinion is expressed in the introduction to the iambic poet's fragments (PLG II 441).
15 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1884) 352, n. 34: 'fgm. 85 des Simonides, aber von Bergk mit Recht dem Semonides zugewiesen'. [GT: 'fgm. 85 of Simonides, but rightly assigned by Bergk to Semonides'.]
16 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1913) 273-4, n. 3: 'An der Identitat des Verfassers lasst schon die innere Obereinstimmung keinen Zweifel; dass die Elegie bei Stobaeus 98,29 steht, spricht auch dafur. Und die Form ist des Keers unwurdig. Gefuhlt hat die Verwandtschaft Leopardi, der beide Stucke nebeneinander ubersetz hat'. [GT: 'On the identity of the inner agreement alone leaves no doubt about the author; the fact that the elegy is in Stobaeus 98.29 also speaks for it. And the form is unworthy of the keer. The relatives felt Leopardi, who translated both pieces side by side'.] The 'innere Ubereinstimmung' mentioned in this text refers to fr. 1 W. by Semonides. Interestingly enough, Wilamowitz considers Leopardi's translation to be evidence of a Semonidean authorship, whereas Leopardi assigned both fragments to Simonides.
17 Jaeger (1936 2) 176, n. 4: '[ ... ] die Zuruckfuhrung des Gedichts durch Bergk auf den Amorginer Semonides - es ist bei Stobaios unter dem Namen des beruhmteren Simonides von Keos uberliefert - gehort zu den gesicherten Ergebnissen philologischer Kritik'. [GT: '[ ... ] the return of the poem by Bergk on the Amorginer Semonides -- it is at Stobaios under the names of the more famous Simonides of Keos handed down -- belongs to the assured results of philological criticism'.] For an extensive bibliography on the fragment attributions until 1970 see Babut (1971) 23, n. 36.
18 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1913) 273-4, n. 3 for which see above.
19 Oates (1932) 78-79, 84-90.
20 'Wilamowitz also sees in the epic forms [x] and [x] evidence for assigning the poem to the writer of iambics. This point does not seem to be very conclusive, in that any author who was casting his composition in the elegiac form was bound to use epic word-formation, because of the close connection between the two genres of epic and elegy' (Oates [1932] 85); other less convincing arguments in favour of a Simonidean authorship advanced by Oates and previously put forward by Crusius include the information contained in two Homeric biographies that according to [x], the epic poet was born in Chios -- which does not constitute corroborative proof for several reasons -- and the fact that Homer could not have been referred to as 'the man of Chios' before Simonides' time. Oates adds one more argument, i.e. an allusion made to the elegiac fragment in Theoc. Id. 16.24, an idyll where the poet of Ceos is explicitly mentioned in the subsequent lines.
21 Babut (1971) 23-30.
22 Steffen (1955) I 35-41. He states: 'Cum Mimnermus in elegiis suis, quae amatoriae dicuntur, easdem res saepius tangere et repetere similibusque coloribus iterum atque iterum describere videatur, facile oriri potest suspicio etiam elegiam de brevitate iuventutis vitaeque agentem et vitam voluptuariam commendantem non a Semonide, sed a Mimnermo scriptam esse. Sermo pro antiquitate carminis venustus gratiosaque narratio longe abhorrent a Semonidis stilo sicco pressoque et Mimnermum potius quam Semonidem prodere videtur' (38). [GT: When Mimnermus in his elegies, which are called amorous, touching and repeating the same things often and in similar colors he seems to describe again and again, suspicion can easily arise even an elegy about the brevity of youth life agent and life recommending tourism not a Semonides, but that it was written by Mimnermus. A word for antiquity the charm of the poem and the charming narrative are far removed from Semonides with a dry and pressed style, and Mimnermus rather than Semonides seems to betray] Conversely, a Simonidean authorship is ruled out for the same reasons advanced by Wilamowitz, namely an alleged emulation of the iambographer by the poet of Ceos and a style deemed 'unworthy' of Simonides, 'cum multo ingeniosior fuerit poeta, quam ut cogitationes apud alios poetas expositas fere ad verbum repeteret' (40). [GT: when he was much more ingenious a poet, as the thoughts of other poets are expounded almost ad repeat the word]
23 Davison (1955), especially 128-40; furthermore, he doubts whether there is any direct relationship between the quotation in the elegiac fragment and the Homeric simile included in book 6 of the Iliad (see section 3 below).
24 Lloyd-Jones (1975) 97.
25 Frankel (1962 2) 237, n.14: '[ ... ] Dies elegische "Simonides" -- Fragment hat eine Sprachform die fur Semonides zu modern ist. Vielleicht ist das Gedicht ein Grabepigramm (vgl. Vs. 12), ebenso wie viele andere Elegleen die, vom Stein kopiert, nachtraglich dem Simonides (von Keos) zugeschrieben wurden'. [This elegiac "Simonides" -- fragment has a language form too modern for Semonides. Maybe it is the poem a funerary epigram (cf. vs. 12), as well as many others Elegleen which, copied from the stone, was added later to Simonides (of Keos) were attributed'.]
26 West (1974) 179-80.
27 See above.
28 West took Into account the following linguistic and stylistic elements: the habit of quoting and commenting upon a famous passage, the reference to Homer as [x], the expression [x] at I. 13 and the use of [x] at I. 14.
29 It is fair to mention that the contribution made by P. Oxy. 59.3965 had already been highlighted by Lobel, who nevertheless did not manage to publish the fragment: cf. Parsons/Rea (1981) 23 and Pellizer/Tedeschi (1990) 62 (in the app. related to the fragment). The two editors include the fragment in the spuria section by Semonides and in the introduction they clearly state that: 'Il noto frammento elegiaco che Stobeo ci ha tramandato sotto il nome di Simonide senza ulteriori spiegazioni [ ... ], nonostante le argomentazioni addotte da illustri filologi (ma la piccola "quaestio semonidea" non pote mai essere risolta in un senso o nell'altro in modo convincente) non puo essere assegnato all'Amorgino' (xxiii-xxiv). [GT: 'The well-known fragment elegiac that Stobeo handed down to us under the name of Simonides without further explanation [...], despite the arguments adduced by illustrious philologists (but the small "quaestio semonidea" does not could never be resolved one way or the other in a convincing way) cannot be assigned to the Amorgino'] For the contribution made by papyri to our knowledge of Simonidean works see Parsons (2001) 58-59.
30 See section 2 above.
31 As far as the elegiac fragment is concerned, the influence exerted by epic language is clearly shown by the apparatus of loci paralleli included in Pellizer/Tedeschi (1990) 62-64; see also the list of similar expressions and of lexical and content-related parallels in Rawles (2018) 116-7. The dependence on the Homeric poems and on Hesiod had already been highlighted in Babut (1971) 24-30.
32 Among the sympotic features of frr. 19-20 W. 2, Rawles (2018) 117-20 mentions the beginning of fr. 19 W. 2 as the answer to a traditional sympotic question ('What is best?'), the presence of a single addressee (cf. fr. 20.11-12 W. 2; [x]) and in general its nature of reflective elegy dealing with age and death.
33 See West's analysis mentioned in section 2 above.
34 Cf. Ford (1985) 83-84.
35 In addition to fr. 1 W. by Semonides and the disputed elegiac fragment, several passages of Archaic Greek poetry may be mentioned, including Mimn. fr. 2 W., Simon. PMG 520 and 521. Pind. Pyth. 8.88-97.
36 Many scholars believe that fr. 1 W. by Semonides is not complete; In particular, Frankel (1962 2) 231 thinks that the missing lines at the end of the poem might have contained an exhortation to enjoy the pleasures being offered by the symposium.
37 Hom. Il. 6.146-9: [x].
38 For an overview of all the passages featuring the simile and an analysis of its various versions see Sider (2001).
39 Cf. Sider (2001) 282; he quotes, inter alia, PMG 542 where Pittacus is mentioned and PMG 581 where Simonides criticizes the famous epigram by Cleobulus for Midas' grave. Both Sider (2001) 281-3 and Hubbard (2001) 230 (who in n. 16 refers back to his 1994 study), while assigning the fragment to Simonides and to Semonides respectively (as for Hubbard's position see below), identify the fragment as a polemic response to Mimnermus. This would be suggested by the reuse of the Homeric simile and of other Homeric expressions and terms. This interpretation is followed and expanded by Rawles (2018) 120-9, who locates Simonides' disagreement with Mimnermus within the former's broader criticism of the traditional aristocratic educational system (paideia) that implied the transmission of wisdom from the elders to the younger generations.
40 Frr. 15-16 W. 2 = Plut. De Her. mal. 42.872d.
41 Cf. Parsons (2001) 59.
42 Ll. 13-19: .......(.)] [x]; cf. West (1993) 10.
43 Cf. Sider (2001) 275-80; as rightly pointed out by Sider (276), one out of the three manuscripts containing the disputed elegiac fragment, i.e. ms. S, which belongs to the best family of manuscripts, features the first five lines that make up fr. 19 W. 2 whereas the others only contain lines 6-13 of the previous fr. 8 W.
44 Cf. West (1993) 11-14.
45 West believes that frr. 1-4 W. 2 belong to the elegy composed for the battle fought at Artemisium and frr. 8-9 W. 2 to the elegy devoted to the battle of Salamis: cf. Rutherford (2001) 33-38.
46 Cf. Rutherford (2001) 33-34.
47 Cf. Sider (2001) 285-6. Rawles (2018) 111-3 has recently taken up again the issue of whether frr. 19 and 20 W. 2 belong to the Plataea elegy. He argues against their coming from the same poem as the Plataea fragments; conversely, he thinks that they are part of a sympotic composition unrelated to historical elegy [a poem of serious reflection, typically a lament for the dead].
48 Cf. Hubbard (2001).
49 In Hubbard's opinion the right dating is 'late sixth-century'; for Semonides' chronology see 2 above.
50 Cf. Hubbard (2001) 231.
51 For these 'objective' criteria see Gargiulo (2011) 70-71.
52 Cf. Parsons (2001) 60-61.
53 Cf. Parsons (2001) 62.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Part 1 of 2

Greek Readers' Digests (Again)? Some Lysianic [x] on P. Oxy. 31.2537
Linda Rocchi

From Defining Authorship, Debating Authenticity: Problems of Authority from Classical Antiquity to the Renaissance
Edited by Roberta Berardi, Martina Filosa, and Davide Massimo
© 2021 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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1 Introduction

Over the last two centuries, Egypt has been the scene of a great number of excavations which have enormously increased our knowledge of Greek literature and culture, and Attic oratory makes no exception. What immediately leaps out, however, is that this remarkable season was quite grudging of findings of works of the logographer Lysias, especially considering the number of papyri devoted to the work of the other two 'giants' of Classical Athenian oratory, Isocrates and Demosthenes.1

The copious number of speeches written by the most prolific among the ancient orators seems to have amounted to the astonishing figure of at least 233 orations.2 Nevertheless, during the history of its transmission, this collection suffered severe reductions, to the effect that only 35 of these speeches have survived to the present day.3

The extant Lysianic papyri, despite being only 10, have proven to be a unique source of information on what the corpus of Lysias might have been before it was cut down to what it is today:4 as Obbink (2005) 104 pinpointed, while the Demosthenic and Isocratic papyri preserve, for the vast majority, known speeches of these authors, among the papyri containing the work of Lysias known orations 'are significantly outnumbered by papyri of Lysian speeches that did not survive antiquity'.

The place of honour among papyri dealing with unknown speeches, at least in terms of numbers, is certainly held by P. Oxy. 31.2537:5 this leaf of papyrus codex, dated palaeographically to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century AD, contains the [x] of at least 18 Lysianic speeches which were previously unknown to us -- or known just from the title and small quotations in lexicographers -- plus the summaries of four other speeches6 preserved in Pal. gr. 88 as well, for a remarkable total of 22 items.

The aim of the present article, which is part of the work done on the original papyrus over a six-month period at the University of Reading, will be that of analyzing some relevant passages in order to make some inferences on the original purpose and readership of this document. We will seek, firstly, to understand how these summaries were composed, with the purpose of narrowing down the kind of information in which the compiler -- and thus his public -- appeared to be more interested. Secondly, through a comparison of the differences and similarities between this set of summary and other ancient works labelled as such, this study will attempt to put P. Oxy. 31.2537 in its right position within the broader category of the [x] as a (sub)literary genre.7

In the hope of having achieved a satisfactory result, it might be worth highlighting the only certain and fundamental point in this discussion: whatever the exact original purpose of this peculiar list of summaries was, neither the permanent loss of the rest of the codex, nor the dramatically damaged state of the only surviving leaf of this manuscript had been able to obliterate the fact that, from 5th-century Athens to the Graeco-Roman Egypt, the interest in the text of Lysias, the brilliant metic logographer [In anc. Gr. lit., a prose-writer; especially, a historian; a chronicler; one who writes history in a condensed manner with short simple sentences.] that more than any other orator had been capable of portraying the everyday life of his adoptive country, was alive and well. And, judging from the substantial amount of speeches summarized in this papyrus which did not make it to the Mediaeval tradition, even more prosperous and flourishing than it was ever going to be in the centuries to come.

2 The Papyrus

Before briefly exploring the contents of this papyrus, it appears necessary to say a few words on the material state of this document. The codex from which P. Oxy. 31.2537 derives was compiled by a clearly experienced hand in what Turner/Parsons ([1987] 22) define 'formal mixed'.8 This means that whoever commissioned the manuscript was able to pay a professional scribe to produce it. The papyrus is written both on the recto [the side of a leaf (as of a manuscript) that is to be read first; a right-hand page] and on the verso [the side of a leaf (as of a manuscript) that is to be read second; a left-hand page], as is normally expected for a codex, and is 24.5 cm in height and 9.5 cm in breadth, 'with margins of c. 0.5 cm at the top and c. 2 cm at the bottom' (Rea [1966] 23).

The recto is comparatively in better conditions than the verso, but the original number of lines -- 48 on the recto and 45 on the verso -- is preserved on both sides. The break which runs down the margin appears too clear to suggest that there was more than one column per page (cf. Rea (1966] 23), and although the possibility cannot be completely discarded, it should be noted that a format with two columns on each page 'is used somewhat rarely in papyrus codices' (Turner [1977] 35), and is on the contrary more commonly employed in parchment ones. Moreover, if the smudged spot of ink on the top margin of the verso is to be interpreted as a trace of a page number (cf. Rea [1966] 23), it is worth bearing in mind that the top centre of the page was a preferred position for this kind of information (cf. Turner/Parsons (1987] 16): if there had been another column, the page number would have probably been between the two columns, and it would have been now completely devoured by the wide lacuna on the top margin of the page.

3 The Contents

These 22 Lysianic summaries are divided into seven sections according to the legal procedure,9 and are grouped together regardless of the supposed authenticity of the speech: the first section, which realistically started in the now lost previous page and was probably concerned with trials [x], 'for violence', contained at least two speeches, while the second section deals with four speeches of the [x] type, 'for slander', none of which is indisputably attributed to Lysias. The third subdivision, devoted to five speeches [x]. 'for ejection', occupies the bottom section of the recto and the top one of the verso, and is followed by two speeches whose typology is unknown, but which possibly represent cases of [x], 'exchange of properties'. The two following sections encompass, respectively, five speeches [x], 'for deposit', and three ~[x], 'for usurpation of civic rights', while the last one contained seven speeches of unknown type, of which only one is partially readable at the end of the verso.

Despite its fragmentary state, then, it is clear that P. Oxy. 31.2537 presents many features of interest. As was briefly mentioned above, this papyrus contains the summaries of many speeches that, although evidently still circulating in 2nd century Egypt, were previously unknown to us, or only partially known by the title or brief quotations in ancient lexica. What is particularly interesting, however, is that among the material presented in this papyrus -- both known and unknown speeches -- there are several orations whose authorship is uncertain.

4 Some Instructive Examples

One subdivision in particular can help to illustrate the compiler's modus operandi in arranging the material, and to gather information on his summarizing style: the section containing speeches on slander (II. 6-29 recto). This section encompasses four speeches: two speeches [x], summarized together (II. 6-15), the speech [x] (II. 16-22), and the speech [x] (II. 23-29). These four speeches appear together also in Pal. gr. 88, but in the reverse order.10

Let us first consider the summary of the two speeches [x] (Lys. 10-11), As was only briefly touched upon earlier, this [x] is, strictly speaking, a Doppel-[x], dealing both with Lys. 10 and Lys. 11 as two distinct Lysianic speeches.11 Scholars generally agree in considering Lys. 11 the epitome of Lys. 10: 12 Harpocration himself seems to be aware of the existence of the longer version of the speech only,13 and he does not even regard it without suspicion as an authentic Lysianic work.14 It might also be noted, in passing, that the fact that both the speeches are included in this set of summaries indicates the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century AD as the terminus ante quem [GT: term before he] for the undue inclusion of Lys. 11 in the corpus.15

The speech [x] (Lys. 9) is quoted once by Harpocration with the indication [x]16 and, although it is the second item in a series of orations under a heading that specifically reads as [x], it shines through the whole speech that this trial does not deal with a [x] at all.17

Similarly, the inclusion of the speech [x] 18 (Lys. 8) among the [x] is, as with Lys. 9, primarily a matter of vague thematic affinity.19 The oration is defined by Todd (2007) 541 'the oddest of the speeches in the corpus of Lysias, and possibly of any Attic Orator', not least because it does not appear to be a forensic speech at all, it is not likely to have been written by Lysias, and there are even solid reasons to doubt that it was written during Lysias' lifetime. Accordingly, then, the oration is never mentioned by Harpocration.


Valerius Harpocration, was a Greek grammarian of Alexandria, probably working in the 2nd century AD. He is possibly the Harpocration mentioned by Julius Capitolinus (Life of Verus, 2) as the Greek tutor of Lucius Verus (2nd century AD); some authorities place him much later, on the ground that he borrowed from Athenaeus.

Harpocration's Lexicon of the Ten Orators, which has come down to us in an incomplete form, contains, in more or less alphabetical order, notes on well-known events and persons mentioned by the orators, and explanations of legal and commercial expressions. As nearly all the lexicons [dictionaries] to the Greek orators have been lost, Harpocration's work is especially valuable. Amongst his authorities were the writers of Atthides (histories of Attica), the grammarian Didymus Chalcenterus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and the lexicographer Dionysius, son of Tryphon. The book also contains contributions to the history of Attic oratory and Greek literature generally.

The Collection of Florid Expressions, a sort of anthology or chrestomathy [a collection of selected literary passages (usually from a single author); a selection of literary passages from a foreign language assembled for studying the language; or a text in various languages, used especially as an aid in learning a subject.] attributed to him by the Suda, is lost, but elements of it survive in later lexica. A series of articles in the margin of a Cambridge manuscript of the Lexicon forms the basis of the Lexicon rhetoricum Cantabrigiense by Peter Paul Dobree.

-- Harpocration, by Wikipedia


Another speech, [x] (II. 8-11 verso), the fifth and last speech in the section devoted to [x], is also regarded as dubious by Harpocration.20 Moreover, if the supplement [x], tentatively put forward by Rea (1966) 37 and highly consistent with the traces on the papyrus, is accepted in I. 43 verso, there would be here yet another oration of unknown legal typology on whose paternity Harpocration ([x] 25 K.) was unsure.

As for the other speeches, either they are so fragmentary that it is not possible to link them to any (partially) known speech, or, when the title is readable, the speech does not seem to be mentioned by Harpocration at all. At this point it should be sufficiently clear that the papyrus features many speeches on which Harpocration was, at best, suspicious. The presence of these speeches, and of several new ones, raises questions not only on the substance of this manuscript when it was still intact, but also -- and perhaps more interestingly -- on the real nature of this papyrus and the purpose for which it was originally compiled.

The first impression is that the compiler is clearly not making a selection: the presence of new and dubious speeches suggests that he was not aware of -- or simply not interested in -- matters of authenticity. It seems, on the contrary, that he was compiling a list, some sort of annotated catalogue of all the speeches by Lysias which were available at his time.

The impression is reinforced by the presence, on II. 24-28 verso, of a [x]. The existence of a Lysianic speech homonymous [having the same name.] to Isocr. 17 is assured by Photius (a 2030 Th.), who quotes, in this respect, the verb [x], which does not appear anywhere in the Isocratic text.
21 Whether there existed two different speeches -- one by Lysias and one by Isocrates22 -- written for the two parties in the same lawsuit, or not, is perhaps open to question, although enough evidence that this had actually been the case has been put forward quite conclusively by Trevett (1990). What matters most for the present purpose is that, since -- as will be further explored -- there does not seem to be any kind of critical approach from the part of the epitomizer [One who abridges or summarizes; a writer of an epitome.], it appears safe to assume that he had a [x], clearly labelled as the work of Lysias, available, and included it, as it seems, without questions. Furthermore, the impression that the compiler was indeed making a list appears to be encouraged also by the format of the document: the papyrus is organized in seven different sections, and each one is labelled under a heading, clearly stating the legal charge and the number of speeches summarized in each group.23 Evidently, therefore, this feature adds up to the others and inevitably makes this catalogue look even more like a list.

There is, however, another criterion that should be taken into account in analyzing the original purpose of this manuscript: the style. As a matter of fact, the way in which this papyrus is written and organized, and the decisions the compiler made on the kind of information that should have been included and the one that should have been left out, sharply distinguish this papyrus from any other work containing summaries of speeches. There are, indeed, quite a few other ancient documents, characterized as [x], related to rhetorical works, which ought to be analyzed to evaluate differences and similarities between them, and to consider whether P. Oxy. 31.2537 fully fits in this category or not. In her 1998 book, Van Rossum-Steenbeek analyzed a selection of ancient summaries, comparable under many aspects to the ones in P. Oxy. 31.2537, and came to the conclusion that the [x] she surveyed were meant to be read along with, and not instead of, the original texts. However, the possibility that the list of summaries contained in P. Oxy. 31.2537 was actually meant to function as a Greek Readers' Digest, thus sparing the ancient reader the struggle of reading the torrential work Lysias in its full-length version, cannot be completely discarded.

Strictly speaking, the first known [x] to a Lysianic speech is to be found in Dionysius of Halicarnassus' critical work on the orator,24 where the argument to the speech is given prior to the actual text of the oration 'to make it clear whether [Lysias] employed a proper and pertinent opening'.
25 Perhaps even more significant for the present study -- due to the fact that they are, as P. Oxy. 31.2537, original ancient documents -- are the [x] to Dem. 21 in P. Lond. lit. 179 (1st-2nd century AD), which Gibson (2002) 201 aptly defines as 'a rhetorical prologue and commentary' which shows 'predominantly rhetorical interests",26 and the two[x] to Isocr. 1 and 2 placed before their respective speeches in P. Kell. 3 gr. 95 (4th century AD), probably the work of a schoolteacher,27 which "offer simplistic summaries of the speeches that would serve nicely as brief introductions to the speeches for early readers' (McNamee [2001] 907-8). Other later [x] are the ones put together by Libanius in the 4th century AD, whose 'scholarly and pedagogical agenda' (Gibson [1999]172) is clear, given the fact that the rhetorician himself describes his work as a preparatory reading, i.e. an introduction to Demosthenes' speeches; the [x] to Isocrates found in the extant Mediaeval manuscripts and ascribed to Zosimus (5th-6th century AD), whose context is plainly scholastic and introductory; and the ones in the Mediaeval tradition of Demosthenes28 and Isaeus, clear products of rhetorical schools, as the insistence on Hermagoras' stasis theory goes to show.29

Stasis-theory seeks to classify rhetorical problems (declamation forensic and deliberative situations) according to the underlying dispute that each involves.1 Such a classification is of interest to the practising rhetor, since it may help him identify an appropriate argumentative strategy; for example, patterns of argument appropriate to a question of fact (did the defendant do what is alleged?) may be irrelevant in an evaluative dispute (was the defendant justified in doing that?).

Ancient rhetoricians did not always agree on how to classify a given problem. Consider the case of the adulterous eunuch. A husband may kill an adulterer in the act; a man finds a eunuch in bed with his wife and kills him; he is charged with homicide. According to Hermogenes, the stasis is definition: the facts are agreed, and the dispute is about how to categorise those facts.2 Whatever the eunuch was up to, it was clearly not a fully-fledged instance of adultery; it (and indeed he) lacked something arguably essential to that crime. Is this 'incomplete' adultery nevertheless to be classed as adultery? If so, then the killing is covered by the law on adultery; if not, the killing is unlawful. But the case could also be interpreted as counterplea (antilepsis).3 Counterplea is a form of the stasis of quality, in which the defence maintains that the act for which it is charged is lawful in itself. For example: a rhetor's encomium on death is followed by a rash of suicides; he is charged with crimes against the public interest (demosia adikemata), and defends himself by arguing that he broke no law in practising his profession.4 On this analysis of the adulterous eunuch, the husband's appeal to the law of adultery is seen as determining the stasis as counterplea without further ado.

Disagreement over the classification of a rhetorical problem raises the question of how stasis is in general to be ascertained. According to Hermogenes, one must inspect the krinomenon: if that is unclear, the stasis is conjecture (36.8-9); if it is clear but incomplete, the stasis is definition (37.1-2); if it is complete, the stasis is quality (37.14-15), which in turn has manifold subdivisions. However, Hermogenes does not tell us what the krinomenon is or how one identifies it. The krinomenon also figures in the alternative analysis of the adulterous eunuch, where it is linked to two other concepts, aition and sunekhon, which make no appearance in Hermogenes. We know that the triad aition-sunekhon-krinomenon goes back to Hermagoras (fr. 18 Matthes); but the significance of the terms in his system is uncertain,5 and (as we shall see) in subsequent sources they are used in strikingly inconsistent ways. This paper attempts to trace the history of these and related terms, and conceptions of the fundamentals of stasis-theory from Hermagoras on.

_______________

Notes:

1 For an overview of stasis-theory see D. Russell, Greek Declamation (Cambridge, 1983), 40-73; G. Kennedy, Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton, 1983), 73-86; L. Calboli Montefusco, La dottrina degli status nella retorica greca e romana (Hildesheim, 1986); and my commentary on Hermogenes [x] (Oxford, forthcoming).

2 See Hermogenes 60.19-61.3 Rabe. This case is found also in Sen. Contr. 1.2.23. A simpler variant in which the eunuch is prosecuted for adultery (RG 5.158.12-15, 7.217.21-4; Syrianus II 114.1 Rabe) is evidently definition.

3 See RG 5.158.8-159.6 Walz.

4 See RG 8.407.14-16; the same case with a philosopher is found in Fortunatianus, RLM 92.26-9 Halm.

5 See D. Matthes, 'Hermagoras von Temnos', Lustrum 3 (1958), 58-214, esp. 166-78 (with references to earlier literature). More recently: K. Barwick, 'Augustinus Schrift De Rhetorica und Hermagoras von Temnos', Philologus 105 (1961), 97-110; id., 'Zur Erklarung und Geschichte der Staseislehre des Hermagoras von Temnos', Philologus 108 (1964), 80-101; id. 'Probleme in den Rhet. LL Ciceros und der Rhetorik des sogenannten Auctor ad Herennium', Philologus 109 (1965), 57-74; J. Adamietz, M. F. Quintiliani Institutionis Oratoriae Liber III (Studia et Testimonia Antiqua 2, Munich, 1966), 206-21; L. Calboli Montefusco, 'La dottrina del KPINOMENON', Athenaeum 50 (1972), 276-93.
 
-- The Substructure of Stasis-Theory from Hermagoras to Hermogenes, by Malcolm Heath, The Classical Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 1 (1994), pp. 114-129, 1994


What all these texts -- slightly different in length,30 predominant interest, and target readership -- have in common is, without exception, their subsidiary nature in relation to the original text and a didactic tone which are, in more than one occasion, undoubtedly patent [patents: archaic: accessible, exposed]: two shared features that, despite the homogeneity shining through these sources, do not seem to be constitutive parts of P. Oxy. 31.2537 as well. In this document, in fact, there is nothing to suggest that a subsequent reading of the actual speeches was encouraged by this set of [x]: it does not seem to serve as an introduction which aims at a better understanding of the Lysianic text, and no pedagogical or explanatory purpose can be envisaged. As a matter of fact, they appear to be a product concluded in itself, created to give a thorough, clear, and succinct overview of Lysias' (presumed) production, with no other aim but completeness.

Once again, the section devoted to speeches on slander (II. 6-29 recto) can help to illustrate this point.

The summary of Lys. 8 (II. 23-29) is the least useful to the purpose of the present study, and this is mainly due to the poor conditions of the papyrus in this section. This is particularly unfortunate, since the compiler's approach to such difficult a text would have given us further hints on his working principles. Nevertheless, a few useful clues still manage to emerge. First, the scribe or his source evidently recognized the [x] as a key aspect of this controversy: Rea's (1966) 27 suggestion [x] at I. 24 seems, indeed, the only possible reading of the traces. Second, as was already noted by the editor princeps Rea (1966) 30, 'it is clear that the hypothesis states the situation in the most general terms and makes no attempt to explain the very tangled transactions which made the speaker resign from his club': no personal names -- which, contrariwise, abound in the second part of the speech -- seem to be stated, and there is no mention of the pledging of the horse, which was a quite decisive aspect in the speaker's gradual epiphany of his associates' dishonesty. As is seems, then, the compiler is trying to keep it simple and straight to the main issue: the speaker was slandered by his companions [x who apparently said that he was associating with them against their will ([x] at I. 26).31

The [x] of Lys. 9 (II. 16-22), the speech on behalf of the soldier, which is, to some extent, vague and necessarily poor in details, deserves nevertheless our attention by virtue of some intriguing and yet overlooked aspects. First of all, together with the [x] of the speeches [x] (II. 6-15), these seven lines form part of the best-preserved portion of the papyrus. Secondarily -- and more importantly -- this [x] is entirely concerned with the narration of the events, that indeed seems to have been, in light of what is possible to infer from the extant text, the chief concern throughout the whole papyrus. This favourable concurrence of events adds to the fact that the [x] at issue deals with an extant speech, making it possible to outline, on the one hand, the relationship between the summary and its respective speech, and on the other hand, the compiler's synthesizing techniques. Gathering this kind of information on a fragmentary text is extremely useful precisely because, although the results are thoroughly verifiable only in uncommon occasions such as the present one, the general recognizable guidelines can reasonably be extended to the rest of the text as well.32

What clearly emerges from the analysis of this summary is that, although precise verbal coincidences33 suggest that the compiler was working with a text of the speech which was, if not identical, at least closely related to the one that represented the origin of the existing Mediaeval tradition, there was at least one attempt to provide the reader with a slightly reworked version, whose main purpose was probably to make explicit aspects of the plot which were implicit in the narrative of the original speech.34 Evidence of this way of proceeding can be easily tracked down in the very first line of the [x], where the compiler makes clear that the speaker had just got back from a previous military expedition: this detail, central to the understanding of the soldier's rash reaction towards the magistrates, is never specifically stated in the speech, but it is, without much effort, deducible from the narrative. This seems to suggest that the compiler, albeit not interested in matters of authorship and authenticity, at least wanted to get the story straight.

It could be argued, at this point, that the scribe might have tried to make patent some details of the narrative as a way of helping the reader during the examination of the actual speech. But the details he underlines, as was said, are easily evincible [to display clearly: reveal]: he never adds new information. Although, admittedly, the compiler's remarks could help the reader reach a better understanding of the text of the orations, this appears to be more of a side effect than the chief purpose: the scribe's primary concern is not much to clarify the text, but rather to relate plainly the contents of the speeches in what appears to be a literary product conceived as a means of knowing what is in the speech without actually reading it.


Another possible clue which might corroborate this impression -- that of a compiler who sometimes deduces details from the speeches and inserts them in his own narrative to make it flow more smoothly and concisely -- could be glimpsed through a confusion on personal names in I. 17, the first of this summary, where the speaker, Polyaenus, is identified as Callicrates. This confusion, for once, could be not entirely the compiler's fault, but rather arise from an abstruse remark in Lys. 9.5, where the speaker informs the jury that the magistrates apparently threatened to imprison him, [x], 'saying that "Polyaenus has been in town for no less time then Callicrates"'.35 As it is, the sentence admittedly makes little sense and is undeniably easy to misunderstand: what the speaker is clumsily trying to say is that the magistrates found his complaints meaningless, because Callicrates, presumably a fellow-conscript, had been residing in the city after his last campaign for the same -- or even a shorter -- period of time as the speaker, Polyaenus.36 Evidently the compiler, while trying to extrapolate from the text the defendant's name in order to set it out in front of the wondering reader, jumped to the wrong conclusion.37

The summary of Lys. 10-11 (II. 6-15) -- which is the longest in the preserved section of this codex38 -- represents one of the most interesting sections of P. Oxy. 31.2537. The compiler, after a brief statement on the only relevant event,39 devoted the longer section of this [x] to highlighting the only notable discrepancy between the two speeches at issue. Half of this summary (II. 10-15) is indeed solely committed to the mention of the difference between father's and son's ages in the two speeches: in the first one, at the moment of his father's death the speaker was 13 years old and the father 67,40 whereas in the second one, the speaker was 12 and the father 70.41 None of Lysias' client's refutation of Theomnestus' argument and none of his rather detailed remarks on legal terminology (cf. §§16-19) -- which probably played a central role in his rebuttal -- has made it to the [x] of this speech. Nonetheless, this dearth of information does not feel particularly striking if the nature of the text provided by this papyrus is taken into account: even a brisk reading goes to show that this document is not primarily concerned with any kind of 'rhetorical analysis' (Rea [1966] 25), but rather it aims to underline the main elements of the plot, in order to help the reader understand the gist of the trial.

In light of what has been said, it might appear surprising that, in this instance, there appears to be an attempt to depart from the nitty-gritty of the situation and give some sort of comment on a detail in the text of the speeches. It should be noted, however, that this remark is connected to a discrepancy relevant not much in itself, as a textual feature separate from the recounted facts, but rather in its implications for the content of the speeches, namely the chronological frame enclosing the events. Moreover, the fact that the ages do not match in the two speeches (II. 12- 13 [x]) represents indeed the only difference between them, at least when considering the plot: this detail, then, could have been used as a sort of identifying mark to tell the speeches apart -- or even as a kind of 'trivia' information.

5 Further Evidence: The Speeches For Euthynus against Nicias (II. 18-24 verso)

The idea of a compiler chiefly interested in the narrative plot of the speeches, strongly suggested by the style of the summaries thus far examined, seems to be supported also by a very interesting parallel: that between the double [x] of the speeches [x] (II. 18-24 verso) and the summary of Isocr. 21, the speech [x], found in Stephanus Skylitzes' 12th-century commentary on Aristotle's Rhetoric.42

As was probably the case with the [x],43 Lysias and Isocrates had acted as logographers44 for the two opposing parties in the same lawsuit -- Lysias for the defence and Isocrates for the prosecution. It is quite obvious, then, that the background story is the same for both speeches, as is confirmed also by the fact that Rea (1966) 36 was able to supplement the first three lines of the Lysianic [x] on the basis of Isocr. 21. This summary, as usual, does not strive to collect details useful for a rhetorical analysis of the text, but rather to relate plainly and straightforwardly the salient elements of this litigation. Interestingly, it seems possible that the last part of the [x] was devoted, as in the double [x] in II. 6-15 recto, to the mention of the most notable -- at least to the compiler's mind -- differences between the two speeches summarized here. Indeed, in I. 22 there seems to be a reference to the fact that in one of the speeches the orator, possibly Euthynus,45 spoke ill of Isocrates46 ([x]):47 once again, a nice 'fun fact' about the speech at issue. Leaving aside the implications of this remark on Isocrates, which would deserve a specific discussion of its own,48 it is important to notice, here, that the summarizing techniques employed by the compiler of P. Oxy. 31.2537 seem to share some revealing similarities with the summary of Isocr. 21 put together by Stephanus.

While commenting on a passage in Arist. Rh. 1392 b 14-15, a section embedded within a discussion on possible and impossible used in arguments from probability,49 Stephanus offers a brief summary of Isocrates' Against Euthynus50 to explain Aristotle's use of a quotation from this speech.51 Stephanus' summary, like the ones featured in our papyrus, is quite clearly mainly focused on the actual events from which the trial arose. Now, since Stephanus is commenting on Aristotle, and not on Isocrates, his summary of the speech probably did not aim to encourage or make easier a further reading of the Isocratic speech: its purpose was just that of giving to the reader an idea of the contents of the speech, without actually having to read it, to understand what Aristotle was talking about.

The fact that the information, the wording, and the structure of Stephanus' summary are quite similar to the ones presented by the summary of the Lysianic speech encompassed in these lines could represent further evidence for the fact that the list of [x] compiled here might be a sort of annotated catalogue, whose purpose was the same as Stephanus' summary: make the reader aware of the contents while saving him the struggle of reading the original work, just like the modern Readers' Digest.

6 Conclusions

When it was still intact, P. Oxy. 31.2537 must have been a truly remarkable document. As a matter of fact, when one considers that only one leaf of that codex, retrieved by chance from a rubbish heap in Egypt, has handed down to posterity the plot of 22 speeches by Lysias,18 of which were previously unknown, it seems quite likely that almost all the other pages had been equally rich in new information on the work of the logographer.52

But 'quantity' does not necessarily mean 'quality', and the fact that the compiler of P. Oxy. 31.2537 does not seem concerned with '[x]-related' problems has been repeatedly pinpointed during the examination of this material: at least four [x], and potentially even more, were not furnished with Harpocration's seal of approval, and were nonetheless featured in this collection.

Rea (1966) 24-25 rightly pointed out that there is a possibility for Harpocration to have been in Oxyrhynchus during the rule of Marcus Aurelius. It is also likely that, along with his host, Valerius Pollio, and his host's son, Valerius Diodorus, the lexicographer had been part of a coterie of intellectuals with a strong interest in Attic oratory53 which revolved around the middle-Egyptian region. The presence of this 'centre for oratorical studies' right in 2nd-century Oxyrhynchus could lead the reader into thinking that there could have been a link between that group of scholars and the set of [x] collected in P. Oxy. 31.2537. This, however, does not seem to be the case. As Turner (1952) 92 clarifies, in fact, 'for their work such persons would not be content with less than the best available texts of Classical authors', and the summaries presented in this papyrus not only do not seem to fit in this description themselves, but also appear to be derived from a collection of Lysianic speeches which had nothing to do with the erudite discussions on authenticity that were realistically going on in Valerius Pollio's house.


Valeri Pollio (in Latin Valerius Pollio) was a Greek philosopher of the School of Alexandria.

He lived in the time of the emperor Hadrian and was the father of the philosopher Diodorus of Alexandria. It appears mentioned in the Suides as Πωλίων.

-- Valeri Pollio, by Wikipedia


Moreover, along with the fact that the compiler of these [x] seems completely oblivious of questions of authorship, he also appears to neglect any kind of rhetorical analysis of the speech at issue. This lack of interest is particularly intriguing precisely because, on the contrary, a rhetorical examination of the key aspects of the speeches manifests itself as a prominent feature of other known summaries of rhetorical material: for instance, Libanius' [x] to the speeches of Demosthenes, put together for 'the elderly and ill-fated proconsul of Constantinople, Lucius Caelius Montius' (Gibson (1999] 173) around 352 AD, and the summaries found in the Mediaeval manuscripts of the works of Isocrates, Isaeus, and Demosthenes all appear to be introductory works, clear products of the rhetorical school, and influenced deeply by the rhetorical stasis theory outlined by Hermagoras (mid-2nd century BC). It could be argued that perhaps the [x] as a genre developed over time, and that the summaries contained in P. Oxy. 31.2537, being older than the ones just mentioned, were also, in a way, more rudimentary. Nevertheless, to undermine this assumption it is sufficient to examine P. Lond. lit. 179, a papyrus dated to the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD which contains the summary of the Dem. 21 and shows interests similar to the one presented by the later [x] mentioned above. P. Kell. 3 gr. 95 (4th century AD) is, under many aspects, similar to P. Oxy. 31.2537, and seems to have been produced in a school context, a fact that could suggest a similar context for our papyrus as well. Nevertheless, despite its similarities with P. Oxy. 31.2537 -- namely, the codex-format and the brevity of the summaries -- P. Kell. 3 gr. 95 is remarkably different precisely in those characteristics which make it more likely to be a school text aimed at encouraging a subsequent reading of the speeches it summarizes: the [x] are followed by the original speeches, and the speeches themselves are accompanied by some simple marginal comments.54 Moreover, P. Kell. 3 gr. 95 seems to share with the other documents containing [x] a subsidiary nature in relation to the original text and a patent pedagogical intention: two features that, as was highlighted above, do not seem to be sought for by the compiler of P. Oxy. 31.2537. 55

The only elements that appear to interest him, in fact, are the ones connected to the plot, the relation of the events relevant to the trial: once again, the section on [x] has been particularly helpful in understanding this point, mainly because the conclusions drawn on the summarizing method of the compiler had been positively verified on the original version of the text -- or at least a version that was really close to the text as it was transmitted thanks to Pal. gr. 88 56 -- and consequently applied more in general to the remaining [x].

The impression that the compiler was particularly keen on relating, plainly and simply, only the facts relevant to the trial seems supported by the fact that even in the (very few) instances in which some sort of departure from the heart of the matter can be detected, the information provided could be explained as a sort of curiosity, a 'fun fact' that manifests itself as the most notable aspect of the situation. Interestingly, these remarks appear precisely in the two couples of 'double-[x]' featured in this collection: on the one hand, the discrepancy in the ages of father and son in the two speeches [x] (II. 11-16 recto), which represents, in practice, the only real difference between the two (at least with regard to the plot); on the other hand, in the speech [x] (II. 18- 23 verso), the curious remark that someone apparently spoke ill of Isocrates the speechwriter (II. 22-23 verso). These details, then, could easily be explained as a service to the reader to distinguish between two speeches which dealt with the exact same situation.

However, once the structure of these summaries has been examined and a subsidiary or introductory nature in relation to the full-length versions of the speeches is ruled out, a central question, that of the original purpose and destination of this collection of summaries, is still left unanswered. If the aim that Van Rossum-Steenbeek (1998) 161 identified for the selection of [x] she analyzed was, consistently, that of accompanying, clarifying, and commenting on the texts they were related to, but P. Oxy. 31.2537 does not fit in this category, in which category does it fit instead?

The short and honest answer to this question is, of course, that it is impossible to know for sure. What is possible, however, is to try nonetheless and sift through some tentative suggestions. One of the most striking aspects that comes to mind, while considering P. Oxy. 31.2537, is undoubtedly its relative similarity with the inventories of books on papyri analyzed by Puglia (2013) which, in fact, 'sono quasi sempre modesti e semplici' [GT: 'I am almost always modest and simple'], and reveal 'scopi per lo piu pratici e non filologici' [GT: 'scope for the most practical and non-philological'] (p. 4), just like the [x] collected on P. Oxy. 31.2537. Moreover, although many of them appear to have been produced for private use, thus presenting a slapdash format which has nothing to do with the neat arranging of the material on P. Oxy. 31.2537, there are nevertheless some notable exceptions such as, for instance, P. Ross. Georg. 1.22, which is written more roughly but, as our document, appears to be featured on a piece of papyrus that was not re-used, but was meant exactly for the purpose of compiling these inventories.57 The idea of an inventorial destination for P. Oxy. 31.2537 could indeed be fitting, also because the compiler, as was said, does not appear to be making a selection, but rather a list of all the putative works of Lysias at his disposal, since he includes a great deal of items regardless of their authenticity (cf. above). As Canfora (1995) 166 emphasizes, for the speeches of the Attic Orators 'non c'era stata [ ... ] la determinazione [ ... ] di un testo "ufficiale"' [GT: 'Not there had been [...] the determination [...] of an "official" text '], and the fact that in 2nd-century Egypt there could have been corpora of Lysianic speeches resembling what Dover (1968) 2 denominates 'Corpus G', i.e. the collection of works on which Pol. gr. 88 was drawn -- or indeed the elusive 'Corpus A', the (alleged) opera omnia of the metic logographer58 -- is indeed quite likely, and it does not seem improbable that, at some point, there might have arisen a need or a desire to catalogue that astonishing amount of material. This was probably being circulated in single collections of speeches arranged thematically around the same legal issues, a mode of circulation that would be mirrored in the subdivisions in which this papyrus is organized.59 Nevertheless, if this is really the case, it would seem improbable that such a huge number of speeches of Lysias could be contained in one single private library. Judging from this, and from the relative elegance of the format of P. Oxy. 31.2537, this leaf of papyrus codex could perhaps be seen as part of the catalogue of a public library, such as P. Oxy. 27.2456, 27.2462, 33.2659, and 35.2739. 60 We should note, however, that these catalogues were generally written on rolls, and were mostly arranged in alphabetical order.61 Moreover, none of them presents [x] attached to the titles mentioned.

Other interpretations are equally possible. If P. Oxy. 31.2537 were indeed some sort of annotated catalogue, as the same structure of the headings could suggest, there might not be the need to think of the inventory of a library, public or private, but rather of the catalogue of a bookseller, whose business interests highly advised against a clear-cut distinction between [x] and not-so-[x] works of a given author. In this case, the short summary of the speech, with -- when convenient -- an indication of the 'fun facts' about it, would have served as a sort of 'teaser trailer' of the oration, compiled in order to intrigue the potential reader -- and lead him to buy a copy of the work at issue. The very neat handwriting and arrangement of the material, however, which are in sharp contrast with other documents that have been identified as catalogues of booksellers,62 seems to discourage this hypothesis.

Lastly, another possibility has to be taken into account. As it has been tried to pinpoint, the main purpose of these brief summaries seems to have been that of providing the reader with 'condensed versions of texts', and no ancillary relationship with the original speech can be detected. If the most accurate definition of a Readers' Digest is that of 'a digested collection of information consisting of [ ... ] material derived from or based on earlier writings, which is meant to be read for its own sake' (Van Rossum-Steenbeek [1998]161), it might not be desperately unconceivable that these [x], unlike the ones analyzed by Van Rossum-Steenbeek, could, all things considered, fall quite nicely under that definition. The very format of this document -- the codex, much more manoeuvrable and 'user-friendly' than the roll -- seems to characterize the ideal reader for P. Oxy. 31.2537 as someone who does not wish to read this work continuously, but rather to browse quickly through its contents and locate easily the item they are looking for. If this latter hypothesis is true, then the readership P. Oxy. 31.2537 was directed to (or commissioned by) was perhaps represented by that fancy (but perhaps not always erudite) upper class of the Oxyrhynchus region, which sometimes could have been, as often happens today, too busy -- or perhaps too lazy -- to read the entire monstrous bulk of the works of Lysias, but still had the desire to make a good impression and strike their equally rich, and possibly much more learned, friends as profound connoisseurs of the speeches of the famous logographer. Provided, ca va sans dire [GT: it goes without saying], that no-one decided to ask too much.

7 Appendix: Texts

col. 1 recto, II. 6-29

[x]


col. 2 verso II. 18-28

[x]


col. 2 verso II. 42-45

[x]
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue Oct 25, 2022 10:34 pm

Part 2 of 2

_______________

Notes

1 A preliminary search on the LDAB and on MP 3 showed that there are around 130 papyri transmitting the work of Isocrates, and around 200 documents containing speeches of the Demosthenic corpus (last checked on 24/04/2020).

2 Cf. Medda (2007) 40. In Roman antiquity, there existed 425 speeches attributed to Lysias, but Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Caecilius of Calacte deemed authentic only 233 of them (cf. X orat. 836a). The exact number can be extrapolated from Photo Bibl. 262, 488b, while Dian. Hal. Lys. 17 mentions generically 'no fewer than two hundred orations' ([x]). To the present day, there are one 172 titles of speeches by Lysias, easily traceable thanks to the painstaking reconstruction put together by Blass (1887) 357-75. which have to be integrated with the ones in P. Oxy.31.2537.

3 Codex unicus for orr. 3-31 (the so- called corpusculum, cf. Dover (1968] 2) is Pal. gr. 88, generally labelled as X, a manuscript dated to the 11th century (cf. Cavallo [1986]127), today in Heidelberg. This codex is entirely made up of speeches representing different genres and authors: along with these 32 Lysianic orations, one of which, the Against Nicides, was completely obliterated due to a physical damage of the manuscript, there are two speeches by Alcidamas, two by Anthistenes, one by Demades, and the Gorgian Encomium of Helen. Nevertheless, orr. 1-2 in Pal. gr. 88 have been represented in other Mediaeval manuscripts as well: it is worth noting, as Indelli (2001) 198 does, how 'la piu ampia tradizione delle prime due orazioni del Corpus Lysiacum rispetto alle altre trovi un riscontro nei pur scarsi ritrovamenti papiracei' [GT: 'the broader tradition of the first two prayers of Corpus Lysiacum compared to the others finds a confirmation in the scarce ones papyrus findings']: notably, P. Londo inv. 2852 + P. Ryl. 3.489 offers fragment of the [x], and so does P. Lauro inv. 3/284 B, while PSI 11.1206 gives some bits of the [x]. This coincidence seems to show that 'forse, non soltanto in eta medievale e umanistica, ma gia nell'Egitto del II-III secolo d.C. esisteva un piu spiccato interesse per questi due discorsi' [GT: 'perhaps, not only in the medieval and humanistic ages, but already in Egypt of the 2nd-3rd century AD there was a more pronounced interest in these two speeches'] (Indelli (2001] 198). Orr. 32-34 of the corpus were preserved thanks to extensive quotations by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, while the [x], reported by Plato's Phaedrus and 'probably a pastiche by Plato himself' (Todd [2007]5), is ordinarily labelled as or. 35 in modern editions of Lysias' work.

4 Cocurullo (2001) lists and analyzes six of them (P. Hibeh 14, P. Oxy. 13.1606, P. Lond. inv. 2852 + P. Ryl. 3.489, P. Rain. 13, PSI 11.1206, and our P. Oxy. 31.2537), to which we must also add the already mentioned P. Lauro inv. 3/284 B, P. Oxy. 69.4715, P. Oxy. 69.4716, and PSI inv. 966.

5 Rea (1966) 23-37.

6 These are Lys. 8-11, grouped under the heading [x] but in the reverse order (cf. below).

7 Van Rossum-Steenbeek (1998) xiii aptly describes subliterary papyri 'as a subcategory of literary papyri because, on the one hand and in contrast to documentary papyri, the texts are usually written in literary hands and their contents have certain links with literary texts. On the other hand, the texts are not considered literary themselves because they do not belong to one of the traditional literary genres in view of their contents and/or style and because they give no evidence of literary pretentions'.

8 Described also as Strenger Stil by Schubart (1925) 124-8. and as unciale bacchilidea by Norsa (1939) 21-22, who defines it as a 'scrittura snella e slanciata, che sa armonizzare elegantemente il contrasto tra lettere larghe e lettere strettissime' [GT: 'slender and slender writing, which knows how to elegantly harmonize the contrast between large letters and very narrow letters']. The most refined example is represented by P. Lond. inv. 733, edited for the first time by Kenyon (1897).

9 The organization based on the legal procedure is not a specific trait of this papyrus only: the same principle can be envisaged also in P. Oxy. 13.1606 and in P. Rain. 13 (cf. Medda [2003] 27- 28), and vestiges of it are still visible in Pal. gr. 88: d. Dover (1968) 7-11.

10 As firstly pointed out by Rea (1966) 23-24. It might also be noted that the fact that short speeches by the same author did often circulate together on the same roll explains why some of these 'conservano un ordinamento stabile in tutta la tradizione' [GT: 'retain a stable order throughout the tradition'] (Cavallo [1986] 121). The order of the speeches [x] (Lys. 8-11) is quite clearly not completely fixed, but it seems safe to assume that they started to circulate as a unitary group at a rather early stage.

11 Cf. II. 12-13 [x] and, most notably, I. 15 [x].

12 No major commentary on the work of Lysias appears to argue otherwise, and Lys. 11 'is verbally so close to Lys. 10 as to enable textual emendation in the latter' (Todd [2007] 702), so that the fact that it was an epitome of the full version of the speech seems unquestionable.

13 Or it could be that the fact that Lys. 11 was simply an epitome of Lys. 10 was so blatantly obvious to him that he did not really deem it worthy of his time. Furthermore, Harpocration appears to be concerned mainly with the antiquated words found in the ample discussion on legal terminology in Lys. 10.16-19, which are notably missing in Lys. 11.

14 Harpocration quotes the speech in six separate occasions, adding the words [x], 'if [the speech] is genuine', four times: Harp. [x] 179, 201, [x] 64, 76 (with the [x]-clause), [x] 106, [x] 5 K. (without any specifications).

15 The fact that Harpocration never mentioned Lys. 11 encouraged scholars to think that it was produced after his time. According to Rea ([1966] 29), 'this papyrus does not disprove that theory, but it is strange if the [x] turned up after Harpocration's work on the orators and was accepted here without comment'. While it is true that the papyrus is not decisive in determining whether Lys. 11 was put together after Harpocration's time or not, the fact that, even if it was, there are no comments on the matter seems actually hardly surprising, given that the papyrus offers barely any comment at all.

16 Harp. [x] 66 K.

17 Although it is clear that the speaker, Polyaenus, did slander the magistrates, it is also clear that he was never brought to court by means of a 5[x] -- he was simply summarily fined.

18 It is interesting to highlight that, although the titles of the speeches in this papyrus and on Pal. gr. 88 generally coincide, 'the overlap [ ... ] is not in this instance complete' (Todd [2007] 546): while the Mediaeval manuscript reads [x], P. Oxy. 31.2537 only gives the bit [x]. Evidently, therefore, Theodorus -- the 'principal scribe' (Sosower [1987] 7) of Pal. gr. 88 -- or his sources justified the outlandish presence of Lys. 8 in the corpus by clearly labelling it in the title as an 'accusation of calumny', but the compiler of P. Oxy. 31.2537 did not find this clarification in his sources, nor he felt the need to explain the presence of this peculiar speech among the ones concerned with slander.

19 As Dover ([1968] 9) puts it, 'the speaker of VIII is obsessed with what his associates have said about him' (author's italics), and the concepts of [x] (§§3, 5-6, 14, 16-17, 19-20), [x] (§§3, 15) and [x] (§§3, 7, 13) function as a Leitmotiv throughout the whole speech. While considering the Mediaeval manuscripts, Blass ([1887] 378) was the first to notice that [x] is, in this section, not much the specific legal charge joining together these four speeches, but rather some sort of fil rouge [GT: red string] binding them in more generic terms, as a thematic connection that can be loosely envisaged, 'provided that [the speeches] are read hastily and superficially' (Dover (1968) 9).

20 Harp. [x] 209 K.

21 And which, lamentably, cannot be reconstructed in any of its forms anywhere in II. 24-28 verso. Being able to supplement this verb in the text of P. Oxy. 31.2537 would have constituted almost incontestable evidence of the fact that the speech mentioned by Photius and the one summarized in these lines are one and the same.

22 As was first suggested by Dover (1968) 21-22.

23 E.g. in I. 6 recto: [x].

24 Dion. Hal. Lys. 20-21. The word [x] is also used to refer to a rapid outline of the speech's occasion placed before the text in §29, and in Isoc. 9 to define a long paraphrase of the contents of the speech.

25 Cf. Dion. Hal. Lys. 22.

26 On the rhetorical (and grammatical) interests of this text, see most recently Otranto (2012), especially 162-5.

27 Cf. Worp/Rijksbaron (1997) 28.

28 As Canfora's ([1968] 96) inventory of Demosthenes' Greek manuscripts plainly shows, several Demosthenic manuscripts contained 'altro materia le biografico-esegetico' [GT: 'other material biographical-esegetic'], among which there were 'hypotheseis anonime dei grandi discorsi giudiziari di argomento politico (che, quando non sono premesse alle relative orazioni, precedono i relativi "Commentari di Ulpiano")' [GT: 'anonymous hypotheseis of the great judicial speeches of political argument (which, when there are no premises to the related orations, precede the relative "Commentaries of Ulpian")'] (p. 19). These manuscripts clearly represent editions put together for the use of highly educated people.

29 Cf. Meccariello (2014) 22- 23.

30 Although generally longer than the ones in P. Oxy. 31.2537, with the exception of P. Kell. 3 gr. 95.

31 Rea ([1966) 30) quotes Lys. 8.5 ([x]). If Carey's ([2007] 481) conjecture [x] is correct, the compiler seemingly conflated two verbs into one that implies them both.

32 This idea has been expressed as an essential precondition of her work on Euripidean [x] by Meccariello (2014) xiii.

33 E.g. [x] (I. 18) [x] (§4), [x] (I. 18) [x] (§6), [x] (I. 19) [x] (§6) and the reference to the [x] (I. 20), a term which, such as [x], appears to be used in the generic meaning of 'clerks' instead of the more appropriate [x] (cf. MacDowell [1994] 161).

34 For example, in this papyrus the plural [x] (I. 19) is employed, while in the Mediaeval text these public figures are designated with the rather cryptic [x] (§6). On the basis of Lys. 14.21 and 16.16, where the plural indicates 'not the Nine Arkhons but more broadly "officials", (Todd [2007] 583), it is now preferred to regard Ctesicles not as the Chief Archon but as one of the generals, reading the term [x], more broadly, as 'person who holds and [x] (cf. MacDowell [1994] 157). Whether the compiler of P. Oxy. 31.2537 read [x] in the narrow or in the broad sense is completely irrelevant, but it is interesting to notice that he simplified a potentially tricky sentence by suppressing the personal name and combining into one single definition Ctesicles and his 'fellow-generals' or 'attendants'.

35 According to Rea ([1966] 30), 'it looks as if the epitomizer had a different text or drew the wrong conclusion'. Both solutions are in theory possible, but the sentence in itself is so convoluted that it is perhaps enough to explain the compiler's mistake, without postulating the existence of a concurrent text.

36 It could even be argued that this pythoness-like sentence was the reason why, although the name of the speaker can, after some reasoning, be rather confidently worked out, the speech was known with such a generic title as [x], since normally, in the Lysianic corpus, when names do not appear in the heading it is because they are nowhere to be found in the text: perhaps no-one felt sure enough about the name of the defendant as to immortalize it in the speech title.

37 It should be noted that the compiler, at least in two occasions, drew a sign on the left-hand margin of the page to indicate the presence of textual discrepancies: first between II. 13-14 recto ([x]), and second between II. 30-31 recto ([x] ?), where there are good reasons to suspect that the name [x] was, in other versions of the text, substituted by the name [x]. The fact that, in this instance, no such device is employed could suggest either that the vulgate of this speech, at that time, was indeed different and that the compiler did not double-check it against the secondary version which, for some reason, was passed on to the Mediaeval tradition -- or originated at a later point in the tradition -- or, more likely, that there was ultimately no concurring text: he simply misinterpreted a rough-hewn sentence which is admittedly easy to misinterpret, and surely not likely to be read twice by someone whose main concern seems to be not much accuracy in details but rather clarity in the general picture.

38 With nine lines of text (not counting the speeches' title), it is even longer than the [x] in II. 18-23 verso (consisting of six lines of text), [x],' which equally examines two speeches at a time.

39 The fact that Theomnestus has accused Lysias' client of having killed his own father is the cause and sole object of the trial: nothing else happens. The compiler could have described the previous sequence of trials, but this information was not strictly relevant to the present litigation, and he probably found more appropriate to make his reader aware of the two potential chronological frames within which it was possible to set the events.

40 Cf. Lys. 10.4 and 27.

41 Cf. Lys. 11.1-2 and9.

42 For date and author of this commentary, see Wolska-Conus (1976).

43 Cf. above.

44 There are reasons to suspect that at least part of the ancient sources believed Isocrates to have also delivered the speech in his own persona. For instance, in I. 22 verso of P. Oxy. 31.2537 Lysias' client seems to be said to have uttered abuse towards Isocrates (cf. below), not towards Isocrates' client. The compiler of this papyrus proves elsewhere that he (or his source) is aware of the fact that speechwriter and litigant -- at least in our extant court speeches -- do not often coincide: this is patent from the observation, added to the title of the speech[x] (II. 12-14 verso), that Lysias delivered the speech himself (I. 12 [x]). The fact that the compiler considered this note significant appears to stem directly from his consciousness that this was a deviation from the norm, so his remark on Isocrates being reviled in court is in itself very interesting -- there could have been something, in Lysias' speech, that led the compiler to believe that Isocrates was speaking on behalf of Nicias. Moreover, both Stephanus' summary of Isocr. 21 and the wording of the Aristotelian passage seem to imply that Isocrates himself delivered the speech. On this, see Rocchi (forthcoming).

45 He is said to be a better orator than Nicias in Isocr. 21.5.

46 As Trevett ([1990] 25 n. 15) clarifies, 'although it is possible that the epitomist was saying that Isocrates abused Euthynos (or Lysias)' it is far more probable 'that in such a brief summary he would have confined himself to the contents of the speech, and that he is describing abuse of Isocrates contained in the speech'.

47 Martinelli Tempesta (CPF 1/2** 974) points out that the traces on the papyrus are not entirely compatible with [x], so there is a palaeographic reason to be suspicious of the most logical supplement, [x], suggested by Cocurullo ([2001] 160) and Carey ([2007] 480). The trace as it is now -- though of course one can never turn aside the possibility that part of the ink was scraped away over time -- appears to be more compatible with [x], in which case the copyist might have got confused and written [x] instead of [x] (cf. Gignac [1976] 275-6).

48 This can be found in Rocchi (forthcoming).

49 That is, 'a rhetorical device used in ancient Athenian litigations as a means of persuading the jury' (Fairchild [1978] 49).

50 This text can be read in CAG XXI/2, 299: [x].

51 [x].

52 Either an unprecedented stroke of luck presented philologists with the only two pages in the codex which were abnormally rich in new titles or the presence of the summaries of a considerable number of new speeches was consistent throughout the whole codex -- or the whole section of the codex dedicated to Lysias' work.

53 Valerius Pollio wrote a [x], while Valerius Diodorus was author of an [x]: cf. Turner ([1952] 92), who refers to Suda [x] 1150 (s.v. [x]) and [x] 2166 (s.v. [x]), and to Phot. Bibl. 149 and 150 (nn. 1-2). A relationship between Harpocration and Valerius Pollio seems to be confirmed also by P. Oxy. 18.2192, a private letter with a book request in which both a Harpocration and a Pollio are mentioned. On this papyrus, see Otranto ([2000] xxiv-xxv and especially 55-61) and, most recently, Coles et al. ([2007] 282-6).

54 Cf. Worp/Rijksbaran (1997, especially 28-30).

55 Of course, it is not possible entirely to rule out the possibility that P. Oxy. 31.2537 was indeed produced in a scholastic environment. However, along with the reasons mentioned above, it should perhaps be noted that Lysias does not seem to have been as popular as Isocrates and Demosthenes as a school reading.

56 That the text the summary was primed on was close to the one preserved by the Mediaeval tradition of Lysias is guaranteed by the fact that the discrepancy between the ages of the father and the son in Lys. 10-11 is mentioned in this [x] as well (II. 11-15 recto).

57 Cf. Otranto ([2000] 87) and Puglia ([2013] 89-90).

58 As was mentioned above, Lysias was said to have composed 425 speeches. Assuming an average of 22 speeches per leaf (the number we have in P. Oxy. 31.2537), this codex should then have been made up of c. 18-20 leaves (i.e. 9-10 sheets, cf. Turner [1977]. esp. 43-54) in order to contain them all. This slim number of leaves could suggest that the codex, when it was still complete, might have contained not only summaries of speeches of Lysias, but of other authors (orators?) as well. However, as Cavallo ([1986] 123) has shown, 'non s'incontrano fino allo scorcio del III secolo codici che si mostrino materialmente adeguati ad un contenuto ampio' [GT: 'Not up to the end of the third century one meets codes that are shown materially suitable for a broad content'] (author's italics).

S9 Cf. above.

60 Analyzed by Otranto ([2000] 51-54; 44-49; 29-38; 41-43). Two of them (P. Oxy. 33.2659 and 35.2739) are dated to the 2nd century, one (27.2462) to mid 2nd century, and one (27.2456) to the late 2nd century.

61 Cf. Otranto ([2000] xii). It is worth noting, however, that P. Oxy. 35.2739 is not in alphabetical order. Moreover, these catalogues contained lists of plays (comedies and, in the case of P. Oxy. 27.2456, tragedies). Alphabetical order would not make much sense for speeches whose titles were usually more unstable than those of theatrical plays, and which were very often arranged according to legal procedure or thematic affinity (cf. above).

62 Cf. for instance P. Vars. 5 v, analyzed by Otranto (2000) 97-105.
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