Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Ian Fleming
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/17/19




Sir. – Recent devastating events in Tibet caused over 15,000 Tibetans to cross the perilous Himalayas into India. It may be a long time before these unfortunate people can safely return to their overrun country. Our own consciences should allow us neither to neglect nor forget them.

The Indian Government has manfully coped with this addition to its own problems at home. In this country we are bound in honour to help relieve needs of the Tibetan refugees, because from 1905 to 1947 there was a special relationship between Tibet and the United Kingdom – a relationship handed on to the new India.

On balance we think it wisest to concentrate chiefly on collecting money which can be used for the benefit of the refugees, not least in the purchase of necessary antibiotics and other medicaments. The Tibet Society has opened a Tibet Relief Fund for which we now appeal in the hope of a generous response. Donations should be sent to the address below or direct to the National Bank Ltd. (Belgravia Branch), 21 Grosvenor Gardens, S.W.I.

Yours faithfully,

... Peter Fleming ... The Tibet Relief Fund, 58 Eccleston Square, S.W. I., Letter to the Times, July 31, 1959, p.7.

-- Tibet Society, by

Lord Rothermere succeeded his father in the viscountcy in 1940. He married three times and had four children ....

He married, secondly, Ann Geraldine Mary Charteris, widow of Shane Edward Robert O'Neill, 3rd Baron O'Neill, who was killed in action in 1944 in Italy. She also was the daughter of Captain Hon. Guy Lawrence Charteris and Frances Lucy Tennant and granddaughter of Hugo Richard Charteris, 11th Earl of Wemyss, on 28 June 1945 (divorced 1952). Ann Charteris then married the writer Ian Fleming in 1952.[3]

-- Esmond Harmsworth, 2nd Viscount Rothermere, by Wikipedia

Ian Fleming

Ian Lancaster Fleming (28 May 1908 – 12 August 1964) was an English author, journalist and naval intelligence officer who is best known for his James Bond series of spy novels. Fleming came from a wealthy family connected to the merchant bank Robert Fleming & Co., and his father was the Member of Parliament for Henley from 1910 until his death on the Western Front in 1917. Educated at Eton, Sandhurst and, briefly, the universities of Munich and Geneva, Fleming moved through several jobs before he started writing.

While working for Britain's Naval Intelligence Division during the Second World War, Fleming was involved in planning Operation Goldeneye and in the planning and oversight of two intelligence units, 30 Assault Unit and T-Force. His wartime service and his career as a journalist provided much of the background, detail and depth of the James Bond novels.

Fleming wrote his first Bond novel, Casino Royale, in 1952. It was a success, with three print runs being commissioned to cope with the demand. Eleven Bond novels and two collections of short stories followed between 1953 and 1966. The novels revolve around James Bond, an officer in the Secret Intelligence Service, commonly known as MI6. Bond is also known by his code number, 007, and was a commander in the Royal Naval Reserve. The Bond stories rank among the best-selling series of fictional books of all time, having sold over 100 million copies worldwide. Fleming also wrote the children's story Chitty-Chitty-Bang-Bang and two works of non-fiction. In 2008, The Times ranked Fleming 14th on its list of "The 50 greatest British writers since 1945".

Fleming was married to Ann Charteris, who was divorced from the second Viscount Rothermere because of her affair with the author. Fleming and Charteris had a son, Caspar. Fleming was a heavy smoker and drinker for most of his life and succumbed to heart disease in 1964 at the age of 56. Two of his James Bond books were published posthumously; other writers have since produced Bond novels. Fleming's creation has appeared in film twenty-six times, portrayed by seven actors.


Birth and family

The Glenelg War Memorial, listing Valentine Fleming

Ian Lancaster Fleming was born on 28 May 1908, at 27 Green Street in the wealthy London district of Mayfair.[1][2] His mother was Evelyn (née Rose), and his father was Valentine Fleming, the Member of Parliament for Henley from 1910 to 1917.[3] As an infant he briefly lived, with his family, at Braziers Park in Oxfordshire.[4] Fleming was a grandson of the Scottish financier Robert Fleming, who founded the Scottish American Investment Trust and the merchant bank Robert Fleming & Co.[1][a]

In 1914, with the start of the First World War, Valentine Fleming joined "C" Squadron, Queen's Own Oxfordshire Hussars, and rose to the rank of major.[3] He was killed by German shelling on the Western Front on 20 May 1917; Winston Churchill wrote an obituary that appeared in The Times.[6] Because the family owned an estate at Arnisdale, Valentine's death was commemorated on the Glenelg War Memorial.[7]

Fleming's elder brother Peter (1907–1971) became a travel writer and married actress Celia Johnson.[8] Peter served with the Grenadier Guards during the Second World War, was later commissioned under Colin Gubbins to help establish the Auxiliary Units, and became involved in behind-the-lines operations in Norway and Greece during the war.[8]

Fleming also had two younger brothers, Michael (1913–1940) and Richard (1911–1977), and a younger maternal half-sister born out of wedlock, the cellist Amaryllis Fleming (1925–1999), whose father was the artist Augustus John.[9] Amaryllis was conceived during a long-term affair between John and Evelyn that started in 1923, six years after the death of Valentine.[10]

Education and early life

In 1914 Fleming attended Durnford School, a preparatory school on the Isle of Purbeck in Dorset.[11][ b] He did not enjoy his time at Durnford; he suffered unpalatable food, physical hardship and bullying.[11]

Eton College: Fleming's alma mater from 1921 to 1927

In 1921 Fleming enrolled at Eton College. Not a high achiever academically, he excelled at athletics and held the title of Victor Ludorum ("Winner of the Games") for two years between 1925 and 1927.[13] He also edited a school magazine, The Wyvern.[1] His lifestyle at Eton brought him into conflict with his housemaster, E. V. Slater, who disapproved of Fleming's attitude, his hair oil, his ownership of a car and his relations with women.[11] Slater persuaded Fleming's mother to remove him from Eton a term early for a crammer course to gain entry to the Royal Military College at Sandhurst.[11] He spent less than a year there, leaving in 1927 without gaining a commission, after contracting gonorrhea.[13]

In 1927, to prepare Fleming for possible entry into the Foreign Office,[14] his mother sent him to the Tennerhof in Kitzbühel, Austria, a small private school run by the Adlerian disciple and former British spy Ernan Forbes Dennis and his novelist wife, Phyllis Bottome.[15] After improving his language skills there, he studied briefly at Munich University and the University of Geneva.[1] While in Geneva, Fleming began a romance with Monique Panchaud de Bottens and the couple were briefly engaged in 1931.[16][c] His mother disapproved and made him break off the relationship.[18] He applied for entry to the Foreign Office, but failed the examinations. His mother again intervened in his affairs, lobbying Sir Roderick Jones, head of Reuters News Agency, and in October 1931 he was given a position as a sub-editor and journalist for the company.[1] In 1933 Fleming spent time in Moscow, where he covered the Stalinist show trial of six engineers from the British company Metropolitan-Vickers.[19] While there he applied for an interview with Soviet premier Joseph Stalin, and was amazed to receive a personally signed note apologising for not being able to attend.[20]

Fleming bowed to family pressure in October 1933, and went into banking with a position at the financiers Cull & Co.[19] In 1935 he moved to Rowe and Pitman on Bishopsgate as a stockbroker.[20] Fleming was unsuccessful in both roles.[21][19] Early in 1939 Fleming began an affair with Ann O'Neill (née Charteris), who was married to the 3rd Baron O'Neill;[22] she was also having an affair with Esmond Harmsworth, the heir to Lord Rothermere, owner of the Daily Mail.[23]

Second World War

The Admiralty, where Fleming worked in the Naval Intelligence Division during the Second World War

In May 1939 Fleming was recruited by Rear Admiral John Godfrey, Director of Naval Intelligence of the Royal Navy, to become his personal assistant. He joined the organisation full-time in August 1939,[24] with the codename "17F",[25] and worked out of Room 39 at The Admiralty.[26] Fleming's biographer, Andrew Lycett, notes that Fleming had "no obvious qualifications" for the role.[1] As part of his appointment, Fleming was commissioned into the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve in July 1939,[24] initially as lieutenant,[26] but was promoted to commander a few months later.[27]

Fleming proved invaluable as Godfrey's personal assistant and excelled in administration.[1] Godfrey was known as an abrasive character who made enemies within government circles. He frequently used Fleming as a liaison with other sections of the government's wartime administration, such as the Secret Intelligence Service, the Political Warfare Executive, the Special Operations Executive (SOE), the Joint Intelligence Committee and the Prime Minister's staff.[28]

On 29 September 1939, soon after the start of the war, Godfrey circulated a memorandum that, "bore all the hallmarks of ... Lieutenant Commander Ian Fleming", according to historian Ben Macintyre.[29] It was called the Trout Memo and compared the deception of an enemy in wartime to fly fishing.[29] The memo contained several schemes to be considered for use against the Axis powers to lure U-boats and German surface ships towards minefields.[30] Number 28 on the list was an idea to plant misleading papers on a corpse that would be found by the enemy; the suggestion is similar to Operation Mincemeat, the 1943 plan to conceal the intended invasion of Italy from North Africa, which was developed by Charles Cholmondoley in October 1942.[31] The recommendation in the Trout Memo was titled: "A Suggestion (not a very nice one)",[31] and continued: "The following suggestion is used in a book by Basil Thomson: a corpse dressed as an airman, with despatches in his pockets, could be dropped on the coast, supposedly from a parachute that has failed. I understand there is no difficulty in obtaining corpses at the Naval Hospital, but, of course, it would have to be a fresh one."[31]

In 1940 Fleming and Godfrey contacted Kenneth Mason, Professor of Geography at Oxford University, about the preparation of reports on the geography of countries involved in military operations. These reports were the precursors of the Naval Intelligence Division Geographical Handbook Series produced between 1941 and 1946.[32]

Operation Ruthless, a plan aimed at obtaining details of the Enigma codes used by Nazi Germany's navy, was instigated by a memo written by Fleming to Godfrey on 12 September 1940. The idea was to "obtain" a German bomber, man it with a German-speaking crew dressed in Luftwaffe uniforms, and crash it into the English Channel. The crew would then attack their German rescuers and bring their boat and Enigma machine back to England.[33] Much to the annoyance of Alan Turing and Peter Twinn at Bletchley Park, the mission was never carried out. According to Fleming's niece, Lucy, an official of the Royal Air Force pointed out that if they were to drop a downed Heinkel bomber in the English Channel, it would probably sink rather quickly.[34]

Fleming also worked with Colonel "Wild Bill" Donovan, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's special representative on intelligence co-operation between London and Washington.[35] In May 1941 Fleming accompanied Godfrey to the United States, where he assisted in writing a blueprint for the Office of the Coordinator of Information, the department that turned into the Office of Strategic Services and eventually became the CIA.[36]

Admiral Godfrey put Fleming in charge of Operation Goldeneye between 1941 and 1942; Goldeneye was a plan to maintain an intelligence framework in Spain in the event of a German takeover of the territory.[37] Fleming's plan involved maintaining communication with Gibraltar and launching sabotage operations against the Nazis.[38] In 1941 he liaised with Donovan over American involvement in a measure intended to ensure that the Germans did not dominate the seaways.[39]

30 Assault Unit

In 1942 Fleming formed a unit of commandos, known as No. 30 Commando or 30 Assault Unit (30AU), composed of specialist intelligence troops.[40] 30AU's job was to be near the front line of an advance—sometimes in front of it—to seize enemy documents from previously targeted headquarters.[41] The unit was based on a German group headed by Otto Skorzeny, who had undertaken similar activities in the Battle of Crete in May 1941.[42] The German unit was thought by Fleming to be "one of the most outstanding innovations in German intelligence".[43]

Fleming did not fight in the field with the unit, but selected targets and directed operations from the rear.[42] On its formation the unit was thirty strong, but it grew to five times that size.[43] The unit was filled with men from other commando units, and trained in unarmed combat, safe-cracking and lock-picking at the SOE facilities.[42] In late 1942 Captain (later Rear-Admiral) Edmund Rushbrooke replaced Godfrey as head of the Naval Intelligence Division, and Fleming's influence in the organisation declined, although he retained control over 30AU.[1] Fleming was unpopular with the unit's members,[43] who disliked his referring to them as his "Red Indians".[44]

Before the 1944 Normandy landings, most of 30AU's operations were in the Mediterranean, and it also secretly participated in the Dieppe Raid in a failed pinch raid for an Enigma machine and related materials. Fleming observed the raid from HMS Fernie, 700 yards offshore.[45] Because of its successes in Sicily and Italy, 30AU became greatly trusted by naval intelligence.[46][47]

In March 1944 Fleming oversaw the distribution of intelligence to Royal Navy units in preparation for Operation Overlord.[48] He was replaced as head of 30AU on 6 June 1944,[42] but maintained some involvement.[49] He visited 30AU in the field during and after Overlord, especially following an attack on Cherbourg for which he was concerned that the unit had been incorrectly used as a regular commando force rather than an intelligence-gathering unit. This wasted the men's specialist skills, risked their safety on operations that did not justify the use of such skilled operatives, and threatened the vital gathering of intelligence. Afterwards, the management of these units was revised.[46] He also followed the unit into Germany after it located, in Tambach Castle, the German naval archives from 1870.[50]

In December 1944 Fleming was posted on an intelligence fact-finding trip to the Far East on behalf of the Director of Naval Intelligence.[51] Much of the trip was spent identifying opportunities for 30AU in the Pacific;[52] the unit saw little action because of the Japanese surrender.[53]


Goldeneye, where Fleming wrote all the Bond stories

The success of 30AU led to the August 1944 decision to establish a "Target Force", which became known as T-Force. The official memorandum, held at The National Archives in London, describes the unit's primary role: "T-Force = Target Force, to guard and secure documents, persons, equipment, with combat and Intelligence personnel, after capture of large towns, ports etc. in liberated and enemy territory."[54]

Fleming sat on the committee that selected the targets for the T-Force unit, and listed them in the "Black Books" that were issued to the unit's officers.[55] The infantry component of T-Force was in part made up of the 5th Battalion, King's Regiment, which supported the Second Army.[56] It was responsible for securing targets of interest for the British military, including nuclear laboratories, gas research centres and individual rocket scientists. The unit's most notable discoveries came during the advance on the German port of Kiel, in the research centre for German engines used in the V-2 rocket, Messerschmitt Me 163 fighters and high-speed U-boats.[57] Fleming would later use elements of the activities of T-Force in his writing, particularly in his 1955 Bond novel Moonraker.[58]

In 1942 Fleming attended an Anglo-American intelligence summit in Jamaica and, despite the constant heavy rain during his visit, he decided to live on the island once the war was over.[59] His friend Ivar Bryce helped find a plot of land in Saint Mary Parish where, in 1945, Fleming had a house built, which he named Goldeneye.[60] The name of the house and estate where he wrote his novels has many possible sources. Fleming himself mentioned both his wartime Operation Goldeneye[61] and Carson McCullers' 1941 novel Reflections in a Golden Eye, which described the use of British naval bases in the Caribbean by the American navy.[60]

Fleming was demobilised in May 1945, but remained in the RNVR for several years, receiving a promotion to substantive lieutenant-commander (Special Branch) on 26 July 1947.[62] In October 1947, he was awarded the King Christian X's Liberty Medal for his contribution in assisting Danish officers escaping from Denmark to Britain during the occupation of Denmark.[63] He ended his service on 16 August 1952, when he was removed from the active list of the RNVR with the rank of lieutenant-commander.[64]


Upon Fleming's demobilisation in May 1945, he became the Foreign Manager in the Kemsley newspaper group, which at the time owned The Sunday Times. In this role he oversaw the paper's worldwide network of correspondents. His contract allowed him to take three months holiday every winter, which he took in Jamaica.[1] Fleming worked full-time for the paper until December 1959,[65] but continued to write articles and attend the Tuesday weekly meetings until at least 1961.[66][67]

After Ann Charteris' first husband died in the war, she expected to marry Fleming, but he decided to remain a bachelor.[1] On 28 June 1945, she married the second Viscount Rothermere.[23] Nevertheless, Charteris continued her affair with Fleming, travelling to Jamaica to see him under the pretext of visiting his friend and neighbour Noël Coward. In 1948 she gave birth to Fleming's daughter, Mary, who was stillborn. Rothermere divorced Charteris in 1951 because of her relationship with Fleming,[23] and the couple married on 24 March 1952 in Jamaica,[68] a few months before their son Caspar was born in August. Both Fleming and Ann had affairs during their marriage, she with Hugh Gaitskell, the Leader of the Labour Party and Leader of the Opposition.[69] Fleming had a long-term affair in Jamaica with one of his neighbours, Blanche Blackwell, the mother of Chris Blackwell of Island Records.[70]


The scent and smoke and sweat of a casino are nauseating at three in the morning. Then the soul erosion produced by high gambling — a compost of greed and fear and nervous tension — becomes unbearable and the senses awake and revolt from it.

-- Opening lines of Casino Royale

Fleming had first mentioned to friends during the war that he wanted to write a spy novel,[1] an ambition he achieved within two months with Casino Royale.[71] He started writing the book at Goldeneye on 17 February 1952, gaining inspiration from his own experiences and imagination. He claimed afterwards that he wrote the novel to distract himself from his forthcoming wedding to the pregnant Charteris,[72] and called the work his "dreadful oafish opus".[73] His manuscript was typed in London by Joan Howe (mother of travel writer Rory MacLean), and Fleming's red-haired secretary at The Times on whom the character Miss Moneypenny was partially based.[74] Clare Blanchard, a former girlfriend, advised him not to publish the book, or at least to do so under a pseudonym.[75]

During Casino Royale's final draft stages, Fleming allowed his friend William Plomer to see a copy, and remarked "so far as I can see the element of suspense is completely absent".[76] Despite this, Plomer thought the book had sufficient promise and sent a copy to the publishing house Jonathan Cape. At first, they were unenthusiastic about the novel, but Fleming's brother Peter, whose books they managed, persuaded the company to publish it.[76] On 13 April 1953 Casino Royale was released in the UK in hardcover, priced at 10s 6d,[77] with a cover designed by Fleming.[78] It was a success and three print runs were needed to cope with the demand.[77][78][79]

The novel centres on the exploits of James Bond, an officer in the Secret Intelligence Service, commonly known as MI6. Bond is also known by his code number, 007, and was a commander in the Royal Naval Reserve. Fleming took the name for his character from that of the American ornithologist James Bond, an expert on Caribbean birds and author of the definitive field guide Birds of the West Indies. Fleming, himself a keen birdwatcher,[80] had a copy of Bond's guide, and later told the ornithologist's wife, "that this brief, unromantic, Anglo-Saxon and yet very masculine name was just what I needed, and so a second James Bond was born".[81] In a 1962 interview in The New Yorker, he further explained: "When I wrote the first one in 1953, I wanted Bond to be an extremely dull, uninteresting man to whom things happened; I wanted him to be a blunt instrument ... when I was casting around for a name for my protagonist I thought by God, [James Bond] is the dullest name I ever heard."[82]

Illustration commissioned by Fleming, showing his concept of the James Bond character.

Fleming based his creation on individuals he met during his time in the Naval Intelligence Division, and admitted that Bond "was a compound of all the secret agents and commando types I met during the war".[83] Among those types were his brother Peter, whom he worshipped,[83] and who had been involved in behind-the-lines operations in Norway and Greece during the war.[8] Fleming envisaged that Bond would resemble the composer, singer and actor Hoagy Carmichael; others, such as author and historian Ben Macintyre, identify aspects of Fleming's own looks in his description of Bond.[84][85] General references in the novels describe Bond as having "dark, rather cruel good looks".[86]

Fleming also modelled aspects of Bond on Conrad O'Brien-ffrench, a spy whom Fleming had met while skiing in Kitzbühel in the 1930s, Patrick Dalzel-Job, who served with distinction in 30AU during the war, and Bill "Biffy" Dunderdale, station head of MI6 in Paris, who wore cufflinks and handmade suits and was chauffeured around Paris in a Rolls-Royce.[83][87] Sir Fitzroy Maclean was another possible model for Bond, based on his wartime work behind enemy lines in the Balkans, as was the MI6 double agent Duško Popov.[88] Fleming also endowed Bond with many of his own traits, including the same golf handicap, his taste for scrambled eggs, his love of gambling, and use of the same brand of toiletries.[43][89]

After the publication of Casino Royale, Fleming used his annual holiday at his house in Jamaica to write another Bond story.[1] Twelve Bond novels and two short-story collections were published between 1953 and 1966, the last two (The Man with the Golden Gun and Octopussy and The Living Daylights) posthumously.[90] Much of the background to the stories came from Fleming's previous work in the Naval Intelligence Division or from events he knew of from the Cold War.[91] The plot of From Russia, with Love uses a fictional Soviet Spektor decoding machine as a lure to trap Bond; the Spektor had its roots in the wartime German Enigma machine.[92] The novel's plot device of spies on the Orient Express was based on the story of Eugene Karp, a US naval attaché and intelligence agent based in Budapest who took the Orient Express from Budapest to Paris in February 1950, carrying papers about blown US spy networks in the Eastern Bloc. Soviet assassins already on the train drugged the conductor, and Karp's body was found shortly afterwards in a railway tunnel south of Salzburg.[93]

Hoagy Carmichael, whose looks Fleming described for Bond

Many of the names used in the Bond works came from people Fleming knew: Scaramanga, the principal villain in The Man with the Golden Gun, was named after a fellow Eton schoolboy with whom Fleming fought;[91] Goldfinger, from the eponymous novel, was named after British architect Ernő Goldfinger, whose work Fleming abhorred;[91] Sir Hugo Drax, the antagonist of Moonraker, was named after Fleming's acquaintance Admiral Sir Reginald Aylmer Ranfurly Plunkett-Ernle-Erle-Drax;[94] Drax's assistant, Krebs, bears the same name as Hitler's last Chief of Staff;[95] and one of the homosexual villains from Diamonds Are Forever, "Boofy" Kidd, was named after one of Fleming's close friends—and a relative of his wife—Arthur Gore, 8th Earl of Arran, known as Boofy to his friends.[91]

Fleming's first work of non-fiction, The Diamond Smugglers, was published in 1957 and was partly based on background research for his fourth Bond novel, Diamonds Are Forever.[96] Much of the material had appeared in The Sunday Times and was based on Fleming's interviews with John Collard, a member of the International Diamond Security Organisation who had previously worked in MI5.[97] The book received mixed reviews in the UK and US.[98]

For the first five books (Casino Royale, Live and Let Die, Moonraker, Diamonds Are Forever and From Russia, with Love) Fleming received broadly positive reviews.[99] That began to change in March 1958 when Bernard Bergonzi, in the journal Twentieth Century, attacked Fleming's work as containing "a strongly marked streak of voyeurism and sado-masochism"[100] and wrote that the books showed "the total lack of any ethical frame of reference".[100] The article compared Fleming unfavourably with John Buchan and Raymond Chandler on both moral and literary criteria.[101] A month later, Dr. No was published, and Fleming received harsh criticism from reviewers who, in the words of Ben Macintyre, "rounded on Fleming, almost as a pack".[102] The most strongly worded of the critiques came from Paul Johnson of the New Statesman, who, in his review "Sex, Snobbery and Sadism", called the novel "without doubt, the nastiest book I have ever read".[103] Johnson went on to say that "by the time I was a third of the way through, I had to suppress a strong impulse to throw the thing away".[103] Johnson recognised that in Bond there "was a social phenomenon of some importance",[103] but this was seen as a negative element, as the phenomenon concerned "three basic ingredients in Dr No, all unhealthy, all thoroughly English: the sadism of a schoolboy bully, the mechanical, two-dimensional sex-longings of a frustrated adolescent, and the crude, snob-cravings of a suburban adult."[103] Johnson saw no positives in Dr. No, and said, "Mr Fleming has no literary skill, the construction of the book is chaotic, and entire incidents and situations are inserted, and then forgotten, in a haphazard manner."[103]

Lycett notes that Fleming "went into a personal and creative decline" after marital problems and the attacks on his work.[1] Goldfinger had been written before the publication of Dr. No; the next book Fleming produced after the criticism was For Your Eyes Only, a collection of short stories derived from outlines written for a television series that did not come to fruition.[104] Lycett noted that, as Fleming was writing the television scripts and the short stories, "Ian's mood of weariness and self-doubt was beginning to affect his writing", which can be seen in Bond's thoughts.[105]


In 1960 Fleming was commissioned by the Kuwait Oil Company to write a book on the country and its oil industry. The Kuwaiti Government disapproved of the typescript, State of Excitement: Impressions of Kuwait, and it was never published. According to Fleming: "The Oil Company expressed approval of the book but felt it their duty to submit the typescript to members of the Kuwait Government for their approval. The Sheikhs concerned found unpalatable certain mild comments and criticisms and particularly the passages referring to the adventurous past of the country which now wishes to be 'civilised' in every respect and forget its romantic origins."[106]

Fleming followed the disappointment of For Your Eyes Only with Thunderball, the novelization of a film script on which he had worked with others. The work had started in 1958 when Fleming's friend Ivar Bryce introduced him to a young Irish writer and director, Kevin McClory, and the three, together with Fleming and Bryce's friend Ernest Cuneo, worked on a script.[98] In October McClory introduced experienced screenwriter Jack Whittingham to the newly formed team,[107] and by December 1959 McClory and Whittingham sent Fleming a script.[108] Fleming had been having second thoughts on McClory's involvement and, in January 1960, explained his intention of delivering the screenplay to MCA, with a recommendation from him and Bryce that McClory act as producer.[109] He additionally told McClory that if MCA rejected the film because of McClory's involvement, then McClory should either sell himself to MCA, back out of the deal, or file a suit in court.[109]

Working at Goldeneye between January and March 1960, Fleming wrote the novel Thunderball, based on the screenplay written by himself, Whittingham and McClory.[110] In March 1961 McClory read an advance copy, and he and Whittingham immediately petitioned the High Court in London for an injunction to stop publication.[111] After two court actions, the second in November 1961,[112] Fleming offered McClory a deal, settling out of court. McClory gained the literary and film rights for the screenplay, while Fleming was given the rights to the novel, provided it was acknowledged as "based on a screen treatment by Kevin McClory, Jack Whittingham and the Author".[113]

Fleming's books had always sold well, but in 1961 sales increased dramatically. On 17 March 1961, four years after its publication and three years after the heavy criticism of Dr. No, an article in Life listed From Russia, with Love as one of US President John F. Kennedy's ten favourite books.[114] Kennedy and Fleming had previously met in Washington.[82] This accolade and the associated publicity led to a surge in sales that made Fleming the biggest-selling crime writer in the US.[115][116] Fleming considered From Russia, with Love to be his best novel; he said "the great thing is that each one of the books seems to have been a favourite with one or other section of the public and none has yet been completely damned."[92]

In April 1961, shortly before the second court case on Thunderball,[1] Fleming had a heart attack during a regular weekly meeting at The Sunday Times.[66] While he was convalescing, one of his friends, Duff Dunbar, gave him a copy of Beatrix Potter's The Tale of Squirrel Nutkin and suggested that he take the time to write up the bedtime story that Fleming used to tell to his son Caspar each evening.[66] Fleming attacked the project with gusto and wrote to his publisher, Michael Howard of Jonathan Cape, joking that "There is not a moment, even on the edge of the tomb, when I am not slaving for you";[117] the result was Fleming's only children's novel, Chitty-Chitty-Bang-Bang, which was published in October 1964, two months after his death.[118]

In June 1961 Fleming sold a six-month option on the film rights to his published and future James Bond novels and short stories to Harry Saltzman.[111] Saltzman formed the production vehicle Eon Productions along with Albert R. "Cubby" Broccoli, and after an extensive search, they hired Sean Connery on a six-film deal, later reduced to five beginning with Dr. No (1962).[119][120] Connery's depiction of Bond affected the literary character; in You Only Live Twice, the first book written after Dr. No was released, Fleming gave Bond a sense of humour that was not present in the previous stories.[121]

Fleming's second non-fiction book was published in November 1963: Thrilling Cities,[122] a reprint of a series of Sunday Times articles based on Fleming's impressions of world cities[123] in trips taken during 1959 and 1960.[124] Approached in 1964 by producer Norman Felton to write a spy series for television, Fleming provided several ideas, including the names of characters Napoleon Solo and April Dancer, for the series The Man from U.N.C.L.E.[125] However, Fleming withdrew from the project following a request from Eon Productions, who were keen to avoid any legal problems that might occur if the project overlapped with the Bond films.[126]

In January 1964 Fleming went to Goldeneye for what proved to be his last holiday and wrote the first draft of The Man with the Golden Gun.[127] He was dissatisfied with it and wrote to William Plomer, the copy editor of his novels, asking for it to be rewritten.[128] Fleming became increasingly unhappy with the book and considered rewriting it, but was dissuaded by Plomer, who considered it viable for publication.[129]


Ian Fleming's grave and memorial at Sevenhampton

Fleming was a heavy smoker and drinker throughout his adult life, and suffered from heart disease.[d] In 1961, aged 53, he suffered a heart attack and struggled to recuperate.[132] On 11 August 1964, while staying at a hotel in Canterbury, Fleming went to the Royal St George's Golf Club for lunch and later dined at his hotel with friends. The day had been tiring for him, and he collapsed with another heart attack shortly after the meal.[132] Fleming died at age 56 in the early morning of 12 August 1964—his son Caspar's twelfth birthday.[133][134] His last recorded words were an apology to the ambulance drivers for having inconvenienced them,[135] saying "I am sorry to trouble you chaps. I don't know how you get along so fast with the traffic on the roads these days."[136] Fleming was buried in the churchyard of Sevenhampton, near Swindon.[137] His will was proved on 4 November, with his estate valued at £302,147 (equivalent to £6,014,239 in 2018[138]).[139]

Fleming's last two books, The Man with the Golden Gun and Octopussy and The Living Daylights, were published posthumously.[90] The Man with the Golden Gun was published eight months after Fleming's death and had not been through the full editing process by Fleming.[140] As a result, the novel was thought by publishing company Jonathan Cape to be thin and "feeble".[141] The publishers had passed the manuscript to Kingsley Amis to read on holiday, but did not use his suggestions.[141] Fleming's biographer Henry Chandler observes that the novel "received polite and rather sad reviews, recognising that the book had effectively been left half-finished, and as such did not represent Fleming at the top of his game".[142] The final Bond book, containing two short stories, Octopussy and The Living Daylights, was published in Britain on 23 June 1966.[143]

In October 1975 Fleming's son Caspar, aged 23, committed suicide by drug overdose[144] and was buried with his father.[137] Fleming's widow, Ann, died in 1981 and was buried with her husband and their son.[23]


The author Raymond Benson, who later wrote a series of Bond novels, noted that Fleming's books fall into two distinct periods along stylistic lines. Those books written between 1953 and 1960 tend to concentrate on "mood, character development, and plot advancement",[145] while those released between 1961 and 1966 incorporate more detail and imagery. Benson argues that Fleming had become "a master storyteller" by the time he wrote Thunderball in 1961.[143]

Jeremy Black divides the series based on the villains Fleming created, a division supported by fellow academic Christoph Lindner.[146] Thus the early books from Casino Royale to For Your Eyes Only are classed as "Cold War stories", with SMERSH as the antagonists,[147] followed by Blofeld and SPECTRE as Bond's opponents in the three novels Thunderball, On Her Majesty's Secret Service and You Only Live Twice, after the thawing of East–West relations.[148][e] Black and Lindner both classify the remaining books—The Man with the Golden Gun, Octopussy and The Living Daylights and The Spy Who Loved Me—as "the later Fleming stories".[150]

Style and technique

Fleming said of his work, "while thrillers may not be Literature with a capital L, it is possible to write what I can best describe as 'thrillers designed to be read as literature'".[151] He named Raymond Chandler, Dashiell Hammett, Eric Ambler and Graham Greene as influences.[152] William Cook in the New Statesman considered James Bond to be "the culmination of an important but much-maligned tradition in English literature. As a boy, Fleming devoured the Bulldog Drummond tales of Lieutenant Colonel H. C. McNeile (aka "Sapper") and the Richard Hannay stories of John Buchan. His genius was to repackage these antiquated adventures to fit the fashion of postwar Britain ... In Bond, he created a Bulldog Drummond for the jet age."[89] Umberto Eco considered Mickey Spillane to have been another major influence.[153]

In May 1963 Fleming wrote a piece for Books and Bookmen magazine in which he described his approach to writing Bond books: "I write for about three hours in the morning ... and I do another hour's work between six and seven in the evening. I never correct anything and I never go back to see what I have written ... By following my formula, you write 2,000 words a day."[151] Benson identified what he described as the "Fleming Sweep", the use of "hooks" at the end of chapters to heighten tension and pull the reader into the next.[145] The hooks combine with what Anthony Burgess calls "a heightened journalistic style"[154] to produce "a speed of narrative, which hustles the reader past each danger point of mockery".[155]

Umberto Eco analysed Fleming's works from a Structuralist point of view,[156] and identified a series of oppositions within the storylines that provide structure and narrative, including:

• Bond—M
• Bond—Villain
• Villain—Woman
• Woman—Bond
• Free World—Soviet Union
• Great Britain—Non-Anglo-Saxon Countries
• Duty—Sacrifice • Cupidity—Ideals
• Love—Death
• Chance—Planning
• Luxury—Discomfort
• Excess—Moderation
• Perversion—Innocence
• Loyalty—Dishonour[157]

Eco also noted that the Bond villains tend to come from Central Europe or from Slavic or Mediterranean countries and have a mixed heritage and "complex and obscure origins".[158] Eco found that the villains were generally asexual or homosexual, inventive, organisationally astute, and wealthy.[158] Black observed the same point: "Fleming did not use class enemies for his villains instead relying on physical distortion or ethnic identity ... Furthermore, in Britain foreign villains used foreign servants and employees ... This racism reflected not only a pronounced theme of interwar adventure writing, such as the novels of Buchan, but also wider literary culture."[159] Writer Louise Welsh found that the novel Live and Let Die "taps into the paranoia that some sectors of white society were feeling" as the civil rights movements challenged prejudice and inequality.[160]

Fleming used well-known brand names and everyday details to support a sense of realism.[151] Kingsley Amis called this "the Fleming effect",[161] describing it as "the imaginative use of information, whereby the pervading fantastic nature of Bond's world ... [is] bolted down to some sort of reality, or at least counter-balanced."[162]
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Part 2 of 2

Major themes

Britain's position in the world

The Bond books were written in post-war Britain, when the country was still an imperial power.[163] As the series progressed, the British Empire was in decline; journalist William Cook observed that "Bond pandered to Britain's inflated and increasingly insecure self-image, flattering us with the fantasy that Britannia could still punch above her weight."[89] This decline of British power was referred to in several of the novels; in From Russia, with Love, it manifested itself in Bond's conversations with Darko Kerim, when Bond admits that in England, "we don't show teeth any more—only gums."[164][165] The theme is strongest in one of the later books of the series, the 1964 novel You Only Live Twice, in conversations between Bond and the head of Japan's secret intelligence service, Tiger Tanaka. Fleming was acutely aware of the loss of British prestige in the 1950s and early 60s, particularly during the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation, when he had Tanaka accuse Britain of throwing away the empire "with both hands".[165][166][167]

Black points to the defections of four members of MI6 to the Soviet Union as having a major impact on how Britain was viewed in US intelligence circles.[168] The last of the defections was that of Kim Philby in January 1963,[169] while Fleming was still writing the first draft of You Only Live Twice.[170] The briefing between Bond and M is the first time in the twelve books that Fleming acknowledges the defections.[171] Black contends that the conversation between M and Bond allows Fleming to discuss the decline of Britain, with the defections and the Profumo affair of 1963 as a backdrop.[167] Two of the defections had taken place shortly before Fleming wrote Casino Royale,[172] and the book can be seen as the writer's "attempt to reflect the disturbing moral ambiguity of a post-war world that could produce traitors like Burgess and Maclean", according to Lycett.[173]

By the end of the series, in the 1965 novel, The Man with the Golden Gun, Black notes that an independent inquiry was undertaken by the Jamaican judiciary, while the CIA and MI6 were recorded as acting "under the closest liaison and direction of the Jamaican CID": this was the new world of a non-colonial, independent Jamaica, further underlining the decline of the British Empire.[174] The decline was also reflected in Bond's use of US equipment and personnel in several novels.[175] Uncertain and shifting geopolitics led Fleming to replace the Russian organisation SMERSH with the international terrorist group SPECTRE in Thunderball, permitting "evil unconstrained by ideology".[176] Black argues that SPECTRE provides a measure of continuity to the remaining stories in the series.[147]

Effects of the war

A theme throughout the series was the effect of the Second World War.[177] The Times journalist Ben Macintyre considers that Bond was "the ideal antidote to Britain's postwar austerity, rationing and the looming premonition of lost power",[178] at a time when coal and many items of food were still rationed.[89] Fleming often used the war as a signal to establish good or evil in characters:[95][179] in For Your Eyes Only, the villain, Hammerstein, is a former Gestapo officer, while the sympathetic Royal Canadian Mounted Police officer, Colonel Johns, served with the British under Montgomery in the Eighth Army.[180] Similarly, in Moonraker, Drax (Graf Hugo von der Drache) is a "megalomaniac German Nazi who masquerades as an English gentleman",[181] and his assistant, Krebs, bears the same name as Hitler's last Chief of Staff.[95] In this, Fleming "exploits another British cultural antipathy of the 1950s. Germans, in the wake of the Second World War, made another easy and obvious target for bad press."[181] As the series progressed, the threat of a re-emergent Germany was overtaken by concerns about the Cold War, and the novels changed their focus accordingly.[182]


Periodically in the series, the topic of comradeship or friendship arises, with a male ally who works with Bond on his mission.[183] Raymond Benson believes that the relationships Bond has with his allies "add another dimension to Bond's character, and ultimately, to the thematic continuity of the novels".[184] In Live and Let Die, agents Quarrel and Leiter represent the importance of male friends and allies, seen especially in Bond's response to the shark attack on Leiter; Benson observes that "the loyalty Bond feels towards his friends is as strong as his commitment to his job".[185] In Dr. No, Quarrel is "an indispensable ally".[186] Benson sees no evidence of discrimination in their relationship[187] and notes Bond's genuine remorse and sadness at Quarrel's death.[188]

The "traitor within"

From the opening novel in the series, the theme of treachery was strong. Bond's target in Casino Royale, Le Chiffre, was the paymaster of a French communist trade union, and the overtones of a fifth column struck a chord with the largely British readership, as Communist influence in the trade unions had been an issue in the press and parliament,[189] especially after the defections of Burgess and Maclean in 1951.[173] The "traitor within" theme continued in Live and Let Die and Moonraker.[190]

Good versus evil

Raymond Benson considered the most obvious theme of the series to be good versus evil.[183] This crystallised in Goldfinger with the Saint George motif, which is stated explicitly in the book:[108] "Bond sighed wearily. Once more into the breach, dear friend! This time, it really was St George and the dragon. And St George had better get a move on and do something";[191] Black notes that the image of St. George is an English, rather than British personification.[192]

Anglo-American relations

The Bond novels also dealt with the question of Anglo-American relations, reflecting the central role of the US in the defence of the West.[193] In the aftermath of the Second World War, tensions surfaced between a British government trying to retain its empire and the American desire for a capitalist new world order, but Fleming did not focus on this directly, instead creating "an impression of the normality of British imperial rule and action".[177] Author and journalist Christopher Hitchens observed that "the central paradox of the classic Bond stories is that, although superficially devoted to the Anglo-American war against communism, they are full of contempt and resentment for America and Americans".[194] Fleming was aware of this tension between the two countries, but did not focus on it strongly.[177] Kingsley Amis, in his exploration of Bond in The James Bond Dossier, pointed out that "Leiter, such a nonentity as a piece of characterization ... he, the American, takes orders from Bond, the Britisher, and that Bond is constantly doing better than he".[195]

For three of the novels, Goldfinger, Live and Let Die and Dr. No, it is Bond the British agent who has to sort out what turns out to be an American problem,[196] and Black points out that although it is American assets that are under threat in Dr. No, a British agent and a British warship, HMS Narvik, are sent with British soldiers to the island at the end of the novel to settle the matter.[197] Fleming became increasingly jaundiced about America, and his comments in the penultimate novel You Only Live Twice reflect this;[198] Bond's responses to Tanaka's comments reflect the declining relationship between Britain and America—in sharp contrast to the warm, co-operative relationship between Bond and Leiter in the earlier books.[167]


Bronze bust of Fleming by sculptor Anthony Smith, commissioned by the Fleming family in 2008 to commemorate the centenary of the author's birth.[199]

In the late 1950s the author Geoffrey Jenkins had suggested to Fleming that he write a Bond novel set in South Africa, and sent him his own idea for a plot outline which, according to Jenkins, Fleming felt had great potential.[200] After Fleming's death, Jenkins was commissioned by Bond publishers Glidrose Productions to write a continuation Bond novel, Per Fine Ounce, but it was never published.[201] Starting with Kingsley Amis's Colonel Sun, under the pseudonym "Robert Markham" in 1968,[202] several authors have been commissioned to write Bond novels, including Sebastian Faulks, who was asked by Ian Fleming Publications to write a new Bond novel in observance of what would have been Fleming's 100th birthday in 2008.[203]

During his lifetime Fleming sold thirty million books; double that number were sold in the two years following his death.[1] In 2008 The Times ranked Fleming fourteenth on its list of "The 50 greatest British writers since 1945".[204] In 2002 Ian Fleming Publications announced the launch of the CWA Ian Fleming Steel Dagger award, presented by the Crime Writers' Association to the best thriller, adventure or spy novel originally published in the UK.[205]

The Eon Productions series of Bond films, which started in 1962 with Dr. No, continued after Fleming's death. Along with two non-Eon produced films, there have been twenty four Eon films, with the most recent, Spectre, released in October 2015.[206] The Eon Productions series has grossed over $6.2 billion worldwide, making it one of the highest-grossing film series.[207]

The influence of Bond in the cinema and in literature is evident in films and books including the Austin Powers series,[208] Carry On Spying[209] and the Jason Bourne character.[205] In 2011 Fleming became the first English-language writer to have an international airport named after him: Ian Fleming International Airport, near Oracabessa, Jamaica, was officially opened on 12 January 2011 by Jamaican Prime Minister Bruce Golding and Fleming's niece, Lucy.[210]


See also: List of James Bond novels and short stories

• Casino Royale (1953)[f]
• Live and Let Die (1954)
• Moonraker (1955)[g]
• Diamonds Are Forever (1956)
• From Russia, with Love (1957)
• The Diamond Smugglers (1957)[214]
• Dr. No (1958)
• Goldfinger (1959)
• For Your Eyes Only (1960)[h]
• Thunderball (1961)[i]
• The Spy Who Loved Me (1962)[j]
• On Her Majesty's Secret Service (1963)
• Thrilling Cities (1963)[217]
• You Only Live Twice (1964)
• Chitty-Chitty-Bang-Bang (1964)[218]
• The Man with the Golden Gun (1965)[k]
• Octopussy and The Living Daylights (1966)[l]

Biographical films

• Goldeneye: The Secret Life of Ian Fleming, 1989. A television film starring Charles Dance as Fleming. The film focuses on Fleming's life during the Second World War, his love life and the writing of James Bond.[220]
• Spymaker: The Secret Life of Ian Fleming, 1990. A television film starring Jason Connery (son of Sean) as Fleming in a Bond-like adventure set during World War II.[221]
• Ian Fleming: Bondmaker, 2005. A television drama-documentary, first broadcast on BBC on 28 August 2005. Ben Daniels portrayed Fleming.[222]
• Ian Fleming: Where Bond Began, 2008. Television documentary about the life of Ian Fleming, broadcast 19 October 2008 by the BBC. Presented by former Bond girl, Joanna Lumley.[223]
• The film Age of Heroes is based on the exploits of 30 Commando; James D'Arcy played Fleming.[224]
• Fleming: The Man Who Would Be Bond, a BBC America television four-episode mini-series, broadcast in January and February 2014, starring Dominic Cooper in the title role.[225][226]

See also

• Outline of James Bond


1. Since 2000 Robert Fleming & Co has been part of JP Morgan Chase.[5]
2. The school was near to the estate of the Bond family, who could trace their ancestry to an Elizabethan spy named John Bond, and whose motto was Non Sufficit Orbis—the world is not enough.[12]
3. Some sources provide the name as "Monique Panchaud de Bottomes".[17]
4. When he was 38, Fleming smoked up to 70 cigarettes a day;[130] he had been having them custom made at Morland of Grosvenor Street since the 1930s, and three gold bands on the filter were added during the war to mirror his naval commander's rank.[131]
5. Despite the thaw, the Cold War became increasingly tense again shortly afterwards, with the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the construction of the Berlin Wall and the Cuban Missile Crisis all occurring in an eighteen-month period from April 1961 to November 1962.[149]
6. The first US paperback edition of Casino Royale was re-titled You Asked For It,[211] and Bond's name was changed to "Jimmy Bond".[212]
7. First US paperback edition of Moonraker was re-titled Too Hot to Handle.[213]
8. Consisting of: "From a View to a Kill"; "For Your Eyes Only"; "Risico"; "Quantum of Solace" and "The Hildebrand Rarity".
9. Due to a legal battle, the book's storyline is also credited to Kevin McClory and Jack Whittingham;[113] see the controversy over Thunderball.
10. Fleming refused to allow a paperback edition to be published in the UK,[215] but one was published after his death.[216]
11. See the controversy over authorship.
12. Originally published as two stories, "Octopussy" and "The Living Daylights"; modern editions now also contain "The Property of a Lady" and "007 in New York".[219]


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209. Angelini, Sergio. "Carry On Spying (1964)". Screenonline. British Film Institute. Retrieved 3 July2011.
210. "Ian Fleming International Airport opened in Jamaica!". News & Press. Ian Fleming Publications. 17 January 2011. Archived from the original on 22 July 2012. Retrieved 14 December 2011.
211. Pfeiffer & Worrall 1998, p. 203.
212. Benson 1988, p. 9.
213. Benson 1988, pp. 11–12.
214. "The Diamond Smugglers". The Books. Ian Fleming Publications. Retrieved 8 December 2011.
215. Lycett 1996, p. 402.
216. Lycett 1996, p. 446.
217. "Thrilling Cities". The Books. Ian Fleming Publications. Retrieved 8 December 2011.
218. "Chitty Chitty Bang Bang". The Books. Ian Fleming Publications. Archived from the original on 21 September 2011. Retrieved 8 December 2011.
219. "Octopussy & The living daylights / Ian Fleming". The British Library Catalogue. The British Library. Retrieved 4 December 2011.
220. McEntee, John (2 April 2001). "Diary: Charles Dance". Daily Express. London. p. 29.
221. Wilkinson, Jack (28 June 1990). "BC cycle". United Press International.
222. Pryor, Cathy (28 August 2005). "TV Choice: Ian Fleming: Bondmaker. Tonight, 10.45 pm BBC1". Independent on Sunday. London. p. 29.
223. Lumley, Joanna (18 October 2008). "My bond with Bond: an English girl's cable car ride to another world". The Times. London. p. 26.
224. "Film: "Age of Heroes" Charts Ian Fleming's Commando Unit". The Global Herald. London. 23 April 2011. Archived from the original on 22 May 2011. Retrieved 25 April 2011.
225. "Lara Pulver Talks Taking On The Woman Behind 'Bond' Author Ian Fleming". Yahoo. Archived from the original on 30 January 2014. Retrieved 30 January 2014.
226. Brant, Emma (25 January 2013). "Actress Lara Pulver Plays Bond Girl in TV drama". BBC. London.


• Amis, Kingsley (1966). The James Bond Dossier. London: Pan Books. OCLC 752401390.
• Bennett, Tony; Woollacott, Janet (2003). "The Moments of Bond". In Lindner, Christoph (ed.). The James Bond Phenomenon: A Critical Reader. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-6541-5.
• Benson, Raymond (1988). The James Bond Bedside Companion. London: Boxtree Ltd. ISBN 978-1-85283-233-9.
• Black, Jeremy (2005). The Politics of James Bond: From Fleming's Novel to the Big Screen. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-6240-9.
• Britton, Wesley Alan (2004). Spy Television (2 ed.). Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-275-98163-1.
• Burgess, Anthony (1984). 99 Novels. The Best in English Since 1939: A Personal Choice. London: Summit Books. ISBN 978-0-671-52407-4.
• Chancellor, Henry (2005). James Bond: The Man and His World. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-7195-6815-2.
• DelFattore, Joan (1989). "Ian Fleming". In Benstock, Bernard; Staley, Thomas (eds.). British Mystery and Thriller Writers Since 1940. Detroit: Gale Research. ISBN 978-0-7876-3072-0.
• Eco, Umberto (2003). "Narrative Structures in Fleming". In Lindner, Christoph (ed.). The James Bond Phenomenon: A Critical Reader. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-6541-5.
• Faulks, Sebastian; Fleming, Ian (2009). Devil May Care. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-103545-1.
• Fleming, Ian (1963). Thrilling Cities. London: Jonathan Cape.
• Fleming, Ian (2006). Goldfinger. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-102831-6.
• Fleming, Ian; Welsh, Louise (2006). Live and Let Die. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-102832-3.
• Fleming, Ian; Higson, Charlie (2006). From Russia, with Love. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-102829-3.
• Gant, Richard (1966). Ian Fleming: Man with the Golden Pen. London: Mayflower-Dell. OCLC 487676374.
• Griswold, John (2006). Ian Fleming's James Bond: Annotations And Chronologies for Ian Fleming's Bond Stories. Bloomington, Indiana: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-4259-3100-1.
• Lane, Andy; Simpson, Paul (2000). The Bond Files: The Unofficial Guide to the World's Greatest Secret Agent. London: Virgin Books. ISBN 978-0-7535-0490-1.
• Lindner, Christoph (2009). The James Bond Phenomenon: A Critical Reader. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-6541-5.
• Longden, Sean (2010). T-Force: The Race for Nazi War Secrets, 1945. London: Constable & Robinson. ISBN 978-1-84901-297-3.
• Lycett, Andrew (1996). Ian Fleming. London: Phoenix. ISBN 978-1-85799-783-5.
• Macintyre, Ben (2008). For Your Eyes Only. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7475-9527-4.
• Macintyre, Ben (2010). Operation Mincemeat: The True Spy Story That Changed the Course of World War II. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4088-0921-1.
• MacLean, Rory (2012). Gift of Time. London: Constable & Robinson. ISBN 978-1-84901-857-9.
• Pearson, John (1967). The Life of Ian Fleming: Creator of James Bond. London: Pan Books.
• Pfeiffer, Lee; Worrall, Dave (1998). The Essential Bond. London: Boxtree Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7522-2477-0.
• Rankin, Nicholas (2011). Ian Fleming's Commandos: The Story of 30 Assault Unit in WWII. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-25062-2.
• Winn, Christopher (2012). I Never Knew That About England. London: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4481-4606-2.

External links

• Media from Wikimedia Commons
• Quotations from Wikiquote
• Official website
• Works by or about Ian Fleming at Internet Archive
• Ian Fleming on IMDb
• Works by Ian Fleming at Faded Page (Canada)
• "Archival material relating to Ian Fleming". UK National Archives.
• Portraits of Ian Fleming at the National Portrait Gallery, London
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Black Hole of Calcutta
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/17/19



-- The Black Hole -- The Question of Holwell's Veracity, by J. H. Little, Bengal, Past & Present, Journal of the Calcutta Historical Society, Vol. XI, Part 1, July-Sept., 1915

-- Full Proceedings of the Black Hole Debate, Bengal, Past & Present, Journal of the Calcutta Historical Society, Vol. XII. Jan – June, 1916

-- A Genuine Narrative of the deplorable Deaths of the English Gentlemen, and Others, who were suffocated in the Black Hole in Fort-William, at Calcutta, in the Kingdom of Bengal; in the Night succeeding the 20th Day of June 1756., In a Letter to a Friend, from India Tracts, by Mr. J.Z. Holwell, and Friends.

-- Interesting Historical Events, Relative to the Provinces of Bengal, and the Empire of Indostan. With a Seasonable Hint and Persuasive to the Honourable The Court of Directors of the East India Company. As Also The Mythology and Cosmogony, Facts and Festivals of the Gentoo's, followers of the Shastah. And a Dissertation on the Metempsychosis, commonly, though erroneously, called the Pythagorean Doctrine. Part II. By J.Z. Holwell, Esq.

-- Forging Indian Religion: East India Company Servants and the Construction of ‘Gentoo’/‘Hindoo’ Scripture in the 1760s, by Jessica Patterson

-- Holwell's Religion of Paradise, Excerpt from The Birth of Orientalism, by Urs App

John Zephaniah Holwell has received the eulogy of modern writers for his gallant defence of Calcutta in 1756 after the desertion of Governor Drake and his chief officers. He was the principal survivor of the Black Hole tragedy and wrote a narrative of his sufferings. When Clive left India in February 1760, Holwell succeeded him as Governor of Calcutta, but in August was superseded by Vansittart. His great achievement as Governor was to work up a case, in a most unscrupulous manner, against Nawab Mir Jafar. He prepared a memorial3 [The memorial may be found in Holwell's India Tracts and also in Vansittart’s Narrative Vol. 1 pp. 46-63.] on the state of the affairs of the province for the new Governor who was on his way to Calcutta. In this memorial he laid at the door of Mir Jafar all the evils under which the country was suffering; he charged him with treacherous dealings with the Dutch in the previous year, although Major Caillaud pointed out to him that this was never clearly proved, and even if it had been proved the fault had been condoned by Clive; he charged him with corresponding with the Shahzada, although Warren Hastings declared that the document was a forgery4 [The letters of Major Caillaud and Warren Hastings are given in India Tracts, but the writer has mislaid the exact reference.]; he charged him with the murder of persons who were alive when Mir Jafar himself was dead5 [See infra.] and he got £30,000 for himself when his scheme was successful.6 [Malcolm's Life of Clive (1836) Vol. 2, p. 289. See Bengal P. & P. Vol. VIII pp. 214-219.] The dethronement of Mir Jafar, condemned by Clive,7 [Malcolm's Life of Clive, Vol. 2, p. 255.] protested against by seven of the Company’s servants in Bengal who asserted that if the President had consulted the whole Council the measure would have been rejected,8 [Holwell’s India Tracts (1774) p. 107.] approved by the Court of Directors in such hesitating terms that Warren Hastings did not venture to translate the despatch to the new Nawab,9 [Hastings to Vansittart, July 14, 1762. (Vansittart’s Narrative Vol. 2, p. 69.)] was carried out by Governor Vansittart in October, and Mir Kasim was installed in his place.

Holwell was a man of great ability which he used unscrupulously to secure his own ends. Clive condemns him in the strongest terms: “Mr. Holwell is a specious and sensible man, but from what I have heard and observed myself I cannot be persuaded he will ever make use of his abilities for the good of the Company.”10 [Clive to William Mabbot, 31 Jan. 1757, (Hill’s Bengal in 1756-57 Vol. 2, p. 186)] He trembled to think of the fatal consequences if he were succeeded by such a mercenary man. “Mr. * * * has talents, but I fear wants a heart, therefore unfit to preside where integrity as well as capacity are equally essential.”11 [Malcolm's Life of Clive Vol. 2, p. 137 and p. 139. Asterisks are placed for the name but it is quite clear that Holwell is the man.] It seems ungenerous to add that when Siraj-ud-daula besieged Calcutta Holwell would have run away with the others if he had been able. But the statement was made at the time. Ives mentions it without condemnation12 [A Voyage from England to India in the year 1754 etc. (1773) p. 93. Ives was surgeon to Admiral Watson.] and Clive believed it. “I am well informed," he wrote, “there is no merit due to him for staying behind in the fort, nothing but the want of a boat prevented his escape and flight with the rest.”13 [In the letter quoted above. So Mr. William Lindsay who left the fort by permission on the 19th June. “It was much against his inclination being there, two gentlemen having carried away the budgerow he had waiting for him. I mention this as I understand he made a merit in staying when he found he could not get off." Letter to Mr. Robert Orme from Fulta July 1756. Hill’s Bengal in 1756-57, Vol. 1, p. 168.]

As a historian Holwell enjoys a reputation which is quite undeserved. To qualify himself to write on the history of India Holwell asserts that he “studiously perused all that has been written of the empire of Indostan, both as to its ancient as well as more modern state; as also the various accounts transmitted to us, by authors in almost all ages (from Arrian, down to the Abbé de Guyon) concerning the Hindoos, and the religious tenets of the Bramins.” He proceeds “to pronounce them all very defective, fallacious, and unsatisfactory to an inquisitive searcher after truth.”14 [Holwell's Interesting Historical Events, Part 1, p. 5.] Holwell may have been right, for all his reading did not save him from making the elementary blunder of declaring that Prince Nicosir, a pretender to the Empire in 1709, was a son of the great Akbar who died in 1605!15 [Holwell’s Interesting Historical Events, Part 1, p. 37.] If Holwell is correct in his history of the Mughal Empire from the death of Aurungzeb to the reign of Muhammad Shah then Elphinstone’s History of India needs revision for that period. If the Seir Mutaqherin approximates to history then Holwell’s account of the Transactions in Bengal from 1717 to 1750 is romance.

Here the reader may object: “Granted (though we should require better proof than you have brought forward) that Holwell was an inaccurate historian, that does not prove that he was a dishonest man." The latter point will now be established by showing (1) that Holwell fabricated a speech and fathered it on the Nawab Alivardi Khan; (2) that he brought false charges against the Nawab Mir Jafar; (3) that he fabricated a whole book and called it a translation from the ancient sacred writings of the Hindus.

(1) In a letter to the Court of Directors, dated Fulta, 30 November 1756,16 [Hill's Bengal in 1756-1757 Vol. 2, p. l.] Holwell is at pains to prove that the protection given by the Company’s servants to subjects of the Nawab was not the cause, as had been alleged, of Siraj-ud-daula’s attack on Calcutta. He asserts that Alivardi Khan “had long meditated to destroy the forts and garrisons of the Europeans,” and in support of this statement he quotes “verbatim, the last discourse and council which Mahabut Jung (Alivardi Khan) gave his grandson (Siraj-ud-daula) a few days before his death,” which, he adds, "I had from very good authority at Murshidabad, after my releasement.” Then follows the speech from which the following extract may be made:—“Keep in view the power the European nations have in the country. This fear I would also have freed you from if God had lengthened my days—The work, my son, must now be yours ....... ..Think not to weaken all three together. The power of the English is great; they have lately conquered Angria, and possessed themselves of his country; reduce them first; the others will give you little trouble, when you have reduced them. Suffer them not, my son, to have fortifications or soldiers: if you do, the country is not yours.”17 [Hill's Bengal in 1756-1757, Vol. 2, p. 16.]

This speech called forth some very plain language. Matthew Collet, second at Cassimbazar, contemptuously dismissed it with the words:—“As to Alliverde Cawn's last dying speech to his nephew, I look on it as a specious fable.”18 [Letter from Collet to Council, Fort William (Hill, Vol. 2, p. 129).] Richard Becher, chief of the Company’s factory at Dacca remarks:—“Mr. Holwell will excuse me if I do not admitt Alliverdee Cawn's speech as genuine till better proofs are brought to support it than any I have yet seen. Such advice if really given, it is reasonable to imagine had few or no witnesses, so that it appears very improbable Mr. Holwell in his distressed situation at Muxadavad should have been able to unravell the mysterries of the Cabinet and explore a secret never yet known to any one but himself.”19 [Letter from Becher to Council, Fort William (Hill, Vol. 2, p. 162).] William Watts, chief of the factory at Cassimbazar, observes:—“The last dying speech of Mahabut Jung or Alliverdi Cawn to his grandson neither he, or I believe, any of the gentlemen of the factory, ever heard of; neither have I since from any of the country people; it seems an imitation of the speech of Lewis XIV. to his grandson, and appears as Mr. Collet aptly terms it only a specious fable.”20 [Letter from Watts to Court of Directors, (Hill, Vol. 3, p. 336).]

Holwell replied to what (in his own words) was a charge of imposing on the Court of Directors a forgery that had no foundation but in his own invention. After quoting the words of Messrs. Collet, Becher and Watts he proceeds:—"That Mr. Becher should not believe the speech genuine I do not much wonder at, as he seems fully resolved that nothing shall drive him from his adopted principal cause of our misfortunes, the detention of the Nabob’s subjects, in confutation of which I have said sufficient; but the reasons this gentleman gives for his believing the speech not genuine had been better omitted for his own sake. The speech might probably enough have been a secret whilst it was necessary it should be so; but when I obtained it that necessity had long vanished, and Mr. Becher might have observed I say I had it from good authority, after my releasement, which was more than three months after the period it was uttered, and was no longer to be deemed a mystery of the cabinet, but might be judiciously enough divulged and circulated as an apology for and in support of Surajud Dowla's proceedings against the English, &c. Mr. Becher's opinion, “that I was unable to explore a secret, never yet known to any one but myself,” I would explain and reply to, could I possibly understand him. Shall only add, for Your Honours’ satisfaction, and in vindication of my own veracity, that I was released the 16th of July, and continued at the Tanksall, and the Dutch and French factories, until the 19th at night; during which period I had frequent conferences with the principal Armenians, and some the immediate servants of the late and present Suba, from whence I had the speech literally as I have given it; and notwithstanding the ingenious ridicule it meets from Messieurs Watts and Collet to cover their deficiency in matters which ought to have been known to them, I will not despair of giving Your Honours yet more convincing proofs of its being genuine.” The only proof that Holwell produces is a copy of a letter written by William Forth, surgeon at Cassimbazar, who relates that he was attending the Nawab fifteen days before his death when Siraj-ud-daula entered the room and charged the English with plotting to set up a rival to him in the succession. Alivardi Khan questioned Forth and at the end of his examination declared “he did not believe a word of the report he had heard.”21 [Letter from Holwell to Court of Directors, (Hill, Vol. 3, pp. 355, 356, 357.] How this helps Holwell it is difficult to see.

Holwell’s reply is as feeble as it could possibly be. Why did he not produce names with the date and hour of the conferences? He dared not. Watts and Collet were stationed close to Murshidabad and could have bowled him out. The only other remark of Holwell’s worthy of the slightest notice is his statement that the secret might have been circulated as an apology for the Nawab’s proceedings against the English. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Manningham, in his evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons said that “it was impossible to give any rational account of the origin of the Troubles”; that he was in Murshidabad with Clive in July 1757 and “enquiry was then made with all possible attention, but without success, into the motives of Surajah Dowla’s conduct from his principal officers, and likewise from the officers of his predecessor, from the Seats, and every other person from whom information was likely to be obtained.22 [First Report, (Hill, Vol. 3, p. 284).] Scrafton says the same. “I have made it my study since our intercourse with the great men at court, to penetrate into the cause of this event, but could never obtain anything satisfactory .... Perhaps it is a vain research to trace the motives of a capricious tyrant."23 [Scrafton, Reflections on the Government, &c., of Indostan (1763) p. 55.] Finally, on the main point we have the evidence of a relation24 [Hill, Vol. I Introduction, p. xxviii, foot note.] of Alivardi Khan’s—the author of the Seir Mutaqherin—who states:—“He (Alivardi Khan) used to compare the Europeans to a hive of bees, of whose honey you might reap the benefit, but that if you disturbed their hive they would sting you to death.” On another occasion, when his General, Mustafa Khan, supported by his nephew, Sayyid Ahmad, represented the ease with which the Europeans might be deprived of their immense wealth, he exclaimed: “My child, Mustapha Khan is a soldier, and wishes us to be constantly in need of his service, but how come you to join in his request? What have the English done against me that I should use them ill? It is now difficult to extinguish fire on land; but should the sea be in flames, who can put them out? Never listen to such advice as his, for the result would probably be fatal."25 [All this is borrowed from Hill’s Bengal in 1756-57 Vol I, Introduction p. xxxi.] Commenting on the inconsistency of these words with Holwell’s speech Dr. Busteed suggests that probably Alivardi Khan modified these views later on.26 [Echoes from Old Calcutta (2nd edition) p. 5 footnote.] Undoubtedly he did, or Holwell is guilty of forgery. Let the reader judge.

(2) With respect to the second charge against Holwell the reader will probably be disposed to accept the judgment of Clive and his Council who in 1766 considered it their duty to acquaint the Court of Directors in an official despatch that the “horrible massacres” with which Holwell had charged Nawab Mir Jafar were “cruel aspersions on the character of that prince" and had not the least foundation in truth. The persons who, according to Holwell, had been put to death by Mir Jafar “are all now living, except two, who were put to death by Meeran, without the Nawab’s consent or knowledge.“27 [Long's Selections from Unpublished Records of Government, p. 428.]

(3) Holwell asserts that the leisure hours of his thirty years’ residence in India were spent in collecting materials relative to the history and religion of the inhabitants of the country. Many curious Hindu manuscripts came into his possession and among them “two very correct and valuable copies of the Gentoo Shastah" procured with great labour and at great expense. He spent eighteen months in translating the Sastra.28 [Interesting Historical Events, Part 1, p. 3.] In one year more he would have completed the work but the catastrophe of 1756 intervened and when Calcutta was captured he lost manuscript and translation. By an unforeseen and extraordinary event “that possibly I may hereafter relate” (he never does so) he recovered some of his manuscripts.29 [Interesting Historical Events, Part 1, p. 4.] Hence he was able to give to the world an account of what he calls the “Chartah Bhade of Bramah,” the oldest and purest of the sacred writings of the Hindus. In Holwell’s time only three or four families were capable of reading and expounding it from the Sanskrit character.30 [Interesting Historical Events, Part 2, p. 15.] He obtained his information concerning it not from ordinary learned Brahmans who, in spite of their knowledge of the truth, pandered to the corrupt beliefs of the mob, but from those “whose purity of principle and manners and zeal for the primitive doctrines of Bramah’s Shastah sets them above disguising the truth."31 [Interesting Historical Events, Part 2, p 9 and p. 21.] Holwell gives an account of the doctrines contained in the “Chartah Bhade of Bramah”32 [Interesting Historical Events, Part 2, pp. 9 to 21.] and a translation of the first book and a section of the second. This version of the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus will make Sanskrit scholars stare and gasp. But what condemns the whole thing as a colossal fraud is the fact that Holwell has retained some words of the original in his translation which he explains in footnotes, and from these words it appears that his manuscript of the “Chartah Bhade” which only a few Brahman families were capable of reading and expounding from the Sanskrit character, was written in a mixture of Colloquial Bengali and Hindustani33 [Holwell starts his translation with the words "God is one" which according to a footnote are a translation of "ekhummesha" (ek, one hamesha, always?) pure Hindustani (Interesting Historical Events, Part 2 p. 31). The other words of the Sanskrit (?) original given in the translation or in footnotes are:—Debtah, angels; logue, a people, multitude or congregation; debtah-logue, the angelic host (p. 35); hazaar par hazaar (Hindustani), thousands upon thousands (p. 42); mahah surgo, supreme heaven; onderah (Hindustani) intense darkness (p. 44) dooneah or dunneah (Hindustani) the world; dunneahoudah, the worlds or the universe; boboons, regions or planets (p. 48) ghoij, the cow; ghoijal, cows; ghoijalbarry, a cowhouse; mhurd (Hindustani) the common name of man, from murto, matter or earth; jhoale, water, fluid; oustmaan (Hindustani) the air (p. 56) jogues, ages (p. 56); pereeth logue, purified people (p. 103); munnoo logue, people of contemplation, from mun or mon, thought, reflection (p. 104); modoo, discord, enmity; kytoo, confusion, tumult (p. 106); surjee, the sun; chunder, the moon (p. 110). (The meanings and derivations are Holwell’s).] —the latter apparently predominating. The fourth “sublime book" of the “Chartah Bhade" which “must lie in oblivion, until some one, blessed with opportunity, leisure, application, and genius, brings them to light" was according to Holwell, commonly called by Hindus “Bramah Ka Insoff (insaf) Bhade”! or “Bramah's Book of Justice." Such was the barefaced fraud foisted by Holwell on a Europe totally ignorant of Sanskrit, and it was for this that Voltaire gratefully thanked him.34 [Quoted in Busteed's Echoes from Old Calcutta, p. 38 (2nd edition).]

Three outrageous frauds have thus been brought home to Holwell, and we now proceed to reveal a fourth. Let us examine what he calls “a genuine Narrative of the deplorable deaths of the English gentlemen and others who were suffocated in the Black Hole in Fort William, at Calcutta."

-- The Black Hole -- The Question of Holwell's Veracity, by J. H. Little

The Black Hole of Calcutta, 20 June 1756

The Black Hole of Calcutta was a dungeon in Fort William, Calcutta measuring 4.30 × 5.50 ⁠metres (14 × 18 ⁠⁠feet), in which troops of Siraj ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Bengal, held British prisoners of war for three days starting on 20 June 1756. John Zephaniah Holwell, one of the British prisoners and an employee of the East India Company, said that, after the fall of Fort William, the surviving British soldiers, Anglo-Indian soldiers, and Indian civilians were imprisoned overnight in conditions so cramped that many people died from suffocation and heat exhaustion, and that 123 of 146 prisoners of war imprisoned there died.[1]


Fort William (Kolkata)
Coordinates: 22.573357°N 88.347979°E

Further information: History of Calcutta

Fort William was established to protect the East India Company's trade in the city of Calcutta, the principal city of the Bengal Presidency. In 1756 India, there existed the possibility of imperial confrontation with military forces of the Kingdom of France, so the British reinforced the fort. Siraj-ud-daula ordered the fortifications to be stopped by the French and British, and the French complied while British did not.

In consequence to that British indifference to his authority, Siraj ud-Daulah organised his army and laid siege to Fort William. In an effort to survive the losing battle, the British commander ordered the surviving soldiers of the garrison to escape, yet left behind 146 soldiers under the civilian command of John Zephaniah Holwell, a senior bureaucrat of the East India Company, who had been a military surgeon in earlier life.[2]

Moreover, the desertions of allied Indian troops made ineffective the British defence of Fort William, which fell to the siege of Bengali forces on 20 June 1756. The surviving defenders who were captured and made prisoners of war numbered between 64 and 69, along with an unknown number of Anglo-Indian soldiers and civilians who earlier had been sheltered in Fort William. The English officers and merchants based in Kolkata were rounded up by the forces loyal to Siraj ud-Daulah and forced into a dungeon known as the "Black Hole".

The Holwell account

A fenced display of the Black Hole of Calcutta. (1908)

Holwell wrote about the events that occurred after the fall of Fort William. He met with Siraj-ud-Daulah, who assured him: “On the word of a soldier; that no harm should come to us”.[3] After seeking a place in the fort to confine the prisoners (including Holwell), at 8.00 p.m., the jailers locked the prisoners in the fort’s prison — “the black hole” in soldiers' slang — a small room that measured 4.30 × 5.50 ⁠metres (14 × 18 ⁠⁠feet).[4] The next morning, when the black hole was opened, at 6.00 a.m., only about 23 of the prisoners remained alive.[2]

Historians offer different numbers of prisoners and casualties of war; Stanley Wolpert reported that 64 people were imprisoned and 21 survived.[2] D.L. Prior reported that 43 men of the Fort-William garrison were either missing or dead, for reasons other than suffocation and shock.[5] Busteed reports that the many non-combatants present in the fort when it was captured makes infeasible a precise number of people killed.[6] Regarding responsibility for the maltreatment and the deaths in the Black Hole of Calcutta, Holwell said, “it was the result of revenge and resentment, in the breasts of the lower Jemmaatdaars [sergeants], to whose custody we were delivered, for the number of their order killed during the siege.”[3]

Concurring with Holwell, Wolpert said that Siraj-ud-Daulah did not order the imprisonment and was not informed of it.[2] The physical description of the Black Hole of Calcutta corresponds with Holwell’s point of view:

The dungeon was a strongly barred room, and was not intended for the confinement of more than two or three men at a time. There were only two windows, and a projecting veranda outside, and thick iron bars within impeded the ventilation, while fires, raging in different parts of the fort, suggested an atmosphere of further oppressiveness. The prisoners were packed so tightly that the door was difficult to close.

One of the soldiers stationed in the veranda was offered 1,000 rupees to have them removed to a larger room. He went away, but returned saying it was impossible. The bribe was then doubled, and he made a second attempt with a like result; the nawab was asleep, and no one dared wake him.

By nine o'clock several had died, and many more were delirious. A frantic cry for water now became general, and one of the guards, more compassionate than his fellows, caused some [water] to be brought to the bars, where Mr. Holwell and two or three others received it in their hats, and passed it on to the men behind. In their impatience to secure it nearly all was spilt, and the little they drank seemed only to increase their thirst. Self-control was soon lost; those in remote parts of the room struggled to reach the window, and a fearful tumult ensued, in which the weakest were trampled or pressed to death. They raved, fought, prayed, blasphemed, and many then fell exhausted on the floor, where suffocation put an end to their torments.

About 11 o'clock the prisoners began to drop off, fast. At length, at six in the morning, Siraj-ud-Daulah awoke, and ordered the door to be opened. Of the 146 only 23, including Mr. Holwell [from whose narrative, published in the Annual Register & The Gentleman's Magazine for 1758, this account is partly derived], remained alive, and they were either stupefied or raving. Fresh air soon revived them, and the commander was then taken before the nawab, who expressed no regret for what had occurred, and gave no other sign of sympathy than ordering the Englishman a chair and a glass of water. Notwithstanding this indifference, Mr. Holwell and some others acquit him of any intention of causing the catastrophe, and ascribe it to the malice of certain inferior officers, but many think this opinion unfounded.

Afterwards, when the prison of Fort William was opened, the corpses of the dead men were thrown into a ditch. Moreover, as prisoners, Holwell and three other men were transferred to Murshidabad.

Imperial aftermath

The remaining survivors of the Black Hole of Calcutta were freed after the victory of a relief expedition commanded by Sir Robert Clive. After news of Calcutta's capture was received by the British in Madras in August 1756, Lieut. Col. Robert Clive was sent to retaliate against the Indians. With his troops and local Indian allies, Clive recaptured Calcutta in January 1757, and went on to defeat Siraj ud-Daulah at the Battle of Plassey, which resulted in Siraj being overthrown as Nawab of Bengal and killed.[2]

The Black Hole of Calcutta was later used as a warehouse.

Monument to the victims

The Black Hole Memorial, St. John's Church, Calcutta, India

In memoriam of the dead, the British erected a 15-metre-high obelisk; it now is in the graveyard of (Anglican) St. John's Church, Calcutta. Holwell had erected a tablet on the site of the 'Black Hole' to commemorate the victims but, at some point (the precise date is uncertain), it disappeared. Lord Curzon, on becoming Viceroy in 1899, noticed that there was nothing to mark the spot and commissioned a new monument, mentioning the prior existence of Holwell's; it was erected in 1901 at the corner of Dalhousie Square (now B. B. D. Bagh), which is said to be the site of the 'Black Hole'.[7] At the apex of the Indian independence movement, the presence of this monument in Calcutta was turned into a nationalist cause célèbre. Nationalist leaders, including Subhas Chandra Bose, lobbied energetically for its removal. The Congress and the Muslim League joined forces in the anti-monument movement. As a result, Abdul Wasek Mia of Nawabganj thana, a student leader of that time, led the removal of the monument from Dalhousie Square in July 1940. The monument was re-erected in the graveyard of St John's Church, Calcutta, where it remains.

The 'Black Hole' itself, being merely the guardroom in the old Fort William, disappeared shortly after the incident when the fort itself was taken down to be replaced by the new Fort William which still stands today in the Maidan to the south of B. B. D. Bagh. The precise location of that guardroom is in an alleyway between the General Post Office and the adjacent building to the north, in the north west corner of B.B.D. Bagh. The memorial tablet which was once on the wall of that building beside the GPO can now be found in the nearby postal museum.

"List of the smothered in the Black Hole prison exclusive of sixty-nine, consisting of Dutch and British sergeants, corporals, soldiers, topazes, militia, whites, and Portuguese, (whose names I am unacquainted with), making on the whole one hundred and twenty-three persons."

Holwell's list of the victims of the Black Hole of Calcutta:

Of Counsel — E. Eyre, Esqr., Wm. Baillie, Esqr., the Rev. Jervas Bellamy.

Gentlemen in the Service — Messrs. Jenks, Revely, Law, Coales, Valicourt, Jeb, Torriano, E. Page, S. Page, Grub, Street, Harod, P. Johnstone, Ballard, N. Drake, Carse, Knapton, Gosling, Robert Byng, Dod, Dalrymple, V. Ament Theme.

Military Captains — Clayton, Buchanan, Witherington.

Lieutenants — Bishop, Ifays, Blagg, Simson, Bellamy.

Ensigns – Paccard, Scot, Hastings, C. Wedderburn, Dumbleton.

Sergeants, &c. — Sergeant-Major Abraham, Quartermaster Cartwright, Sergeant Bleau (these were sergeants of militia).

Sea Captains — Hunt, Osburne, Purnell (survived the night; died on the morn), Messrs. Carey, Stephenson, Guy, Porter, W. Parker, Caulker, Bendall, Atkinson, Leech, &c., &c.

The list of the men and women who survived their imprisonment in the Black Hole of Calcutta:

Messrs. Holwell, John Zephediah, Court, Secretary Cooke, Lushington, Burdett, Ensign Walcott, Mrs. Carey, Captain Mills, Captain Dickson, Mr. Moran, John Meadows, and twelve military and militia (blacks & whites).[8]

In popular culture

Text on the Memorial in St John's Churchyard

Black Hole Monument

Holwell Monument, c. 1905

Inscription dating relocation

Scene of the Black Hole, c. 1905


Thomas Pynchon refers to the Black Hole of Calcutta in the historical novel Mason & Dixon (1997). The character Charles Mason spends much time on Saint Helena with the astronomer Nevil Maskelyne, the brother-in-law of Lord Robert Clive of India; themes of colonialism and racism are discussed in relation to the event. Later in the story, Jeremiah Dixon visits New York City, and attends a secret "Broad-Way" production of the "musical drama", The Black Hole of Calcutta, or, the Peevish Wazir, "executed with such a fine respect for detail. . . ."[9] Pynchon satirically refers to it in the long-running musical revue Oh! Calcutta!, which was played on Broadway for more than 7,000 performances. Edgar Allan Poe makes reference to the "stifling" of the prisoners in the introduction to "The Premature Burial" (1844).[10] The Black Hole is mentioned in Looking Backward (1888) by Edward Bellamy as an example of the depravity of the past.

In the science-fiction novel Omega: The Last Days of the World (1894), by Camille Flammarion, The Black Hole of Calcutta is mentioned for the suffocating properties of Carbonic-Oxide (Carbon Monoxide) upon the British soldiers imprisoned in that dungeon. Eugene O'Neill, in Long Day's Journey into Night, Act 4, Jamie says, "Can't expect us to live in the Black Hole of Calcutta." Patrick O'Brian in The Mauritius Command (1977) compared Jack Aubrey's house to the black hole of Calcutta "except that whereas the Hole was hot, dry, and airless", Aubrey's cottage "let in draughts from all sides."

Diana Gabaldon mentions briefly the incident in her novel Lord John and the Private Matter (2003). The Black Hole is also compared with the evil miasma of Calcutta as a whole in Dan Simmons's novel The Song of Kali. Stephen King makes a reference to the Black Hole of Calcutta in his 1983 novel Christine, and his 2004 novel Song of Susannah.

In Chapter V of "King Solomon´s Mines" (H.R. Haggard. 1885) the Black Hole of Calcutta is mentioned: "This gave us some slight shelter from the burning rays of the sun, but the atmosphere in that amateur grave can be better imagined than described. The Black Hole of Calcutta must have been a fool to it..." In John Fante's novel "The Road to Los Angeles" (1985), the main character Arturo Bandini recalls when seeing his place of work: "I thought about the Black Hole of Calcutta." In "Vanity Fair" W. M. Thackeray makes a reference to the Black Hole of Calcutta when describing the Anglo-Indian district in London, (Chapter LX). Swami Vivekananda makes a mention of Black Hole of Calcutta in connection with describing Holwell's journey to Murshidabad.[11]


In the period drama Turn: Washington's Spies, the character of John Graves Simcoe claims in Season 4 that he was born in India and that his father died in the Black Hole of Calcutta after being tortured. (In historical reality, Simcoe was born in England and his father died of pneumonia). In an episode of the Britcom Open All Hours Mr. Arkwright orders his assistant Granville to clean the outside window ledge. He attempts to say "There's enough dirt there to fill the Black Hole of Calcutta" but his extensive stuttering when trying to say 'Calcutta' causes him to change it to "There's enough dirt there to fill the Hanging Gardens of Babylon". In an episode of British Sitcom Only Fools and Horses, while discussing Uncle Albert's history of falling down numerous holes, Del Boy infers that the only hole Albert has not fallen down is "the black one in Calcutta".

In an episode of The Andy Griffith Show; S. 6 Ep. 11 The Cannon Deputy Warren is place in charge of security at the Mayberry Founders Day ceremony and he becomes obsessed with the town decorative cannon. He peers into the fuse breach and claims "It is darker than the Hole of Calcutta in there". In an episode of The L Word, Alice refers to the bad vibes in the coffee shop as “The Black Hole of Calcutta.” In an episode of British television series Yes, Minister, the permanent secretary refers to a packed train compartment as Black hole of Calcutta. [1]


The Black Hole of Calcutta was referenced early in the movie, "Albert, R.N." (renamed, "Break to Freedom"), a 1953 British film dealing with a German prisoner-of-war camp for allied naval officers.


According to Hong-Yee Chiu, an astrophysicist at NASA, the Black Hole of Calcutta was the inspiration for the term black hole referring to regions of space-time resulting from the gravitational collapse of very heavy stars. He recalled hearing physicist Robert Dicke in the early 1960s compare such gravitationally collapsed objects to the prison.[12]

See also

• War crime
• Human rights violation


1. Little, J. H. (1916) ‘The Black Hole — The Question of Holwell's Veracity’ (1916) Bengal: Past and Present, vol. 12. pp. 136–171.
2. Wolpert, Stanley (2009). A New History of India (8th ed.). New York, NY: Oxford UP. p. 185. ISBN 978-0-19-533756-3.
3. Holwell, John Zephaniah; Friends (1764). "A Genuine Narrative of the Deplorable Deaths of the English Gentlemen, and Others, who were suffocated in the Black-Hole in Fort-William, at Calcutta, in the Kingdom of Bengal; in the Night succeeding the 20th Day of June, 1756". India Tracts (2nd ed.). London, Great Britain: Becket & de Hondt. pp. 251–76. Retrieved 16 September 2011.
4. Partridge Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English
5. D. L. Prior, Holwell's biographer in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, reports figures of 64 prisoners and 21 survivors.
6. H.E. Busteed Echoes from Old Calcutta (Calcutta) 1908 pp. 30–56
7. Busteed Old Calcutta pp52-6
8. Busteed, 1888 appendix section of Echoes of Old Calcutta
9. Pychon, Thomas, Mason & Dixon, pp. 562–564.
10. "The Works of Edgar Allan Poe, Volume 2". Retrieved 25 December 2015.
11. Vivekananda, Swami (2002). Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda. Kolkata: Advaita Ashrama. p. 307. ISBN 81-85301-75-1.
12. Siegfried, Tom, "50 years later, it’s hard to say who named black holes", Science News, retrieved 2 January 2014


• Partha Chatterjee. The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2012. 425p. ISBN 9780691152004. Explores the incident itself and the history of using it to expand or critique British rule in India.
• Urs App (2010). The Birth of Orientalism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press (ISBN 978-0-8122-4261-4); contains a 66-page chapter (pp. 297–362) on Holwell.
• Dalley, Jan (2006). The Black Hole: Money, Myth and Empire. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-670-91447-9.
• Tafseer, Usama (2013). Exile.

External links

• The Black Hole of Calcutta & The End of Islamic Power in India (1756—1757)
• The Black Hole of Empire[permanent dead link] – Stanford Presidential Lecture by Partha Chatterjee
• Photo of Calcutta Black Hole Memorial at St. John's Church Complex, Calcutta
• Partha Chatterjee and Ayça Çubukçu, "Empire as a Practice of Power: Introduction," The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol 10, Issue 41, No. 1, 9 October 2012. [2] Interview with Chatterjee.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Calcutta" . Encyclopædia Britannica. 5 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 981–983.
• The Black Hole of Calcutta—-the Fort William's airtight death prison
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Louise Hay
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/17/19



Louise L. Hay
Louise L. Hay in 2008.
Born: Helen Vera Lunney, October 8, 1926, Los Angeles, California, U.S.
Died: August 30, 2017 (aged 90)
Pen name Lois Hayes Modesto Junior College 1942
Occupation: Author, Professional speaker,
Nationality: American
Genre: Metaphysics, Self-help, Motivational
Notable works: You Can Heal Your Life (1984)

Louise Lynn Hay (October 8, 1926 – August 30, 2017) was an American motivational author and the founder of Hay House. She authored several New Thought self-help books, including the 1984 book, You Can Heal Your Life.


Born Helen Vera Lunney in Los Angeles to parents Henry John Lunney (1901–1998) and Veronica Chwala (1894–1985), Hay recounted her life story in an interview with Mark Oppenheimer of The New York Times in May 2008.[1] In it, Hay stated that she was born in Los Angeles to a poor mother who remarried Louise's violent stepfather Ernest Carl Wanzenreid (1903–1992), who physically abused her and her mother. When she was about 5, she was raped by a neighbor. At 15, she dropped out of University High School in Los Angeles without a diploma, became pregnant and, on her 16th birthday, gave up her newborn baby girl for adoption. She then moved to Chicago, where she worked in low-paying jobs. In 1950, she moved on again, to New York. At this point she changed her first name, and began a career as a fashion model. She achieved success, working for Bill Blass, Oleg Cassini, and Pauline Trigère. In 1954, she married the English businessman Andrew [Mackenzie] Hay (1928–2001); after 14 years of marriage, she felt devastated when he left her for another woman, Sharman Douglas (1928–1996).[1]

Andrew Mackenzie Hay, 73, Trade Expert
by Eric Pace
New York Times
May 18, 2001

Andrew Mackenzie Hay, an importer and expert on international trade who was once married to the socialite Sharman Douglas, died in his sleep on May 2 at his home in Portland, Ore. He was 73 and had lived in Portland since 1982.

He had been ill, but the exact cause of death was unclear, said his wife, Catherine.

Mr. Hay, the son of a British banker, had become an American citizen, a New Yorker and the president of Calvert Vavasseur & Company, a food importing concern,....


Respondent Calvert, Vavasseur & Company, Inc., hereinafter referred to as Calvert-Vavasseur, is a corporation organized and existing under the laws of the State of New York, with its principal office and place of business located at 19 Rector Street, New York, New York.

Calvert-Vavasseur is a subsidiary of J.H. Vavasseur & Company, Ltd., London, England, and acts as a selling agent in the United States for two other subsidiaries of J.H. Vavasseur & Company, Ltd., Red V Coconut Products, Ltd., Manila, Philippine Islands and Red V Coconut Products Company, Inc., which latter corporation is also named as a respondent herein. Calvert-Vavasseur engages in the dessicated and sweetened coconut business in the United States through another subsidiary of J.H. Vavasseur & Company, Ltd., Wood & Selick Coconut Company, Inc., which is also named as a respondent herein.

Respondent Red V Coconut Products Company, Inc., hereinafter referred to as Red V, is a corporation organized and existing under the laws of the State of New Jersey, with its principal office and place of business located at 19 Rector Street, New York, New York.

Respondent Wood & Selick Coconut Company, Inc., hereinafter referred to as Wood & Selick, is a corporation organized and existing under the laws of the State of New York, with its principal office and place of business located at 19 Rector Street, New York, New YOrk.

Par. 2. The respondents hereinbefore named and described, either directly or indirectly through subsidiary or affiliated corporations, or operating divisions or units, are engaged in the importation, sale and distribution of Philippine dessicated coconut, and in the processing, sale and distribution, or sale and distribution of sweetened coconut….

Par. 5. The Philippine Islands supply practically all of the dessicated coconut imported, sold and distributed commercially in the United States. In 1958 total dessicated coconut imports into the United States amounted to 99,704,781 pounds, valued at $14,349,832, of which 98,361,868 pounds, valued at $14,195,960, or more than 98 percent on a quantity and value basis, were imported from the Philippine Islands.

Par. 6. For a number of years, respondent General Foods, through its foreign subsidiary, Franklin Baker Company of the Philippines, and respondent Calvert-Vavasseur, through its Philippine affiliate, Red V Coconut Products, Ltd., have produced, processed and exported from the Philippine Islands approximately 75 percent of all Philippine dessicated coconut imported, sold and distributed commercially in the United States….

Respondent Glidden engages in the importation, sale and distribution of Philippine desiccated coconut, and in the processing, sale and distribution of sweetened coconut, through its operating division, Durkee Famous Foods. For a number of years, Glidden has purchased and imported its total requirements of Philippine desiccated coconut on a contract basis from Red V Coconut Products, Ltd., an affiliated corporation of respondent Calvert-Vavasseur. Glidden, through its Durkee Famous Foods Division, operates a coconut processing plant at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, which supplies its total requirements of sweetened coconut. This plant also produces and supplies on a contract basis the total sweetened coconut requirements of respondent Calvert-Vavasseur….

Par. 9. Each and all of the respondents, either directly or indirectly through subsidiary or affiliated corporations or operating divisions or units, acting between and among themselves, for a number of years last past and continuing to the present time, have maintained and now maintain and have in effect a conspiracy, combination, agreement and understanding to pursue, and they have pursued, a planned common course of action between and among themselves to adopt and adhere to certain practices and policies which hinder, lessen, restrict, restrain, suppress and eliminate competition in the importation, processing, sale and distribution of Philippine desiccated coconut and sweetened coconut in commerce, in violation of Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act.

Par. 10. Pursuant to and in furtherance of said conspiracy, combination, agreement, understanding and planned common course of action, each and all of the respondents, either directly or indirectly through subsidiary or affiliated corporations or operating divisions or units, acting between and among themselves, for a number of years last past and continuing to the present time, have engaged in and carried out by various methods and means the following acts, practices, systems and policies, among others:

(a) Agreed to fix, stabilize and maintain, and have fixed, stabilized and maintained, uniformly identical F.O.B. port of entry base prices and price schedules for all types or cuts of Philippine desiccated coconut imported, sold and distributed by respondents in the United States.

(b) Agreed to adopt, maintain and use, and revise from time to time, and have adopted, maintained and used, and revised from time to time, a system of established price differentials, composed of freight to and handling and storage charges at specified warehouse distribution points throughout the country, which each of the respondents by agreement applies to the fixed and stabilized uniformly identical F.O.B. port of entry base prices and price schedules for Philippine desiccated coconut, in calculating, determining and establishing uniformly identical prices and terms of delivery on all types or cuts of Philippine desiccated coconut sold and delivered anywhere in the United States.

© Agreed to fix, stabilize and maintain, and have fixed, stabilized and maintained, uniformly identical base prices and price schedules for all types or cuts of sweetened coconut processed, sold and delivered by respondents anywhere in the United States.


-- Federal Trade Commission Decisions, Volume 59, by United States. Federal Trade Commission

by 1968, when he married Sharman Douglas, known as ''Charmin' Sharman,'' a well-known friend of Princess Margaret's whose father was Lewis W. Douglas, the American ambassador to Britain in the late 1940's. They were divorced in 1977.

Principal of McGill University

In August 1937, [Lewis Williams] Douglas was approached by Sir Edward Beatty about becoming principal of McGill University in Montreal, Canada. Bored with his job at American Cyanamid, Douglas accepted and was installed on January 7, 1938. Douglas would subsequently refer to his time as McGill as the happiest in his life. As principal, he struggled to address the deficit in the university budget and to counteract what he perceived as the socialist leanings within the social science faculty of the university. By reducing expenditures and soliciting private donations he succeeded in restoring McGill to financial health, and launched a public lecture series designed to promote conservative viewpoints.

-- Lewis Williams Douglas, by Wikipedia

Some historians assert creating a "Manchurian Candidate" subject through "mind control" techniques was a goal of MKUltra and related CIA projects.[32] Alfred McCoy has claimed the CIA attempted to focus media attention on these sorts of "ridiculous" programs, so the public would not look at the primary goal of the research, which was developing effective methods of torture and interrogation. Such authors cite as one example the CIA's KUBARK interrogation manual refers to "studies at McGill University", and most of the techniques recommended in KUBARK are exactly those researcher Donald Ewen Cameron used on his test subjects (sensory deprivation, drugs, isolation, etc.).[30]

-- Project MKULtra, by Wikipedia

Mr. Hay was also president of the British-American Chamber of Commerce from 1966 to 1968.

The British American Council

The original organization was incorporated in 1954 as the British American Trade Centre, with the aim of promoting and assisting trade between the UK and the US.

The first President was C E C (Euan) Rabagliati, and the Consul-General in San Francisco at the time was KJM White.

Membership fees in 1954 were as follows:

▪ Sponsor Membership $250.00 US per annum
▪ Individual Membership $100.00 US per annum

(Worth noting when you look at the cost of membership 50 years later!)

Original Board Members included representatives of BOAC, Bechtel, Barclays, Wells Fargo and Orient & Pacific Lines.

In November 1957, the organization changed its name to the British American Chamber of Commerce and Trade Centre. Chalmers Graham, a founding partner of Graham and James (now Squire, Sanders and Dempsey LLP), spearheaded the Chamber's growth for several years.

For a period in the 1980s, the organization was known as the British American Chamber of Commerce San Francisco. It was changed in the 1990s to the British American Chamber of Commerce Northern California, to reflect the growth of the organization within the Bay Area, specifically in Silicon Valley. Mostyn Lloyd, OBE, served as Executive Director from 1990 to 2006 and was a driving force in bringing our Annual Christmas Lunch attendance from a mere 200 people to the 1000 that it is today.

Peter Gardiner, OBE, served as President for 10 years and was elected the first President of an umbrella network, British American Business Council (BABC) when it was formed in 1994. This umbrella organization helps steer the largest transatlantic business network, comprising nearly 30 independent BABC chapters in all major business centers across North America, and the United Kingdom, including the BABC in Northern California.

The BACC elected its first woman President, Kathleen Kimura, MBE, in 2001. Kathleen currently serves on our Board, Chairs the Annual Christmas Lunch and represents BABC Northern California and all other West Coast chapters within the umbrella organization.

In 2004, a re-branding changed our name to the British American Business Council Northern California to more closely align our organization with fellow chapters spread across the BABC international network.

With offices and staff in downtown San Francisco, and a Board comprising representatives of the Bay Area’s internationally minded business community, the BABC Northern California provides business networking, seminars and services in San Francisco, Silicon Valley and the East Bay.

In 1968, he was named a Commander of the Order of the British Empire by Queen Elizabeth II, in recognition of his contributions to British-American trade.

He went on to become president of an American organization of exporters and importers from 1977 to 1979.

Mr. Hay was born in London, and he received a master's degree in economics from Cambridge University.
He served three years in the British Army as an officer in the Intelligence Corps.

His earlier marriages, to Jennifer Dimoline and to an author named Louise [Louise Lynn Hay/Helen Vera Lunney] who still uses the name Hay, also ended in divorce.

In addition to his wife, the former Catherine Newman, whom he married in 1977, he is survived by a brother, Dr. David, who lives in Hampshire, England; and a nephew, Crispin Hay of London.

Hay said that about this time she found the First Church of Religious Science on 48th Street, which taught her the transformative power of thought. Hay revealed that here she studied the New Thought works of authors like Florence Scovel Shinn, who claimed that positive thinking could change people's material circumstances, and the Religious Science founder Ernest Holmes, who taught that positive thinking could heal the body.[2]

By Hay's account, in the early 1970s she became a Religious Science practitioner. In this role she led people in spoken affirmations, which she believes would cure their illnesses, and became popular as a workshop leader. She also recalled how she had studied Transcendental Meditation with the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi at the Maharishi International University in Fairfield, Iowa.[1]

Hay described how in 1977 or 1978 she was diagnosed with "incurable" cervical cancer, and how she came to the conclusion that by holding on to her resentment for her childhood abuse and rape she had contributed to its onset. She reported how she had refused conventional medical treatment, and began a regime of forgiveness, coupled with therapy, nutrition, reflexology, and occasional colonic enemas. She claimed in the interview that she rid herself of the cancer by this method, but, while swearing to its truth, admitted that she had outlived every doctor who could confirm this story.[1]

In 1976, Hay wrote her first book, Heal Your Body, which began as a small pamphlet containing a list of different bodily ailments and their "probable" metaphysical causes.[1] This pamphlet was later enlarged and extended into her book You Can Heal Your Life, published in 1984.[3] In February 2008, it was second on the New York Times miscellaneous paperback bestsellers list.[4]

Around the same time she began leading support groups for people living with HIV/AIDS, which she called "Hay Rides".[1] These grew from a few people in her living room to hundreds of men in a large hall in West Hollywood, California. Her work with AIDS patients drew fame and she was invited to appear on The Oprah Winfrey Show and The Phil Donahue Show in the same week, in March 1988. Following this, You Can Heal Your Life immediately landed on the New York Times bestseller list. More than 50 million copies sold around the world in over 30 languages[1][5] and it also has been made into a movie.[6] You Can Heal Your Life is also included in the book 50 Self-Help Classics[7] for being significant in its field.

Hay wrote, on page 225 of her book (December 2008 printing), that it has "... sold more than thirty five million copies".[8] It was announced in 2011 that You Can Heal your Life had reached 40 million sales.[9]

Louise Hay died in her sleep on the morning of August 30, 2017 at age 90.[10]


In 1984, Hay established the Hay House publishing firm. In 1988 Reid Tracy joined the company as an accountant and would eventually become its CEO. The business flourished and attracted various writers. As of 2015 Hay House is the primary publisher of books and audio books by over 130 authors, including Deepak Chopra and Doreen Virtue, as well as many books by Wayne Dyer. Hay House also publishes the teachings of "Abraham" as channeled through Esther Hicks.[11]

In addition to running her publishing company, Hay ran a charitable organization called the Hay Foundation, which she founded in 1985.[12]

In 2008, a movie about Louise Hay's life was released, titled You Can Heal Your Life. In Hay's own words on the film's official Web site: "This movie is the story of my life, my teachings, and how I've applied the principles of my teachings to my own life." The movie also features notable speakers and authors in the field of personal development including Gregg Braden, Wayne Dyer, Gay Hendricks, Esther and Jerry Hicks, and Doreen Virtue; it was directed by Emmy Award-winning director Michael A. Goorjian.[13] In the same year Louise Hay won a Minerva Award at The Women's Conference.[14]

In September 2011, Hay and Cheryl Richardson released their book You Can Create An Exceptional Life.


• You Can Heal Your Life. Hay House Inc., 1984. ISBN 0-937611-01-8
• Heal Your Body: The Mental Causes for Physical Illness and the Metaphysical Way to Overcome Them. Hay House Inc., 1984. ISBN 0-937611-35-2
• The AIDS Book: Creating a Positive Approach. Hay House Inc., 1988 ISBN 0-937611-32-8
• A Garden of Thoughts: My Affirmation Journal. Hay House Inc., 1989 ISBN 978-0937611678
• Love Yourself, Heal Your Life Workbook. Hay House Inc., 1990
• The Power Is Within You. Hay House Inc., 1991
• Heart Thoughts. Hay House Inc., 1992 ISBN 978-1-4019-3720-1
• Loving Thoughts For Increasing Prosperity. Hay house Inc., 1993
• Gratitude: A Way Of Life. Hay House Inc., 1996
• Life! Reflections On Your Journey. Hay House Inc., 1996 ISBN 978-1561700929
• Living Perfect Love: Empowering Rituals For Women. Humantics MultiMedia Publishers, 1996 ISBN 978-0-9652851-0-0
• Heal Your Body A–Z: The Mental Causes for Physical Illness and the Way to Overcome Them. HayHouse Inc. 1998 ISBN 978-1561707928
• 101 Ways To Health And Healing. Hay House Inc., 1998 ISBN 978-1-56170-496-5
• All is Well : Heal your body. Carlsbad, US: Hay House. 2013. ISBN 978-1-4019-3502-3.
• Loving Yourself to Great Health: Thoughts & food : the ultimate diet. [S.l.]: Hay House Inc. 2014. ISBN 978-1-4019-4284-7.
• You can heal your heart : finding peace after a breakup, divorce, or death. 2014. ISBN 978-1-4019-4387-5. (with David Kessler)
• Life loves you: 7 spiritual experiments to heal your life. Hay House Inc. 2014. ISBN 978-1-4019-4614-2.
• I Think, I Am!: Teaching Kids the Power of Affirmations[15]

See also

• Raymond Charles Barker
• Emmet Fox
• Stuart Grayson
• Florence Scovel Shinn


1. Mark Oppenheimer (May 4, 2008), "The Queen of the New Age", The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved May 2008.
2. Holmes, Ernest (1926). The Science of Mind. New York: Robert M. McBride & Co. ISBN 0-87477-865-4.
3. "". Amazon.
4. New York Times Best-Sellers The New York Times, February 23, 2008.
5. "Louise Hay Interview" The Telegraph, April 23, 2007. Archived April 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
6. "You Can Heal Your Life: The Movie". Retrieved October 17, 2016.
7. Review of You Can Heal Your Life Archived 2008-12-16 at the Wayback Machine, 50 Self-Help Classics
8. List of best-selling books#Between 30 million and 50 million copies
9. Get Busy Thriving
10. "Louise Hay transitioned the morning of August 30, 2017". The Event Chronicle. 2017-09-01. Retrieved 2018-05-11.
11. "Hay House - Author Biography". Retrieved 17 April 2018.
12. "The Hay Foundation - Founded In 1986 By Louise Hay". Hay Foundation. Retrieved 17 April 2018.
13. "You Can Heal Your Life: The Movie". Retrieved 17 October 2016.
14. Louise Hay- Official site
15. L., Hay, Louise (2008). I think, I am : teaching kids the power of affirmations. Tracy, Kristina. London: Hay House. ISBN 9781401922085. OCLC 213848961.
Louise Hay Interview from The Telegraph is not available anymore.

External links

• Official website
• The Hay Foundation
• Louise Hay on IMDb
• Louise Hay Affirmations
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Wed Dec 18, 2019 6:54 am

Lewis Williams Douglas
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/17/19



In 1943, Cameron was invited to McGill University in Montreal by neurosurgeon Dr Wilder Penfield. With a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, money from John Wilson McConnell of the Montreal Star, and a gift of Sir Hugh Allan's mansion on Mount Royal, the Allan Memorial Institute for psychiatry was founded. Cameron became the first director of the Allan Memorial Institute as well as the first chairman of the Department of Psychiatry at McGill. He recruited psychoanalysts, social psychiatrists and biologists globally to develop the psychiatry program at McGill[11] From its beginning in 1943, the Allan Memorial Institute was run on an "open door" basis, allowing patients to leave if they wished, as opposed to the "closed door" policy of other hospitals in Canada in the early 1940s. In 1946, Cameron introduced the practice of the day hospital, the first of its kind in North America, permitting patients to remain at home while receiving treatment at the Institute during the day, thus avoiding unnecessary hospitalization and allowing the patients to maintain ties with their community and family.[12]....

Cameron had been hoping to correct schizophrenia by erasing existing memories and reprogramming the psyche. He commuted from Albany to Montreal every week to work at McGill's Allan Memorial Institute and was paid $69,000 from 1957 to 1964 to carry out MKUltra experiments there, known as the Montreal experiments. In addition to LSD, he experimented with various paralytic drugs and electroconvulsive therapy at thirty to forty times the normal power.[23] His "Psychic driving" experiments consisted of putting a subject into a drug-induced coma for weeks at a time (up to three months in one case) while playing tape loops of noise or simple statements. These experiments were typically carried out on patients who had entered the institute for minor problems such as anxiety disorders and postnatal depression; many suffered permanent debilitation after these treatments.[24] Such consequences included incontinence, amnesia, forgetting how to talk, forgetting their parents, and thinking their interrogators were their parents.[25] His work was inspired and paralleled by the psychiatrist William Sargant, who was also involved with the Intelligence Services and experimented extensively on his patients without their consent, causing similar long-term damage.[26] Several of the children who Cameron experimented on were sexually abused, in at least one case by several men. One of the children was filmed numerous times performing sexual acts with high-ranking federal government officials, in a scheme set up by Cameron and other MKULTRA researchers, to blackmail the officials to ensure further funding for the experiments.[27]

Sid Taylor stated that Cameron used curare to immobilise his patients during his research. After one test he noted: "Although the patient was prepared by both prolonged sensory isolation (35 days) and by repeated depatterning, and although she received 101 days of positive driving, no favourable results were obtained." Patients were tested in the Radio Telemetry Laboratory, which was built under Cameron's direction. Here, patients were exposed to a range of RF and electromagnetic signals and monitored for changes in behaviour. It was reported that none of the patients sent to the Radio Telemetry Lab showed any signs of improvement.[28]

In 1980, the Canadian investigative news program The Fifth Estate interviewed two former patients of Cameron's who were among several of his ex patients who were at that time suing the CIA for the long term effects of Cameron's treatment.[29] In her book, In the Sleep Room: The Story of the CIA Brainwashing Experiments in Canada,[30] author Anne Collins explored the history of Cameron and Montreal's Allan Memorial Institute. This was made into a TV mini-series directed by Anne Wheeler in 1998, called The Sleep Room, which also dramatizes the lawsuit of Cameron's ex-patients against the CIA.[31]

Naomi Klein states in her book The Shock Doctrine that Cameron's research and his contribution to MKUltra were not about mind control and brainwashing, but "to design a scientifically based system for extracting information from 'resistant sources.' In other words, torture."[32] She then cites Alfred W. McCoy: "Stripped of its bizarre excesses, Cameron's experiments, building upon Donald O. Hebb's earlier breakthrough, laid the scientific foundation for the CIA's two-stage psychological torture method."[33]

-- Donald Ewen Cameron, by Wikipedia

[Narrator] At McGill, experiments by famed psychologist Donald O. Hebb caught the eye of CIA researchers.

[McGill University, Quebec]

[Professor Alfred McCoy, Author of "A Question of Torture"] Dr. Hebb found that he could induce a state akin to acute psychosis in 48 hours.
All he did, he had student volunteers sit in a very pleasant air-conditioned cubicle with goggles, gloves and ear muffs.
Actually, you know what they looked just like?
The Guantanamo detainees! 
 If you see those outfits that the Guantanamo detainees have where they have the gloves and the goggles and the ear muffs? You know, everybody thinks that's security. No, no, no. That's sensory breakdown. Within a day there would be hallucinations. Within two days, breakdown.

[Dr. Donald O. Hebb, McGill University, Quebec] I began to think while we were doing our experiments that it is possible that something that involves physical discomfort or even pain might be more tolerable than simply the deprivation conditions that we studied.

['Isolation' Tests at McGill Hold Brain-Washing Clues, by Brian Cahill, April 26, 1956 ... military and medical ... about the techniques ... brain-washing" and the effect ... on the human mind ... from experiments conducted at the department of psychiatry at McGill University, it ... yesterday ... Canadian Defence Research ... which sponsored the experiment has classified much of ... as secret. But it ... from testimony ... are a U.S. Congressional ... that the work at McGill ... work done in the ... can be completely ... can, no matter how ... official Ottawa was silent on the matter yesterday. But there was great interest in the testimony given before the U.S. Congressional committee by Dr. Robert H. Felix, director of the National Institutes of Health, and reported at length in the New York Times. Dr. Felix said that study of the work done at McGill and further work done by Dr. John Lilly of the University of Pennsylvania, showed that "isolation" -- cutting a person off from all outside stimuli -- was a potent "brainwashing" method. Dr. Felix said that the result of isolating a person in a dark ... "Once you have cut these (external stimuli) all off, and cut them off long enough that the person is so completely disoriented and disorganized, then if you feed back in information you want this person to have and this is the only information he gets, slowly or sometimes not so slowly, he begins to incorporate this into his thinking and it becomes like actual logical thinking because this is the only feed-in he gets," Dr. Felix said. "You can break down anybody with this. I don't care what their background is or how they have been indoctrinated. I am sure you can break down anybody with this," he declared. Dr. Felix was asked if, in view of this, it was fair to court-martial a soldier who had broken under ...]

[Professor Alfred McCoy, Author of "A Question of Torture"] The CIA was fascinated by this. They jumped on it immediately.

[Dr. Donald O. Hebb, McGill University, Quebec] I had no idea what a potentially vicious weapon this could be.

[Professor Alfred McCoy, Author of "A Question of Torture"] They identify two key techniques: They identified sensory disorientation, and they identified self-inflicted pain: standing. For days at a time while fluids flowed to the legs. 
And they put them together in the Kubark Counterintelligence Interrogation Manual.
And they propagated it around the world and through the U.S. Intelligence community.
Think about what al-Kahtani was subjected to, okay?
First of all, he's in dark; he's in light.
He's in cold; he's in heat. What they are doing is they are attacking his universal sensory receptors.
They are also scrambling his time. So that's Phase One.
In Guantanamo under the regime of General Miller,
he turned Guantanamo into a veritable behavioral scientific laboratory.
And Donald Rumsfeld gave orders for techniques beyond the Field Manual.
And they percolated. And they percolated in an ambiguous way ...
that allowed people to kind of do what they thought needed to be done.
And they explore Arab male sensitivity to gender and sexual identity. So that's the thing about being homosexual. The underwear on the head. All that sort of stuff.

-- Taxi to the Dark Side, writen and directed by Alex Gibney

Lewis Douglas
United States Ambassador to the United Kingdom
In office: March 25, 1947 – November 16, 1950
President: Harry S. Truman
Preceded by: W. Averell Harriman
Succeeded by: Walter Gifford
Director of the Bureau of the Budget
In office: March 7, 1933 – August 31, 1934
President: Franklin D. Roosevelt
Preceded by: Clawson Roop
Succeeded by: Daniel W. Bell
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Arizona's at-large district
In office: March 4, 1927 – March 4, 1933
Preceded by: Carl Hayden
Succeeded by: Isabella Greenway
Personal details
Born: James Edwin Webb, July 2, 1894, Bisbee, Arizona, U.S.
Died: March 7, 1974 (aged 79), Tucson, Arizona, U.S.
Political party: Democratic
Spouse(s): Peggy Zinsser (1921–1974)
Children: 3 (including Sharman)
Education: Amherst College (BA); Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Military service
Allegiance United States
Branch/service: United States Army
Years of service: 1917–1919
Rank US-O5 insignia.svg First Lieutenant
Unit 91st Infantry Division
Battles/wars: World War I
Awards BEL Croix de Guerre WW1 ribbon.svg War Cross (Belgium)

Lewis Williams Douglas (July 2, 1894 – March 7, 1974) was an American politician, diplomat, businessman and academic.

Early life and education

Douglas was the son of James Douglas, Jr., a mining executive employed by the Phelps Dodge Company, and his wife Josephine "Josalee" Williams Douglas. Growing up in Bisbee and Nacozari de García, at the age of 11 he was sent east at the insistence of his grandfather, James Douglas to attend school. He spent two years at Hackley School before transferring to Montclair Academy, where he won awards for both academic success and character development, graduating in the class of 1912.[1]

On the advice of Arthur Curtiss James, Douglas attended Amherst College, where he joined Alpha Delta Phi and was involved in both athletics and student government. Though he did not take his coursework seriously at first, his performance improved after taking a course in logic from the college president, Alexander Meiklejohn, and graduated cum laude in 1916 with a degree in economics.[2]:14–21

After his graduation, Douglas enrolled at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he took courses in preparation for a career as a mining engineer. When the United States joined the First World War, Douglas volunteered for service, receiving a commission as a Second Lieutenant in July 1917. Initially assigned to the field artillery, he later served as an assistant to General H. A. Greene, the commander of the 91st Infantry Division and was promoted to First Lieutenant in the spring of 1918. Deployed to France in the summer of 1918, he served as an assistant G-3 in the operations branch of division headquarters, where he directed communications. He experienced action at Saint-Mihiel and in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive and received the Belgian Croix de Guerre for heroism.[2]:22–23

Upon his discharge in February 1919, Douglas returned to Jerome, Arizona, where he renewed his acquaintance with Margaret "Peggy" Zinsser, with whom he soon fell in love. The following year he taught at Amherst (where he worked as a teaching assistant to Ernest Barker and R. H. Tawney) and Hackley School. After marrying Peggy on June 18, 1921, the young couple moved to Jerome, where Lewis took a job at his father's United Verde Extension mine.[2]:24–32

Political career

In the summer of 1922, Douglas agreed to run as a candidate for one of the Jerome area's seats in the Arizona State House of Representatives. Though lacking political experience, his wealth, family name, and record of war service were decisive factors in his favor, as he won both a contested primary and the subsequent general election. Douglas served a single two-year term in the state legislature. A conservative Democrat, Douglas advocated fiscal responsibility and opposed labor legislation. He also objected to the recently signed Colorado River Compact, and proposed an amendment empowering the state to tax electricity produced within its borders.[2]:33–39

Years in Congress

The Lewis Williams Douglas House was built in 1923 and is located at 815 E. Orangewood Ave. in Phoenix, Az. The house is listed in the National Register of Historic Places in 1985 ref. 85000188.

Though some newspapers anticipated that he would seek election to the state senate in 1924, Douglas declined to run for any public office, pursuing a number of business ventures instead. When Carl Hayden, Arizona's lone Congressman, announced that he would challenge the state's incumbent junior senator, Ralph H. Cameron, in 1926, Douglas decided to enter the race to succeed Hayden. Once again benefiting from his family's wealth, name recognition and war record, and enjoying the support of the state's Democratic press, he easily bested five rivals for the Democratic nomination before defeating his Republican challenger in the general election by nearly 20,000 votes.[2]:40–48

Douglas served as Arizona's Congressman from the 70th through the 73rd Congress. He sat on the Committee on Irrigation and Reclamation and the Committee on Public Lands, and got along well with most of his colleagues. Though a Democrat, he often voted with Republicans and gained a reputation as a man of principle. During the Great Depression he adhered to the economic orthodoxy of his time, arguing that low tariffs and a balanced federal budget were essential requirements for an economic recovery. Douglas was also an opponent of the bonus bill sought by unemployed veterans, and he was attacked harshly as a result of his position on it.<[2]:49–70

Director of the Bureau of the Budget

Though he would have preferred a more conservative candidate, Douglas nonetheless loyally supported Franklin D. Roosevelt as the Democratic Party's nominee in the 1932 presidential election. In December, Douglas was invited to meet with Roosevelt in Albany, New York, where soon became an influential member of the president-elect's group of advisers. Though there was considerable speculation that Douglas would be offered the secretaryship of State, Treasury, or War, Roosevelt asked him instead to serve as Director of the Bureau of the Budget after Roosevelt's initial choice, J. Swagar Sherley, declined the post due to poor health. After Roosevelt reassured Douglas of his commitment to a balanced budget, the congressman accepted.[2]:73–84

Douglas's time as budget director proved frustrating. While he supported the Emergency Banking Act, the Economy Act, and relief organizations such as the Civilian Conservation Corps as necessary in the economic crisis, he objected to legislation such as the Agricultural Adjustment Act, the Tennessee Valley Authority Act, and the Securities Act of 1933 as excessive governmental intervention in the economy. Fearing inflation, he opposed unsuccessfully Roosevelt's decision to take the United States off of the gold standard, and afterward allegedly stated that it marked "the end of western civilization". But the greatest point of disagreement came over the increasing amount of deficit spending taking place. When Douglas learned in June 1934 that Roosevelt planned to request an appropriation of $600 million on top of $2.5 billion appropriation that had already been spent, the news proved to be too much for the budget director, who informed the president of his decision to resign on August 30, 1934.[2]:84–116

Later career

Faced with a number of offers from universities and the private sector, Douglas accepted the vice-presidency of the American Cyanamid Company and moved to New York City. He also remained involved in politics, and Republican presidential nominee Alf Landon wanted to name Douglas as his vice presidential candidate during the 1936 presidential election but was dissuaded from doing so by party leaders. Nonetheless, Douglas announced publicly that he was voting for Landon, primarily as a protest against the New Deal.[2]:119–29

Principal of McGill University

In August 1937, Douglas was approached by Sir Edward Beatty about becoming principal of McGill University in Montreal, Canada. Bored with his job at American Cyanamid, Douglas accepted and was installed on January 7, 1938. Douglas would subsequently refer to his time as McGill as the happiest in his life. As principal, he struggled to address the deficit in the university budget and to counteract what he perceived as the socialist leanings within the social science faculty of the university. By reducing expenditures and soliciting private donations he succeeded in restoring McGill to financial health, and launched a public lecture series designed to promote conservative viewpoints. Yet while Douglas did modify tenure policies so as to make it easier to remove radical faculty members, he resisted efforts to restrict the free-speech of faculty, especially as debates over Canada's role in international affairs heated up in 1939.[2]:131–44

Service in the Second World War

Never intending to remain long at McGill, Douglas left the post at the end of 1939 and returned to the United States. There he accepted the presidency of Mutual of New York Life Insurance Company, a financially remunerative position that allowed Douglas to continue his involvement in public issues. An internationalist, Douglas was an early member of the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, and lobbied Roosevelt to provide more aid to Great Britain. Nonetheless, Douglas campaigned for Wendell Willkie in the 1940 presidential election, largely because of Roosevelt's violation of the "two-term" tradition.[2]:145–59

With America's entry into the Second World War, Douglas sought to return to public service. After a short period as deputy to Averell Harriman, the American Lend-Lease representative in Britain, Douglas was named deputy administrator of the War Shipping Administration (WSA). Douglas's appointment came in response to the growing criticism of the WSA's chief administrator, Admiral Emory S. Land, who nonetheless kept his post due to his friendship with the president. As deputy administrator, Douglas emerged as the effective head of the agency, addressing the difficult task of managing the country's shipping needs while fighting a global war. He served as deputy administrator until medical issues and growing tensions with Land led to his resignation in March 1944, after which he traveled to Europe to serve as a special adviser to General Lucius D. Clay on the reconstruction of German finance after the war.[2]:163–237

Rockefeller Foundation

Beginning in 1935, Douglas would serve as a member of the Rockefeller Foundation where he maintained a position on the executive committee from 1936–1939. From 1942–1947, Douglas served as a trustee before being appointed as the United States Ambassador to the United Kingdom in 1947.[3]

Ambassador to the Court of St. James

In February 1947, Douglas was appointed as the ambassador to the United Kingdom, after the untimely death of the previous appointee, O. Max Gardner. As ambassador, Douglas enjoyed an enhanced status, as the new Secretary of State, George Marshall, delegated considerable authority to his subordinates. Because of this, he played an important role in the passage and implementation of the Marshall Plan as it related to the United Kingdom, and was closely involved in coordinating the American and British response to the Berlin Blockade in 1948. In April 1949 he suffered an accident while fly fishing that permanently damaged his left eye and restricted his involvement in official matters while he underwent a slow and incomplete recovery. Because of the damage done to his eye, Douglas wore an eyepatch over it for the rest of his life.[2]:241–328

Final years

After resigning from the ambassadorship in 1950, Douglas returned to the United States and settled in Tucson, Arizona. He was the chairman and director of the Southern Arizona Bank and Trust Company from 1949 until 1966 and served on a number of boards and commissions, including the General Motors Corporation, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Government Study of Foreign Economic Problems, and the President's Task Force on American Indians. Though declining further suggestions to run for public office, he remained actively involved in state and national politics. While typically endorsing Republicans, he remained a Democrat and supported Lyndon B. Johnson over Barry Goldwater in the 1964 presidential election out of concerns for Goldwater's suitability for the presidency. Douglas died in Tucson, Arizona on March 7, 1974 from complications following surgery to remove an intestinal obstruction. His remains were later cremated and his ashes scattered over the hills of Jerome.[2]:359–404 In 2002, he was inducted into the Hall of Great Westerners of the National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum.[4]

Electoral history

Arizona's at-large congressional district: 1926-1932 results
Year / Democrat / Votes / Pct / Republican / Votes / Pct

1926 / Lewis Douglas / 43,725 / 64% / Otis J. Baughn / 24,502 / 36%
1928 / Lewis Douglas / -- / -- / / Guy Axline / -- / --
1930 / Lewis Douglas / 52,343 / 100% / None / 0 / 0%
1932 / Lewis Douglas / 75,469 / 72% / H. B. Wilkinson / 29,710 / 28%


1. Alumni Awards, Montclair Kimberley Academy. Accessed March 6, 2011.
2. Robert Paul Browder and Thomas G. Smith (1986). Independent: A Biography of Lewis W. Douglas. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0394498782
3. The Rockefeller Foundation Annual Reports 1935–47.
4. "Hall of Great Westerners". National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum. Retrieved November 21, 2019.

Further reading

• Young, Herbert V. (1964). Ghosts of Cleopatra Hill: Men and Legends of Old Jerome. Jerome [AZ] Historical Society.
• United States Congress. "Lewis Williams Douglas (id: D000455)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. Retrieved on 2008-02-10
• British Educational Website

External links

• Newspaper clippings about Lewis Williams Douglas in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Wed Dec 18, 2019 7:45 am

Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology
by Public Interest Investigations Powerbase
Accessed: 12/18/19



The Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology was a CIA supported operation that was used in covert research on 'brainwashing'. It was disbanded in 1965. According to a 1999 report in Peace Research: 'In 1955, Harold Wolff, from Cornell University's Psychiatry Department created a CIA research front called the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology. This was later shortened to the Human Ecology Fund. The plan was to promote research that would lead to techniques for getting information out of people without their co-operation and without their even knowing that was what you were doing.'[1]

The report also noted[1]:

In 1957, the Human Ecology Fund was legally separated from Cornell. Lt.-Col. James Monroe, former head of the Psychological Warfare Division of the U.S. Air Force, became director, and Carl Rogers joined the board of directors. Rogers is on record as saying that he was well aware that the Human Ecology Fund was a CIA front for covert funding of psychological research, and that he had no problem working for the CIA.[2] In fact, the CIA gave Rogers $30,000, which enabled him to leave academics and settle in sunny La Jolla, California.[3] There he worked for the Western Behavioural Sciences Institute, which had contracts with the Pentagon for cross-cultural research.[4] Rogers has said that he was confident that his research had no espionage applications. However, a January 1960 CIA memo stated that the CIA was interested in adapting Rogers' theories and methods of non-directive therapy for non-directive methods of interrogation.

According to a report in the Washington Post in 1977:

Some of the research was done under the auspices of the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, a CIA-supported operation that was disbanded in 1965. According to a report in yesterday's editions of The New York Times, other conduits included the Office of Naval Research and the Geeschickter Fund for Medical Research, a still extant foundation that once contributed $370,000 toward construction of a $3 million building at Georgetown Hospital here. Military contracts arranged by the Office of Naval Research reportedly enabled the CIA to test LSD and other drugs on prisoners at the U.S. Public Health Service Hospital in Lexing, Ky., purportedly as part of a project aimed at finding a substitute for codeine as a mild pain killer.

Much of this research was said to be have been conducted by Dr. Harris Isbell, now retired and living in Eastland, Tex. He refuses to comment. "I have a personal rule: I don't talk to reporters," he said yesterday in a brief telephone conversation that ended with his hanging up. "I'm safely and happily retired." The testing extended to Canada under the aegis of the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology where some experiments were done on psychiatric patients at the Allen Memorial Institutte of Psychiatry at McGill University in Montreal. The research there was carried out by Dr. Ewen Cameron, who died in 1967.

"He was doing some rather interesting work with schizophrenics," the society's one-time executive director and treasurer, James F. Monroe, recalled yesterday. "We provided the funds to keep his work going. He was using drugs and a total pschological bombardment of the individual - trying to break through in communication." this involved "24-hour conversations" with patienst by teams under Cameron's direction who focused on one individual. "They had some rather remarkable successes," Monroe, a former Air Force colonel and expert in brain-washing, said. "They introduced me to one man who had been completely catatonic until he was brought into the program. But the time I saw him he could converse, he was a human being again."[5]

The New York Times, reported:

CIA also provided funding through Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, which was founded in mid-50's by Dr Harold Wolff and his assistant at Cornell Univ Med Center Dr Lawrence B Hinkle Jr to conduct brainwashing study. Wolff was said to be close friend of Central Intelligence Dir Allen Dulles. In '56 CIA decided to support research by other entities through society. At this point all Cornell staff dropped out save Wolff. CIA installed Air Force Col James L Monroe, brainwashing expert, as society exec dir and treasurer. Hinkle asserts no human experimentation was ever conducted at NY Hosp, Cornell Med Center or by Cornell staff on project. Under Monroe, society funded brainwashing research by Dr Donald Ewen Cameron of McGill Univ's Allan Memorial Inst of Psychiatry.[6]


1. Rudmin, Floyd Carl Rogers worked for the CIA Peace Research November, 1999 Pg. v.31(4) N'99 pg 77-78 ISSN: 0008-4697
2. J.D. Marks, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate: The CIA and Mind Control (New York: Times Books, 1979).
3. M. Klare, The University-Military Complex: A Directory and Related Documents (New York: North, 1970). Also, J. R. Raser, 'Cross-cultural Simulation Research,' International Journal of Psychology 2, p. 59-67.
4. P. Greenfield, 'CIA's Behaviour' Caper,' APA Monitor 8, no. 12, p. 1, 10-11., Marks, op. cit.
5. George Lardner Jr. and John Jacobs, Washington Post Staff Writers Lengthy Mind-Control Research by CIA Is Detailed; The Washington Post August 3, 1977, Wednesday, Final Edition SECTION: First Section; A1


The Search for the "Manchurian Candidate": The CIA and Mind Control
by John Marks


Well before Harold Wolff and Lawrence Hinkle finished their brainwashing study for Allen Dulles in 1956, Wolff was trying to expand his role in CIA research and operations. He offered Agency officials the cooperation of his colleagues at Cornell University, where he taught neurology and psychiatry in the Medical College. In proposal after proposal, Wolff pressed upon the CIA his idea that to understand human behavior -- and how governments might manipulate it -- one had to study man in relationship to his total environment. Calling this field "human ecology," Wolff drew into it the disciplines of psychology, medicine, sociology, and anthropology. In the academic world of the early 1950s, this cross-disciplinary approach was somewhat new, as was the word "ecology," but it made sense to CIA officials. Like Wolff, they were far in advance of the trends in the behavioral sciences.

Wolff carved out vast tracts of human knowledge, some only freshly discovered, and proposed a partnership with the Agency for the task of mastering that knowledge for operational use. It was a time when knowledge itself seemed bountiful and promising, and Wolff was expansive about how the CIA could harness it. Once he figured out how the human mind really worked, he wrote, he would tell the Agency "how a man can be made to think, 'feel,' and behave according to the wishes of other men, and, conversely, how a man can avoid being influenced in this manner."

Such notions, which may now appear naive or perverse, did not seem so unlikely at the height of the Cold War. And Wolff's professional stature added weight to his ideas. Like D. Ewen Cameron, he was no obscure academic. He had been president of the New York Neurological Association and would become, in 1960, President of the American Neurological Association. He served for several years as editor-in-chief of the American Medical Association's Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry. Both by credentials and force of personality, Wolff was an impressive figure. CIA officials listened respectfully to his grand vision of how spies and doctors could work symbiotically to help -- if not save -- the world. Also, the Agency men never forgot that Wolff had become close to Director Allen Dulles while treating Dulles' son for brain damage.

Wolff's specialized neurological practice led him to believe that brain maladies, like migraine headaches, occurred because of disharmony between man and his environment. In this case, he wrote to the Agency, "The problem faced by the physician is quite similar to that faced by the Communist interrogator." Both would be trying to put their subject back in harmony with his environment whether the problem was headache or ideological dissent. Wolff believed that the beneficial effects of any new interrogation technique would naturally spill over into the treatment of his patients, and vice versa. Following the Soviet model, he felt he could help his patients by putting them into an isolated, disoriented state -- from which it would be easier to create new behavior patterns. Although Russian-style isolation cells were impractical at Cornell, Wolff hoped to get the same effect more quickly through sensory deprivation. He told the Agency that sensory-deprivation chambers had "valid medical reason" as part of a treatment that relieved migraine symptoms and made the patient "more receptive to the suggestions of the psychotherapist." He proposed keeping his patients in sensory deprivation until they "show an increased desire to talk and to escape from the procedure." Then, he said, doctors could "utilize material from their own past experience in order to create psychological reactions within them." This procedure drew heavily on the Stalinist method. It cannot be said what success, if any, Wolff had with it to the benefit of his patients at Cornell.

Wolff offered to devise ways to use the broadest cultural and social processes in human ecology for covert operations. He understood that every country had unique customs for child rearing, military training, and nearly every other form of human intercourse. From the CIA's point of view, he noted, this kind of sociological information could be applied mainly to indoctrinating and motivating people. He distinguished these motivating techniques from the "special methods" that he felt were "more relevant to subversion, seduction, and interrogation." He offered to study those methods, too, and asked the Agency to give him access to everything in its files on "threats, coercion, imprisonment, isolation, deprivation, humiliation, torture, 'brainwashing,' 'black psychiatry,' hypnosis, and combinations of these with or without chemical agents." Beyond mere study, Wolff volunteered the unwitting use of Cornell patients for brainwashing experiments, so long as no one got hurt. He added, however, that he would advise the CIA on experiments that harmed their subjects if they were performed elsewhere. He obviously felt that only the grandest sweep of knowledge, flowing freely between scholar and spy, could bring the best available techniques to bear on their respective subjects.

In 1955 Wolff incorporated his CIA-funded study group as the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, with himself as president. [i] Through the Society, Wolff extended his efforts for the Agency, and his organization turned into a CIA-controlled funding mechanism for studies and experiments in the behavioral sciences.


In the early days of the Society, Agency officials trusted Wolff and his untried ideas with a sensitive espionage assignment. In effect, the new specialty of human ecology was going to telescope the stages of research and application into one continuing process. Speeding up the traditional academic method was required because the CIA men faced an urgent problem. "What was bothering them," Lawrence Hinkle explains, "was that the Chinese had cleaned up their agents in China.... What they really wanted to do was come up with some Chinese [in America], steer them to us, and make them into agents." Wolff accepted the challenge and suggested that the Cornell group hide its real purpose behind the cover of investigating "the ecological aspects of disease" among Chinese refugees. The Agency gave the project a budget of $84,175 (about 30 percent of the money it put into Cornell in 1955) and supplied the study group with 100 Chinese refugees to work with. Nearly all these subjects had been studying in the United States when the communists took over the mainland in 1949, so they tended to be dislocated people in their thirties.

On the Agency side, the main concern, as expressed by one ARTICHOKE man, was the "security hazard" of bringing together so many potential agents in one place. Nevertheless, CIA officials decided to go ahead. Wolff promised to tell them about the inner reaches of the Chinese character, and they recognized the operational advantage that insight into Chinese behavior patterns could provide. Moreover, Wolff said he would pick out the most useful possible agents. The Human Ecology Society would then offer these candidates "fellowships" and subject them to more intensive interviews and "stress producing" situations. The idea was to find out about their personalities, past conditioning, and present motivations, in order to figure out how they might perform in future predicaments -- such as finding themselves back in Mainland China as American agents. In the process, Wolff hoped to mold these Chinese into people willing to work for the CIA. Mindful of leaving some cover for Cornell, he was adamant that Agency operators not connected with the project make the actual recruitment pitch to those Chinese whom the Agency men wanted as agents.

As a final twist, Wolff planned to provide each agent with techniques to withstand the precise forms of hostile interrogation they could expect upon returning to China. CIA officials wanted to "precondition" the agents in order to create longlasting motivation "impervious to lapse of time and direct psychological attacks by the enemy." In other words, Agency men planned to brainwash their agents in order to protect them against Chinese brainwashing.

Everything was covered -- in theory, at least. Wolff was going to take a crew of 100 refugees and turn as many of them as possible into detection-proof, live agents inside China, and he planned to do the job quickly through human ecology. It was a heady chore for the Cornell professor to take on after classes.

Wolff hired a full complement of psychologists, psychiatrists, and anthropologists to work on the project. He bulldozed his way through his colleagues' qualms and government red tape alike. Having hired an anthropologist before learning that the CIA security office would not give her a clearance, Wolff simply lied to her about where the money came from. "It was a function of Wolff's imperious nature," says his partner Hinkle. "If a dog came in and threw up on the rug during a lecture, he would continue." Even the CIA men soon found that Harold Wolff was not to be trifled with. "From the Agency side, I don't know anyone who wasn't scared of him," recalls a longtime CIA associate. "He was an autocratic man. I never knew him to chew anyone out. He didn't have to. We were damned respectful. He moved in high places. He was just a skinny little man, but talk about mind control! He was one of the controllers."

In the name of the Human Ecology Society, the CIA paid $1,200 a month to rent a fancy town house on Manhattan's East 78th Street to house the Cornell group and its research projects. Agency technicians traveled to New York in December 1954 to install eavesdropping microphones around the building. These and other more obvious security devices -- safes, guards, and the like -- made the town house look different from the academic center it was supposed to be. CIA liaison personnel held meetings with Wolff and the staff in the secure confines of the town house, and they all carefully watched the 100 Chinese a few blocks away at the Cornell hospital. The Society paid each subject $25 a day so the researchers could test them, probe them, and generally learn all they could about Chinese people -- or at least about middle- class, displaced, anticommunist ones.

It is doubtful that any of Wolff's Chinese ever returned to their homeland as CIA agents, or that all of Wolff's proposals were put into effect. In any case, the project was interrupted in midstream by a major shake-up in the CIA's entire mind-control effort. Early in 1955, Sid Gottlieb and his Ph.D. crew from TSS took over most of the ARTICHOKE functions, including the Society, from Morse Allen and the Pinkerton types in the Office of Security. The MKULTRA men moved quickly to turn the Society into an entity that looked and acted like a legitimate foundation. First they smoothed over the ragged covert edges. Out came the bugs and safes so dear to Morse Allen and company. The new crew even made some effort (largely unsuccessful) to attract non- CIA funds. The biggest change, however, was the Cornell professors now had to deal with Agency representatives who were scientists and who had strong ideas of their own on research questions. Up to this point, the Cornellians had been able to keep the CIA's involvement within bounds acceptable to them. While Harold Wolff never ceased wanting to explore the furthest reaches of behavior control, his colleagues were wary of going on to the outer limits -- at least under Cornell cover.


No one would ever confuse MKULTRA projects with ivory-tower research, but Gottlieb's people did take a more academic -- and sophisticated -- approach to behavioral research than their predecessors. The MKULTRA men understood that not every project would have an immediate operational benefit, and they believed less and less in the existence of. that one just-over-the-horizon technique that would turn men into puppets. They favored increasing their knowledge of human behavior in relatively small steps, and they concentrated on the reduced goal of influencing and manipulating their subjects. "You're ahead of the game if you can get people to do something ten percent more often than they would otherwise," says an MKULTRA veteran.

Accordingly, in 1956, Sid Gottlieb approved a $74,000 project to have the Human Ecology Society study the factors that caused men to defect from their countries and cooperate with foreign governments. MKULTRA officials reasoned that if they could understand what made old turncoats tick, it might help them entice new ones. While good case officers instinctively seemed to know how to handle a potential agent -- or thought they did -- the MKULTRA men hoped to come up with systematic, even scientific improvements. Overtly, Harold Wolff designed the program to look like a follow-up study to the Society's earlier programs, noting to the Agency that it was "feasible to study foreign nationals under the cover of a medical-sociological study." (He told his CIA funders that "while some information of general value to science should be produced, this in itself will not be a sufficient justification for carrying out a study of this nature.") Covertly, he declared the purpose of the research was to assess defectors' social and cultural background, their life experience, and their personality structure, in order to understand their motivations, value systems, and probable future reactions.

The 1956 Hungarian revolt occurred as the defector study was getting underway, and the Human Ecology group, with CIA headquarters approval, decided to turn the defector work into an investigation of 70 Hungarian refugees from that upheaval. By then, most of Harold Wolff's team had been together through the brainwashing and Chinese studies. While not all of them knew of the CIA's specific interests, they had streamlined their procedures for answering the questions that Agency officials found interesting. They ran the Hungarians through the battery of tests and observations in six months, compared to a year and a half for the Chinese project.

The Human Ecology Society reported that most of their Hungarian subjects had fought against the Russians during the Revolution and that they had lived through extraordinarily difficult circumstances, including arrest, mistreatment, and indoctrination. The psychologists and psychiatrists found that, often, those who had survived with the fewest problems had been those with markedly aberrant personalities. "This observation has added to the evidence that healthy people are not necessarily 'normal,' but are people particularly adapted to their special life situations," the group declared.

While CIA officials liked the idea that their Hungarian subjects had not knuckled under communist influence, they. recognized that they were working with a skewed sample. American visa restrictions kept most of the refugee left-wingers and former communist officials out of the United States; so, as a later MKULTRA document would state, the Society wound up studying "western-tied rightist elements who had never been accepted completely" in postwar Hungary. Agency researchers realized that these people would "contribute little" toward increasing the CIA's knowledge of the processes that made a communist official change his loyalties.

In order to broaden their data base, MKULTRA officials decided in March 1957 to bring in some unwitting help. They gave a contract to Rutgers University sociologists Richard Stephenson and Jay Schulman "to throw as much light as possible on the sociology of the communist system in the throes of revolution." The Rutgers professors started out by interviewing the 70 Hungarians at Cornell in New York, and Schulman went on to Europe to talk to disillusioned Communists who had also fled their country. From an operational point of view, these were the people the Agency really cared about; but, as socialists, most of them probably would have resisted sharing their experiences with the CIA -- if they had known. [ii]

Jay Schulman would have resisted, too. After discovering almost 20 years later that the Agency had paid his way and seen his confidential interviews, he feels misused. "In 1957 I was myself a quasi-Marxist and if I had known that this study was sponsored by the CIA, there is really, obviously, no way that I would have been associated with it," says Schulman. "My view is that social scientists have a deep personal responsibility for questioning the sources of funding; and the fact that I didn't do it at the time was simply, in my judgment, indication of my own naivete and political innocence, in spite of my ideological bent."

Deceiving Schulman and his Hungarian subjects did not bother the men from MKULTRA in the slightest. According to a Gottlieb aide, one of the strong arguments inside the CIA for the whole Human Ecology program was that it gave the Agency a means of approaching and using political mavericks who could not otherwise get security clearances. "Sometimes," he chuckles, "these left-wing social scientists were damned good." This MKULTRA veteran scoffs at the displeasure Schulman expresses: "If we'd gone to a guy and said, 'We're CIA,' he never would have done it. They were glad to get the money in a world where damned few people were willing to support them.... They can't complain about how they were treated or that they were asked to do something they wouldn't have normally done."

The Human Ecology Society soon became a conduit for CIA money flowing to projects, like the Rutgers one, outside Cornell. For these grants, the Society provided only cover and administrative support behind the gold-plated names of Cornell and Harold Wolff. From 1955 to 1958, Agency officials passed funds through the Society for work on criminal sexual psychopaths at Ionia State Hospital, [iii] a mental institution located on the banks of the Grand River in the rolling farm country 120 miles northwest of Detroit. This project had an interesting hypothesis: That child molesters and rapists had ugly secrets buried deep within them and that their stake in not admitting their perversions approached that of spies not wanting to confess. The MKULTRA men reasoned that any technique that would work on a sexual psychopath would surely have a similar effect on a foreign agent. Using psychologists and psychiatrists connected to the Michigan mental health and the Detroit court systems, they set up a program to test LSD and marijuana, wittingly and unwittingly, alone and in combination with hypnosis. Because of administrative delays, the Michigan doctors managed to experiment only on 26 inmates in three years -- all sexual offenders committed by judges without a trial under a Michigan law, since declared unconstitutional. The search for a truth drug went on, under the auspices of the Human Ecology Society, as well as in other MKULTRA channels.

The Ionia project was the kind of expansionist activity that made Cornell administrators, if not Harold Wolff, uneasy. By 1957, the Cornellians had had enough. At the same time, the Agency sponsors decided that the Society had outgrown its dependence on Cornell for academic credentials -- that in fact the close ties to Cornell might inhibit the Society's future growth among academics notoriously sensitive to institutional conflicts. One CIA official wrote that the Society "must be given more established stature in the research community to be effective as a cover organization." Once the Society was cut loose in the foundation world, Agency men felt they would be freer to go anywhere in academia to buy research that might assist covert operations. So the CIA severed the Society's formal connection to Cornell.

The Human Ecology group moved out of its East 78th Street town house, which had always seemed a little too plush for a university program, and opened up a new headquarters in Forest Hills, Queens, which was an inappropriate neighborhood for a well-connected foundation. [iv] Agency officials hired a staff of four led by Lieutenant Colonel James Monroe, who had worked closely with the CIA as head of the Air Force's study of Korean War prisoners. Sid Gottlieb and the TSS hierarchy in Washington still made the major decisions, but Monroe and the Society staff, whose salaries the Agency paid, took over the Society's dealings with the outside world and the monitoring of several hundred thousand dollars a year in research projects. Monroe personally supervised dozens of grants, including Dr. Ewen Cameron's brainwashing work in Montreal. Soon the Society was flourishing as an innovative foundation, attracting research proposals from a wide variety of behavioral scientists, at a time when these people -- particularly the unorthodox ones -- were still the step-children of the fund-granting world.


After the Society's exit from Cornell, Wolff and Hinkle stayed on as president and vice-president, respectively, of the Society's board of directors. Dr. Joseph Hinsey, head of the New York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center also remained on the board. Allen Dulles continued his personal interest in the Society's work and carne to one of the first meetings of the new board, which, as was customary with CIA fronts, included some big outside names. These luminaries added worthiness to the enterprise while playing essentially figurehead roles. In 1957 the other board members were John Whitehorn, chairman of the psychiatry department at Johns Hopkins University, Carl Rogers, professor of psychology and psychiatry at the University of Wisconsin, and Adolf A. Berle, onetime Assistant Secretary of State and chairman of the New York Liberal Party. [v] Berle had originally put his close friend Harold Wolff in touch with the CIA, and at Wolff's request, he carne on the Society board despite some reservations. "I am frightened about this one," Berle wrote in his diary. "If the scientists do what they have laid out for themselves, men will become manageable ants. But I don't think it will happen."

There was a lot of old-fashioned backscratching among the CIA people and the academics as they settled into the work of accommodating each other. Even Harold Wolff, the first and the most enthusiastic of the scholar-spies, had made it clear from the beginning that he expected some practical rewards for his service. According to colleague Hinkle, who appreciated Wolff as one the great grantsman of his time, Wolff expected that the Agency "would support our research and we would be their consultants." Wolff bluntly informed the CIA that some of his work would have no direct use "except that it vastly enhances our value ... as consultants and advisers." In other words, Wolff felt that his worth to the CIA increased in proportion to his professional accomplishments and importance -- which in turn depended partly on the resources he commanded. The Agency men understood, and over the last half of the 19508,they were happy to contribute almost $300,000 to Wolff's own research on the brain and central nervous system. In turn, Wolff and his reputation helped them gain access to other leading lights in the academic world.

Another person who benefited from Human Ecology funds was Carl Rogers, whom Wolff had also asked to serve on the board. Rogers, who later would become famous for his nondirective, nonauthoritarian approach to psychotherapy, respected Wolff's work, and he had no objection to helping the CIA. Although he says he would have nothing to do with secret Agency activities today, he asks for understanding in light of the climate of the 1950s."We really did regard Russia as the enemy," declares Rogers, "and we were trying to do various things to make sure the Russians did not get the upper hand." Rogers received an important professional reward for joining the Society board. Executive Director James Monroe had let him know that, once he agreed to serve, he could expect to receive a Society grant. "That appealed to me because I was having trouble getting funded," says Rogers. "Having gotten that grant [about $30,000 over three years], it made it possible to get other grants from Rockefeller and NIMH." Rogers still feels grateful to the Society for helping him establish a funding "track record," but he emphasizes that the Agency never had any effect on his research.

Although MKULTRA psychologist John Gittinger suspected that Rogers' work on psychotherapy might provide insight into interrogation methods, the Society did not give Rogers money because of the content of his work. The grant ensured his services as a consultant, if desired, and, according to a CIA document, "free access" to his project. But above all, the grant allowed the Agency to use Rogers' name. His standing in the academic community contributed to the layer of cover around the Society that Agency officials felt was crucial to mask their involvement.

Professor Charles Osgood's status in psychology also improved the Society's cover, but his research was more directly useful to the Agency, and the MKULTRA men paid much more to get it. In 1959 Osgood, who four years later became president of the American Psychological Association, wanted to push forward his work on how people in different societies express the same feelings, even when using different words and concepts. Osgood wrote in "an abstract conceptual framework," but Agency officials saw his research as "directly relevant" to covert activities. They believed they could transfer Osgood's knowledge of "hidden values and cues" in the way people communicate into more effective overseas propaganda. Osgood's work gave them a tool -- called the "semantic differential" -- to choose the right words in a foreign language to convey a particular meaning.

Like Carl Rogers, Osgood got his first outside funding for what became the most important work of his career from the Human Ecology Society. Osgood had written directly to the CIA for support, and the Society soon contacted him and furnished $194,975 for research over five years. The money allowed him to travel widely and to expand his work into 30 different cultures. Also like Rogers, Osgood eventually received NIMH money to finish his research, but he acknowledges that the Human Ecology grants played an important part in the progress of his work. He stresses that "there was none of the feeling then about the CIA that there is now, in terms of subversive activities," and he states that the Society had no influence on anything he produced. Yet Society men could and did talk to him about his findings. They asked questions that reflected their own covert interests, not his academic pursuits; and they drew him out, according to one of them, "at great length." Osgood had started studying cross-cultural meaning well before he received the Human Ecology money, but the Society's support ensured that he would continue his work on a scale that suited the Agency's purposes, as well as his own.

A whole category of Society funding, called "cover grants," served no other purpose than to build the Society's false front. These included a sociological study of Levittown, Long Island (about $4,500), an analysis of the Central Mongoloid skull ($700), and a look at the foreign-policy attitudes of people who owned fallout shelters, as opposed to people who did not ($2,500). A $500 Human Ecology grant went to Istanbul University for a study of the effects of circumcision on Turkish boys. The researcher found that young Turks, usually circumcised between the ages of five and seven, felt "severe emotional impact with attending symptoms of withdrawal." The children saw the painful operations as "an act of aggression" that brought out previously hidden fears -- or so the Human Ecology Society reported.

In other instances, the Society put money into projects whose covert application was so unlikely that only an expert could see the possibilities. Nonetheless, in 1958 the Society gave $5,570 to social psychologists Muzafer and Carolyn Wood Sherif of the University of Oklahoma for work on the behavior of teen-age boys in gangs. The Sherifs, both ignorant of the CIA connection, [vi] studied the group structures and attitudes in the gangs and tried to devise ways to channel antisocial behavior into more constructive paths. Their results were filtered through clandestine minds at the Agency. "With gang warfare," says an MKULTRA source, "you tried to get some defectors-in-place who would like to modify some of the group behavior and cool it. Now, getting a juvenile delinquent defector was motivationally not all that much different from getting a Soviet one."

MKULTRA officials were clearly interested in using their grants to build contacts and associations with prestigious academics. The Society put $1,500 a year into the Research in Mental Health Newsletter published jointly at McGill University by the sociology and psychiatric departments. Anthropologist Margaret Mead, an international culture heroine, sat on the newsletter's advisory board (with, among others, D. Ewen Cameron), and the Society used her name in its biennial report. Similarly, the Society gave grants of $26,000 to the well-known University of London psychologist, H. J. Eysenck, for his work on motivation. An MKULTRA document acknowledged that this research would have "no immediate relevance for Agency needs," but that it would "lend prestige" to the Society. The grants to Eysenck also allowed the Society to take funding credit for no less than nine of his publications in its 1963 report. The following year, the Society managed to purchase a piece of the work of the most famous behaviorist of all, Harvard's B. F. Skinner. Skinner, who had tried to train pigeons to guide bombs for the military during World War II, received a $5,000 Human Ecology grant to pay the costs of a secretary and supplies for the research that led to his book, Freedom and Dignity. Skinner has no memory of the grant or its origins but says, "I don't like secret involvement of any kind. I can't see why it couldn't have been open and aboveboard."

A TSS source explains that grants like these "bought legitimacy" for the Society and made the recipients "grateful." He says that the money gave Agency employees at Human Ecology a reason to phone Skinner -- or any of the other recipients -- to pick his brain about a particular problem. In a similar vein, another MKULTRA man, psychologist John Gittinger mentions the Society's relationship with Erwin Goffman of the University of Pennsylvania, whom many consider today's leading sociological theorist. The Society gave him a small grant to help finish a book that would have been published anyway. As a result, Gittinger was able to spend hours talking with him about, among other things, an article he had written earlier on confidence men. These hucksters were experts at manipulating behavior, according to Gittinger, and Goffman unwittingly "gave us a better understanding of the techniques people use to establish phony relationships" -- a subject of interest to the CIA.

To keep track of new developments in the behavioral sciences, Society representatives regularly visited grant recipients and found out what they and their colleagues were doing. Some of the knowing professors became conscious spies. Most simply relayed the latest professional gossip to their visitors and sent along unpublished papers. The prestige of the Human Ecology grantees also helped give the Agency access to behavioral scientists who had no connection to the Society. "You could walk into someone's office and say you were just talking to Skinner," says an MKULTRA veteran. "We didn't hesitate to do this. It was a way to name-drop."

The Society did not limit its intelligence gathering to the United States. As one Agency source puts it, "The Society gave us a legitimate basis to approach anyone in the academic community anywhere in the world." CIA officials regularly used it as cover when they traveled abroad to study the behavior of foreigners of interest to the Agency, including such leaders as Nikita Khrushchev. The Society funded foreign researchers and also gave money to American professors to collect information abroad. In 1960, for instance, the Society sponsored a survey of Soviet psychology through the simple device of putting up $15,000 through the official auspices of the American Psychological Association to send ten prominent psychologists on a tour of the Soviet Union. Nine of the ten had no idea of the Agency involvement, but CIA officials were apparently able to debrief everyone when the group returned. Then the Society sponsored a conference and book for which each psychologist contributed a chapter. The book added another $5,000 to the CIA's cost, but $20,000 all told seemed like a small price to pay for the information gathered. The psychologists -- except perhaps the-knowledgeable one -- did nothing they would not ordinarily have done during their trip, and the scholarly community benefited from increased knowledge on an important subject. The only thing violated was the openness and trust normally associated with academic pursuits. By turning scholars into spies -- even unknowing ones -- CIA officials risked the reputation of American research work and "Contributed potential ammunition toward the belief in many countries that the U.S. notion of academic freedom and independence from the state is self-serving and hypocritical.

Secrecy allowed the Agency a measure of freedom from normal academic restrictions and red tape, and the men from MKULTRA used that freedom to make their projects more attractive. The Society demanded "no stupid progress reports," recalls psychologist and psychiatrist Martin Orne, who received a grant to support his Harvard research on hypnotism. As a further sign of generosity and trust, the Society gave Orne a follow-on $30,000 grant with no specified purpose. [vii] Orne could use it as he wished. He believes the money was "a contingency investment" in his work, and MKULTRA officials agree. "We could go to Orne anytime," says one of them, "and say, 'Okay, here is a situation and here is a kind of guy. What would you expect we might be able to achieve if we could hypnotize him?' Through his massive knowledge, he could speculate and advise." A handful of other Society grantees also served in similar roles as covert Agency consultants in the field of their expertise.

In general, the Human Ecology Society served as the. CIA's window on the world of behavioral research. No phenomenon was too arcane to escape a careful look from the Society, whether extrasensory perception or African witch doctors. "There were some unbelievable schemes," recalls an MKULTRA veteran, "but you also knew Einstein was considered crazy. You couldn't be so biased that you wouldn't leave open the possibility that some crazy idea might work." MKULTRA men realized, according to the veteran, that "ninety percent of what we were doing would fail" to be of any use to the Agency. Yet, with a spirit of inquiry much freer than that usually found in the academic world, the Society took early stabs at cracking the genetic code with computers and finding out whether animals could be controlled through electrodes placed in their brains.

The Society's unrestrained, scattershot approach to behavioral research went against the prevailing wisdom in American universities -- both as to methods and to subjects of interest. During the 1950s one school of thought -- so-called "behaviorism" -- was accepted on campus, virtually to the exclusion of all others. The "behaviorists," led by Harvard's B. F. Skinner, looked at psychology as the study of learned observable responses to outside stimulation. To oversimplify, they championed the approach in which psychologists gave rewards to rats scurrying through mazes, and they tended to dismiss matters of great interest to the Agency: e.g., the effect of drugs on the psyche, subjective phenomena like hypnosis, the inner workings of the mind, and personality theories that took genetic differences into account.

By investing up to $400,000 a year into the early, innovative work of men like Carl Rogers, Charles Osgood, and Martin Orne, the CIA's Human Ecology Society helped liberate the behavioral sciences from the world of rats and cheese. With a push from the Agency as well as other forces, the field opened up. Former iconoclasts became eminent, and, for better or worse, the Skinnerian near-monopoly gave way to a multiplication of contending schools. Eventually, a reputable behavioral scientist could be doing almost anything: holding hands with his students in sensitivity sessions, collecting survey data on spanking habits, or subjectively exploring new modes of consciousness. The CIA's money undoubtedly changed the academic world to some degree, though no one can say how much.

As usual, the CIA men were ahead of their time and had started to move on before the new approaches became established. In 1963, having sampled everything from palm reading to subliminal perception, Sid Gottlieb and his colleagues satisfied themselves that they had overlooked no area of knowledge -- however esoteric -- that might be promising for CIA operations. The Society had served its purpose; now the money could be better spent elsewhere. Agency officials transferred the still-useful projects to other covert channels and allowed the rest to die quietly. By the end of 1965, when the remaining research was completed, the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology was gone.



i. In 1961 the Society changed its name to the Human Ecology Fund, but for convenience sake it will be called the Society throughout the book.

ii. Also to gain access to this same group of leftist Hungarian refugees in Europe, the Human Ecology Society put $15,000 in 1958 into an unwitting study by Dr. A. H. M. Struik of the University of Nijmegen in the Netherlands. An Agency document extolled this arrangement not only as a useful way of studying Hungarians but because it provided "entree" into a leading European university and psychological research center, adding "such a connection has manifold cover and testing possibilities as well as providing a base from which to take advantage of developments in that area of the world."

iii. Professor Lawrence Hinkle states that it was never his or Cornell's intention that the Society would be used as a CIA funding conduit. When told that he himself had written letters on the Ionia project, he replied that the Society's CIA-supplied bookkeeper was always putting papers in front of him and that he must have signed without realizing the implications.

iv. By 1961 the CIA staff had tired of Queens and moved the Society back into Manhattan to 201 East 57th Street. In 1965, as the Agency was closing down the front, it switched its headquarters to 1834 Connecticut Avenue N.W. in Washington, the same building owned by Dr. Charles Geschickter that housed another MKULTRA conduit, the Geschickter Fund for Medical Research.

v. Other establishment figures who would grace the Human Ecology board over the years included Leonard Carmichael, head of the Smithsonian Institution, Barnaby Keeney, president of Brown University, and George A. Kelly, psychology professor and Society fund recipient at Ohio State University.

vi. According to Dr. Carolyn Sherif, who says she and her husband did not share the Cold War consensus and would never have knowingly taken CIA funds, Human Ecology executive director James Monroe lied directly about the source of the Society's money, claiming it came from rich New York doctors and Texas millionaires who gave it for tax purposes. Monroe used this standard cover story with other grantees.

vii. A 1962 report of Orne's laboratory, the Institute for Experimental Psychiatry, showed that it received two sizable grants before the end of that year: $30,000 from Human Ecology and $30,000 from Scientific Engineering Institute, another CIA front organization. Orne says he was not aware of the latter group's Agency connection at the time. but learned of it later. He used its grant to study new ways of using the polygraph.
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Fri Dec 20, 2019 8:06 am

Female infanticide in China
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/20/19



Tibet abounds in monasteries and temples. No other Buddhist country in Asia, whether in the past or in the present time, could be compared with modern Tibet in the number of her Buddhist priests and monasteries. During my residence in Tibet, I obtained a list of some of the well known monasteries, compiled by Sumpa Khanpo. The number of monasteries in the provinces of U, and Tsang in 1725 A.D. was 325, and under the hierarchy of the Dalai Lama in Tibet was 1,026, with a monk population of 491,242. I was told by the spiritual minister of the Tashi Lama that the number of monasteries since the time of Sumpa had increased not less than three-fold, and the number of monks had doubled. So, the number of monks in the monasteries of Tibet at the present day might, according to him, be estimated at a million. According to my estimate which is based partly on Tibetan official documents and partly on records left by eminent Tibetan writers, Tibet has a population of six million, though the country is nearly equal in extent to Russia, its population is no larger than that of London. The proportion of its monks to the entire population was therefore 1 to 6. If one half of the population be females, then the proportion of the monks to the male population would be 1 to 3. This appeared to me too large a proportion for the monks. I, therefore, thought it safe to state that the monk population was half a million to make the proportion 1 to 6, as it is generally held by some of the most well-informed men of Tibet. Though the number of the monasteries is so large the number of nunneries is disproportionately small. It is doubtful if there are even a hundred convents in whole Tibet. We find that the first class monasteries which have state endowments for their support, contain an average of 1,000 monks in each; but in the larger convents the average number of nuns does not exceed 20. It may be asked what may be the reason for this remarkable disproportion in the two classes of institutions. The custom of polyandry which prevails in Tibet would rather suggest an increase of the nunneries with a corresponding increase in their population. But in fact the very reverse is the case. It has been a puzzle to European scholars who have taken interest in the matter of the institutions of Tibet, to account for the number and occupation of the women who remain unmarried. If it is true that all the brothers in a family club together in matrimony with one wife, then what becomes of the majority of the female population who remain unmarried?

-- Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India, Volume 4, edited by Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E.

Despite the paucity of cases there seems reason to assume that polyandry may sometimes be due to a scarcity of women resulting from the practice of female infanticide.

-- Social Structure, by George Peter Murdock (1949: 25)

There definitely was no pattern of female infanticide in Tibetan cultural areas.

-- Fraternal Polyandry and Fertility in a High Himalayan Valley in Northwest Nepal, by Melvyn C. Goldstein

The People's Republic of China and its predecessors have a history of female infanticide spanning 2000 years.[1] Worldwide, infanticide has been practiced since antiquity for the purpose of population control.[1] It is an unsanctioned method of family planning that has been condoned for centuries in the area until recent times. The phenomenon is also referred to as female gendercide; however, the word gendercide can be used for both sexes.


Burying Babies in China (p.40, March 1865, XXII)[2]

The practice of female infanticide was far from wholly condoned in China. Buddhists wrote that the killing of young girls would bring bad karma. Conversely, those who saved a young girl's life either through intervening or through presents of money or food would earn good karma leading to a prosperous life, as well as long life and success for their sons. However, the Buddhist belief in reincarnation meant that the death of an infant was not final as the child would be reborn, and this belief eased guilty feelings [of the person] over female infanticide.[3]

The Confucian attitude towards female infanticide was conflicted. By valuing age over youth, Confucian filial piety lessened the value of children, whilst the Confucian belief of Ren led Confucian intellectuals to support the idea that female infanticide was wrong and that the practice would upset the balance between yin and yang.[4]

When Christian missionaries arrived in China in the late sixteenth century, they witnessed newborns being thrown into rivers or onto rubbish piles.[5][6] In the seventeenth century Matteo Ricci documented that the practice occurred in several of China's provinces and said that the primary reason for the practice was poverty.[6] The practice continued into the 19th century and declined precipitously during the Communist era,[7] but has reemerged as an issue since the introduction of the one-child policy in the early 1980s.[8] The census of 1990 showed an overall male-to-female sex ratio of 1.066, while a normal sex ratio for all ages should be less than 1.02.[9]

19th century

Chinese anti-infanticide tract circa 1800

During the 19th century the practice was widespread. Readings from Qing texts show a prevalence of the term ni nü (to drown girls), and drowning was the most common method used to kill female children. Other methods used were suffocation and starvation.[a][11] Exposure to the elements was another method: the child would be placed in a basket which was then placed in a tree. Buddhist nunneries created "baby towers" for people to leave a child.[12] In 1845 in the province of Jiangxi, a missionary wrote that these children survived for up to two days while exposed to the elements, and that those passing by would ignore the screaming child.[13] Missionary David Abeel reported in 1844 that between one third and one fourth of all female children were killed at birth or soon after.[14]

In 1878 French Jesuit missionary, Gabriel Palatre, collated documents from 13 provinces[15] and the Annales de la Sainte-Enfance (Annals of the Holy Childhood), also found evidence of infanticide in Shanxi and Sichuan. According to the information collected by Palatre the practice was more widespread in the southeastern provinces and the Lower Yangzi River region.[16]

20th century

In 1930, Rou Shi, a noted member of the May Fourth Movement, wrote the short story A Slave-Mother. In it he portrayed the extreme poverty in rural communities that was a direct cause of female infanticide.[17]

A white paper published by the Chinese government in 1980 stated that the practice of female infanticide was a "feudalistic evil". [ b] The state officially considers the practice a carryover from feudal times, not a result of the state's one-child policy. According to Jing-Bao Nie, it would be "inconceivable" to believe there is "no link" between the state's family planning policies and female infanticide.[18]

On September 25, 1980, in an "open letter", the Politburo of the Communist Party of China requested that members of the party, and those in the Communist Youth League, lead by example and have only one child. From the beginning of the one-child policy, there were concerns that it would lead to an imbalance in the sex ratio. Early in the 1980s, senior officials became increasingly concerned with reports of abandonment and female infanticide by parents desperate for a son. In 1984, the government attempted to address the issue by adjusting the one-child policy. Couples whose first child is a girl are allowed to have a second child.[8]


Many Chinese couples desire to have sons because they provide support and security to their aging parents later in life.[19] Conversely, a daughter is expected to leave her parents upon marriage to join and care for her husband’s family.[19] In rural households, which as of 2014 constitute almost half the Chinese population,[20] males are additionally valuable for performing agricultural work and manual labor.[19][21]

A 2005 intercensus survey demonstrated pronounced differences in sex ratio across provinces, ranging from 1.04 in Tibet to 1.43 Jiangxi.[22] Banister (2004), in her literature review on China’s shortage of girls, suggested that there has been a resurgence in the prevalence of female infanticide following the introduction of the one-child policy.[23] On the other hand, many researchers have argued that female infanticide is rare in China today,[22][24] especially since the government has outlawed the practice.[25] Zeng and colleagues (1993), for example, contended that at least half of the nation’s gender imbalance arises from the underreporting of female births.[24]

According to the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), the demographic shortfall of female babies who have died for gender related issues is in the same range as the 191 million estimated dead accounting for all conflicts in the twentieth century.[26] In 2012, the documentary It's a Girl: The Three Deadliest Words in the World was released. It focused on female infanticide in India and China.[27]

See also

• It's a Girl: The Three Deadliest Words in the World
• List of Chinese administrative divisions by female infanticide
• List of Chinese administrative divisions by gender ratio
• Missing women of China
• Sex-selective abortion § China


1. "As soon as the little girls are born, they are plunged into the water in order to drown them or force is applied to their bodies in order to suffocate them or they are strangled with human hands. And something even more deplorable is that there are servants who place the girl in the chamber pot or in the basin used for the birth, which is still filled with water and blood and, shut away there, they die miserably. And what is even more monstrous is that if the mother is not cruel enough to take the life of her daughter, then her father-in-law, mother-in-law, or husband agitates her by their words to kill the girl."[10]
2. "Infanticide through drowning and abandoning female babies is an evil custom left over from feudal times."[18]


1. Mungello 2012, p. 144.
2. "Burying Babies in China". Wesleyan Juvenile Offering. XXII: 40. March 1865. Retrieved 1 December 2015.
3. Mungello 2012, p. 145.
4. Mungello 2012, pp. 146–147.
5. Milner 2000, pp. 238-239.
6. Mungello 2012, p. 148.
7. Coale & Banister 1994, pp. 459–479.
8. White 2006, p. 200.
9. Milner 2000, pp. 239-240.
10. Mungello 2008, p. 17.
11. Mungello 2008, p. 9.
12. Lee 1981, p. 164.
13. Mungello 2008, p. 10.
14. Abeel 1844.
15. Harrison 2008, p. 77.
16. Mungello 2008, p. 13.
17. Johnson 1985, p. 29.
18. Nie 2005, p. 50.
Chan, C. L. W., Yip, P. S. F., Ng, E. H. Y., Ho, P. C., Chan, C. H. Y., & Au, J. S. K. (2002). Gender selection in China: It’s meanings and implications. Journal of Assisted Reproduction and Genetics, 19(9), 426-430.
20. National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2014). Total population by urban and rural residence and birth rate, death rate, natural growth rate by region [Data set]. Retrieved from China statistical yearbook 2014, accessed 2 October 2019
21. Parrot, Andrea (2006). Forsaken females : the global brutalization of women. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 53. ISBN 978-0742545793.
22. Zhu, W. X., Lu, L., & Hesketh, T. (2009). China’s excess males, sex selective abortion, and one child policy: Analysis of data from 2005 national intercensus survey. BMJ: British Medical Journal, 338(7700)
23. Banister, J. (2004). Shortage of girls in China today. Journal of Population Research, 21(1), 19-45.
24. Zeng, Y., Tu, P., Gu, B., Xu, Y., Li, B., & Li, Y. (1993). Causes and implications of the recent increase in the reported sex ratio at birth in China. Population and Development Review, 19(2), 283-302.
25. Female infanticide. (n.d.) BBC Ethics guide. Accessed 2 October 2019.
26. Winkler 2005, p. 7.
27. DeLugan 2013, pp. 649–650.


• Abeel, David (13 May 1844). "Infanticide In China". Signal of Liberty.
• Coale, Ansley J.; Banister, Judith (1994). "Five decades of missing females in China" (PDF). Demography. 31 (3): 459–479. doi:10.2307/2061752. JSTOR 2061752. PMID 7828766.
• DeLugan, Robin Maria (2013). "Exposing Gendercide in India and China (Davis, Brown, and Denier's It's a Girl—the Three Deadliest Words in the World)". Current Anthropology. 54 (5): 649–650. doi:10.1086/672365. JSTOR 10.1086/672365.
• Harrison, Henrietta (2008). "A penny for the little Chinese: The French Holy Childhood Association in China, 1843–1951"(PDF). American Historical Review. 113 (1): 72–92. doi:10.1086/ahr.113.1.72.
• Johnson, Kay Ann (1985). Women, the Family, and Peasant Revolution in China. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226401898.
• Lee, Bernice J. (1981). "Female Infanticide in China". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 8 (3): 163–177. JSTOR 41298766.
• Milner, Larry S (2000). Hardness of Heart/hardness of Life: The Stain of Human Infanticide. University Press of America. ISBN 978-0761815785.
• Mungello, D. E. (2012). The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 9781442219755.
• Mungello, D. E. (2008). Drowning Girls in China: Female Infanticide in China since 1650. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0742555310.
• White, Tyrene (2006). China's Longest Campaign: Birth Planning in the People's Republic, 1949–2005. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0801444050.
• Winkler, Theodor H. (2005). "Slaughtering Eve The Hidden Gendercide" (PDF). Women in an Insecure World. Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces.

Further reading

• Female infanticide by Websters
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Part 1 of 2

Five Decades of Missing Females in China*
by Ansley J. Coale and Judith Banister
Demography, Vol. 31, No.3, August 1994
Copyright © 1994 Population Association of America



Ansley J. Coale
Senior Research Demographer
Office of Population Research
Princeton University
21 Prospect Avenue
Princeton, NJ 08540-2091
E-mail: coale@opr.Princeton.EDU

Judith Banister
Chief, Center for International Research
Bureau of the Census
Washington, DC 20233-3700

This paper seeks to explain the dearth of females in the population of China in cohorts born from the late 1930s to the present. We demonstrate that in virtually all cohorts, the shortage of females in comparison with males is revealed when the cohort is first enumerated in a census. Subsequently it barely changes, an indication that female losses occur very early in life. Using the high-quality data from the censuses and fertility surveys in China, we show that many of the births of the girls missing in the censuses were not reported in the surveys because they died very young. The incidence of excess early female mortality (probably infanticide) declined precipitously in the Communist period, but not to zero. The recent escalation in the proportion of young females missing in China has been caused largely by rapidly escalating sex-selective abortion.


In the absence of special circumstances reducing the number of the male or the female members of a population, and in the absence of substantial gains or losses from migration, the numbers of males and females are approximately equal. These approximately equal numbers are the result of the usual slight majority of males at birth, and the usual somewhat higher mortality of males in the absence of differential treatment of the sexes or a large incidence of military mortality. In almost all well-recorded ratios of the number of male to the number of female births, the ratio falls between 1.05 and 1.07; the slightly higher male mortality gradually cancels the initial male majority as each cohort advances in age.

In some Asian and African countries, however, the ratio of males to females in the population is higher than would be expected from the typical sex ratio at birth and the typical differential mortality. The source of this high masculinity is female mortality that is higher, in relation to male mortality, than would prevail if both sexes had equal access to factors promoting good health. One of the populations with higher than expected masculinity is that of the People's Republic of China. In the 1990 census, the recorded ratio of males to females was 1.066; a normal sex ratio at birth and normal differences in survival would have yielded a ratio no higher than 1.02. Female mortality evidently has been abnormally high in relation to male mortality in China.

In this paper we analyze data from the four modern censuses of China, held from 1953 to 1990, and from two large-scale retrospective fertility surveys, held in 1982 and 1988, to trace the record of excess masculinity in successive Chinese birth cohorts from those born in the late 1930s to those born in the late 1980s. The extent and the high quality of the data permit several inferences, including the probable existence of high rates of female infanticide in the 1930s and early 1940s; a large reduction of this practice by the 1960s; the effect of the famine in 1959-1961 on the sex ratio in selected cohorts; evidence of the beginning, around 1970, of selective termination of childbearing following a male birth; and, in the 1980s, the emerging impact of sex-selective abortion on the sex ratio at birth.

We begin with a description of the relevant data in the Chinese censuses and in the large fertility surveys of the 1980s. Then we present an analysis of the data for cohorts born from 1936 to 1954, for cohorts whose childhood years occurred during the great famine of 1959-1961, for cohorts born before and during the national introduction of a family planning program, and for cohorts born in the 1980s.


The four modern censuses of China provide data of unusually high quality, which are especially suitable for examining the ratio of males to females at different ages. The absence of any consequential amount of international migration ensures that the relative number of males and females at each age is determined by the ratio of males to females at birth in each cohort, and by the relative survival (or, conversely, by the relative number of deaths) to which each cohort has been subject since birth.

A positive feature of the censuses is the unusual precision with which age is listed. Accurately listed ages are possible because of a characteristic of the dominant culture in China: every individual, even if illiterate, knows the exact date of his birth according to the Chinese calendar. Each year in this calendar has the name of an animal with a specified characteristic in a 60-year cycle of 12 animals and five characteristics for each animal. Within each year, "months" are lunar months; each individual knows the day of the lunar month in the animal year in which he was born. The accuracy of recall of this date is based on the astrological belief in the importance of date of birth in determining such decisions as marriage or change of residence. Each individual knows this fixed date and can supply it readily. For example, Chinese graduate students at Princeton report that parents or grandparents often have told them not only the date of their birth, but also the hour of the day. In conducting a census it is necessary to ask each individual the date of his or her birth, then to translate this date into the Western calendar and subtract it from the date of the census to obtain an exact age.1

As our unit of analysis we have chosen the ratio of males to females recorded for persons identified by the years in which they were born, rather than (for example) their age at the date of a census. This use of birth cohorts rather than age is illustrated by the ratios of males to females listed in Table 1. The cohorts have been combined into five-year groupings of birth years to smooth out any minor irregularities in the raw data. The earliest birth cohort listed, born in 1936-1940, was at ages 12-16 in 1953, 23-27 in 1964, 41-45 in 1982, and 49-53 in 1990.2 The ratio of males to females for a given cohort tends to diminish at ages above the mid-thirties because male mortality becomes increasingly higher than female as age advances. A surprising feature of these cohort data is that of 79 instances in which ratios for the same cohort are listed in two consecutive censuses, masculinity is higher at the second date in only six.> Thus, in general, as these cohorts passed through life, the male attrition implied by the numbers recorded in the censuses was equal to or higher than female attrition over the ages reached by each cohort between two censuses. In spite of this normal trend in cohort sex ratios over time, the sex ratios at most ages are higher than would normally be the case.

Table 1. Sex Ratios in Censuses by 5-Year Birth Cohorts from Cohort Born 1936-1940


Years of Birth / 1953 / 1964 / 1982 / 1990

1936-1940 / 1.171 / 1.171 / 1.144 / 1.124
1937-1941 / 1.183 / 1.183 / 1.142 / 1.122
1938-1942 / 1.178 / 1.178 / 1.138 / 1.117
1939-1943 / 1.169 / 1.169 / 1.135 / 1.115
1940-1944 / 1.160 / 1.160 / 1.130 / 1.112
1941-1945 / 1.151 / 1.151 / 1.119 / 1.105
1942-1946 / 1.141 / 1.141 / 1.115 1.102
1943-1947 / 1.129 / 1.129 / 1.108 / 1.099
1944-1948 / 1.117 / 1.117 / 1.102 / 1.095
1945-1949 / 1.107 / 1.107 1.100 / 1.095
1946-1950 / 1.094 / 1.109 / 1.095 / 1.090
1947-1951 / 1.081 / 1.103 / 1.102 / 1.082
1948-1952 / 1.070 / 1.095 / 1.095 / 1.074
1949-1953 / -- / 1.089 / 1.089 / 1.068
1950-1954 / -- / 1.086 / 1.086 / 1.063
1951-1955 / -- / 1.088 / 1.088 / 1.064
1952-1956 / -- / 1.092 / 1.092 / 1.068
1953-1957 / -- / 1.097 / 1.097 / 1.076
1954-1958 / -- / 1.097 / 1.097 / 1.083
1955-1959 / -- / 1.096 / 1.096 / 1.085
1956-1960 / -- / 1.090 1.090 1.079
1957-1961 / -- / 1.082 / 1.082 / 1.072
1958-1962 / -- / 1.072 / 1.072 / 1.066
1959-1963 / -- / 1.062 / 1.062 / 1.056
1960-1964 / -- / -- / 1.056 / 1.050
1961-1965 / -- / -- / 1.054 / 1.054
1962-1966 / -- / -- / 1.056 / 1.056
1963-1967 / -- / -- / 1.953 / 1.053
1964-1968 / -- / -- / 1.057 / 1.057
1965-1969 / -- / -- / 1.059 / 1.059
1966-1970 / -- / -- / 1.060 / 1.060
1967-1971 / -- / -- / 1.060 / 1.060
1968-1972 / -- / -- / 1.060 / 1.060
1969-1973/ -- / -- / 1.061 / 1.061
1970-1974 / -- / -- / 1.061 / 1.061
1971-1975 / -- / -- / 1.062 / 1.062
1972-1976 / -- / -- / 1.062 / 1.060
1973-1977 / -- / -- / 1.062 / 1.062
1974-1978 / -- / -- / 1.063 / 1.065
1975-1979 / -- / -- / 1.066 / 1.068
1976-1980 / -- / -- / 1.069 / 1.070
1977-1981 / -- / -- / 1.071 / 1.072
1978-1982 / -- / -- / -- / 1.077
1979-1983 / -- / -- / -- / 1.081
1980-1984 / -- / -- / -- / 1.083
1981-1985 / -- / -- / -- / 1.085
1982-1986 / -- / -- / -- / 1.088
1983-1987 / -- / -- / -- / 1.090
1984-1988 / -- / -- / -- / 1.096
1985-1989 / -- / -- / -- / 1.102

We can explain in part the six exceptions to the general pattern of declining masculinity of each cohort over time. As shown in Table 1, early cohort sex ratios rose between the 1953 and the 1964 census as the three youngest groups aged into the teen years. This finding suggests that a strong pattern of selective neglect of girls in childhood occurred between 1953 and 1964. As we will discuss, a severe famine intervened between these two censuses. Between the 1982 and the 1990 census, the recorded sex ratio of the three youngest groups rose very slightly; this suggests that selective neglect of young girls continued but was much reduced from earlier decades. The rise in these cohort sex ratios occurred at ages beyond which any female infanticide would have taken place; that tends to occur soon after birth.

To estimate the "excess" mortality to which females have been subject since birth in relation to males in the same cohort, we have made a rough estimate of the normal sex ratio that would be expected in each cohort at each census date. We calculated the normal ratio on the assumption that at birth the ratio of males to females was 1.06; relative survival rates for the two sexes were chosen to match the relative survival in a model life table at a level of mortality that we selected as about equal to the level we estimated as experienced by the given cohort. The normal sex ratio is what one would expect if the cohort began with the nearly universal sex ratio at birth and was subject to the relative survival rates in model life tables based on accurately recorded experience in populations at about the same level of mortality (see Table 2).4

When the ratio of males to females recorded in a census is compared with the estimated normal ratio, one sees the extent to which the ratio in the census has been increased as a result of female mortality higher than normal in relation to male mortality. Indeed, it can be shown that the proportion of females absent as the result of excess female mortality (in relation to male) is equal to the recorded ratio of males to females divided by the sex ratio in the model, minus 1.0. Figure 1 displays the proportion of absent females estimated in this way in each census in each cohort, identified by the years of its birth.

Very close agreement exists among the estimated proportions of absent females within each cohort in the different censuses, as illustrated by the closely clustered lines in Figure 1. This tight agreement shows that the excess female mortality which caused a high ratio of males to females in a cohort had taken its toll by the first time a cohort was enumerated; almost all of the excess deaths occurred very early in life.

Figure 1 illustrates the evolution of excess female mortality as the time period of the birth of successive cohorts advanced. The midpoint (median) of the estimates of missing females from the different censuses is above 15% for the four earliest cohorts (1936-1940 to 1939-1943) and above 10% for the next five cohorts (until 1944-1948). A sharp decline continues, interrupted by higher proportions of missing females in cohorts who spent early childhood years during the crisis period of 1959-1961, when early-age female mortality apparently rose more sharply than male. The resumed downtrend led to ratios below 3% in the 1960s, and then to a level not far above 2%. A gradual increase began in the mid-1970s (after the cohort born 1972-1976); this increase grew steeper after cohorts born in 1974-1978.

Table 2. Model Sex Ratios for Cohorts at Censuses, by Years of Birth
Years of Birth / 1953 / 1964 / 1982 / 1990

1936-1940 / 1.012 / 1.018 / 0.975 / 0.954
1937-1941 / 1.014 / 1.016 / 0.980 / 0.962
1938-1942 / 1.015 / 1.015 / 0.985 / 0.970
1939-1943 / 1.015 / 1.014 / 0.989 / 0.977
1940-1944 / 1.015 / 1.014 / 0.994 / 0.984  
1941-1945 / 1.014 / 1.015 / 0.998 / 0.989  
1942-1946 / 1.012 / 1.015 / 1.001 / 0.993
1943-1947 / 1.011 / 1.016 / 1.005 / 0.998
1944-1948 / 1.013 / 1.016 / 1.007 / 1.002
1945-1949 / 1.016 / 1.019 / 1.011 / 1.006
1946-1950 / 1.019 / 1.021 / 1.013 / 1.008
1947-1951 / 1.021 / 1.024 / 1.015 / 1.010
1948-1952 / 1.024 / 1.026 / 1.018 / 1.013 
1949-1953 / -- / 1.028 / 1.020 / 1.015
1950-1954 / -- / 1.028 / 1.021 / 1.017
1951-1955 / -- / 1.028 / 1.021 / 1.017
1952-1956 / -- / 1.028 / 1.021 / 1.017
1953-1957 / -- / 1.028 / 1.022 / 1.018
1954-1958 / -- / 1.028 / 1.022 / 1.018
1955-1959 / -- / 1.028 / 1.022 / 1.018
1956-1960 / -- / 1.028 / 1.023 / 1.020
1957-1961 / -- / 1.029 / 1.025 / 1.022
1958-1962 / -- / 1.029 / 1.027 / 1.024
1959-1963 / -- / 1.029 / 1.028 / 1.026  
1960-1964 / -- / -- / 1.028 / 1.028
1961-1965 / -- / -- / 1.029 / 1.029
1962-1966 / -- / -- / 1.030 / 1.030
1963-1967 / -- / -- / 1.032 / 1.032
1964-1968 / -- / -- / 1.033 / 1.033
1965-1969 / -- / -- / 1.035 / 1.035
1966-1970 / -- / -- / 1.036 / 1.036
1967-1971 / -- / -- / 1.037 / 1.037
1968-1972 / -- / -- / 1.038 / 1.038
1969-1973 / -- / -- / 1.039 / 1.039 
1970-1974 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1971-1975 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1972-1976 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1973-1977 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1974-1978 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1975-1979 / -- / -- / 1.040 / 1.040
1976-1980 / -- / -- / 1.041 / 1.041
1977-1981 / -- / -- / 1.043 / 1.043 
1978-1982 / -- / -- / -- / 1.044
1979-1983 / -- / -- / -- / 1.045
1980-1984 / -- / -- / -- / 1.046
1981-1985 / -- / -- / -- / 1.046
1982-1986 / -- / -- / -- / 1.047
1983-1987 / -- / -- / -- / 1.047
1984-1988 / -- / -- / -- / 1.048
1985-1989 / -- / -- / -- / 1.048

First Year of 5-Year Period of Birth
Figure I. Estimated Excess Proportion Dead Females Relative to Males, Cohorts


Two large-scale fertility surveys have been conducted in China, one in 1982 (the so-called one-per-thousand survey) and another in 1988 (the two-per-thousand survey). Both surveys asked a large sample of married women (311,000 age 15-67 in 1982, and 459,000 age 15-57 in 1988) for a lifetime history including each respondent's date of birth, her date of marriage, and the birth date of each child that she had borne. The respondents also were asked, with respect to each birth reported, whether the child had survived to the date of the survey.

The 1982 survey has provided invaluable information about the course of marriage and fertility in China, and has proved to be very consistent with relevant data taken from the 1982 census. For example, the age-specific fertility rates that have been tabulated for individual years after 1950 from the ratio of the reported number of births at each age to the number of women in that age in each year can be cumulated to determine the average number of children ever born to women at different ages in 1982. The 1982 census included a question about the number of children ever born. The average number by single years of age from 20 to 50 from the two sources agrees within 1%, a remarkable degree of consistency from two independent sources of information (Coale 1984).

Consistency is not certain proof of accuracy, however. It is surprising that the ratio of reported male to reported female births for individual past years was not virtually constant at about 1.06 male births for each female birth, as was surely true of the actual, rather than the reported, births." The sex ratio at birth in populations with accurate registration falls between about 1.05 and 1.07; notably it is usually within this range in data from China's neighbor Japan (Japan 1991).

Table 3 shows the recorded sex ratio at birth from the two surveys by five-year birth cohorts, with births through 1981 from the one-per-thousand survey, for 1982-1987 from the two-per-thousand survey, and for 1989 from the sample tabulation of the 1990 census (the ratio for 1988 was taken as the average of 1987 and 1989). The ratio falls within the usual bounds for only three of 50 cohorts; the average is 1.091, about 3% above the expected norm.

We see a striking congruence between the reported sex ratio by period of birth and the sex ratio reported for the same cohort in the 1990 census (Figure 2). Where masculinity is reported as especially high in 1990, the masculinity of the births reported in the retrospective fertility surveys for the same cohort is also generally high. As stated above in the discussion of the excess masculinity in the four modem censuses of China, the sex ratio of each excessively masculine cohort is too high in the first census in which it is enumerated; this finding indicates that the excess masculinity in the census is the result of excess female mortality and that the excess mortality occurs in infancy and childhood.

As shown by the similarity of time pattern between the sex ratio of the cohorts enumerated in the 1990 census and the reported sex ratio for the births in the years when these cohorts were born, the births of some of the females who were omitted in the censuses (evidently because an unusual proportion of the females were dead) were simply not reported in the fertility surveys. Thus, where the high masculinity in the census indicates excess female mortality, some of the females subject to excess mortality were omitted from the births reported in the fertility survey. The true sex ratio at birth was approximately constant until the mid 1980s when sex-selective abortion began to raise the true ratio. The true correlation between the sex ratio at birth of each cohort and the sex ratio in the 1990 census is about zero; the calculated correlation between these two sets of numbers is 0.91.

Table 3. Sex Ratios of Births Reported in Fertility Surveys, 1936-1940 to 1985-1989
Years of Birth / Sex Ratio / Years of Birth / Sex Ratio

1936-1940 / 1.138 / 1961-1965 / 1.065  
1937-1941 / 1.133 / 1962-1966 / 1.064  
1938-1942 / 1.126 / 1963-1967 / 1.066  
1939-1943 / 1.110 / 1964-1968 / 1.073  
1940-1944 / 1.111 / 1965-1969 / 1.077
1941-1945 / 1.114 / 1966-1970 / 1.079   
1942-1946 / 1.108 / 1967-1971 / 1.081  
1943-1947 / 1.105 / 1968-1972 / 1.081  
1944-1948 / 1.101 / 1969-1973 / 1.078  
1945-1949 / 1.093 / 1970-1974 / 1.075  
1946-1950 / 1.083 / 1971-1975 / 1.073  
1947-1951 / 1.092 / 1972-1976 / 1.080  
1948-1952 / 1.095 / 1973-1977 / 1.077  
1949-1953 / 1.090 / 1974-1978 / 1.077  
1950-1954 / 1.094 / 1975-1979 / 1.080  
1951-1955 / 1.094 / 1976-1980 / 1.088  
1952-1956 / 1.089 / 1977-1981 / 1.082  
1953-1957 / 1.094 / 1978-1982 / 1.083  
1954-1958 / 1.101 / 1979-1983 / 1.084  
1955-1959 / 1.092 / 1980-1984 / 1.087  
1956-1960 / 1.096 / 1981-1985 / 1.086  
1957-1961 / 1.092 / 1982-1986 / 1.093  
1958-1962 / 1.082 / 1983-1987 / 1.100  
1959-1963 / 1.074 / 1984-1988 / 1.110  
1960-1964 / 1.070 / 1985-1989 / 1.128

First Year of 5-Year Period of Birth
-<>- 1990 + SRB
Figure 2. Sex Ratio at Birth and in 1990 Census, Same Cohort

Omission of females who died early in life from a fertility history is consistent with a tendency found in the registration of births and early deaths in some of China's neighbors. In registration systems in these countries, which are generally precise, the deaths that occur very early in life are underregistered. Even in Japan, which has unusually complete and accurate registration of births and deaths, the number of very early deaths is underrecorded. The proportion of deaths in the first year of life that occur on the first day is more than 30% in almost all of the countries with low infant mortality. The proportion registered is only 23% and 24% in two different years in Japan, and is less than 8% in Hong Kong. A revealing sign of bias is the ratio of registered stillbirths to registered deaths in the first day of life. In Hong Kong this ratio is over 6; in Japan, over 4; in most European and North American countries, about 2 to 2.5. In Japan and Hong Kong, the person registering births and deaths evidently does not follow the international recommendation of the World Health Organization to count as a live birth an issue from the womb that shows any signs of life after delivery-either respiration or pulse, for example. A stillbirth is to be registered only for a fetus that shows no such signs. From the much higher ratio of reported stillbirths to reported deaths in the first day of life in these populations, it is clear that the registering person sometimes counts as a stillbirth an event that would be counted in Europe as an early infant death.

In China the birth of a child traditionally is not celebrated until the child has reached an age of one month or more, and the child is not given a name until the passage of some such period of time. The basis for this custom apparently is a belief that celebrating a birth and giving a name soon after the birth tempts the fates to cancel the early celebration by the death of the child. Because this custom apparently causes a bias in otherwise accurate official registration of vital events, it is certainly likely that respondents who share this culture omit from a history of their births those which are followed shortly by the child's death.

Reported Sex Ratios at Birth, by Birth Order

One peculiar feature of the data from the fertility surveys has caused comment: the sex ratio at birth reported for higher-order births is higher than for the first or for the first and second. This feature indicates a higher rate of omission of higher-order female births because careful studies of the true relation between birth order and the sex ratio at birth in several reliable data bases indicate a very slight tendency toward lower masculinity at higher orders (Teitelbaum, Mantel & Stark 1971). China's one-per-thousand fertility survey called attention to the increase in sex ratio at birth with birth order reported for 1981, from a ratio of 1.05 for first births to respective ratios of 1.07, 1.13, and 1.16 at orders 2, 3, and 4; the Chinese report on the survey says that the reason for this trend remains to be found.

Through the generous cooperation of the East-West Population Institute in Honolulu, we were able to obtain data (from the full tape of the one-per-thousand fertility survey) bearing on the number of births by birth order and sex, in order to trace by birth cohort the relative reported sex ratios at birth of higher-order and lower-order births. Masculinity of reported births increased with birth order in the reports for earlier cohorts, as well as for those born just before the survey. The relevant information is contained in Table 4, which lists the ratio of male-to-female births in five-year periods from 1936-1940 to 1985-1989 for birth orders 1 and 2 and birth orders 3 and 4. 6 In all but a few cohorts, the sex ratio reported at birth for orders 3 and 4 is higher than for orders I and 2; the mean difference is 2%. Among first and second births, 12 of 50 cohorts have sex ratios within the expected limits of 1.05-1.07; for third and fourth births, only four cohorts fall within these limits.

As indicated by the congruence between the reported sex ratio at birth in the fertility surveys and for the same cohorts in the 1990 census, a high reported sex ratio at birth is evidence of excess female mortality in an early period after birth. The higher reported sex ratio at birth for third and fourth births in most cohorts implies a greater degree of excess early female mortality among higher order births.

Sex Ratios by Birth Order within Each Sex

Table 5 lists the reported ratio of first-male births in China to first-female births, second-male births to second-female births, and higher-than-second-order male births to higher-than-second-order female births. Note that the birth order discussed here is the order within the sex. It is not male births among first births and female births among first births, but births of first sons (whatever the absolute order of the birth) relative to births of first daughters, again without regard to overall order. A first son can be of any birth order (l, 2, 3, ... , n), depending on the presence of female births in the mother's sequence.

Table 4. Sex Ratio of Births Reported in Fertility Surveys, Birth Orders 1 and 2 and Birth Orders 3 and 4, 1936--1940 to 1985-1989

Period / Birth Orders 1-2 / Birth Orders 3-4

1936-1940 / 1.129 / 1.167
1937-1941 / 1.126 / 1.151
1938-1942 / 1.125 / 1.125
1939-1943 / 1.123 / 1.095
1940-1944 / 1.119 / 1.119
1941-1945 / 1.114 / 1.141
1942-1946 / 1.105 / 1.134
1943-1947 / I. 106 / 1.120
1944-1948 / 1.086 / 1.129
1945-1949 / 1.086 / 1.119
1946-1950 / 1.081 / 1.105
1947-1951 / 1.092 / 1.118
1948-1952 / 1.088 / 1.116
1949-1953 / 1.092 / 1.101
1950-1954 / 1.088 / 1.109
1951-1955 / 1.090 / 1.100
1952-1956 / 1.085 / 1.097
1953-1957 / 1.087 / 1.099
1954-1958 / 1.091 / 1.099
1955-1959 / 1.083 / 1.093
1956-1960 / 1.088 / 1.102
1957-1961 / 1.088 / 1.098
1958-1962 / 1.080 / 1.098
1959-1963 / 1.065 / 1.094
1960-1964 / 1.067 / 1.081
1961-1965 / 1.065 / 1.073
1962-1966 / 1.063 / 1.064
1963-1967 / 1.064 / 1.058
1964-1968 / 1.069 / 1.066
1965-1969 / 1.074 / 1.073
1966-1970 / 1.079 / 1.068
1967-1971 / 1.079 / 1.076
1968-1972 / 1.075 / 1.084
1969-1973 / 1.071 / 1.084
1970-1974 / 1.065 / 1.081
1971-1975 / 1.056 / 1.085
1972-1976 / 1.062 / 1.092
1973-1977 / 1.060 / 1.088
1974-1978 / 1.064 / 1.085
1975-1979 / 1.065 / 1.086
1976-1980 / 1.080 / 1.088
1977-1981 / 1.074 / 1.084
1978-1982 1.077 / 1.090
1979-1983 / 1.077 / 1.088
1980-1984 / 1.081 / 1.113
1981-1985 / 1.078 / 1.113
1982-1986 / 1.086 / 1.155
1983-1987 / 1.094 / 1.171
1984-1988 / 1.103 / 1.200
1985-1989 / 1.113 / 1.228

Table 5. Sex Ratio of Births Reported in 1/1000 Fertility Survey, Birth Order within Each Sex, 1936-1940 to 1977-1981
Ratio (Male Births/Female Births)
Period / Order 1 / Order 2 / Order 3

1936-1940 / 1.093 / 1.231 / 1.391
1937-1941 / 1.075 / 1.230 / 1.370
1938-1942 / 1.069 / 1.190 / 1.334
1939-1943 / 1.062 / 1.169 / 1.247
1940-1944 / 1.055 / 1.173 / 1.270
1941-1945 / 1.063 / 1.162 / 1.257
1942-1946 / 1.055 / 1.139 / 1.251
1943-1947 / 1.049 / 1.133 / 1.223
1944-1948 / 1.035 / 1.127 / 1.233
1945-1949 / 1.033 / 1.108 / 1:219
1946-1950 / 1.028 / 1.085 / 1.212
1947-1951 / 1.041 / 1.084 / 1.218
1948-1952 / 1.044 / 1.074 / 1.223
1949-1953 / 1.042 / 1.061 / 1.207
1950-1954 / 1.046 / 1.063 / 1.206
1951-1955 / 1.043 / 1.070 / 1.192
1952-1956 / 1.034 / 1.075 / 1.182
1953-1957 / 1.038 / 1.071 / 1.193
1954-1958 / 1.040 / 1.081 / 1.192
1955-1959 / 1.028 / 1.078 / 1.181
1956-1960 / 1.033 / 1.078 / 1.178
1957-1961 / 1.039 / 1.072 / 1.166
1958-1962 / 1.025 / 1.079 / 1.137
1959-1963 / 1.020 / 1.061 / 1.127
1960-1964 / 1.021 / 1.057 / 1.117
1961-1965 / 1.017 / 1.062 / 1.114
1962-1966 / 1.012 / 1.069 / 1.114
1963-1967 / 1.015 / 1.075 / 1.110
1964-1968 / 1.026 / 1.091 / 1.108
1965-1969 / 1.028 / 1.108 / 1.103
1966-1970 / 1.040 / 1.100 / 1.103
1967-1971 / 1.048 / 1.091 / 1.106
1968-1972 / 1.051 / 1.091 / 1.106
1969-1973 / 1.051 / 1.098 / 1.093
1970-1974 / 1.063 / 1.085 / 1.082
1971-1975 / 1.066 / 1.092 / 1.067
1972-1976 / 1.083 / 1.117 / 1.039
1973-1977 / 1.091 / 1.129 / 1.005
1974-1978 / 1.102 / 1.140 / 0.969
1975-1979 / 1.104 / 1.164 / 0.939
1976-1980 / 1.128 / 1.168 / 0.896
1977-1981 / 1.133 / 1.139 / 0.856

Until the mid-1960s, the ratio of reported male-to-female births by order within each sex rises as order increases. Among births reported in the 1940s and 1950s, the reported ratio of third-male to third-female births is 15 to 20% higher than the ratio of first males compared to first females.

The difference remains large until the 1970s and 1980s, when the sex ratio of first males to first females rises, and the ratio of third males to third females falls to substantially below 1. The anomalous "crossover" of these sex ratios at birth is discussed later.
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Part 2 of 2

Survival Rates to Date of Survey by Sex

The material presented above shows that the omission of females from censuses in China is evidence of early excess female mortality. The positive association between the sex ratio of cohorts in the 1990 census and the reported sex ratio at birth of these cohorts in the fertility surveys indicates that early female mortality led to the omission from the survey of more female births in cohorts that register high male-to-female ratios in the censuses.

The surveys contain direct information on the relative mortality of males and females whose births are reported. The reported survival of each birth to the date of the survey is recorded; Table 6 shows the proportion dead of males and females born in each cohort from 1936-1940 to 1977-1981. These are the proportions dead of births that the respondents recalled as births; it appears that a child who died very early may have been omitted in the report of births. Therefore these proportions dead are net of early deaths that led to the omission of a birth in the survey. The reported proportion dead is higher for males than for females in all but nine of 42 cohorts. One of these nine is the cohort born in the war years 1938-1942; the other cohorts were children during the great famine of 1959-1961, which we discuss later. Thus the survey suggests that excess female mortality occurred predominantly before the dead infant survived long enough to be recalIed as having been born (as indicated by the excess sex ratio at birth); once a child survived long enough to be reported as a birth, female survival rates generally were a little higher than male-although not as much higher as they should be under nondiscriminatory conditions.

Proportion Dead by Birth Order within Each Sex

When the proportion dead from the reported birth to the survey is calculated for male and for female births by birth order within each sex, the sex difference for each order is modest: the proportion dead among first males is higher than for first females except for five cohorts subject to excess child mortality during 1959-1961. The median ratio of male-to-female proportion dead is 1.04 for first boys and first girls, 1.015 for second boys and second girls, and .976 for third. The most conspicuous feature of the proportions dead by order within each sex is that the proportion grows higher as the order increases. Within each sex in every cohort, the proportion dead is higher for second girls and second boys than for first, and higher for third than for second. The average difference between proportion dead for first and second births within the sex is 2.7% for females and 2.3% for males; between first and third births within each sex, the average differences respectively are 7.1% and 5.7% for females and for males. Differences by birth order within each sex in the reported proportion dead are generally larger than sex differences for a given birth order.

Table 6. Proportion Dead, from Reported Birth to Survey Males and Females, 1936-1940 to 1977-1981
Period / Males / Females / Males/Females

1936-1940 / 0.4562 / 0.4545 / 1.0039
1937-1941 / 0.4489 / 0.4418 / 1.0162
1938-1942 / 0.4398 / 0.4416 / 0.9961
1939-1943 / 0.4359 / 0.4339 / 1.0045
1940-1944 / 0.4250 / 0.4195 / 1.0132
1941-1945 / 0.4095 / 0.4063 / 1.0080
1942-1946 / 0.3999 / 0.3940 / 1.0148
1943-1947 / 0.3840 / 0.3759 / 1.0215
1944-1948 / 0.3655 / 0.3583 / 1.0201
1945-1949 / 0.3482 / 0.3409 / 1.0213
1946-1950 / 0.3307 / 0.3247 / 1.0184
1947-1951 / 0.3118 / 0.3080 / 1.0124
1948-1952 / 0.2920 / 0.2883 / 1.0128
1949-1953 / 0.2710 / 0.2683 / 1.0102
1950-1954 / 0.2548 / 0.2528 / 1.0079
1951-1955 / 0.2380 / 0.2379 / 1.0002
1952-1956 / 0.2280 / 0.2287 / 0.9970
1953-1957 / 0.2225 / 0.2249 / 0.9894
1954-1958 / 0.2236 / 0.2289 / 0.9770
1955-1959 / 0.2238 / 0.2290 / 0.9773
1956-1960 / 0.2184 / 0.2254 / 0.9692
1957-1961 / 0.2103 / 0.2178 / 0.9656
1958-1962 / 0.1962 / 0.2011 / 0.9759
1959-1963 / 0.1732 / 0.1742 / 0.9944
1960-1964 / 0.1557 / 0.1517 / 1.0259
1961-1965 / 0.1406 / 0.1364 / 1.0309
1962-1966 / 0.1273 / 0.1215 / 1.0477
1963-1967 / 0.1210 / 0.1155 / 1.0479
1964-1968 / 0.1156 / 0.1117 / 1.0348
1965-1969 / 0.1087 / 0.1056 / 1.0291
1966-1970 / 0.1046 / 0.0988 / 1.0591
1967-1971 / 0.0984 / 0.0931 / 1.0578
1968-1972 / 0.0938 / 0.0881 / 1.0647
1969-1973 / 0.0910 / 0.0839 / 1.0838
1970-1974 / 0.0868 / 0.0804 / 1.0795
1971-1975 / 0.0819 / 0.0778 / 1.0532
1972-1976 / 0.0791 / 0.0754 / 1.0495
1973-1977 / 0.0738 / 0.0707 / 1.0440
1974-1978 / 0.0696 / 0.0657 / 1.0586
1975-1979 / 0.0660 / 0.0622 / 1.0603
1976-1980 / 0.0629 / 0.0597 / 1.0541
1977-1981 / 0.0587 / 0.0560 / 1.0476


The sex ratios recorded in the four modern censuses make possible four estimates of the proportion missing caused by excess female mortality for the first 13 five-year cohorts born beginning in 1936, three estimates for the next 11 cohorts, two for the next 18, and one for the remainder. As Figure I makes clear, the estimates from the different censuses agree closely. To simplify the exposition, we use a single number for each cohort, namely the median of the separate estimates that are available.

The consistency of the estimates derived from as many as four censuses at ages separated by as much as 37 years (1953 to 1990), and the congruence (by cohort) of census sex ratios with the reported sex ratio at birth in retrospective surveys, show that much of the excess female mortality occurred soon after birth, and that many of the children who died early were not included among the births reported in the fertility surveys.

Females Missing and Related Information for Cohorts Born from the Late 1930s to the Early 1950s

The estimated proportion of females missing because of excess mortality in these 15 early five-year birth cohorts declined steadily from over 16% in the two earliest cohorts to below 6% in the cohort born in 1950-1954 (Figure 1). The decline in the proportion of females missing was interrupted in the next eight or nine cohorts, which experienced excess child mortality during the Great Leap Forward (see next section).

The principal source of excess female mortality in the 15 early cohorts was very likely sex-selective infanticide, a traditional practice in China. A missionary (and naturalist) observer in the late nineteenth century interviewed 40 women over age 50 who reported having borne 183 sons and 175 daughters, of whom 126 sons but only 53 daughters survived to age 10; by their account, the women had destroyed 78 of their daughters (Wolf and Huang 1980:230). The continuation of this practice as late as the 1930s and 1940s may have been stimulated in part by troubled times, including civil war and the Japanese invasion. The decline of excess female mortality after the establishment of the People's Republic was assisted by the action of a strong government, which tried to modify this custom as well as other traditional practices that it viewed as harmful.

The especially high reported sex ratios among higher-order births (particularly when birth order is measured separately within each sex), as shown in Tables 4 and 5, are a natural result of sex-selective infanticide. The preference for a male child apparently had little effect on the survival of the first female born. The first female presumably was useful in helping to care for younger siblings and for performing tasks associated with the female role in the household. A female child with one or more older sisters, however, seems to have been especially unwelcome in comparison with a second or third male birth." The sex ratio reported for third births within each sex exceeds the ratio reported for first births by about 20 to 30% in the cohorts born around 1940 and by about 15% for cohorts born in the early 1950s. The ratio of reported first male to first female births, with the exception of births before 1942, falls within or even below the normal range of 1.05-1.07.

By the date of the one-per-thousand fertility survey, the proportion dead among the births in each of these early cohorts is higher for males than for females (Table 6), with one exception (1938-1942). This mortality pertains to deaths that occurred between the remembered birth and the survey; a remembered birth is a birth that survived the very early days of life. On average, a female child who survived long enough to be reported as a birth had slightly lower reported mortality between the reported birth and the survey than a male child in the same cohort.

Females Missing and Related Information for Cohorts Born 1951-1955 to 1960-1964

The estimated proportion of females missing in the censuses declines monotonically from the cohort born in 1937-1941 to that of 1950-1954. Then the estimated proportion missing rises to a local peak in the six five-year cohorts from 1952-1956 to 1957-1961 (Figure 1). This hump probably does not reflect a temporary increase in sex-selective infanticide. Certainly it is connected with the excess mortality in the famine that occurred in the crisis years of 1959-1961 during the "Great Leap Forward." For the whole population, the excess deaths in these years (above those which would have occurred with a linear change in death rates from 1957 to 1964) have been estimated at nearly 30 million.

The hump in the estimated proportion of females missing in cohorts born in the 1950s is not at all closely matched in the sequence of sex ratios at birth derived from the fertility survey for these cohorts. The reported sex ratio at birth follows a fairly level course from 1945-1949 to 1957-1961. For males the proportion dead from reported birth to the survey declined in relation to the proportion dead for females, from the cohort born in 1950-1954 to the 1957-1961 cohort; then it rose until the years of cohorts born after 1962 (Table 6). These facts show that the hump in the estimated excess female mortality among cohorts born in the 1950s was not primarily an increase in the very early female mortality that is revealed as an increase in the reported sex ratio at birth. Rather, it was an increase in childhood mortality beyond early infancy, revealed by a rise in the ratio of male survival to female survival from reported birth to the survey.

Females Missing and Related Information for Cohorts Born in the 1960s and 1970s

After the hump in the estimated excess female proportion dead for cohorts born in the 1950s and subject to excess childhood mortality during the crisis years, the estimated proportion of missing females in the cohorts born after 1960 settled at around 2%. This figure remained almost level until the later 1970s, when a gradual increase began. An extraordinary feature of this period is the evolution of the ratio of male-to-female births classified by birth order within each sex. Note again that the ratio of third-male to third-female births does not relate to the normally defined ratio of males to females among third order-births; instead it relates to the ratio of the number of males born after two preceding male births to the number of females born after two preceding females. The ratio declines from over 1.25 among the first seven cohorts, beginning with 1936-1940, to about 1.11 for cohorts born in the 1960s. Beginning with a ratio of 1.106 for the cohort born in 1968-1972, the sex ratio at birth of third males to third females descends monotonically to .856 in 1977-1981.

This decline is accompanied by a rise in the reported ratio of first-male to first-female births, from 1.052 to 1.133. First we suspected that the quality of the data had failed for these cohorts. Later, however, we realized that the decline in masculinity of third births (within each sex) and the increase in first births could be the result of a new "stopping rule," whereby couples prevent further childbearing when they have had the number of boys they want. A sex-guided rule for initiating effective birth control does not affect the sex ratio of birth by order of birth, as ordinarily defined, but it does affect the ratio by order within sex.

Imagine that all couples cease reproduction as soon as a male is born, and that the sex ratio at birth always averages one male for every female. Half of the first births would be male. Only those women with a female first birth would have a second birth; half of the second births would be male; half would be male at all higher orders. All of these higher-order male births, however, would be first male births; the higher-order (conventional) female births would be second-female, third-female, and so on. The sex ratio of births by the usual definition of birth order would be 1.0 at each order; but the ratio of first-male to first-female births would be 2.0. At all higher orders (within each sex) the ratio would be zero because no males would be born beyond the first-male birth. Thus the rather steep decline in the ratio of third-male to third-female births (to well below 1.0), which begins around 1970, is not evidence of faulty data, but the result of the initiation of selective birth prevention according to the sex of the preceding births. After 1969-1973, as seen in Table 5, the ratio of first-male to first-female births increased steadily because of an increasing tendency to terminate childbearing after the birth of a male child. The timing supports the idea that these trends are due to a newly initiated stopping rule: the government introduced a strong birth control program in 1970, which provided family planning services and incentives to reduce fertility. The total fertility rate fell from 5.8 in 1970 to 2.7 in 1979.

Before 1970 there is little indication of widespread, deliberate limitation of births (except in the cities). William Lavely (1986) has calculated the measure m of the degree of voluntary control of marital fertility for urban and rural China from 1950 to 1981. Until 1970 the value of m in rural China is close to horizontal at values indicating the virtual absence of deliberate control of fertility. In that year the index begins a steep rise; by 1980 it reaches a value approximating that found in industrialized countries with fertility near the replacement level. We have combined Lavely's values of m into five-year groups to match the birth cohorts from 1950-1954 to 1977-1981. The correlation between the ratio of third-male to third-female births and the index of the intensity of fertility control is -.97.

The changes in the ratio of male-to-female births by birth order within each sex were caused by the emergence of a stopping rule, whereby couples tend to stop after satisfying a preference for at least one male (or perhaps, in some instances, at least two males). The stopping rule began to be employed when the government family planning program was implemented and when deliberate control of childbearing first became common.

We have also tabulated the ratio of male-to-female births by birth order within each sex from the city sample that was included in the 1982 survey. In this sample, a monotonic decline in the sex ratio for third-order births within each sex began in the early 1960s, as did the effective birth control program in urban China.

We found a puzzling feature of the reported ratio of first-male to first-female births: until about 1970, when the increase began, the ratio was chronically below the normal level of about 1.06. If the incidence of infanticide is negligible for first-female births, and if very early mortality (other than infanticide) leads to omission of a birth from the fertility history, higher male than female mortality in the first day, the first week, and the first month of life (as in almost all high-quality systems of registration) might lead to the omission of slightly more (early-dying) males than females.

Females Missing and Related Information for Cohorts Born after 1980

The estimated proportion of females missing because of excess female mortality began to increase in the mid-1970s; the increase grew steeper for birth cohorts extending into the 1980s (Figure 1). The reported sex ratio at birth from the fertility surveys also rose markedly, from 1.082 for the births in 1977-1981 to 1.128 for births in 1985-1989. The most conspicuous increase occurred in the sex ratio at higher-order births: for third and fourth orders combined, the ratio rose from 1.084 in the cohort born in 1977-1981 to 1.228 for the 1985-1989 cohort, higher than for any cohort since the early 1940s.

Couples had an increased incentive to avoid a higher-order female birth after 1980 because of the one-child policy introduced in 1979; this policy was administered at the local level to induce couples to avoid having a second (and especially a third or higher-order) birth. Apparently the tradition of infanticide was restored somewhat; the Chinese press carried many stories and editorials reporting (and condemning) this practice. On April 9, 1983, for example, the China Daily published an article titled "Female Infanticide Evokes Danger of Sexes Imbalance."

Another source of high reported sex ratios at birth, particularly at higher orders, is the Chinese custom of adopting out a child, particularly a child found to be especially burdensome. This long-standing custom continues to be practiced; the two-per-thousand survey of 1988 includes information (provided by the adopting parent) of recent adoptions. Female adoptions outnumber male by 3 to 1. Women, in supplying a history of their births, might well omit some or all of the children adopted out, and the adopting mother quite properly would not list an adopted child in her own birth history (Johanssen and Nygren 1991). Thus adopting out might contribute to the omission of female births from fertility histories, especially at higher orders. Adopted children do not appear to be omitted differentially from censuses, however; they are members of the adopting household and presumably would be listed in the household to qualify for benefits. Therefore adopting out cannot explain the especially high estimated excess female proportion dead in the 1990 census among cohorts born in the late 1980s. In view of the similar increases in the cohort sex ratios at birth in the birth histories and in the census, the rising sex ratio at birth in the late 1980s, especially at higher orders, cannot be explained by adoption.

Foreign demographers had not widely accepted conjectures that the sex ratio at birth increased in the 1980s because of increased recourse to sex-selective abortion. It was believed that the technical means for identifying the sex of the fetus were not available, except perhaps in major cities. In 1992, however, the Chinese government and Chinese scholars revealed previously unreported evidence that adequate technology may be widely available, and that the sex ratio at birth has risen.

At the International Seminar on China's 1990 Population Census, held in Beijing, several of the Chinese participants discussed the existence, in China, of a large number of "ultrasound B" machines, capable of ascertaining an embryo's sex. "China manufactured its first ultrasound B machine in 1979.... Records of the Customs administration show that 2,175 high quality color ultrasound B machines were imported in 1989, with the peak years of importation falling between 1985 and 1989. It is estimated that China now has the capacity to produce over 10,000 such devices per year.... According to the Ministry of Health ... every county is equipped with machines of high quality, operated by skilled technicians." (Yi et al. 1993: 291). The machines are intended for diagnosis (including fetal defects), for locating previously inserted IUDs, and for various health purposes. Identification of an embryo's sex is strictly forbidden by the government authorities, but when the technician (typically a local resident) observes the sex on his machine, he can let the parents (usually his friends) know by a simple, quiet gesture (Yi et al. 1993).

Chinese scholars at the Beijing conference also revealed previously unpublished data that confirm a rise in China's sex ratio at birth, when biased reporting of number of births by sex is hardly possible. They reported figures from birth records in hospitals on the numbers of male and female births; these figures were unaffected by female infanticide or by selective neglect of girls. Based on 1.2 million births a year in what was thought to be a representative sample of hospitals, the number of male births per 100 female births had risen to 108.0 in late 1986 and 1987, to 108.3 in 1989, to 109.1 in 1990, and to 109.7 in 1991. Possibly these figures are a biased sample (on the high or the low side) for the nation's 20 million annual births. For example, these hospitals may represent urban births more heavily than rural; even within a community, the masculinity ratio of births outside hospitals may be different from that in hospitals. Births outside hospitals, or rural births, may have a higher sex ratio than births in hospitals, or urban births, if rural parents have a stronger preference for males and if they have as much access to the technology as do city dwellers. But if people in remote or rural areas do not have as much access to functioning ultrasound B machines as people in urban or advanced rural areas -- a likely situation -- then the underrepresented births may have lower masculinity than those recorded in the hospitals. In view of the uncertainty even in the direction of bias, the hospital data strongly confirm an above-normal sex ratio at birth in China during each year from 1987 to 1991.

Earlier in the decade -- as of the 1982 census, for example -- evidently there were not enough ultrasound B machines or other fetal sex detection devices in China to affect the nation's sex ratio at birth. Even so, girls were missing from the youngest age groups in the census. Eight years later, the 1990 census count of children age 8 and older showed that young children had been undercounted in the 1982 census, but the undercount was the same for each sex. The slight increase in the estimated proportion of females missing from the birth cohorts of the mid-1970s to the early 1980s must be explained by an increase in relative female mortality at very young ages.

Can we assume that only special factors such as communism, compulsory family planning, or the one-child policy can cause a sharp rise in the masculinity of young cohorts, of the type that occurred in China in the 1980s and early 1990s? The answer appears to be "no" because a very similar increasing dearth of young girls is observed in data from the Republic of Korea from 1983 to 1988. In both populations, the total fertility rate fell from about 6.0 in the late 1950s to about 2.6 around 1980, and marital fertility changed from an age pattern indicating little voluntary control to a pattern implying widespread practice of birth limitation. Figure 3 shows the sequence of reported sex ratios at birth for first births and for all births in the two populations during the 1980s. In both countries, the ratio for first births, although erratic, shows no upward trend, while the overall sex ratio at birth increases to values at least 6% higher than the first-birth ratio. The sex ratio of third-order births rises from 1.09 in both populations in 1982 to 1.70 in Korea in 1988 and to 1.25 in China in 1989. Sex-selective abortion also has emerged in Korea (Shim et a1. 1991), which enjoys many forms of advanced technology and where the demand for sex identification is very high because the preference for males is much like that in China. No coercive one-child policy exists in Korea, but through voluntary use of contraception and abortion, the total fertility rate in Korea has fallen to about 1.5 births per woman. In both the People's Republic of China and South Korea, couples strongly desire more sons than daughters, on average. As prenatal sex determination has become available, parents in both countries evidently have used it.


In each of the periods we have considered, we see evidence of a strong preference for males in China, as shown by various features of the evolution of cohorts born in the period. A persistent feature is the indication of a smaller number of females in each cohort, relative to the number of males, than would be yielded by a normal sex ratio at birth, and normal differential mortality. Available evidence suggests that the large excess female mortality for the cohorts born in the 1930s and 1940s resulted from the persistence of the traditional practice of female infanticide. As this practice became less prevalent, the fraction of females missing in successive cohorts declined steadily. This decline was interrupted for cohorts born in the 1950s because female children (beyond the neonatal period) suffered more than male children from the increased mortality in the years of the great famine.

Figure 3. Comparison of Sex Ratio at Birth Order, between China and Republic of Korea 

The degree of effective voluntary control of fertility was negligible until the early 1960s in the cities, and until 1970 in the numerically predominant rural population. The initiation of effective control coincided with a strong government program designed to reduce the level of childbearing. An effect of this introduction of contraception was the beginning of a rise in the ratio of first-male births (within the male sex) to first-female births, and a decline in the ratio among third births (within each sex). The beginning of birth control around 1970 was not marked by a large change in the sex ratio at birth at the third and fourth orders or at the first and second (as ordinarily defined), because the cessation of childbearing (even selective cessation by the sex of the previous births) has no effect on the sex ratio at birth at each order. When ratios of male-to-female births are calculated by order of birth within each sex, however, the sex ratio at birth is affected strongly by a "stopping rule." In short, the spread of birth control in the 1970s had only a minor effect on the reported sex ratio at birth, but the new birth controlled to cessation of fertility after the birth of a wanted male.

During the 1960s and 1970s, the proportion of missing girls in each five-year grouped cohort reached a low point at about 2% of the girls born, indicating a reduction but not a disappearance of female infanticide and neglect of girls past early infancy. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, before ultrasound B machines became widely available in China, the proportion of girls missing rose to 3%. Those detected as missing in the 1982 census count had been lost at a young age before the census.

In the 1980s the sex ratio at birth as reported from fertility surveys rose sharply, especially at higher birth orders. An increase in the adopting out of girls, more than of boys, contributed to this trend, but this component probably is counteracted in the census data from 1982 and 1990, which show a sharp increase in missing girls during the decade. Data from 1.2 million hospital births a year presumably are free of sex-selective underregistration, yet may be affected by a difference in the masculinity of the births that take place in hospitals. These data show that these births are affected by sex-selective abortion of female fetuses but not by sex-selective postnatal mortality, and thus are excessively masculine in the late 1980s.



* This article originated with a paper presented at the October 1993 conference on the 1990 Census of China,  held in Beijing. Another, slightly different version was published as: Five Decades of Missing Females in China  (Office of Population Research, Princeton University, Working Paper Series, 93-6; also available from the Center  for International Research, U.S. Bureau of the Census).

I The high quality of age reporting in the Chinese censuses, derived as it is from date of birth reported according to the lunar calendar, is evident in the near absence of "age heaping" on the usual preferred numbers, such as those divisible by 10. Such heaping is prominent in the many less developed countries in which knowledge of age is inexact. As proof of the tendency to report the correct date in the lunar calendar, proportions are slightly elevated at ages at which the lunar date of birth falls in a year containing 13 lunar months instead of the more usual 12. Also, the survival rates calculated by single years of age from one census to the next are consistent with survival rates from model life tables at the appropriate level of mortality (Coale 1984, 1993; Coale and Li 1991).

2 Ages of military personnel, the great majority of whom are men, have not been reported from the censuses of 1953 and 1964. The 1982 census listed the military population in five-year age-sex groups, and the 1990 census did so by single years of age. Even in these censuses, however, the military population is not reported accurately, apparently because the figures come from imprecise administrative records. The civilian data by age and sex understate the proportion masculine at late teen and young adult years. To adjust for this understatement, we reassigned the masculinity ratios at ages 14-18 to 30-34 as the highest ratio for the cohort recorded in any census.

3 This observation is affected by the necessity of adjusting for the missing or misreported military population. The adjusted sex ratios in fact did not contribute many instances of a rise in cohort masculinity.

4 The model life tables employed in calculating the expected sex ratios were the "West" tables from Coale and Demeny (1983). The mortality levels were set at a female life expectation of 25 years before 1940, and of 32.5, 45.0, 52.5, 62.5, and 70 years in the 194Os, 1950s, 196Os, 1970s, and 1980s. We assumed that the change in sex ratio from birth to ages 0-4 was determined by the model table at the level of mortality when the cohort was born. From age 0-4 to the age at the date of the relevant census, we assumed the proportionate change in the sex ratio to be equal to the change over this age span at a mortality level intermediate between the level when the cohort was born and the level at the date of the census.

5 In the 1980s the real sex ratio at birth rose because of the effect of sex-selective abortion, but constancy (except for slight random fluctuation) prevailed until about 1983.

6 In the 1980s the sex ratio at birth order 2 (and therefore the average at the first two orders) rose because of the combined effect of the one-child policy and sex-selective abortion.

7 See Muhuri and Preston (1991) for a similar and well-documented phenomenon in Bangladesh. Missing Females in China


Coale, A.J. 1984. "Rapid Population Change in China, 1952-1982." Report No. 27, National Research Council, Committee on Population and Demography.

___. 1993. "Mortality Schedules in China Derived from Data in the 1982 and 1990 Censuses." Working Paper 93-7, Office of Population Research.

Coale, A.J. and P. Demeny. 1983. Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations. 2nd Ed., New York: Academic Press.

Coale, A.J. and S. Li. 1991. "The Effect of Age Misreporting in China on the Calculation of Mortality Rates at Very High Ages." Demography 28:293-301.

Japan. Ministry of Health and Welfare. 1991. Vital Statistics of Japan, 1991. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Statistics and Information Department.

Johanssen, S. and o. Nygren. 1991. "The Missing Girls in China: A New Demographic Account." Population and Development Review 17(1):35-51.

Lavely, W.R. 1986. "Age Patterns of Chinese Marital Fertility, 1950-1981." Demography 23:419-34.

Muhuri, P.K. and S.H. Preston. 1991. "Effects of Family Composition on Mortality Differentials by Sex Among Children in Matlab, Bangladesh." Population and Development Review 17(3):415-34,564-67.

Republic of Korea. National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). 1988. Recent Changes in Vital Statistics and New Population Projection. Seoul: National Bureau of Statistics.

Shim, Y.H., S.M. Park, H.S. Kim, and W.S. Pack. 1991. An Empirical Study on Abortion in Korea (in Korean with English abstract). Seoul: Korean Institute of Criminology.

State Family Planning Commission of China (SFPC). 1990. Data of China Fertility and Contraception Survey (Whole Country) (in Chinese). Beijing: China Population Press.

State Statistical Bureau of China (SSB). 1991. 10 Percent Sampling Tabulation on the 1990 Population Census of the People's Republic of China (in Chinese). Beijing: China Statistical Press.

Teitelbaum, M.S., N. Mantel, and C.R. Stark. 1971. "Limited Dependence of the Human Sex Ratio on Birth Order." American Journal of Human Genetics 23(3):271-280.

Wolf, A.P. and C. Huang. 1980. Marriages and Adoption in China, 1845-1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Yi, Z., P. Tu, B. Gu, Y. Xu, B. Li, and Y. Li. 1992. "An Analysis of the Causes and Implications of the Recent Increase in the Sex Ratio at Birth in China." Presented at the International Seminar on China's 1990 Population Census, Beijing.

___. 1993. "Causes and Implications of the Recent Increase in the Reported Sex Ratio at Birth in China." Population and Development Review 19(2):283-302,425,427.
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Part 1 of 4

The Buddhism of Tibet, or Lamaism: with its mystic cults, symbolism and mythology, and in its relation to Indian Buddhism -- Excerpt
by Laurence Austine Waddell, 1854-1938





FANCY-DRESS balls and the masked carnivals of Europe find their counterpart in Tibet, where the Lamas are fond of masquerading in quaint attire; and the populace delight in these pageants, with their dramatic display and droll dances. The masked dances, however, are essentially religious in nature, as with the similar pageants still found among many primitive people, and probably once current even among the Greeks and Egyptians. 2

The Lamas reserve to themselves the exclusive right to act in "the Mystery-Play," with its manifestations of the gods and demons, by awe-inspiring masks, etc., while they relegate to lay actors the sacred dramas, illustrating the former births of Buddha and other saints, the Jatakas.

"The Mystery-Play of Tibet," the name by which the acted pageant of the Lamas is known to many Europeans, has been seen by several travellers in Tibet and adjoining Lamaist lands; but the plot and motive of the play seem never to have been very definitely ascertained, owing, doubtless, to the cumbrous details which so thickly overlay it, and the difficulty of finding competent interpreters of the plot, as well as the conflicting accounts current amongst the Lamas themselves in regard to its origin and meaning.

As I have had opportunities for studying the various versions of the play with the aid of learned Lamas of several sects, I give here a brief sketch of what I have elicited regarding what appears to have been its original character and subsequent developments. Originally it appears to have been a devil-dancing cult for exorcising malignant demons and human enemies, and associated with human sacrifice and, probably, cannibalism.

Afterwards, during the Buddhist era, the devil-dance, like that of the Ceylonese, was given a Buddhist dress, which was not difficult, as somewhat analogous displays representing the temptation of Buddha, seem to be found in Indian Buddhism, as seen in the annexed figure of a frieze from Gandhara.3 And several leading indigenous names lent themselves readily to perversion into Buddhist names or titles, by a process already practised by the Brahmans in India, who Sanskritized aboriginal Indian names in order to bring them within the mythological pale of Hinduism.

Demons of Mara in Gandhara Sculptures. (Lahore Museum)

The unsophisticated Tibetans still call the mystery-play the "Dance of the Red-Tiger Devil,"4 a deity of the Bon or pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet. The original motive of the dance appears to have been to expel the old year with its demons of ill-luck, and to propitiate with human sacrifice and probably cannibalism the war-god and the guardian spirits, most of whom are demonified kings and heroes, in order to secure good-luck and triumph over enemies in the incoming year.

Human sacrifice seems undoubtedly to have been regularly practised in Tibet up till the dawn there of Buddhism in the seventh century A.D. The glimpses which we get of early Tibet through the pages of contemporary Chinese history, show, as Dr. Bushell translates,5 that "at the new year they (the Tibetans) sacrifice men or offer monkeys," and so late as the seventh century the annual rites in connection with the defence of their country were triennially accompanied by human sacrifice.6

Actual cannibalism is, indeed, attributed to the early Tibetans,7 and the survival of certain customs lends strong colour to the probability of such a practice having been current up till about the middle ages.
The Tibetans themselves claim descent from a man-eating ancestry, and they credit their wilder kinsmen and neighbours of the lower Tsang-po valley with anthrophagous habits even up to the present day.

History and Etymology for anthropophagous: Greek anthrōpophágos "(of humans) eating human flesh, cannibal" (from anthrōpo- ANTHROPO- + -phagos -PHAGOUS) + -OUS

-- Anthropophagous, by Merriam-Webster

Vestiges of cannibalism appear to be preserved in the mystery-play. And of similar character seems to be the common practice of eating a portion of the human skin covering the thigh-bone in preparing the bone trumpets, and also, probably, of like origin is the common Tibetan oath of affirmation, "By my father's and mother's flesh."8

The Lamas, however, as professing Buddhists, could not countenance the taking of life, especially human. So, in incorporating this ancient and highly popular festival within their system, they replaced the human victims by anthropomorphic effigies of dough, into which were inserted models of the larger organs, and also fluid red pigment to represent the blood. This substitution of dough images for the living sacrifices of the Bon rites is ascribed by tradition to St. Padma-sambhava in the second half of the eighth century A.D.
And these sacrificial dough-images, of more or less elaborate kinds, now form an essential part of the Lamaist daily service of worship.

The Bon-pos founded a number of monasteries in the Buddhist fashion for the residence of the monks "who lived according to rules of an order along the lines of the Buddhist Order, and went in for philosophy, mysticism and new fashioned magic, religious festivals and the carrying around the sacred objects in procession".1 [The Religions of Tibet, pp. 97, 98] The Bon-pos used the holy objects in the opposite direction, instead of clockwise direction, as in Buddhism. Their Swastika, the mystic cross called in Tibetan Gyung-drung "and did not turn dextrously as that of Lamaism do, but symmetrically, to left instead of right.' They used to chant the famous formula, 'Om Matri Muye Sale du' in place of the sacred Avalokitesvara formula of the Lamas 'Om Mani Padme hum.' Rockhill writes2 [The Life of Buddha, p. 206] that "the Buddhist influence is so manifest in it (Bon) that is impossible to consider it as giving us very correct ideas of what this religion was before it came to contact with Buddhism."

The bon-po religion has repeatedly been said to be the same as that of the Tao-sse and it is remarkable that these two religions have drawn so largely from Buddhist ideas that they have nearly identified themselves with it. "The Bon-pos had no literature of their own. They took over the Buddhist excerpts and symbols on a vast scale, thereby creating a literature and an iconography very similar to those of the Buddhists as to be almost indistinguishable to casual observers."

In the G-Zer-myig is given a broad survey of the world of gods, i.e., the pantheon of the Bon-pos. The pantheon of the bon-pos has been very much enlarged like that of Lamaism. Hoffman writes3 [The Religions of Tibet, p. 101] that" ... in addition to the pantheon of the later Bon religion created primarily in Zhang-zhung under Western Asiatic and Buddhist influence, the old, so to speak anonymous gods of the animist, shamanist era have remained alive in the minds of the common people. The highest principle of this religion and at the same time the transcendental Urguru from which all enlightened understanding comes, and which in type is similar to the 'Adibuddha of many of the Vajrayana system is called Kun0tu-bzang-po, in Sanskrit Samantabhadra, in other words, it bears the same name as the Adibuddha of Padmaism, to which, of course, the syncretic bon religion bears a close resemblance. Philosophically considered, this Samantabhadra represents the ultimate absolute, the Dharmakaya, called here the Bon substance (Bon-sku) a concept which despite many positive characteristics (conscious bliss) seems to be largely the same as the Mahayana 'Voidness.'"

In the Bon pantheon Bon-sku-kun-tu-bzang-po is the supreme deity and Bon-skyong (Dharmapala), a guardian deity, a nine headed enormity,1 [S.C. Das, J.B.T.S., 1, iii. appendix 1, 1881), p. 197] as his sister Srid-pai's rgyal-mo who has three eyes and six arms is taken to be Sri devi (Tara) of Lamaism. There are numerous dreadful gods with human or animal heads. There are further other gods with heads of various animals, such as, pigs, horses, bulls and tigers. Those apart, there is a special group of gods dwelling on the tops of the sacred mountain Kailasa.2 [Hoffmann, The Religions of Tibet, p. 104]

It is interesting to note in this connection that in the Bon-pantheon, goddesses take precedence over the gods and the female priests are regarded superior to the male priests in this religion.3 [J.B.T.S. 1, iii, appendix 1, and Journal of the Asiatic Society, 1881, 197n] Lastly, the Bon-pos have monasteries of their own in which there are many images of gods, saints and demons like those of Lamaism, but with different names thereof.

Sacrifices of animals and even human beings and such other practices were openly indulged in and they formed an important part in the religious observances of the Bon.4 [Cf. J.A.S.B. 1881, 198n] A fair idea about the original character of the Bon-po rituals can be had from the ancient manuscripts (9th or 10th cent. A.D.) where the Tibetan rites are described.5 [R.A. Stein, Tibetan Civilization, p. 25] "The officers are assembled once every year for the lesser oath of fealty. They sacrifice sheep, dogs, and monkeys, first breaking their legs and then killing them, afterwards exposing their intestines and cutting them into pieces. The sorcerers having been summoned, they call on the gods of heaven and earth, of the mountains and rivers, of the sun, moon, stars, and planets, saying: "should your hearts become changed, and your thoughts disloyal, the gods will see clearly and make you like these sheep and dogs." Every three years there is a grand ceremony during which all are assembled in the middle of the night on a raised altar, on which are spread savoury meat. The victims sacrificed as men, horses, oxen and asses, and prayers are offered in this form: "Do you all with one heart and united strength cherish our native country. The gods of heaven, and the spirit of the earth will both know your thoughts and if you break this oath they will cause your bodies to be cut into pieces like unto these victims."1 [The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 441]

As already observed, the offering up of the animal sacrifices was the most important feature of the old Bon religion. When Buddhism became the state religion the Bon-pos were prohibited to indulge further in such practices. But this form of sacrifice could not be entirely eradicated because of the deep conviction of the people. Substitutes for living animals were sacrificed instead, representations of yaks and sheep, and wooden carving of deer heads.

We have further from the gZer-myig2 [Hoffmann, The Religions of tibet, p. 22, c/Albert Tafel, Meine Tibetreise, Vol. II, pp. 153, 198, Notes 2, 232, 236] the description of a human sacrifice for the recovery of a sick prince. It writes: 'the soothsayer seized the man by the feet whilst the Bon-po took his hands. The black Han-dha then cut open the life orifice and tore out the heart. The two, the soothsayer and the Bon-po, then scattered out the blood and flesh of the victim to the four corners of the heaven.' It should be mentioned that with the light of Indian civilization introduced by Buddhism the adherents of Bon were obliged to give up their human and animal sacrifices, and instead use little statue made of dough containing barley-flower butter and water. "Bonpos were now prohibited making human and other bloody sacrifice as was their wont; and hence is said to have arisen the practice of offering images of men and animals made of dough." Its mythology is exceedingly complicated. It enumerates an endless number of spirits or divinities, all hostile to man and it is necessary to propitiate them by continual sacrifices. Even down to the present day some Bon practices still exist in parts of Eastern and South-Eastern Tibet; the most populous part of the country. Dr. Hoffmann1 [The Religions of Tibet, p. 22] writes 'that followers of Bon religion are still using the blood of cocks to conjure peace.'....

Thus we know very little about the original nature of the Bon religion because of dearth of positive evidence. Our knowledge of its actual nature is rather vague and fragmentary. Hoffmann2 [The Religions of Tibet, p. 15] writes: "What the original Bon religion was like before it came into contact with Buddhism, but this is made difficult by the great dearth of authentic documentary evidence. In fact, actual documents from those early days are unknown, and they can hardly have existed in any case, because it was not until the first half of the seventh century that, under Buddhist influence, Tibet received a written language and a literature." "The Buddhist influence," observe Rockhill, "is so manifest in it [Bon] that it is impossible to consider it as giving us very correct ideas of what this religion was before it came in contact with Buddhism."3 [The Life of Buddha, p. 206] Furthermore, F.A. Stein4 [Tibetan Civilization, p. 229] says: "The history and characteristics of this religion [Bon] are still subject to considerable uncertainty at least as far as the early period is concerned."...

In fine, from the sense of the Tibetan word, it may be said that Bon was originally an aspect of Tantra cult. It was amalgamated into the Buddhist esoteric faith later on. Several other reformed Tibetan sects were further brought forth thereon.

-- Bon, The Primitive Religion of Tibet, by Prof. Anukul Chandra Banerjee, Gangtok

The Lamas also, as it seems to me, altered the motive of the play to hang upon it their own sacerdotal story for their own glorification and priestly gain. Retaining the festival with its Bacchanalian orgies for expelling the old year and ushering in good-luck for the new, they also retained the cutting-up of their enemies in effigy; but they made the plot represent the triumph of the Indian missionary monks (Acarya) under St. Padma-sambhava over the indigenous paganism with its hosts of malignant fiends and the black-hat devil-dancers, and also over the Chinese heretics.

The voracious man-eating devils of Tibet were mostly assimilated to the Sivaite type of fiend in mediaeval Indian Buddhism, with which they had so much in common. And the title was accordingly altered from tag-mar; "the (dance) of the red Tiger (devil)" to its homonym tag-mar (spelt drag-dmar), or "the red fierce ones." Thus Yama, the Death-king, and his minions form a most attractive feature of the play, for it is made to give the lay spectators a very realistic idea of the dreadful devils from whom the Lamas deliver them; and they are familiarized with the appearance of these demons who, according to the Lamas, beset the path along which the disembodied soul must hereafter pass to paradise.

As this tragedy is so intimately identified with Padma-sambhava, the founder of Lamaism, it is acted in its most gorgeous style on the birthday of that saint, namely, on the tenth day of the fifth Tibetan month.

But latterly both plot and date were again altered by the established church of Tibet, the Ge-lug-pa sect. This reformed sect, which dissociates itself as far as possible from St. Padmasambhava, who now is so intimately identified with the unreformed sects, transferred the festival from the end of the old Tibetan year, that is the eleventh month of the present style, to the end of its own year according to the new official year.

And it has also, in its version, altered the motive of the tragedy, so as to make it represent the assassination of the Julian of Lamaism (Lan-darma) by a Lama disguised as a Shamanist dancer, and this is followed by the restoration of the religion by the aid of Indian and Chinese monks, and the subsequent triumph of Lamaism, with its superior sorcery derived from Buddhist symbolism.

This version of the play calls the central episode "the strewing food of the sixty iron castles,"9 and it still further alters, as I take it, the title of the chief character to its further homonym of "Tag-mar"10 the red horse-headed Hayagriva, a name borrowed from Hindu mythology, but evidently, as it seems to me, suggested by the cognomen of their old familiar fiend, Tag-mar, the red Tiger-devil, of the pre-Lamaist Bon priests. Tiger-devils are also well-known to Chinese mythology,11 while Hayagriva, as a Buddhist creation, appears to be known only to the Lamaistic form of Buddhism, and his Tantrik book is admittedly of Tibetan composition.

Red tiger-Devil of the Bon.

Tiger-Devils (of the Chinese. The lower right-hand one is the Red-tiger; the central one is yellow).

But even as thus adapted by the established church, the purest of all the Lamaist sects, the play still retains, as will be presently shown, the devil-dancing Shamanist features, as well as vestiges of human sacrifice, if not of actual cannibalism.

Let us first look at the mystery-play or tragedy as acted by the Lamas of the old school, at Himis, in Ladak, in Sikhim, Bhotan, etc., and afterwards refer to the versions as acted by the reformed and established church.

This play is acted, as already mentioned, by all sects of Lamas, on the last day of the year when the community is en fete, by many of the unreformed sects on St. Padma-sambhava's day.

When acted at the end of the year it forms part of the ceremony called "The sacrificial body of the dead year,"12 and is held on the last two or three days of the old year, from the 28th to the 30th of the twelfth month. As the performance is conducted at the Himis monastery, in Ladak, in a much grander style than was witnessed by me in Sikhim, and more in the style seen in Tibet, and as it has been there witnessed and described by several travellers,"13 I shall take the Himis performance as the basis of my description, and amplify the descriptions of it where necessary.

As the day for the play draws near, the villagers flock in from the country-side; and on the morning of the day fixed for the performance, the people, decked in holiday attire, throng to the temple many hours before that fixed for the performance, to secure good points of view. Seats are provided and reserved only for the gentry and high officials and visitors. The king and other grandees have state boxes.

The performance is held al fresco in the courtyard of the temple (see the photograph on page 528). The orchestra is sometimes screened off from view, and the maskers assemble either in the temple or in yak-hair tents, and are treated to refreshments often, and soup between the acts.

A shrill bugle-call, from a trumpet made out of a human thigh-bone,14 notifies the commencement of the play.

The gongs and shawms strike up a wailing sort of air, which the musicians accompany by a low chant, and out come trooping a crowd of the pre-Lamaist black-mitred priests, clad in rich robes of China silk and brocade, and preceded by swingers of censers. They make the mystic sign of "The Three," and execute a stately dance to slow music.

Stretching out the right hand and left alternately, the leaders turn to the right, and the last in line to the left, both advancing and retiring towards each other several times, and, reforming the circle and making the sign of the Trident, they retire.

Diagram of Royal Monastery at Teng-gye-ling, Lhasa (where mystic play is acted).

After these have gone out, then enter a troupe of the man-eating malignant demons,15 who, with their hordes, vex and harass humanity. They infest the air, the earth, the water, and are constantly seeking to destroy man, not unlike their better-known relative, who, "as a roaring lion, walketh about seeking whom he may devour."16 These hordes of demons are intended to illustrate the endless oppression of man by the powers of evil, against whom he can of himself do nothing, but occasionally the exorcisms or prayers of some good Lama or incarnator may come to his assistance and shield him, but even then only after a fierce and doubtful contest between the saints and the devils. And only for a time, too, can this relief from persecution endure, for all the exorcisms of all the saints are of little avail to keep back the advancing hordes. The shrieking demons must close in upon the soul again.17


These demons, now incorporated in Tibetan Buddhism, are regarded as forms of Durga (Devi), Siva (Natha), and the king of the Dead (Dharmaraja or Yama).19 "Flames and effigies of human skulls were worked on their breasts and other parts of their raiment. As their hoods fell back, hideous features of leering satyrs were disclosed."20

"In their right hand they hold a bell or fan, and in their left a bowl cut out of a human skull, and round the edge of which are attached narrow streamers of silk and some plaited ends of hair.
This ghastly ladle is called Bundah. Some of the maskers hold in the right hand a short stick, with red and blue streamers of silk; these and the spoons majestically waved about as they go round in their solemn dance had the most curious effect I ever saw."21

To these monsters (now coerced by Buddhism) the Lamas offer a libation of beer, and some rice or mustard-seed, and to all the beings of the six classes, and especially including the demons, and the rice or seeds are thrown about freely;22 and each Lama present inwardly prays for the realization of his desire.

At a signal from the cymbals the large trumpets (eight or ten feet long) and the other instruments, pipes and drums, etc., and shrill whistling (with the fingers in the mouth), produce a deafening din to summon the noxious demons and the enemies. "The music became fast and furious, and troop after troop of different masks rushed on, some beating wooden tambourines, others swelling the din with rattles and bells. All of these masks were horrible, and the malice of infernal beings was well expressed on some of them. As they danced to the wild music with strange steps and gesticulations, they howled in savage chorus. . . . The solemn chanting ceased, and then rushed on the scene a crowd of wan shapes, almost naked, with but a few rags about them. . . . They wrung their hands despairingly, and rushed about in a confused way as if lost, starting from each other in terror when they met, sometimes feeling about them with their outstretched hands like blind men, and all the while whistling in long-drawn notes, which rose and fell like a strong wind on the hills, producing an indescribably dreary effect. These, I was told, represented the unfortunate souls of dead men which had been lost in space, and were vainly seeking their proper sphere through the darkness. . . . The variously masked figures of Spirits of Evil flocked in, troop after troop — oxen-headed and serpent-headed devils; three-eyed monsters with projecting fangs, their heads crowned with tiaras of human skulls; Lamas painted and masked to represent skeletons; dragon-faced fiends, naked save for tiger-skins about their loins, and many others. Sometimes they appeared to be taunting and terrifying the stray souls of men -- grim shapes who fled hither and thither among their tormentors, waving their arms and wailing miserably, souls who had not obtained Nirvana and yet who had no incarnation ...Then the demons were repelled again by holy men; but no sooner did these last exorcise one hideous band than other crowds came shrieking on. It was a hopeless conflict. . . . At one period of the ceremony a holy man . . . blessed a goblet of water by laying his hands on it and intoning some prayer or charm. Then he sprinkled the water in all directions, and the defeated demons stayed their shrieking, dancing, and infernal music, and gradually crept out of the arena, and no sound was heard for a time but the sweet singing of the holy choir. But the power of exorcism was evanescent, for the routed soon returned in howling shoals."23

Death-Skeleton Masker

The superior effect of Buddhism over the indigenous Shamanism is now shown by the arrival on the scene of the Indian monk, Padma-sambhava, and his assistants, or his eight forms; or sometimes these are represented as Buddha himself, or the group of the "Seven Buddhas."24

Devils Fleeing from the Buddhist Saints.
This scene is thus described: "The loud music suddenly ceased, and all the demons scampered off shrieking as if in fear, for a holy thing was approaching. To solemn chanting, low music and swinging of censers, a stately procession came through the porch of the temple and slowly descended the steps. Under a canopy, borne by attendants, walked a tall form in beautiful silk robes, wearing a large mask representing a benign and peaceful face. As he advanced, men and boys, dressed as abbots and acolytes of the church of Rome, prostrated themselves before him and addressed him with intoning and pleasing chanting. He was followed by six other masks, who were treated with similar respect. These seven deified beings drew themselves in a line on one side of the quadrangle and received the adoration of several processions of masked figures, some of abbots, and others beast-headed, or having the faces of devils."25

These last are the demon-kings who have been coerced by Buddhism into becoming guardians and defensores fidei of that religion. And amongst the worshippers are the Pa-wo or "heroes" with green masks, surmounted by triangular red flags, and girdles, and anklets of bells; and the solemnity is relieved by a few Acaryas, or jesters, who play practical jokes, and salute the holy personages with mock respect.

The enemy of Tibet and of Lamaism is now represented in effigy, but before cutting it to pieces, it is used to convey to the people a vivid conception of the manner in which devils attack a corpse, and the necessity for priestly services of a quasi-Buddhist sort to guard it and its soul.

The similarity between Christianity and Buddhism grows stronger when we consider how Tibetan Buddhists actually practice their religion. Tibetan Buddhists like to say their practices are all about purifying the mind through meditation, but this is not quite true. Tibetan Buddhists fill their temples with sacred images because they are obsessed with earning merit by making an endless stream of offerings. Further, while they believe that making offerings to a statue is good, the best way to improve their chances of a positive rebirth is by making offerings to the lamas, imagined to be incarnated Buddhas.

Because Tibetan Buddhists place primary emphasis on “accumulating merit,” the religion has developed what we might call a “merit economy,” in which merit is gained by giving gifts to the lamas, reciting mantras, prostrating before images, and walking in circles around a sacred building or statue, called “circumambulation.” Like medieval Christians, they also believe that you can pay other people to perform pious acts on your behalf, and get the same benefit! Thus, American students are currently paying Tibetans to perform recitations on their behalf, after hiring a diviner to determine how many recitations of what deity need to be performed to remove obstacles. This procedure would have been familiar to a medieval Catholic, who could reduce their stay in purgatory, or that of their relatives, by donating to the clergy, that imagined “a vast community of mutual help … uniting the living and the dead” in sacred exertions. People with more money than piety could earn indulgences through “commutation, through which any services, obligations, or goods could be converted into a corresponding monetary payment.” In 1343 Pope Clement VI decreed himself the manager of the “Treasury of Merit,” and officially took charge of the business, becoming God’s counting house.[105]

Like medieval Christians, Tibetan Buddhists believe that the fates of their eternal souls, and those of their loved ones, are determined by their “stock of merit,” whether accumulated by their own efforts, or by the efforts of persons employed to accumulate merit on their behalf. Although it seems blatantly venal, the entire religion is based on the belief that the greatest merit is accumulated by making donations to the priests who run the religion.

-- Against Hell: A Refutation of the Buddhist Hell Realms, Based on Their Historic Origins, Political Purpose, Psychological Destructiveness, Irrationality, and Demonstrable Inconsistency With the Original Buddhist Teachings, Framed as A Searching Review of Sam Bercholz’s After-Death Memoir, "A Guided Tour of Hell", by Charles Carreon

Some days previous to the commencement of the play, an image26 of a young lad is made out of dough, in most elaborate fashion, and as life-like as possible. Organs representing the heart, lungs, liver, brain, stomach, intestines, etc., are inserted into it, and the heart and large blood-vessels and limbs are filled with a red-coloured fluid to represent blood. And occasionally, I am informed on good authority, actual flesh from the corpses of criminals27 is inserted into the image used in this ceremony28 at the established church of Potala.

This effigy of the enemy is brought forth by the four cemetery-ghouls,29 and laid in the centre of the square, and freely stabbed by the weapons, and by the gestures and spells of the circling hosts of demons, as in the illustration here given.

The necromantic power of the Lamas is here shown much in the same way as in the Burmese sacred play at Arakan.30 On three signals with the cymbals, two Indian monks (Acaryas) come out of the monastery, and blow their horns and go through a series of droll antics, and are followed by two or more Lamas who draw around the effigy on the pavement of the quadrangle a magic triangle and retire. Then rush in the ghosts, death-demons, "figures painted black and white to simulate skeletons, some in chains, others bearing sickles or swords, engaged in a frantic dance around the corpse. They were apparently attempting to snatch it away or inflict some injury on it, but were deterred by the magic effect of the surrounding triangle and by the chanting and censer-swinging of several holy men in mitred and purple copes. . . .  

Dance of the Death-Demons in Hemis Monastery.31

"A more potent and very ugly fiend, with great horns on his head and huge lolling tongue, ran in, hovered threateningly over the corpse, and with a great sword slashed furiously about it, just failing by little more than a hair's-breadth to touch it with each sweep of the blade. He seemed as if he were about to overcome the opposing enchantment when a saint of still greater power than he now came to the rescue. The saint approached the corpse and threw a handful of flour on it, making mystic signs and muttering incantations. This appeared from his mask to be one of the incarnations of Buddha. He had more control over the evil spirits than any other who had yet contended with them. The skeletons, and also he that bore the great sword, grovelled before him, and with inarticulate and beast-like cries implored mercy. He yielded to their supplications, gave each one a little of the flour he carried with him, which the fiends ate gratefully, kneeling before him; and he also gave them to drink out of a vessel of holy water."32

This usually concludes one day's performance.33 On the following day adoration is paid to the Jina, by whom unreformed Lamas seem to intend St. Padma-sambhava. And mustard-seed is blessed and thrown at the enemy with singing, dancing, and incantations. And then occurs the ceremony of stabbing the enemy by the phurbu or mystic dagger.

A Short Description of the Phur-Pa, or the “Enchanted Dagger”
by Sri Sarat Chandra Das

In the Sanskrit language, the Phur-pa is called Kila, [x]. In Tibetan Buddhism, it is described as of two kinds: metaphysical and ordinary. All intellectual accomplishments are compared with the Phur-pa. Knowledge dissipates Avidya, (ignorance), so it is said figuratively that the Phur-pa of knowledge destroys ignorance, which is typified as the arch-enemy of humanity. Avidya, is the prime cause of sin and sin is the cause of suffering. In the same manner the Phur-pa of love stabs at anger. The Phur-pa of impermance strikes at attachment and passionate desires. The Phur-pa, of wise discrimination i.e., the power of distinguishing the right from wrong, good from bad, &c., liberates one from misery.

The ordinary Phur-pa is of four kinds. They are used for the acquirement of the four kinds of worldly objects Viz: (1) peace [x], (2) abundance [x], (3) power [x] and (4) fearfulness [x].

1. The phur-pa that typifies peace is generally made of silver or white sandal wood, and is about 4 inches long. The top of its handle is a saint’s head and its lower part is dressed as a knob of twisted noose. The point of the dagger is blunt and rounded to show that its effect is mild and cannot pain any body. When it is consecrated, it acquires the power of driving out evil spirits and diseases from one’s body. It is not intended for mischief to any body. It is considered to be a mystic healer.

2. The Phur-pa that symbolizes copiousness is generally made of gold or of the fragrant juniper. Its handle is similar to that of No. 1, only, that in the place of the saint’s head, there is the head of the goddess of plenty looking down with a smile, expressive of contentment and prosperity. The dagger point terminates on a square. On the top of the dagger handle i.e., on the crown of the god’s head, there is a gem generally a coral or a ruby, placed as an ornament. If this Phur-pa is consecrated, it becomes possessed of wonderful powers. Its touch gives longevity, fame, prosperity, wealth, &c., to the devotee. Its dagger is generally made 8 inches long.

3. The Phur-pa typifying power is made of copper or red sandal wood. Its handle is made of the shape of a knob, surmounted with four fearful heads with wide-opened and gasping mouths, possessing the expression of unquenchable thirst. The dagger point of the Phur-pa terminates in a sharp semi-circular curve. It is generally made 12 inches long. The top of the Phur-pa is made of the size and shape of a small lotus bud. When consecrated, it acquires wonderful efficacy. By means of it, one’s enemies are brought under one’s power without fighting or without the use of weapons. It is invaluable to lovers as a sure instrument to overpower the object of his or her love. It is also supposed to have the power of bringing learning and luck to one who receives its touch with faith.

4. The last is the Tag-poi Phurpa, in Sanskrit, called the Rudra-Kila. It is made of steel, bronze or meteoric stone. The handle of the dagger, made of brass, is a crocodile’s head, surmounted by a cross, formed of two thunderbolts called the Na-tshog-dorje. On the top point of this cross, is fixed three terrific crowned heads, typifying the looks of the Lord of Death in three ages: past, present and the future. He is determined to kill those who transgress against the Dharma i.e., the Law. The cross of thunderbolts is intended to fix down the enemy so that he may not get up again. The three blades of the dagger corresponding to the three faces are intended to stab the enemy instantaneously by its touch. The crocodile’s yawning mouth drinks the blood and eats the flesh of the slain devil. The thunderbolt which projects from the centre of the crown of the three terrific heads is intended to draw out the life-breath of the enemy. When consecrated, this dagger becomes enchanted. In the hands of the necromancer, it throbs, bounds up, burns and flashes. Sometimes, a kind of ringing sound comes out of it, indicating its wonderful powers. By its touch, even rocks break asunder. It is generally kept concealed, being covered with a black or dark-blue silk scarf.

The Phur-pa that has just been exhibited by Mr. Greer is of this last kind, and according to the belief of the Lamas, will become enchanted, when it has been properly consecrated.

-- Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India, Volume 4, edited by Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E.

Four ghouls bring in an object wrapped in a black cloth, and placing it on the ground, dance round it with intricate steps, then raising the cloth disclose a prone image of a man, which has been made in the manner previously described.

Then enter the demon-generals and kings, including the demon Tam-din, and they dance around the image. They are followed by the fiendesses, including the twelve Tan-ma, under Devi. These are followed by the black-hat devil-dancers, and these are, in the established church version, held to represent the Lama who assumed this disguise to assassinate king Lan-darma. The four guards now hold the door to prevent entry of any enemies or evil spirits. The black-hats dance round thrice and are succeeded by the god of Wealth, fiendesses, and butchers, the five great "kings,"34 and their queens and ministers, also the state sorcerer of Na-ch'un, and his eight-fold attendants.35

Then enters a fearful fiend named "The holy king of Religion,"36 with the head of a bull, holding in his right hand a dagger with silk streamers, and in his left a human heart (in effigy) and a snare, attended by a retinue of fiends and fiendesses, bearing weapons and dressed in skins,37 human beings, tigers and leopards; and the last to enter are tiger-skin-clad warriors with bows and arrows. This part of the Demon-king can only be taken by a monk of the purest morals, and the costly dress which this actor wears at the play at Potala is one presented by the emperor of China.

The Religious King-Devil

The King-devil, surrounded by his fiendish hordes, dances and makes with dagger the gesture of "The Three"; he stabs the heart, arms and legs of the figure, and binds its feet by the snare. He then rings a bell, and seizing a sword, chops off the limbs and slits open the breast and extracts the bleeding heart, lungs and intestines.

A troupe of monsters, with the heads of deer and yaks, rush in and gore the remains and scatter the fragments with their horns and hands to the four directions.38

Underling fiends now collect the fragments into a huge silver basin shaped like a skull, which four of them carry to the Demon-king in a pompous procession, in which the black-hat devil-dancers join.
The Demon-king then seizes the bleeding fragments, and, eating a morsel, throws them up in the air, when they are caught and fought for by the other demons, who throw the pieces about in a frantic manner, and ultimately throwing them amongst the crowd, which now takes part in the orgie, and a general melee results, each one scrambling for morsels of the fragments, which some eat and others treasure as talismans against wounds, diseases and misfortunes.

The Tibetans may practically be considered as a kind of cannibals. I was struck with this notion while witnessing the burial ceremony. All the cloths used in the burial go as a matter of course to the grave-diggers, though they hardly deserve this name, as their duty consists not in digging the grave but in chopping the flesh of the corpse and pounding the bones. Even priests give them help, for the pounding business is necessarily tedious and tiresome. Meanwhile the pounders have to take refreshment, and tea is drunk almost incessantly, for Tibetans are great tea-drinkers. The grave-diggers, or priests, prepare tea, or help themselves to baked flour, with their hands splashed over with a mash of human flesh and bones, for they never wash their hands before they prepare tea or take food, the most they do being to clap their hands, so as to get rid of the coarser fragments. And thus they take a good deal of minced human flesh, bones or brain, mixed with their tea or flour. They do so with perfect nonchalance; in fact, they have no idea whatever how really abominable and horrible their practice is, for they are accustomed to it. When I suggested that they might wash their hands before taking refreshment, they looked at me with an air of surprise. They scoffed at my suggestion, and even observed that eating with unwashed hands really added relish to food; besides, the spirit of the dead man would be satisfied when he saw them take fragments of his mortal remains with their food without aversion. It has been stated that the Tibetans[393] are descendants of the Rākshasa tribe—a tribe of fiendish cannibals who used to feed on human flesh; and what I witnessed at the burial convinced me that, even at the present day, they retained the horrible habit of their ancestors.

-- Three Years in Tibet, by Shramana Ekai Kawaguchi

The service, which is done by the priest who represents the saint Padma-sambhava, is here summarized. It is called "The Expelling Oblation of the hidden Fierce Ones."39

"Salutation to Padma-sambhava! I here arrange to upset the hosts of demons, by the aid of the hidden Fierce Ones. In bygone ages you guarded the Buddha's doctrines and upset all the harmful spirits. Now the charge has come to me, O! St. Padma! Instruct me as you did prince Pearl and your fairy wife — the Victorious Ocean of Foreknowledge. You wrote the rite and hid it away in the cave. Samaya! rgya! The sealed secret!"

Then arrange as a square magic mandala the cemetery, as the abode of the eight classes of demons. And set down poison, blood, and four lotus leaves with a red trident in the centre. And draw fire-flames, doors, etc., according to rule. Above it place a small table and on it a vessel filled with black grains, and a three-headed cake. Cover it up with an umbrella and put inside this house a linka (image of wheaten flour), which represents the injuring demon. Then arrange everything complete with the various sorts of offerings, and then do the necessary rites.

First of all invoke one's own tutelary thus: —

"Hum! O! Chief of fiercest thunderbolts, immovable and vast as the sky, the overruling angry one! I invoke you who are possessed of supreme strength, and able to subjugate all three empty worlds to do my desires. I invoke you to rise from the burning sky. I, the spell-holder, invoke you with great reverence and faith. You must ripen all the fruits of my desires, otherwise you shall suffer, O! tutelary!40 Arise from the sky and come forth with all your retinue, and quickly route the demons."

Then here offer a libation of wine.

Now the mantra-holder must mentally conceive that the house is full of clouds and that he is sitting in the presence of his tutelary; while the fire of anger burns outside, the mist of poison floats inside; the Las-byed-gs'ed-ma is killing the animals, and the evil spirits are wandering about. The devil now must assume a sorrowful state owing to his separation from his patron and protector.

Then recite the following: —

"Namo! The commands of the Lama are true, the commands of the Three Holy Ones true; and so are those of the fierce Thunderbolt Lama, etc., etc. Through the power of the great truths, Buddha's doctrines, the image of the noble Lama, the riches of wealthy people and all the lucky times, let the hosts of demons of the three regions come forth and enter this linka image. Vajra-Agushaja!"

Then chant the following for keeping the demons at bay: —

Hum! Through the blessing of the blood-drinking Fierce One, let the injuring demons and evil spirits be kept at bay. I pierce their hearts with this hook; I bind their hands with this snare of rope; I bind their body with this powerful chain; I keep them down with this tinkling bell. Now, O! blood-drinking Angry One, take your sublime seat upon them. Vajor-Agu-cha-dsa! vajora-pasha-hum! vajora-spo-da- va! vajora-ghan-dhi-ho!"

Then chant the following for destroying the evil spirits: —

"Salutation to Heruka, the owner of the noble Fierce Ones! The evil spirits have tricked you and have tried to injure Buddha's doctrine, so extinguish them .... Tear out the hearts of the injuring evil spirits and utterly exterminate them."

Then the supposed corpse of the linka should be dipped in Rakta (blood), and the following should be chanted: —

"Hum! O! ye hosts of gods of the magic-circle! Open your mouths as wide as the earth and sky, clench your fangs like rocky mountains, and prepare to eat up the entire bones, blood, and the entrails of all the injuring evil spirits. Ma-ha mam-sa-la kha hi! Ma-ha tsitta-kha hi! maha-rakta kha-hi! maha-go ro-tsa-na-kha-hi! Maha-bah su-ta kha hi! Maha-keng-ni ri ti kha hi!"

Then chant the following for upsetting the evil spirits: —

"Hum! Bhyo! The black grains and a three-headed cake are duly set on the Buddha's plate: the weapons flash; the poisonous vapour flows; the Fierce Ones thunder their mantras; the smell of the plague is issuing; but this three-headed cake can cure all these disasters, and can repress the injuring demon spirits.

"Bhyo! Bhyo! On the angry enemies! On the injuring demon spirits! On the voracious demons! turn them all to ashes!

"Mah-ra-ya-rbad bhyo! Upset them all! Upset! Upset!

"'Let glory Come' and Virtue! Sadhu!"

A burnt sacrifice is now made41 by the Demon-king. He pours oil into a cauldron, under which a fire is lit, and when the oil is boiling, he ties to the end of a stick which he holds an image of a man made of paper, and he puts into the boiling oil a skull filled with a mixture of arak (rum), poison, and blood, and into this he puts the image; and when the image bursts into flame, he declares that all the injuries have been consumed.

This rite is followed by a procession to abandon a large three-headed image of dough,42 to the top of which many threads and streamers are tied. This procession of monks is preceded by the maskers, numbering several hundreds in the larger monasteries,43 clanging noisy cymbals and blowing thigh-bone trumpets, etc. The laity follow in the rear, brandishing guns and other weapons, and shouting "Drag-ge-pun c'am." And when the image is abandoned the crowd tear it to pieces and eagerly fight for the fragments, which are treasured as charms. A gun is then fired amid general shouts of joy, and the Lamas return to the temple for a celebration of worship.

The play is now practically over. The black-cap devil-dancers again appear with drums, and execute their manoeuvres, and the performance concludes with the appearance of the Chinese priest, entitled Hwashang, who was expelled from Tibet by St. Padma. This Chinese priest is represented with a fatuous grinning large-mouthed mask (see fig. 3, page 536), and attended by two boys like himself. They go through a form of worship of the images, but being unorthodox, it is ridiculed by the spectators.

This mystic play is conducted at all monasteries of the established church, at government expense. The greatest of these performances are held at Potala, Muru Tasang,44 and Tashi-lhunpo at the end of the old year, and at the priest-king's palace of Teng-gye-ling on the twenty-ninth day of the eighth month.

At Potala it is held in the courtyard of the Grand Lama's chapel royal, the Nam-gyal temple-monastery. The dough-images and cakes begin to be prepared from the second day of the twelfth month, and from the third to the ninth the whole convent is engaged in the worship of the terrible guardian-demons45 of the country, and of Ye-she-Gon-po or Mahakala.

The rest of the month till the eventful day is occupied in rehearsals and other preparations. Before dawn on the twenty-ninth, the play-manager, after worshipping the demons, arranges the banners, instruments, and carpets.46 At the first blast of the great conch-shell trumpet, the populace assemble. On the second blast the state officials enter and take their seats, the Shab-pe or state ministers, Dun-k'or, and Tse-dun. And on the third blast, the Tibetan king-regent enters with all his attendants, and he invites the attendance of his Defending Majesty,47 the Dalai Lama, who enters a small state-box48 named "The world's transparency."

The orchestra, which is screened off in a tent, begins by blowing a thigh-bone trumpet thrice, followed by the great cymbals49 and drums; then out troop the black-hatted Shamanist dancers, and the play proceeds as above detailed. In the concluding ceremony the large cake, surmounted by a human head, is burned, and is considered to typify the burning of the present enemies of Lamaism.

But the grandest display takes place at the king-regent's own monastery of Teng-gye-ling, of which I have given a sketch-plan of the buildings, etc., from information supplied to me by a monk who has taken part frequently in the play there. The Lama who acts as regent is the de facto ruler of Tibet, and is generally known as "the King"50 and also called "The country's Majesty."51 The superior guests and nobility who have received invitations are permitted to pitch their tents upon the roof of the monks' quarters, and the populace are kept outside the arena by a rope barrier.

An account of the play at Tashi-lhunpo has been given by Mr. Bogle.52 It took place in a large court under the palace, and the surrounding galleries were crowded with spectators. Another short account53 describes the court as surrounded by pillared balconies, four storeys high. The Grand Lama's seat was on the second storey. The other seats in the lower balcony were occupied by the families of chiefs and nobles. In the upper were pilgrims and merchants. The stage manager held a dorje and bell-like Dorje-ch'an, but had an abbot's hat. After a prayer there entered a figure representing "the celebrated Dharmatala who invited the sixteen Sthaviras to China for the diffusion of Buddhism." His mask was dark with yawning mouth to mean ecstasy. Numerous scarves were thrown to him by the spectators, which were picked up by his two wives, with painted yellow complexions. Then came the four kings of the quarters, dressed in barbaric splendour. Following these came the sons of the gods, about sixty in number, dressed with silk robes, and glittering with ornaments of gold, precious stones, and pearls. Following these were Indian acharyas, whose black-bearded faces and Indian dress excited loud laughter among spectators. Then followed the four warders of the cemeteries in skeleton dress. Afterwards "the body of the devil in effigy was burnt, a pile of dry sedge being set on fire upon it." Incense was burnt on the hill-tops in the neighbourhood.

The masks used in this play deserve some notice. In Tibet the great masks54 are made of mashed paper and cloth, and occasionally of gilt copper.55 In Sikhim and Bhotan, etc., where wood is abundant, and the damp climate is destructive to papier-mache, they are carved out of durable wood.56 In all cases they are fantastically painted, and usually provided with a wig of yak-tail of different colours.

Some Masks.
1. Ghoul. 2. Bull-headed K'ang.
3. Hwashang.
4. A fiendess.
5. A locality genius.
6. A "Teacher."
7. Hwashang's son.

The masks may be broadly classed into the following five groups57; though the so-called reformed Lamas have modified some of these, as already noted.

I. -- King of the Ogres (sKu)

1. Drag-mar,58 or "The Terrible Red One." Sometimes called Guru Drag-s'ed, or Yes'e-Gon-po, and "Religious Protector,"59 and regarded as the god of Death, Mahakala, and also as a form of St. Padma-sambhava. His mask is of hideous anthropomorphic appearance and huge size, with great projecting tusks and three eyes; the vertical eye on the centre of the forehead is the eye of fore-knowledge. And it bears a chaplet of five skulls, with pendants of human bones.

The Ten Awful Ogres, and the Ten Ogresses. These are generally like the above. The females only differ in having no beards nor horns. The chief are:

II. -- The Angry Ogres (To-wo).

2. Lha-mo dMag-zor-ma, identified with Kali, the consort of Mahakala, and of a blue colour: measly lips. As Ran-'byun-ma she is green, and her mouth is shut and not gaping as in the former.

3. Ts'e-ma-ra.60 Red like number one.

4. The Bull-headed (Lan). Black in colour with three eyes and bearing a banner61 on its forehead. It is also called "ma-c'an."62

5. The Tiger-headed (sTag), brown and yellow-striped.

6. The Lion (Sen-ge). White.

7. The Roc, or Garuda (Kyun). Coloured green.

8 The Monkey (spre-ul). Ruddy-brown.

9. The Stag (S'a-ba).63 Fawn-coloured.

10. The Yak. Coloured black.

III. -- The Ghouls.

11. Tur, or grave-yard ghouls, with skull masks and clothes representing skeletons.

IV. -- The Earth-Master-Demons.

12. Sa-bdag Genii. These have large hideous masks but only one pair of eyes, as representing their subordinate position. Their chief is called "The great guardian King,"64 and he is attended by red demons (Tsan) and black ones (Dud), etc.

13. Acaryas. These have small cloth masks of ordinary size, and of a white, or clay, or black colour; and their wives are red- or yellow-complexioned. The hair of these "Teachers" is blue in colour, and done up into a chignon on the crown as with Indian Yogis. Although they represent the early Indian priests who brought Buddhism to Tibet, they are, as in ancient India, the buffoons and jesters of the play.

14. Hva-shang. This is a huge, fatuous, round mask of a red colour, to represent a historical Chinese Buddhist monk of the eighth century. And he is attended by several of his sons65 with similar masks.

The dresses of the King-demon and Ogre maskers are of the most costly silk and brocade, and usually with capes, which show Chinese influence.66 Those of the others are usually woollen or cotton. And the robes of those actors who represent the demons, who get severely cudgelled by their superiors, are thickly padded to resist the blows which fall on them.

Where there are a number of one class going in processions or dancing, those dressed alike go in pairs. The weapons carried by the maskers have already been referred to. Most are made of wood carved with thunderbolts. The staves of the skeleton maskers are topped by a death's-head. The sword made by stringing together Chinese brass coins ("Cash") is called the Silingtun, from the province of Siling in western China, whence these coins come to Tibet.

Another religious pantomime, performed, however, by lay actors, is the Lion-Dance. It is not enacted at the new year, but at other seasons, when the people are en fete.


The plot is based upon the mythical lion of the Himalayan snows, which is believed to confer fortune on the country where it resides. One of these lions was enticed to China by a wizard, and, somewhat like La Mascotte, the crops and cattle prospered as long as it lived, and when it died the Chinese stripped off its skin, with which they conduct this dance. The lion is represented as about the size of an ox. Its head and shoulders are formed by a framework, which one man manipulates from the interior, while another man occupies its hind quarters. A harlequin mummer with a variety of rough-and-tumble antics introduces the beast, which enters with leaps and bounds and goes through a variety of manoeuvres, including mounting on a table, and the performance is diversified by the capers of clowns and acrobats.
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