Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

This is a broad, catch-all category of works that fit best here and not elsewhere. If you haven't found it someplace else, you might want to look here.

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Feb 16, 2020 11:50 am

University of Hawaii Press
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/16/20

University of Hawaiʻi Press
Parent company University of Hawaiʻi
Founded 1947
Country of origin United States
Headquarters location Honolulu
Distribution self-distributed (US, Asia)
Scholarly Book Services (Canada)[1]
Eurospan Group (EMEA)
Publication types Books, Academic journals
Official website

The University of Hawaiʻi Press is a university press that is part of the University of Hawaiʻi.

The University of Hawaiʻi Press was founded in 1947, with the mission of advancing and disseminating scholarship by publishing current research in all disciplines of the humanities and natural and social sciences in the regions of Asia and the Pacific. In addition to scholarly monographs, the Press publishes educational materials and reference works such as dictionaries, language texts, classroom readers, atlases, and encyclopedias. During the 2006–2007 fiscal year, the Press published 94 projects: 80 books and monographs and 14 scholarly journals.

At 30 June 2007, the Press had published 2,323 books and other media, 1,289 of which are currently in print. With sales of over $3.7 million, the Press is ranked as a mid-sized university publisher by the Association of American University Presses and is considered by scholars to be a leader in the fields in which it publishes. In 2005, UH Press published more academic monographs on East Asia (China, Japan, and Korea) in English than any other university press, and was second only to RoutledgeCurzon among all English-language publishers (Chen & Wang 2008:37).


The Press was established in 1947 at the initiative of University of Hawaiʻi President Gregg M. Sinclair.

GREGG MANNERS SINCLAIR...taught English in Japan before coming to the University of Hawaii’s English department in 1928...

His interest in Japan led to the founding of the University’s Oriental Institute and he served as the first president of that institution. The Oriental Institute established the University’s role in international relations, and would later lead to the establishment of the federally funded East West Center in Hawaii. He was successful in bringing some of the world’s best minds to Hawaii for two East-West Philosophers’ Conferences, supported by a series of notables ranging from maharajas to America’s most wealthy...

Sinclair was Chairman of the Citizen’s Advisory Commission on Statehood for Hawaii and an influential member of the Democratic Party.

-- Gregg Manners Sinclair, by

Its first publications included a reprint of The Hawaiian Kingdom by Ralph Kuykendall and Insects of Hawaii, by Elwood C. Zimmerman, both of which have become classics. Other enduring classics from its early years include the Hawaiian-English Dictionary, by Mary Kawena Pukui and Samuel Elbert, first published in 1957, last revised and enlarged in 1986, then reprinted 16 times; and Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands, by Gavan Daws, whose Press edition was first published in 1974 and reprinted 19 times.

In 1971, the University of Hawaiʻi Press combined operations with the East-West Center Press and renamed itself the University Press of Hawaiʻi, thus adding greater coverage of Asia to its previous strength in Hawaiʻi and the Pacific. In 1981, the East-West Center withdrew its subsidy, and the name reverted to University of Hawaiʻi Press, but the focus on Asia continued to grow, so that at least half its titles now focus on Asia, with the other half devoted to Hawaiʻi (30%) and the Pacific (20%).

The East–West Center (EWC), or the Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West, is an education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. It is headquartered in Honolulu, Hawaii...

[F]ollowing radio reports of an April 16, 1959 speech in Washington, D.C. by then Sen. Lyndon Johnson (D-TX) that proposed the creation of an international university in Hawaii "as a meeting place for the intellectuals of the East and the West," history professor John Stalker and Meller urged President Snyder to respond at once to Johnson's suggestion.[2] With the prospect of federal funding, President Snyder appointed a faculty committee chaired by Turnbull to rapidly prepare a substantive proposal for creating an international college.[3]

On June 9, 1959, Sen. Johnson introduced a bill in the U.S. Senate to establish an educational center in Hawaii to provide for "cultural and technical interchange between East and West," with a companion bill introduced in the U.S. House by Delegate John A. Burns (D-T.H.);[4] the Mutual Security Act of 1959, signed by U.S. President Eisenhower on July 24, 1959, called on the State Department to study the idea and report back to Congress by January 3, 1960.[5]

On May 14, 1960, President Eisenhower signed the Mutual Security Act of 1960 which authorized the creation of a Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West (East–West Center) at the University of Hawaii, and on August 31, 1960, signed the Department of State Appropriation Act, 1961, which appropriated $10 million for the Center (including $8.2 million in capital spending for six new buildings), and on September 30, 1961, President Kennedy signed Supplemental Appropriation Act, 1962, which appropriated an additional $3.3 million for the Center.[6]

On October 25, 1960, the University of Hawaii signed a grant-in-aid agreement with the State Department to establish and operate the East–West Center, and received its first installment of $1.1 million in federal funding on November 8, 1960.[7]

University of Hawaii art professor Murray Turnbull served as interim director and acting chancellor of the East–West Center through 1961,[8] when anthropologist Alexander Spoehr, the former director (1953–1961) of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in Honolulu, was appointed as the East–West Center's first chancellor, serving for two years before resigning at the end of 1963.[9] University of Hawaii president Thomas H. Hamilton served as acting chancellor of the East–West Center for a year and a half from January 1964–June 1965.[10] In July 1965, he was succeeded by former newspaper publisher and diplomat Howard P. Jones, the former U.S. ambassador to Indonesia (1958–1965),[11] who served as chancellor for three years before being succeeded in August 1968 by linguist Everett Kleinjans, the former vice president of International Christian University in Tokyo, who had lived in Asia for sixteen years.[12]

On May 9, 1961, then U.S. Vice President Lyndon Johnson was a guest at groundbreaking ceremonies for the East–West Center's first six buildings.[13] Five of the new buildings, designed by architect I. M. Pei, were built along the new East–West Road where a new 21-acre (85,000 m2) East–West Center campus just west of Manoa Stream on the east side of the university campus replaced chicken coops, temporary wooden buildings for faculty housing, and the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station.[14] A sixth building built under the federal grant for the East–West Center was Edmondson Hall, designed by architect Albin Kubala and built on McCarthy Mall.[15]...

EWC program areas include Education, Research, Seminars, a Washington, D.C. office (which also houses and administers the United States Asia Pacific Council), an Office of External Affairs and the East–West Center Foundation....

The East-West Center Foundation is a private non-profit organization, established in 1982 to broaden and diversify private support for the Center. The success of the East-West Center is built on effective public-private partnerships. Funding from the US government covers most of the Center's basic operating expenses, while programming depends on private funding by individuals, private agencies, foundations, corporations and governments throughout the region.

-- East-West Center Foundation, by East-West Center...

The Research Program conducts studies on economic development, trade, energy, governance, politics, security, conflict reduction, population, health, and environment. Under the Research umbrella is the Pacific Islands Development Program (the research and training arm and regional secretariat of the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders representing 22 Pacific island nations)...

Also under the Education Program are the Asia Pacific Leadership Program (APLP) (a certificate program for graduate-level students and mid-level professionals)[1], AsiaPacificEd and the Asian Studies Development Program (both work with primary, secondary, and college educators to infuse Asian Pacific content in curricula), and Education 2020 (a focus on new approaches to educational challenges in the Asia Pacific Region)...

East–West Seminars bring professionals from government, civil society, business and the media together for short-term dialogue and exchange programs to share knowledge and address issues of regional and global concern. Included in the Seminars Program are the Media Program (provides journalist with first-hand examination of issues in the region and the U.S.), Senior Policy Seminar (brings together top level foreign affairs and security officials, private sector and civil society leaders to discuss key regional issues), and the Asia Pacific Executive Forum (brings to American cities discussions on topics that affect the economics and business of the region)...

Approximately half of Center funding comes from the U.S. government, with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and the governments of the region. In 2005 the EWC received a total of $37 million (including $19.2 million from the U.S. Congress)...

Alumni include heads of government, cabinet members, university and NGO presidents, corporate and media leaders, educators and individuals prominent in the arts.

-- East–West Center, by Wikipedia

Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples: India, China, Tibet, Japan (Revised English Translation)
The Chinese Mind: Essentials of Chinese Philosophy and Culture
The Indianized States of Southeast Asia

UH Press output included journals from the very beginning. Most of the Press's inaugural budget appropriation was allocated to the journal Pacific Science, whose first issue appeared in 1947. However, Pacific Science did not bear the UH Press imprint until 1953, two years after Philosophy East and West made its debut from UH Press (Kamins & Potter 1998:234-240).

The number of journals gradually expanded over the next few decades, with the acquisition of Oceanic Linguistics (in vol. V) in 1966 and Asian Perspectives (in vol. XII) in 1969, and the founding of Korean Studies in 1977, Biography in 1978, Buddhist-Christian Studies in 1981, and Asian Theatre Journal in 1984, all initiated at the University of Hawaiʻi. Flush State budgets in the late 1980s and early 1990s permitted several further initiatives by other campus departments. The literary journal Mānoa and the "island affairs" journal The Contemporary Pacific made their debut in 1989, followed by the Journal of World History in 1990, and then China Review International in 1994, just before severe budget cutbacks eliminated all university subsidies to the Journals Department.

Journals production struggled along, with some editorial offices assuming more of the burden, until Press subsidies were partially restored in 1998 and the department was restaffed. All 12 journals made their debut in the Project MUSE database of journals in the humanities and social sciences in 2000-2001, but Pacific Science switched to the BioOne collection of natural science journals in 2008. The Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast Geographers began publishing with UH Press in 2000 (in vol. 62) and made its debut in Project MUSE in 2004. The Asia Society's Archives of Asian Art began publishing with UH Press in 2007 (in vol. 57).

Book Editorial Program

During the 2007 fiscal year, the Press considered approximately 1,300 manuscripts and proposals, of which 60 were accepted for publication by the Editorial Board. As of 30 June 2007, 122 books were in press. Each book undergoes rigorous review, including preliminary evaluation by an in-house editor. Manuscripts that show promise are then evaluated by two external readers who are specialists in the subject matter. Those that receive two positive peer reviews are presented to the Press's academic editorial board, which makes the final determination about whether to publish.

East Asia is an especially important regional focus. During 2000-2005, the Press published 184 academic monographs on the region, 82 on China, 81 on Japan, and 21 on Korea. The three principal subject areas were language and literature (with 23 on China, 25 on Japan, and 7 on Korea); religion and philosophy (with 21 on China, 13 on Japan, and 2 on Korea); and history and fine arts (with 20 on China, 20 on Japan, and 7 on Korea) (Chen & Wang 2008:38).

The monograph series published by the Press indicate some principal areas of concentration.

• ABC Chinese Dictionary Series (ed. by Victor Mair)
• Critical Interventions (ed. by Sheldon Lu)
Dimensions of Asian Spirituality (ed. by Henry Rosemont, Jr.)
• Hawai‘i Studies on Korea (with the UH Center for Korean Studies)
• Intersections (with the UCLA Asian American Studies Center)
• KLEAR Textbooks in Korean Language (with the Korean Language Education and Research Center)
Kuroda Classics in East Asian Buddhism and Studies in East Asian Buddhism (with the Kuroda Institute for the Study of Buddhism and Human Values)
• Modern Korean Fiction (ed. by Bruce Fulton)
• Monographs of the Biographical Research Center (Honolulu)
• Monographs of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies (with the Kyoto University Center for Southeast Asian Studies)
• Monographs of the Society for Asian and Comparative Philosophy
• Nanzan Library of Asian Religion and Culture (with the Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture, Nagoya)
• Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications (with the UH Department of Linguistics)
PALI Language Texts (with the UH Social Science Research Institute)
• Pacific Islands Monograph Series (with the UH Center for Pacific Islands Studies)
• South Sea Books (with the UH Center for Pacific Islands Studies)
• Perspectives on the Global Past (ed. by Jerry H. Bentley and Anand Yang)
Pure Land Buddhist Studies (with the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley)
• Studies in the Buddhist Traditions (with the University of Michigan Institute for the Study of the Buddhist Traditions)

• Spatial Habitus: Making and Meaning in Asia's Architecture (ed. by Ronald Knapp and Xing Ruan)
• Southeast Asia: Politics, Meaning and Memory (ed. by Rita Smith Kipp and David P. Chandler)
Topics in Contemporary Buddhism (ed. by George Tanabe, Jr.)
• Writing Past Colonialism (with the Institute for Colonial Studies, Melbourne)
• The World of East Asia (ed. by Joshua Fogel)

Marketing and sales

The Press is represented in North America and Hawai‘i by independent commission sales representatives; in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East by London-based Eurospan Publishers Group; and in the Pacific and Asia region by its sales subsidiary, East-West Export Books (EWEB). EWEB also represents 55 other university presses and scholarly publishers in Asia and the Pacific. The Press maintains stock in warehouses in Pennsylvania, Honolulu, Canada, and England, and serves as a distributor for over 50 publishers and several individuals, providing sales, marketing, promotion, warehouse, and business services on a commission basis.

Each year the Press displays its recently published books and journals at a range of professional meetings and trade shows held throughout the world, reaching a combined total of about 700,000 attendees at those events. The annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies is its most important academic exhibit each year. Other major scholarly venues include the American Academy of Religion, American Anthropological Association, American Historical Association, American Library Association, Association for Asian American Studies, and College Art Association. Principal trade show venues have included the Australian Book Fair, BookExpo America, Canadian Booksellers Association Trade Fair, Frankfurt Book Fair, Los Angeles Times Festival of Books, and Taipei International Book Fair.

For the 2007 fiscal year, the top five bestselling books by dollar revenue were the revised and enlarged edition of the Hawaiian Dictionary by Mary Kawena Pukui and Samuel H. Elbert; the Beginning 1 volume of the Integrated Korean textbook series by the Korean Language Education and Research Center (KLEAR); Broken Trust by Samuel P. King and Randall W. Roth; the 4th edition of Japanese Culture by Paul Varley, and the 3rd edition of the Atlas of Hawaiʻi by Sonia P. Juvik, James O. Juvik, and Thomas R. Paradise.


The Journals Department currently handles production, manufacturing, fulfillment, and delivery for the following scholarly journals.

Archives of Asian Art, sponsored by the Asia Society
• Asian Perspectives: The Journal of Archaeology for Asia and the Pacific
• Asian Theatre Journal, journal of the Association for Asian Performance
• Biography: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly, sponsored by the Biographical Research Center
Buddhist-Christian Studies, journal of the Society for Buddhist-Christian Studies
• China Review International, reviews of scholarly literature in Chinese studies
• The Contemporary Pacific: A Journal of Island Affairs, sponsored by the UH Center for Pacific Islands Studies
• Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review, sponsored by Research Institute of Korean Studies, Korea University, and Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley
• Journal of World History, journal of the World History Association
• Korean Studies, sponsored by the UH Center for Korean Studies
• Language Documentation & Conservation, sponsored by the UH National Foreign Language Resource Center
• Mānoa: A Pacific Journal of International Writing
• Oceanic Linguistics, sponsored by the UH Department of Linguistics
• Pacific Science, journal of the Pacific Science Association
• Philosophy East and West, sponsored by the UH Department of Philosophy
• Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast Geographers

The Department also distributes two journals.

• Azalea: Journal of Korean Literature & Culture for the Korea Institute, Harvard University
• Journal of Korean Religions for the Institute for the Study of Religion at Sogang University


1. "Our Publishers | Scholarly Books". Retrieved 2017-12-02.
• Chen, Su, and Chengzi Wang (2008). Who Has Published What in East Asian studies? An Analysis of Publishers and Publishing Trends. Library Resources & Technical Services 52:33-40.
• Kamins, Robert M., and Robert E. Potter (1998). Malamalama: A History of the University of Hawaiʻi (University of Hawaiʻi Press), ISBN 0-8248-2006-1.
• University of Hawaiʻi Press Annual Report, Fiscal Year 2006-2007.

External links

• University of Hawaiʻi Press
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Feb 16, 2020 12:02 pm

U.S.-Asia Pacific Council
by John D. Negroponte, Deputy Secretary
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC
April 11, 2008

Thank you Ambassador Roy for your kind introduction. It is so good to be with you here today.

You know, I’ve been involved with Asia since I joined the Foreign Service at the age of twenty-one. I was assigned to Hong Kong in late 1960, arriving there in January 1961. In 1964, I was assigned to our Embassy in Saigon after almost a year of Vietnamese language training. And I worked almost continuously on the Vietnam question thereafter, until we signed the Paris agreement on Vietnam in 1973, first as a member of our delegation to the Paris Peace talks, and then as Director for Vietnam on the National Security Council.

Since then, I have continued to work on United States policy towards Asia, as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in 1980-81, and as ambassador to the Philippines from 1993 - 1996. I’ve observed Asia’s extraordinary transformation from a variety of perspectives. And it is Asia's development, present and future, as well as our nation's relationship with the changing Asia, that I would like talk with you about today.

By almost any measure, Asia today is thriving. Not only has the region avoided military conflict for nearly three decades; relations between the major powers have never been better. Chinese President Hu Jintao’s upcoming visit to Japan reflects this trend.

Nearly all the countries in the region have dynamic, market-based economies. And robust democratic systems are flourishing throughout the region, as evidenced by Indonesia’s remarkable transformation, Thailand’s recent return to democratic rule, and recent elections in Taiwan and Korea.

There are a few laggards like Burma, where misrule by dictators stifles economic opportunity for an oppressed people. But most Asian states are focused on bettering the lives of their citizens. Over the past three decades, more people have risen out of poverty faster in Asia than over any other period in human history. For example, in what the World Bank has described as one of the most successful anti-poverty campaigns ever, Vietnam reduced its poverty rate from 58% of the population in 1993 to under 14% in 2007.

The economic rise of China, combined with Japan’s continued status as the world’s second largest economy, leads to great expectations that these countries will expand their global roles as responsible stewards of the very international order that made possible their success. As we strive to solve major issues confronting the international community–from climate change to preventing the spread of dangerous weapons–the United States looks increasingly to our partners in Asia not only to help, but to lead.

These positive developments in Asia were by no means guaranteed, and indeed were no accident. Hardworking Asians deserve primary credit for the region’s economic accomplishments. But Asia’s prosperity has been made possible by a broader international economic and security order sustained by American leadership. Following the Second World War, the United States put in place the building blocks of the global economic and trading system that Asian economies from Singapore to Taiwan have used to fuel their growth. After the end of the Cold War, the United States pushed to establish the World Trade Organization–including making China a member in 2001. We also have strongly promoted the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) and fashioned high-quality free trade agreements with Singapore, Australia, and Korea.

America’s military alliances with like-minded Asian partners have fueled prosperity by encouraging regional powers to compete for the fruits of peace rather than prepare for the dangers of war. Our alliances with Japan, Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand remain the cornerstone of peace and security in Asia.

Over the past 7 years this Administration has reinvigorated these alliances to ensure that we and our allies have the flexibility to address future security challenges–not only in Asia but around the world. The transformation of the U.S.-Japan alliance has been especially remarkable. America’s Asian alliances have grown stronger, not weaker, since the end of the Cold War. Our strong alliances and close cooperation continue through periods of leadership change, including those in Japan, Korea, Thailand and Australia over the past year.

The Bush Administration has also comprehensively engaged with Asia’s rising powers, including the largest, China. China’s rise is one of the major events of our time. It is a growing player in the international community, and we are encouraging China to play a responsible and constructive role. This approach requires patient, creative diplomacy. We’ve seen progress with North Korea, and are urging China to do more in Sudan beyond their provision of engineering troops. We believe China must also do more with respect to Iran and Burma.

We currently convene over 50 bilateral dialogues and working groups with China, spanning subjects from aviation to counterterrorism, and from food safety to non-proliferation. The Senior Dialogue, which I lead with my counterpart in the Chinese Foreign Ministry, covers the full spectrum of global security and political issues. It has provided an opportunity for open and frank discussion on the broadest range of issues, including those over which we differ, including human rights and Tibet.

This dialogue includes, of course, the Taiwan Strait, where the United States is committed to ensuring peace and stability. We make known our concern about China's rapid increases in military outlays, and we encourage the Chinese leadership to be more transparent about its military spending, doctrine, and strategic goals. Transparency and exchanges will most effectively build trust and reduce suspicion.

In addition to China, the United States has reached out to new and old friends in Southeast Asia. We have a growing partnership with Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, a country that has made a remarkable transition to democracy. To help cement Indonesia’s success, the United States has pledged over $200 million to assist civic, governance, and educational institutions in Indonesia.

Our relationship with Vietnam has also entered a new chapter. Our countries enjoy significant and growing trade and economic ties; an emerging military-to-military relationship; successful cooperation on health and development issues; growing cultural and educational links; and a shared interest in ensuring peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

2007 marked the 30th anniversary of U.S. relations with ASEAN, and our ties with that organization are growing. We nominated a U.S. ambassador for ASEAN Affairs earlier this year.

I see three major tasks that the United States faces in the coming decade as we look at Asia: (1) further improving regional cooperation to complement our existing bilateral security alliances, (2) promoting continued prosperity, and (3) accommodating rising Asian powers into the international system while also challenging them to assume global leadership on major international issues.

The Six-Party Talks bring together North Korea’s neighbors and key regional players on an issue with overlapping interests and a clear, focused purpose: denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. While the process of denuclearization is far from complete, we hope an eventual peace and security mechanism for Northeast Asia will form to institutionalize the security cooperation we are forging through the Six Party process. This would be separate from, but supporting, any peace regime that may emerge on the Peninsula. It would also in no way infringe upon our alliances.

As Asia continues to engage with the global community and Asian leaders focus on economic growth, the United States must continue its work to further knock down barriers to trade and investment. That’s why President Bush endorsed a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTA AP) during his visit to the APEC leaders meeting in November 2006. We look forward to working with partners in APEC to make this initiative a reality.

More immediately, Korean President Lee’s visit here next week reminds us that we need to work with Congress to ensure passage of our Free Trade Agreement with the Republic of Korea. Approval of this high-standard FTA with our treaty ally will help American businesses and workers and demonstrate continued U.S. leadership in the world’s most dynamic region.

While institutions established after WWII have served the U.S., Asia, and the international community in many respects, we must work to ensure that growing Asian nations are integrated into this framework. Today, China’s booming economy is driving energy demand, yet it is not a member of the International Energy Agency. For a number of years now, we have supported Japan’s permanent membership on the United Nations Security Council, so that the world’s second-largest economy can meet its broader responsibilities to uphold international peace and security.

With global influence and power comes responsibility. Now is the time, as beneficiaries of the global trading system, for Asian powers to take the lead in trade liberalization under the WTO's Doha Round. The world needs and expects today's global winners to be tomorrow's pacesetters, not to lag behind the pack. Addressing climate change in the coming decade will also require inclusion of the developing world–most notably China as well as India.

Ladies and gentlemen, for more than 60 years, the United States has worked with friends and allies in Asia to promote free markets and the free exchanges of ideas. Unlike the beginning of the Cold War, when strongman rule was a feature of the region, the ballot box has gradually transformed the face of Asia. America now has democratic partners across the region, committed to political liberty, human rights, and rule of law.

While trends in Asia are positive, and the long-term future of this dynamic region bright, the United States must and will remain engaged in Asia to jointly address the problems and issues confronting us–especially in the coming year. We will continue to consult and collaborate with our alliance partners as the foundation of our strategy for Asia. We will continue to push for progress in the Six Party Talks, which represents the best path forward to a more stable Northeast Asia. We will continue to work with and encourage China to become a responsible actor in the international system. And in Southeast Asia, in particular, we will continue to support democratic reform and economic development as hopeful alternatives to extremism and terrorism.

Ongoing challenges will require our full attention, but they will not distract us from our commitment to playing a leadership role in the Asia-Pacific–a region that is defined far more by the scope of its opportunities than by its challenges. America is a Pacific nation, and our prosperity and global stability are increasingly tied to that of Asia. The goal we seek, as we have for decades, is an Asia that is growing in peace, prosperity, and freedom–and we will continue our work with Asia’s leaders and its people to achieve that goal together.
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Feb 16, 2020 12:11 pm

Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/16/20

Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
APEC member economies shown in green.
Headquarters: Singapore
Type: Economic meeting
Membership: 21 economies
• Chairperson: Mahathir Mohamad (2020)
• Executive Director: Rebecca Fatima Santa Maria
Establishment: 1989

The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) is an inter-governmental forum for 21 member economies in the Pacific Rim that promotes free trade throughout the Asia-Pacific region.[2] Following the success of ASEAN's series of post-ministerial conferences launched in the mid-1980s,[3] APEC started in 1989,[4] in response to the growing interdependence of Asia-Pacific economies and the advent of regional trade blocs in other parts of the world; it aimed to establish new markets for agricultural products and raw materials beyond Europe.[5] Headquartered in Singapore,[6] APEC is recognized as one of the highest-level multilateral blocs and oldest forums in the Asia-Pacific region,[7] and exerts a significant global influence.[8][9][10][11]

The heads of government of all APEC members except the Republic of China (which is represented by a ministerial-level official under the name Chinese Taipei as economic leader)[12] attend an annual APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting. The location of the meeting rotates annually among the member economies, and a famous tradition, followed for most (but not all) summits, involves the attending leaders dressing in a national costume of the host country. APEC has three official observers: the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Secretariat, the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat.[13] APEC's Host Economy of the Year is considered to be invited in the first place for geographical representation to attend G20 meetings following G20 guidelines.[14][15]


The APEC was initially inspired when ASEAN’s series of post-ministerial conferences, launched in the mid-1980s, had demonstrated the feasibility and value of regular conferences among ministerial-level representatives of both developed and developing economies. By 1996, the post ministerial conferences had expanded to embrace 12 members (the then six members of ASEAN and its six dialogue partners). The developments led Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke to believe the necessity of region-wide co-operation on economic matters. In January 1989, Bob Hawke called for more effective economic co-operation across the Pacific Rim region. This led to the first meeting of APEC in the Australian capital of Canberra in November, chaired by Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Gareth Evans. Attended by ministers from twelve countries, the meeting concluded with commitments for future annual meetings in Singapore and South Korea. Ten months later, 12 Asia-Pacific economies met in Canberra, Australia, to establish APEC. The APEC Secretariat, based in Singapore, was established to co-ordinate the activities of the organisation.[4][5]

During the meeting in 1994 in Bogor, Indonesia, APEC leaders adopted the Bogor Goals that aim for free and open trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific by 2010 for industrialised economies and by 2020 for developing economies. In 1995, APEC established a business advisory body named the APEC Business Advisory Council (ABAC), composed of three business executives from each member's economy.

In April 2001, the APEC, in collaboration with five other international organisations (Eurostat, IEA, OLADE, OPEC and the UNSD) launched the Joint Oil Data Exercise, which in 2005 became the Joint Organisations Data Initiative (JODI).

Meeting locations

The location of the meeting is rotated annually among the members.

Year / # / Dates / Country / City / Host Leader

1989 / 1st / 6–7 November / Australia / Canberra / Prime Minister Bob Hawke
1990 / 2nd / 29–31 July / Singapore / Singapore / Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew
1991 / 3rd / 12–14 November / South Korea / Seoul / President Roh Tae-woo
1992 / 4th / 10–11 September / Thailand / Bangkok / Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun
1993 / 5th / 19–20 November / United States / Blake Island / President Bill Clinton
1994 / 6th / 15–16 November / Indonesia / Bogor / President Suharto
1995 / 7th / 18–19 November / Japan / Osaka / Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama
1996 / 8th / 24–25 November / Philippines / Subic / President Fidel Ramos
1997 / 9th / 24–25 November / Canada / Vancouver / Prime Minister Jean Chrétien
1998 / 10th / 17–18 November / Malaysia / Kuala Lumpur / Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad
1999 / 11th / 12–13 September / New Zealand / Auckland / Prime Minister Jenny Shipley
2000 / 12th / 15–16 November / Brunei / Bandar Seri Begawan / Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah
2001 / 13th / 20–21 October / China / Shanghai / President Jiang Zemin
2002 / 14th / 26–27 October / Mexico / Los Cabos / President Vicente Fox
2003 / 15th / 20–21 October / Thailand / Bangkok / Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra
2004 / 16th / 20–21 November / Chile / Santiago / President Ricardo Lagos
2005 / 17th / 18–19 November / South Korea / Busan / President Roh Moo-hyun
2006 / 18th / /18–19 November / Vietnam / Hanoi / President Nguyễn Minh Triết
2007 / 19th / 8–9 September / Australia / Sydney / Prime Minister John Howard
2008 / 20th / 22–23 November / Peru / Lima / President Alan Garcia Perez
2009 / 21st / 14–15 November / Singapore / Singapore / Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong
2010 / 22nd / 13–14 November / Japan / Yokohama / Prime Minister Naoto Kan
2011 / 23rd / 12–13 November / United States / Honolulu / President Barack Obama
2012 / 24th / 9–10 September / Russia / Vladivostok / President Vladimir Putin
2013 / 25th / 5–7 October / Indonesia / Bali / President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
2014 / 26th / 10–11 November / China / Beijing / President Xi Jinping
2015 / 27th / 18–19 November / Philippines / Pasay / President Benigno Aquino III
2016 / 28th / 19–20 November / Peru / Lima / President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski
2017 / 29th / 10–11 November / Vietnam / Da Nang / President Trần Đại Quang
2018 / 30th / 17–18 November / Papua New Guinea / Port Moresby / Prime Minister Peter O'Neill
2019 / 31st / 16–17 November
(cancelled) / Chile / Santiago / President Sebastián Piñera
2020 / 32nd / November / Malaysia / Kuala Lumpur / Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad
2021 / 33rd / November / New Zealand / Auckland / Prime Minister
2022 / 34th / TBA / Thailand / Bangkok / Prime Minister
2025 / 35th / TBA / South Korea / TBA

Member economies

Former South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and Former U.S. President George W. Bush at APEC 2006 in Hanoi, Vietnam.

APEC currently has 21 members. However, the criterion for membership is that the member is a separate economy, rather than a state. As a result, APEC uses the term member economies rather than member countries to refer to its members. One result of this criterion is that membership of the forum includes Taiwan (officially the Republic of China, participating under the name "Chinese Taipei") alongside People's Republic of China (see Cross-Strait relations), as well as Hong Kong, which entered APEC as a British colony but it is now a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. APEC also includes three official observers: ASEAN, the Pacific Islands Forum and the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council.[2]

Member economie(s) / Name as used in APEC / Date of accession / GDP (nominal) in 2017 (Millions of Int$)

Australia / Australia November 1989 1,235,297
Brunei / Brunei Darussalam November 1989 32,958
Canada / Canada November 1989 1,763,785
Indonesia / Indonesia November 1989 3,242,966
Japan / Japan November 1989 5,405,072
South Korea / Republic of Korea November 1989 2,026,651
Malaysia / Malaysia November 1989 926,081
New Zealand / New Zealand November 1989 185,748
Philippines / The Philippines November 1989 874,518
Singapore / Singapore November 1989 513,744
Thailand / Thailand November 1989 1,228,941
United States / The United States November 1989 19,362,129
Taiwan / Chinese Taipei[a] November 1991 1,175,308
Hong Kong / Hong Kong, China[16] November 1991 453,019
China / People's Republic of China November 1991 13,457,000
Mexico / Mexico November 1993 2,406,087
Papua New Guinea / Papua New Guinea November 1993 30,839
Chile / Chile November 1994 452,095
Peru / Peru November 1998 424,639
Russia / Russia November 1998 4,000,096
Vietnam / Viet Nam November 1998 643,902


Member / Leader position / State leader

Australia / Prime Minister / Scott Morrison
Brunei / Sultan / Hassanal Bolkiah
Canada / Prime Minister / Justin Trudeau
Chile / President / Sebastián Piñera
China / President [note 1] / Xi Jinping
Hong Kong / Chief Executive / Carrie Lam
Indonesia / President / Joko Widodo
Japan / Prime Minister / Shinzō Abe
South Korea / President / Moon Jae-in
Malaysia / Prime Minister / Mahathir Mohamad
Mexico / President / Andrés Manuel López Obrador
New Zealand / Prime Minister / Jacinda Ardern
Papua New Guinea / Prime Minister / James Marape
Peru / President / Martín Vizcarra
Philippines / President / Rodrigo Duterte
Russia / President / Vladimir Putin
Singapore / Prime Minister / Lee Hsien Loong
Taiwan / President/Presidential Envoy / Tsai Ing-Wen (represented by Morris Chang)[a]
Thailand / Prime Minister / Prayut Chan-o-cha
United States / President / Donald Trump
Vietnam / President [note 2] / Nguyễn Phú Trọng

Possible enlargement


India has requested membership in APEC, and received initial support from the United States, Japan,[17] Australia and Papua New Guinea.[18] Officials have decided not to allow India to join for various reasons, considering that India does not border the Pacific Ocean, which all current members do.[19] However, India was invited to be an observer for the first time in November 2011.[20]

Bangladesh,[21] Pakistan,[21] Sri Lanka,[21] Macau,[21] Mongolia,[21] Laos,[21] Cambodia,[22] Costa Rica,[23] Colombia,[23][24] Panama,[23] and Ecuador,[25] are among a dozen other economies that have applied for membership in APEC. Colombia applied for APEC's membership as early as in 1995, but its bid was halted as the organisation stopped accepting new members from 1993 to 1996,[26] and the moratorium was further prolonged to 2007 due to the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Guam has also been actively seeking a separate membership, citing the example of Hong Kong, but the request is opposed by the United States, which currently represents Guam.

Business facilitation

APEC has long been at the forefront of reform efforts in the area of business facilitation. Between 2002 and 2006 the costs of business transactions across the region was reduced by 6%, thanks to the APEC Trade Facilitation Action Plan (TFAPI). Between 2007 and 2010, APEC hopes to achieve an additional 5% reduction in business transaction costs. To this end, a new Trade Facilitation Action Plan has been endorsed. According to a 2008 research brief published by the World Bank as part of its Trade Costs and Facilitation Project, increasing transparency in the region's trading system is critical if APEC is to meet its Bogor Goal targets.[27] The APEC Business Travel Card, a travel document for visa-free business travel within the region is one of the concrete measures to facilitate business. In May 2010 Russia joined the scheme, thus completing the circle.[28]

Proposed FTAAP

APEC first formally started discussing the concept of a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) at its summit in 2006 in Hanoi. However, the proposal for such an area has been around since at least 1966 and Japanese economist Kiyoshi Kojima [ja]'s proposal for a Pacific Free Trade agreement proposal. While it gained little traction, the idea led to the formation of Pacific Trade and Development Conference and then the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council in 1980 and then APEC in 1989.

In the wake of the 2006 summit, economist C. Fred Bergsten advocated a Free Trade Agreement of Asia-Pacific, including the United States amongst the proposed parties to any agreement at that time.[29] His ideas convinced the APEC Business Advisory Council to support this concept. Relatedly, ASEAN and existing free trade agreement (FTA) partners are negotiating as Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), not officially including Russia.[30] The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) without China or Russia involved has become the US-promoted trade negotiation in the region. At the APEC summit in Beijing in 2014, the three plans were all in discussion.[31] President Obama hosted a TPP meeting at the US Embassy in Beijing in advance of the APEC gathering.[32]

The proposal for a FTAAP arose due to the lack of progress in the Doha round of World Trade Organization negotiations, and as a way to overcome the "noodle bowl" effect created by overlapping and conflicting elements of the copious free trade agreements – there were approximately 60 free trade agreements in 2007, with an additional 117 in the process of negotiation in Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.[33] In 2012, ASEAN+6 countries alone had 339 free trade agreements – many of which were bilateral.[ b]

The FTAAP is more ambitious in scope than the Doha round, which limits itself to reducing trade restrictions. The FTAAP would create a free trade zone that would considerably expand commerce and economic growth in the region.[33][35] The economic expansion and growth in trade could exceed the expectations of other regional free trade areas such as the ASEAN Plus Three (ASEAN + China, South Korea and Japan).[36] Some criticisms include that the diversion of trade within APEC members would create trade imbalances, market conflicts and complications with nations of other regions.[35] The development of the FTAAP is expected to take many years, involving essential studies, evaluations and negotiations between member economies.[33] It is also affected by the absence of political will and popular agitations and lobbying against free trade in domestic politics.[33][37]

At the 2014 APEC summit in Beijing, APEC leaders agreed to launch "a collective strategic study" on the FTAAP and instruct officials to undertake the study, consult stakeholders and report the result by the end of 2016.[38] APEC Executive Director Alan Bollard revealed in the Elite Talk show that FTAAP will be APEC's big goal out into the future.[39]

The Trans-Pacific Partnership includes 12 of the 21 APEC members and has provisions for the accession of other APEC members, five of which have expressed interest in membership.

APEC Study Centre Consortium

In 1993, APEC Leaders decided to establish a network of APEC Study Centres (APCs) among universities and research institutions in member economies. The purpose is to foster cooperation among tertiary and research institutes of member economies, thus having better academic collaboration on key regional economic challenges. To encourage independence from the APEC conference, the APCs are funded independently and choose their own research topics.[40]

As of December 2018, there are 70 APCs among the member economies. An annual conference is usually held in the host economy for that year.[40]

APEC Business Advisory Council

The APEC Business Advisory Council (ABAC) was created by the APEC Economic Leaders in November 1995 with the aim of providing advice to the APEC Economic Leaders on ways to achieve the Bogor Goals and other specific business sector priorities, and to provide the business perspective on specific areas of co-operation.[41][42]

Each economy nominates up to three members from the private sector to ABAC. These business leaders represent a wide range of industry sectors. ABAC provides an annual report to APEC Economic Leaders containing recommendations to improve the business and investment environment in the Asia-Pacific region, and outlining business views about priority regional issues. ABAC is also the only non-governmental organisation that is on the official agenda of the APEC Economic Leader's Meeting.[43]

Annual APEC economic leaders' meetings

Since its formation in 1989, APEC has held annual meetings with representatives from all member economies. The first four annual meetings were attended by ministerial-level officials. Beginning in 1993, the annual meetings are named APEC Economic Leaders' Meetings and are attended by the heads of government from all member economies except Taiwan, which is represented by a ministerial-level official. The annual Leaders' Meetings are not called summits.

Meeting developments

In 1997, the APEC meeting was held in Vancouver. Controversy arose after officers of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police used pepper spray against protesters. The protesters objected to the presence of autocratic leaders such as Indonesian president Suharto.[44][45][46][47][48][49]

At the 2001 Leaders' Meeting in Shanghai, APEC leaders pushed for a new round of trade negotiations and support for a program of trade capacity-building assistance, leading to the launch of the Doha Development Agenda a few weeks later. The meeting also endorsed the Shanghai Accord proposed by the United States, emphasising the implementation of open markets, structural reform, and capacity building. As part of the accord, the meeting committed to develop and implement APEC transparency standards, reduce trade transaction costs in the Asia-Pacific region by 5 percent over 5 years, and pursue trade liberalisation policies relating to information technology goods and services.

In 2003, Jemaah Islamiah leader Riduan Isamuddin had planned to attack the APEC Leaders Meeting to be held in Bangkok in October. He was captured in the city of Ayutthaya, Thailand by Thai police on 11 August 2003, before he could finish planning the attack.

Chile became the first South American nation to host the Leaders' Meeting in 2004. The agenda of that year was focused on terrorism and commerce, small and medium enterprise development, and contemplation of free agreements and regional trade agreements.

The 2005 Leaders' Meeting was held in Busan, South Korea. The meeting focused on the Doha round of World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations, leading up to the WTO Ministerial Conference of 2005 held in Hong Kong in December. Weeks earlier, trade negotiations in Paris were held between several WTO members, including the United States and the European Union, centred on reducing agricultural trade barriers. APEC leaders at the summit urged the European Union to agree to reduce farm subsidies. In a continuation of the climate information sharing initiative established by the APEC Climate Network working group, it was decided by the leaders to install the APEC Climate Center in Busan. Peaceful protests against APEC were staged in Busan, but the meeting schedule was not affected.

At the Leaders' Meeting held on 19 November 2006 in Hanoi, APEC leaders called for a new start to global free-trade negotiations while condemning terrorism and other threats to security. APEC also criticised North Korea for conducting a nuclear test and a missile test launch that year, urging the country to take "concrete and effective" steps toward nuclear disarmament. Concerns about nuclear proliferation in the region was discussed in addition to economic topics. The United States and Russia signed an agreement as part of Russia's bid to join the World Trade Organization.

The APEC Australia 2007 Leaders' Meeting was held in Sydney from 2–9 September 2007. The political leaders agreed to an "aspirational goal" of a 25% reduction of energy intensity correlative with economic development.[50] Extreme security measures including airborne sharpshooters and extensive steel-and-concrete barricades were deployed against anticipated protesters and potential terrorists. However, protest activities were peaceful and the security envelope was penetrated with ease by a spoof diplomatic motorcade manned by members of the Australian television program The Chaser, one of whom was dressed to resemble the Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.

The APEC Chile 2019, originally to be held 16–17 November 2019 in Chile, was cancelled due to ongoing protests by sections of its population over inequality, the cost of living and police repression.[51]

APEC leaders' group photo

At the end of the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting, the leaders gather for the official APEC Leaders' Family Photo. A tradition has the leaders dressing to reflect the culture of the host member. The tradition dates to the first such meeting in 1993 when then-U.S. President Bill Clinton insisted on informal attire and gave the leaders leather bomber jackets. At the 2010 meeting, Japan had the leaders dress in smart casual rather than the traditional kimono.[52] Similarly, when Honolulu was selected in 2009 as the site for the 2011 APEC meeting, U.S. President Barack Obama joked that he looked forward to seeing the leaders dressed in "flowered shirts and grass skirts". After viewing previous photos, and concerned that having the leaders dress in aloha shirts might give the wrong impression during a period of economic austerity, Obama instead decided it might be time to end the tradition. Leaders were given a specially designed aloha shirt as a gift but were not expected to wear it for the photo.[53] Leaders in Bali, Indonesia at the 2013 conference wore a batik outfit; in China 2014 Tang suit jackets; in the Philippines 2015 Barong Tagalogs; in Peru 2016 vicuna wool shawls; in 2017 Vietnamese silk shirts.[54]


APEC has been criticised for promoting free trade agreements that would impose restrictions on national and local laws, which regulate and ensure labour rights, environmental protection and safe and affordable access to medicine.[55] According to the organisation, it is "the premier forum for facilitating economic growth, cooperation, trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific region" established to "further enhance economic growth and prosperity for the region and to strengthen the Asia-Pacific community".[56] The effectiveness and fairness of its role has been questioned, especially from the viewpoints of European countries that cannot take part in APEC[57] and Pacific Island nations that cannot participate but stand to be affected by its decisions.

See also

• ASEAN Free Trade Area
• Asia-Europe Meeting
• Asia-Pacific Trade Agreements Database
• East Asia Economic Caucus
• East Asia Summit
• Pacific Alliance
• Pacific Economic Cooperation Council
• List of country groupings
• List of multilateral free-trade agreements
Other organisations of coastal states
• Bay of Bengal Initiative
• Black Sea Economic Cooperation
• Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation
• Union for the Mediterranean


1. Due to the complexities of the relations between it and the People's Republic of China, the Republic of China (ROC or "Taiwan") is not represented under its official name "Republic of China" or as "Taiwan". Instead, it participates in APEC under the name "Chinese Taipei". The President of the Republic of China cannot attend the annual APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in person. Instead, it is generally represented by a ministerial-level official responsible for economic affairs or someone designated by the president. See List of Chinese Taipei Representatives to APEC.
2. "As of January 2012 ASEAN countries have 186 FTAs implemented, signed, under negotiation or under proposal/study, which is substantial progress since… 1992. The ASEAN+6 countries have a total of 339 FTAs, including between ASEAN countries and the '+6' countries."[34]
1. The de jure head of government of China is the Premier, whose current holder is Li Keqiang. The President of China is legally a ceremonial office, but the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (de facto leader in one-party communist state) has always held this office since 1993 except for the months of transition, and the current general secretary is President Xi Jinping.
2. The de jure head of government of Vietnam is the Prime Minister, whose current holder is Nguyễn Xuân Phúc. The President of Vietnam is legally a ceremonial office, but the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam (de facto leader in one-party communist state) has held this office since 2018, and the current general secretary is President Nguyễn Phú Trọng.


1. APEC. "Member Economies". Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Retrieved 24 September2016.
2. Member Economies – Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Retrieved 12 April 2014.
3. "PECC – Back to Canberra: Founding APEC". Retrieved 12 November 2017. ASEAN's series of post-ministerial consultations,launched in the mid-1980s, had demonstrated the feasibility and value of regular consultations among ministerial-level representatives of both developed and developing economies.
4. "History". The idea of APEC was firstly publicly broached by former Prime Minister of Australia Bob Hawke during a speech in Seoul, Korea, on 30 January 1969. Ten months later, 12 Asia-Pacific economies met in Canberra, Australia, to establish APEC.
5. ... -apec/file. Missing or empty |title= (help)
6. (PDF) The APEC Secretariat is based in Singapore. The Secretariat is staffed by 20 diplomats seconded from APEC member economies and by 20 local staff. Missing or empty |title= (help)
7. Chu, Shulong (NaN). "The East Asia Summit: Looking for an Identity". Brookings. APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) is the oldest such forum and is generally recognized as the highest-level multilateral process in Asia-Pacific. Check date values in: |date= (help)
8. "Achievements and Benefits".
9. "How Could The 2016 APEC Forum Affect The World Economy? – FXCM". FXCM Insights. 9 January 2017. Archived from the original on 16 September 2018. Retrieved 16 September 2018. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum represents a potentially large-scale trade area that, when functioning in a concerted manner, could in the future work to shift the axis of global manufacturing and trade away from the North Atlantic–European region toward the Pacific. [...] But the future of the bloc, which represents more than 50% of the world's GDP, may be in suspense.
10. Parreñas, Julius Caesar (January 1998). "ASEAN and Asia‐Pacific economic cooperation". The Pacific Review. 11 (2): 233–248. doi:10.1080/09512749808719255.
11. "What Context does the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC)Provide for Employment Relations?" (PDF). APEC represents the most dynamic economic region in the world, having generated nearly 70 per cent of global economic growth in its first 10 years [...].
12. Conditions not right for APEC attendance: Ma. The China Post (27 August 2013). Retrieved 12 April 2014.
13. "Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation -". Retrieved 12 November 2017.
14. Government of Canada, Foreign Affairs Trade and Development Canada. "Canada and the G20". GAC. Retrieved 12 November 2017.
15. "Deputy PM meets US State Secretary on G20 meeting sidelines – Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the United States". Retrieved 12 November2017.
16. Hong Kong joined APEC in 1991 during British administration with the name "Hong Kong." In 1997, Hong Kong became a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China and took the name "Hong Kong, China."
17. "APEC 'too busy' for free trade deal, says Canberra". 12 January 2007. Archived from the original on 2 January 2008. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
18. "Media Statement by the President of India upon the conclusion of his state visit to Papua New Guinea and New Zealand en route from Auckland to New Delhi". Retrieved 8 October2016.
19. "AFP: West worried India would tip APEC power balance: official". Agence France-Presse. 6 September 2007. Archived from the original on 5 November 2011. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
20. Lee, Matthew (20 July 2011). "Clinton urges India to expand influence". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 24 February 2015.
21. "MACAU DAILY TIMES – No negotiations on APEC membership". 21 February 2013. Archived from the original on 21 February 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2017.
22. Bhandari, Neena. "India Voice – India will have to wait for APEC membership". Retrieved 12 November 2017.
23. Leff, Alex (22 June 2011). "Costa Rica Inches Toward Coveted APEC Membership". Americas Quarterly. Retrieved 22 June 2011.
24. "Peru, Colombia seek closer Central America, APEC trade ties –". 29 August 2006. Archived from the original on 14 October 2007. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
25. "People's Daily Online – Ecuador seeks APEC accession in 2007". People's Daily. 8 October 2004. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
26. "People's Daily Online – Colombia seeks APEC membership in 2007: FM". People's Daily. 6 September 2006. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
27. "Transparency Reform Could Raise Trade by $148 Billion in APEC" Archived 30 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine John S. Wilson & Benjamin Taylor; Trade Facilitation Reform Research Brief, The World Bank. 2008.
28. "Russia joins the APEC Business Travel Card Scheme". Sapporo. 29 May 2010. Retrieved 5 August 2015.
29. Bergsten, C. Fred, "Toward a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific", Peterson Institute for International Economics Number Pb07-2. Pdf can be found via Google. Retrieved 9 November 2014.
30. "China-led RCEP trade talks to begin in May",, 25 April 2013. Retrieved 10 November 2014.
31. "China's President Xi touts 'Asia-Pacific dream' ahead of APEC summit", Deutsche Welle, 9 November 2014. Retrieved 9 November 2014.
32. Goodman, Lee-Anne, "Harper, Obama attend Asia-Pacific trade deal meeting in Beijing", The Canadian Press, 10 November 2014. Retrieved 10 November 2014.
33. "FTAAP". September 2007. Archived from the original on 20 September 2011. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
34. Chia Siow Yue. "The Emerging Regional Economic Integration Architecture in East Asia". Asian Economic Papers (MIT Press). Vol. 12, No. 1 (2013): p. 1-37
35. "Plan B for World Trade". Retrieved 4 November 2011. No reference to numbers of FTAs.
36. Policy Briefs in International Economics (PDF)
37. The Pacific Economic Cooperation Council – FTAAP Archived 24 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine. PECC. Retrieved 12 July 2013.
38. "APEC roadmap on FTAAP a historic decision: Xi". Xinhua News Agency, 11 November 2014
39. "Elite Talk: A talk with APEC chief Alan Bollard on China, FTAAP, New Silk Road". People's Daily Online, 10 November 2014
40. APEC Study Center Contortium Archived 1 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine
41. Online, Abac. "Home – APEC Business Advisory Council". Retrieved 12 November 2017.
42. "National Center for APEC – About ABAC". Archived from the original on 13 November 2017. Retrieved 12 November 2017.
43. "APEC Business Advisory Council (ABAC) – China APEC Development Council". Retrieved 12 November 2017.
44. Pue, W. Wesley (2000). Pepper in our Eyes: the APEC Affair. Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada: UBC Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-0779-1.
45. Wallace, Bruce (21 September 1998). "APEC Protest Controversy". Maclean's via The Canadian Encyclopedia. Historica Foundation of Canada. Archived from the original on 30 September 2007. Retrieved 6 September 2006.
46. Nuttall-Smith, Chris (27 November 1997). "APEC summit gets nasty at UBC". Varsity News. Sarah Galashan. Varsity Publications, Inc. Archived from the original on 13 October 2006. Retrieved 6 September 2006.
47. Schmidt, Sarah (6 January 1998). "Student protesters fight back for civil rights". Varsity News. Varsity Publications, Inc. Archived from the original on 13 October 2006. Retrieved 6 September2006.
48. "Civil rights group denounces attack on UBC students' APEC protests" (Press release). British Columbia Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA). 23 November 1997. Archived from the original on 5 October 2006. Retrieved 6 September 2006.
49. "Student member of BCCLA executive arrested!" (Press release). British Columbia Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA). 25 November 1997. Archived from the original on 5 October 2006. Retrieved 6 September 2006.
50. "Apec supports nuclear, agrees climate targets". World Nuclear News. 10 September 2007. Archived from the original on 4 October 2007. Retrieved 15 September 2007.
51. Phillips, Tom; Watts, Jonathan; Franklin, Jonathan (30 October 2019). "Chilean president cancels Apec and climate summits amid wave of unrest". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
52. "No kimonos for APEC leaders in Japan". Reuters. 11 November 2010. Archived from the original on 15 November 2010. Retrieved 12 November 2010.
53. "No aloha for Hawaiian shirts at APEC family photo". Honolulu Star-Advertiser. 13 November 2011. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
54. "Awkward Apec Fashion: what the world leaders wore". The Guardian. 8 November 2018. Retrieved 10 November 2018.
55. Gerhardt, Tina (11 November 2011). "America's Pacific Century?: APEC Summit in Hawaii Seeks to Implement Free Trade Agreement of the Asia Pacific Region". Commondreams. Archived from the original on 27 May 2013. Retrieved 26 December 2012.
56. "About APEC – Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation". Archived from the original on 19 November 2010.
57. "APEC—a pretty empty chatter". The Economist. 12 September 2007.
Further reading[edit]
• Fazzone, Patrick B. (2012). "The Trans-Pacific Partnership—Towards a Free Trade Agreement of Asia Pacific?". Georgetown Journal of International Law. 43 (3): 695–743. ISSN 1550-5200.
• Alkan, Abdulkadir (2014). "APEC 2014: Better diplomatic ties for better economic relations". Daily Sabah.

External links

• Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
• Congressional Research Service (CRS) Reports regarding APEC
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Mon Feb 17, 2020 4:00 am

Oji Paper Company
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/16/20

On my return to Japan, my countrymen received me with great enthusiasm, as the first explorer of Tibet from Japan. The Jiji, a daily newspaper in Tokyo, the most well-known, influential and widely read paper in Japan, and also a famous paper in Osaka, called the Maimichi, published my articles every day during 156 issues. After this, I collected all these articles and gave them for publication in two volumes to Hakubunkwan, a famous publisher in Tokyo. Afterwards some well-known gentlemen in Japan, Mr. Sutejiro Fukuzawa, Mr. Sensuke Hayakawa and Mr. Eiji Asabuki, proposed to me to get them translated into English. They also helped me substantially in this translation, and I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks to them for the favor thus conferred upon me.

-- Three Years in Tibet, by Shramana Ekai Kawaguchi

Reflecting the penetration of salaried managers on the boards of directors of large companies (including non-zaibatsu-affiliated companies) steadily increased until 1930.

One such salaried manager was Nakamigawa Hikojiro, an impressive figure who was a pioneer in that role in a zaibatsu-affiliated company. In 1891 Nakamigawa was assigned to the post of managing director of Mitsui Bank; the following year he assumed the office of deputy chief. At that time Mitsui Bank was undergoing a dire financial crisis with an accumulation of bad debts caused by its corporate structure, reflecting its privileged position in government -- Mitsui Bank had been acting as a central bank until the establishment of the Bank of Japan in 1882. Nakamigawa tackled the bank's restructuring by introducing and promoting a series of reforms, including the settlement of non-performing loans, the development of various industries by means such as investment and financing -- providing support to, among others, -- and the mass hiring of salaried managers. Nakamigawa had studied at the Keio School (now Keio University), and invited many graduates of the school to join the Mitsui family's businesses, including Asabuki Eiji, who moved from Mitsubishi and later became the chairman of Oji Paper; Fujiyama Raita, managing director of Oji Paper and president of Dai-Nippon Sugar; Muto Sanji, president of Kanegafuchi Spnning; Wada Toyoji, president of Fuji-Gas Spinning; Ikeda Seihin, director of both Mitsui Bank and Mitsui Gomei Kaisha, governor of the Bank of Japan, and minister of finance; Hibi Osuke, chairman of Mitsukoshi; Fujiwara Ginjiro, president of Oji Paper; and Kobayashi Ichizo, president of Hankyu Railway, president of tokyo Dento Kabushiki Gaisha, and minister of communications. All became representative salaried managers before the Second World War.

-- Ethical Capitalism: Shibusawa Eiichi and Business Leadership in Global Leadership in Global Perspective, edited by Patrick Fridenson, Kikkawa Takeo

Oji Holdings Corporation
Public (K.K)
Traded as TYO: 3861
Nikkei 225 Component
ISIN JP3174410005 Edit this on Wikidata
Industry Pulp and Paper
Founded (February 12, 1873)
Founder Ei-ichi Shibusawa
Headquarters 7-5, Ginza 4-chome, Chuo-ku, Tokyo 104-0061, Japan
Key people
Kiyotaka Shindo, (CEO and President)
Household paper products
Specialty papers
Lumber and pulp
Functional films
Adhesive products
Renewable energy
Revenue Increase $ 13.20 billion USD (FY 2012) (¥ 1,241 billion JPY) (FY 2012)
Net income
Increase $ 272.202 million USD (FY 2012) (¥ 25.6 billion JPY) (FY 2012)
Number of employees
Increase 27,360 (consolidated) (as of 31 March, 2013)
Subsidiaries 156 (86 in Japan and 70 overseas)
Website Official website
Footnotes / references

Oji Holdings Corporation (王子ホールディングス株式会社, Ōji Hōrudingusu Kabushiki-kaisha) is a Japanese manufacturer of paper products. In 2012 the company was the third largest company in the global forest, paper and packaging industry.[3] The company's stock is listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange and the stock is constituent of the Nikkei 225 stock index.[4]


Oji Paper produces paper for printing, writing, and packaging. It also manufactures containers made from paper products, chemicals used in the production of paper and paper packaging equipment.[1]

The company has 86 production sites throughout Japan, and forestry operations in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Germany, New Zealand and other countries worldwide.


Oji Paper Company was founded February 12, 1873 by industrialist Shibusawa Eiichi as Shoshi Kaisha (抄紙会社). Mills were established in 1875 in the village of Ōji, at the time a suburb of Tokyo, and in 1889 in Shizuoka. In 1893 Shibusawa renamed the company Oji Paper after the location of its first mill.[5] William Anderson went to Japan to oversee the erection of the paper mill in 1871.

In 1933, Oji Paper merged with Fuji Paper and Karafuto Industries, developing into an oligopolistic corporation that produced 80 percent of Japan's Western-style paper.

Following World War II, in order to prevent anti-competitive activities caused by overconcentration, the Excess Economic Powers Decentralization Act was implemented, breaking up the company into three components: Tomakomai Paper, Jujo Paper, and Honshu Paper.

Tomakomai Paper began as a one-plant operation, but upon its expansion into Kasugai, Aichi in 1952, the company was renamed Oji Paper Industries, and in 1960, it was renamed Oji Paper again. Oji Paper expanded its business through acquiring competitors including Kita Nippon Paper, Nippon Pulp Industries, and Toyo Pulp.

In 1993, Oji Paper merged with Kanzaki Paper to become New Oji Paper, and furthermore, in 1996, New Oji Paper and Honshu Paper merged again to become Oji Paper.

In 2012 Oji Paper transferred to a pure holding company system and started anew under the trade name Oji Holdings Corporation.[5]

See also

• Oji Eagles
• Pulp and paper industry
• Ginjiro Fujiwara


1. Jump up to:a b "Corporate Data". Retrieved March 21, 2014.
2. "Annual Report 2013" (PDF). Retrieved March 21, 2014.
3. "Global Forest, Paper & Packaging Industry Survey 2013 edition – survey of 2012 results" (PDF). PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP. Retrieved March 21, 2014.
4. "Components:Nikkei Stock Average". Nikkei Inc. Retrieved March 21, 2014.
5. "Company History". Retrieved March 21, 2014.

External links

• Official website (in English)
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Mon Feb 17, 2020 4:24 am

by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/16/20

Mitsui Group
Founded 1876; 144 years ago
(foundation of Mitsui & Co.)
Founder Masuda Takashi
Headquarters Tokyo Edit this on Wikidata, Japan Edit this on Wikidata
Area served
Products Food and beverage, industrial products, etc.
Services Financial services, real estate, retail, shipping, logistics, etc.
Website Edit this on Wikidata

Mitsui Group (三井グループ, Mitsui Gurūpu) is one of the largest keiretsu in Japan and one of the largest corporate groups in the world.

A keiretsu (Japanese: 系列, literally system, series, grouping of enterprises, order of succession) is a set of companies with interlocking business relationships and shareholdings. In the legal sense, it is a type of informal business group that are loosely organized alliances within the social world of Japan's business community.[1] The keiretsu maintained dominance over the Japanese economy for the second half of the 20th century, and to a lesser extent, the early 21st century.

The member's companies own small portions of the shares in each other's companies, centered on a core bank; this system helps insulate each company from stock market fluctuations and takeover attempts, thus enabling long-term planning in projects. It is a key element of the manufacturing industry in Japan.

-- Keiretsu, by Wikipedia

The major companies of the group include Mitsui & Co. (general trading company), Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, Sapporo Breweries, Toray Industries, Mitsui Chemicals, Isetan Mitsukoshi Holdings, Sumitomo Mitsui Trust Holdings, Mitsui Engineering & Shipbuilding, Mitsui O.S.K. Lines and Mitsui Fudosan.[1]


Edo period origins

Surugacho (Suruga Street) (1856), from One Hundred Famous Views of Edo, by Hiroshige, depicting the Echigoya kimono and money exchange store with Mount Fuji in background. Currently, the Mitsui Main Building (三井本館), which houses Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, Mitsui Fudosan, The Chuo Mitsui Trust and Banking Co. and Mitsui Memorial Museum, is located on the right side of the street. Mitsukoshi department store is on the left side.

Mitsui Main Building and Nihonbashi Mitsui Tower

Founded by Mitsui Takatoshi (1622–1694), who was the fourth son of a shopkeeper in Matsusaka, in what is now today's Mie prefecture. From his shop, called Echigoya (越後屋), Mitsui Takatoshi's father originally sold miso and ran a pawn shop business. Later, the family would open a second shop in Edo (now called Tokyo).

Takatoshi moved to Edo when he was 14 years old, and later his older brother joined him. Sent back to Matsutaka by his brother, Takatoshi waited for 24 years until his older brother died before he could take over the family shop, Echigoya. He opened a new branch in 1673;[2] a large gofukuya (kimono shop) in Nihonbashi, a district in the heart of Edo. This genesis of Mitsui's business history began in the Enpō era, which was a nengō meaning "Prolonged Wealth".

In time, the gofukuya division separated from Mitsui, and is now called Mitsukoshi. Traditionally, gofukuyas provided products made to order; a visit was made to the customer's house (typically a person of high social class or who was successful in business), an order taken, then fulfilled. The system of accountancy was called "margin transaction". Mitsui changed this by producing products first, then selling them directly at his shop for cash. At the time, this was an unfamiliar mode of operation in Japan. Even as the shop began providing dry goods to the government of the city of Edo, cash sales were not yet a widespread business practice.

At about this time, Edo's government had struck a business deal with Osaka. Osaka would sell crops and other material to pay its land tax. The money was then sent to Edo—but moving money was dangerous in middle feudal Japan. In 1683 the shogunate granted permission for money exchanges (ryōgaeten) to be established in Edo.[3] The Mitsui "exchange shops" facilitated transfers and mitigated that known risk.

Formation of Mitsui zaibatsu

After the Meiji Restoration, Mitsui was among the enterprises that were able to expand to become zaibatsu not simply because they were already big and rich at the start of modern industrial development. Firms like Mitsui and Sumitomo were led by non-family managers such as Minomura Rizaemon, who guided the business by accurately forecasting the coming political and economic situations, by acquaintance with high-ranking government officials or politicians, and bold investment.[4]

Mitsui's main business in the early period were drapery, finance and trade, the first two being the businesses it inherited from the Tokugawa Era. It entered into mining because it acquired a mine as collateral from the loan it had made, and partly because it could buy a mine cheaply from the government, Mitsui then diversified to become the biggest business in pre-war Japan. The diversification was made mainly into related fields to take advantage of accumulated capabilities; for instance, the trading company entered into chemicals to attain forward integration.[5]

On July 1, 1876, Mitsui Bank, Japan's first private bank, was founded with Takashi Masuda (1848–1938) as its president. Mitsui Bank, which following a merger with Taiyō-Kobe Bank in the mid 1980s became part of Sakura Bank, survives as part of the Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation. During the early 20th century, Mitsui was one of the largest zaibatsu, operating in numerous fields.

Mitsui Bank became the holding company of the Mitsui zaibatsu from 1876. It was joined as an ultimate parent company by Mitsui & Co. and Mitsui Mining in 1900, with various industrial concerns owned by various combinations of these companies and their subsidiaries.[6]

Likewise, Mitsui invested in maritime transportation to support its trading activities as well as invest in passenger transportation, first with the creation in 1878 of Osaka Shosen Kaisha (OSK), which was merged with Mitsui Steamship in 1964, to become Mitsui OSK Lines ('MOL'), which is today one of the largest ocean shipping groups in the world.

When the United Kingdom withdrew from the gold standard in 1931, during the height of the Great Depression, Mitsui Bank and Mitsui & Co. were found to have speculated around the transaction. This raised a political furor in Japan and resulted in the assassination of Mitsui executive Takuma Dan.[6]

World War II

As part of the Japanese plans for the exploitation of China, during the 1930s and '40s the subsidiary tobacco industry of Mitsui had started production of special "Golden Bat" cigarettes using the then-popular in the Far East trademark. Their circulation was prohibited in Japan and was used only for export. Local Japanese secret service under the controversial Imperial Japanese Army General Kenji Doihara had the control of their distribution in China and Manchuria where the production exported. Within the mouthpiece were small discreet doses of opium or heroin, and consequently millions of unsuspecting consumers became addicted to these narcotics, while huge profits were created for the company. The mastermind of the plan, Doihara, was later prosecuted and convicted for war crimes before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, sentenced to death; but no actions ever took place against the company which profited from their production. According to testimony presented at the Tokyo War Crimes trials in 1948, the revenue from the narcotization policy in China, including Manchukuo, was estimated in 20 million to 30 million yen per year, while another authority stated that the annual revenue was estimated by the Japanese military at US$300 million a year.[7][8]

During the Second World War, Mitsui employed American prisoners of war as slave laborers, some of whom were maimed by Mitsui employees.[9]

Postwar development as keiretsu

In 1947 and 1948, the Supreme Commander Allied Powers pressed the Japanese government to dismantle the ten largest zaibatsu conglomerates, including Mitsui. The Mitsui Group, now broken into many separate companies, reorganized itself as a horizontal coalition of independent companies in the 1950s, once the occupation of Japan had ended and some of the smaller companies were allowed to re-coalesce. The central firms in the keiretsu became Mitsui Bank and Mitsui & Co..[6]

Mitsui lagged somewhat behind its rivals Mitsubishi and Sumitomo Group in reorganization. Mitsui Bank, which should have been the mainstay and principal capital provider of the group, declined in size due to the collapse of the Imperial Bank after the war, which resulted in reduced cohesion of the conglomerate. Many companies that were once part of the Mitsui Group have become independent or tied to other conglomerates. Specifically, Toshiba, Toyota Motors, and Suntory, once part of the Mitsui Group, became independent, with the Toyota Group becoming a conglomerate in its own right. Ishikawajima-Harima Heavy Industries is now considered to be part of the Mizuho Group, and many companies in the Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group are now more closely tied to the Sumitomo Group than the Mitsui Group. Recently there have been signs that Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group and the Mitsubishi Group could be taking over other parts of the Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group. Mitsukoshi merged into Isetan, a major department store with close ties to the Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ, to form Isetan Mitsukoshi Holdings in April 2008.

Makeup of the Mitsui Group

Companies currently associated with the Mitsui keiretsu include Mitsui & Co., Sumitomo Mitsui Trust Holdings, Japan Steel Works, Mitsui Chemicals, Mitsui Construction Co., Mitsui Engineering & Shipbuilding, Mitsui Fudosan, Mitsui-gold, Mitsui Mining & Smelting Co., Ltd., Mitsui Oil Exploration Co. (MOECO), Mitsui O.S.K. Lines, Mitsui Petrochemical Industries Ltd, Mitsui-Soko, Mitsui Sumitomo Insurance Group, Oji Paper Company, Pacific Coast Recycling, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, Taiheiyo Cement, Toray Industries, Toshiba Corporation, Tri-net Logistics Management, Mitsui Commodity Risk Management [MCRM].

Mitsui companies which are in the Nikkei 225

• Mitsui & Co.
• Mitsui Chemicals
• Mitsui Engineering & Shipbuilding
• Mitsui Fudosan
• Mitsui Mining & Smelting Co., Ltd.
• Mitsui O.S.K. Lines
• Mitsui Sumitomo Insurance Group
• Mitsui Life Insurance Co.
• Mitsui-Soko Holdings
• Mitsui Mining & Smelting
• Nihon Unisys
• JA Mitsui Leasing
• Isetan Mitsukoshi Holdings
• Denka
• Oji Paper Company
• Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group
• Sumitomo Mitsui Trust Holdings
• Sumitomo Mitsui Construction
• Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation
• Shin Nippon Air Technologies
• Sapporo Brewery
• Sanki Engineering
• Aim Services Co., Ltd
• Toray Industries
• Toyo Engineering Corporation
• Toshiba
• Japan Steel Works

Other companies with close ties to the Mitsui Group

• Sony
• Ito-Yokado
• Sagami Railway
• Tokyo Broadcasting System
• Kanebo (Kao Corporation)
• Oriental Land
• Toyota Group
• Komatsu Limited
• Vale (mining company)
• Rio Tinto Group
• BHP Billiton
• Yamaha
• Yanmar
• Sims Metal Management – Mitsui owns 18% share capital in the company and is represented on its board.
• Columbia Asia
• IHH Healthcare Berhad – Mitsui owns 20.5% share capital in the company and is represented on its board.
• Greater Anglia – Mitsui owns 40% share of the British rail operator.
• West Midlands Trains - Mitsui owns 15% share of the British rail operator.

See also

• List of Japanese companies
• Mitsui family
• Mitsui & Co.
• Mitsui O.S.K. Lines
• Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group
• Mitsui Golden Glove Award


1. "Member Companies". Mitsui Public Relations Committee. Retrieved 23 April 2014.
2. Hall, John. (1970). Japan: From Prehistory to Modern Times, p. 290.
3. Shinjō, Hiroshi. (1962). History of the Yen: 100 Years of Japanese Money-economy, p. 11.
4. Odagiri, Hiroyuki (1996). Technology and Industrial Development in Japan. Oxford University Press. pp. 72–73. ISBN 0-19-828802-6.
5. Odagiri, Hiroyuki (1996). Technology and Industrial Development in Japan. Oxford University Press. p. 76. ISBN 0-19-828802-6.
6. Grabowiecki, Jerzy (March 2006). "Keiretsu groups: their role in the Japanese economy and a reference point (or paradigm) for other countries" (PDF). JETRO. Retrieved 23 April 2014.
7. Mitsui: Three Centuries of Japanese Business, pages 312-313, John G. Roberts, Weatherhill, ISBN 978-0-8348-0080-9. 1991
8. Encyclopedia of espionage, p.315, Ronald Sydney Seth, ISBN 978-0-385-01609-4, Doubleday, 1974
9. Unfinished Business, Foreign Policy, June 28, 2010
Pennington, Matthew (25 April 2015). "'The truth needs to be told' about Japan's war history, some vets say". Stars and Stripes. United States. Associated Press. Retrieved 25 April 2015.


• Hall, John Whitney. (1970). Japan: From Prehistory to Modern Times in Delacorte World History, Vol. XX. New York: Delacorte Press. ISBN 0-297-00237-6
• Shinjō, Hiroshi. (1962). History of the Yen: 100 Years of Japanese Money-economy. Kobe: Research Institute for Economics & Business Administration, Kōbe University.

External links

• Mitsui Public Relations Committee
• [1]
• [2]
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Mon Feb 17, 2020 8:15 am

Gregg Manners Sinclair
Accessed: 2/17/20

The [University of Hawaii] Press was established in 1947 at the initiative of University of Hawaiʻi President Gregg M. Sinclair.

-- University of Hawaii Press, by Wikipedia

University photo by Masao Miyamoto

GREGG MANNERS SINCLAIR, for whom Sinclair Library is named, served as fourth president of the University from 1942-1956. Born in St. Mary’s, Ontario, Canada, Sinclair earned a bachelor’s degree from the University of Minnesota in 1912 and a master’s degree from Columbia University in 1919, but did not obtain a doctorate. He taught English in Japan before coming to the University of Hawaii’s English department in 1928.

Sinclair Library

In modern parlance, Sinclair would be termed a “celebrity hound,” but he turned this interest to the University’s advantage and as a faculty member recruited many eminent people as guest lecturers to the University. Among these were Hamlin Garland, Christopher Morley, Thornton Wilder, Carl Sandburg, and Carl Van Doren. His interest in Japan led to the founding of the University’s Oriental Institute and he served as the first president of that institution. The Oriental Institute established the University’s role in international relations, and would later lead to the establishment of the federally funded East West Center in Hawaii. He was successful in bringing some of the world’s best minds to Hawaii for two East-West Philosophers’ Conferences, supported by a series of notables ranging from maharajas to America’s most wealthy.

The Asia Collection is the most significant collection of Asian materials in the State of Hawaii. It dates from 1920, when the University of Hawaii Board of Regents established the Japanese Department. The Oriental Institute was established in 1930 to support study of China, India and Japan. The East-West Center (EWC) acquired the vernacular language (CJK) materials of the Oriental Library in 1962. The Research Libraries of the EWC expanded the scope of Asia regional studies to include Korea and all countries in South and Southeast Asia. In 1970, the Asia Collection was transferred from the EWC back to the University of Hawaii Library.

-- Hamilton Library (Hawaii), by Wikipedia

During Hawaii’s war years, Sinclair as University president succeeded in maintaining and developing university programs under exceedingly difficult conditions.

At his side when he was on the English faculty and later University president was the remarkable Marjorie Putnam Sinclair whom he married in 1938. She was twenty-five years his junior. Their natures complemented one another in that, while Sinclair was attracted to eminent people, Marjorie’s interest was in the textures of ancient societies. She was to become a prominent novelist of Hawaii, while ably managing to serve as the University’s first lady and as hostess for Sinclair’s frequent and famous guests.

After his 1956 retirement, Sinclair was Chairman of the Citizen’s Advisory Commission on Statehood for Hawaii and an influential member of the Democratic Party.


Judge Wimberly: What we would like to have you do is file any statement you may have prepared, for the record, and then make any statements you wish to make.

Mr. Gregg M. Sinclair: My name is Gregg M. Sinclair, president of the University of Hawaii.

I should like to submit for the record a statement, or a series of statements, from the university people; 12 such statements, including 1 from myself. These give various facets of the statehood question and I think show that Hawaii is entitled to statehood. Now, in addition to that, I would like to make a few further statements.

These statements were made at a luncheon which we held at the university in the regents' room, a luncheon in honor of Judge Wimberly and Mr. Longley, and I ask the staff members to put down in brief compass what they had said, because I have been so impressed by the variety of arguments and the manner in which they were given -- the manner in which the points of view were given.

(The matter referred to is as follows:)


I believe that Hawaii is entitled to statehood for two reasons:

1. Hawaii would pass with a high grade every test that has ever been required of any Territory that ever became a State at any time in our history. I refer to such objective tests as population, taxation, business, literacy, school system -- the orderly and successful conducting of its business of living.

2. The granting of statehood to Hawaii would not only be valuable to the citizens of the Territory but would be of very great value to all Americans. Hawaii's contribution in the war demonstrated that it is ideally located as a vantage point for the people of our country. By granting statehood to Hawaii, the Government would project the idea of democracy 2,000 miles nearer the continents where we are likely to do more business in the twentieth, twenty-first, and twenty-second centuries than we have ever done before. The granting of statehood to Hawaii would have a profound effect upon the peoples of Asia. This may be indicated by this incident: When the House of Representatives at Washington passed the enabling act, the news was heralded in India, as reported by Dr. Charles A. Moore, head of our philosophy department, who is now a Guggenheim fellow in India. He stated that this news made the front pages of the Madras and Calcutta newspapers.

Two arguments have always been used against the granting of statehood to Hawaii:

1. That Hawaii is not contiguous to any other State. This argument might have been valuable in 1850, although when California was admitted as a State it was not contiguous to any other State, but there were land masses over which soldiers might travel to California if necessary. I cannot regard this argument as very effective in this age of science, however. It is obvious that Hawaii is closer to the Capital of our country, by any real test, than was any Territory at the time of its admission to the Union. We have radio service; we have news services; we have constant contacts with the mainland, something that very few of the States had at the time of their admission. This fact of Hawaii's noncontiguity was considered at the time it was made a Territory, and it did not seem an insurperable objection to the majority of Senators and Representatives.

2. Our racial composition: I believe the work of our civilians and local soldiers during the war reduced this objection to the minimum. Anyone who lived here in Hawaii during the war years must have a deep sense of appreciation of the fine American qualities of our population. Our people met the greatest test that has ever been forced upon a large segment of our people, and they met the test beautifully. It is inconceivable that any section of our country will ever again have to meet such a test as our Americans of Japanese ancestry met from 1941 to 1945. They acted as Americans because they are Americans.

I fell, therefore, that these two arguments against the granting of statehood to Hawaii are untenable. I feel that Hawaii is as ready for statehood as it will ever be and that if statehood is granted both Hawaii and the country will be the better for it.

-- Statehood for Hawaii: Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Territories and Insular Affairs of the Committee on Public Lands, United States Senate, Eightieth Congress, Second Session on H.R. 49 and S. 114, Bills to Enable the People of Hawaii to Form a Constitution and State Government and to Be Admitted Into the Union on An Equal Footing with the Original States, January 5-20, 1948, Washington, D.C., April 15, 1948

Honors continued to come, among them the “Order of the Sacred Treasure, Second Class” awarded by the Emperor of Japan. He also tried, none too successfully, novel writing. Sinclair died in 1976. In 1980 Marjorie Sinclair married the literary giant Leon Edel, a long-time friend of the Sinclairs.



* Building a Rainbow (Hui O Students, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1983)
* Day, A Grove, History Makers of Hawaii (Mutual, 1984)
* Nickerson, Thomas. “A University Comes of Age; the Administration of Gregg M. Sinclair.” Alumni News, July 1955: 3-23.


"Above All Nations Is Humanity": "Maluna a'e o na lahui a pau ke ola ke kanaka"
by Kalidas Nag, M.A., University of Calcutta, D. Litt., University of Paris[Dr. Kalidas Nag, Visiting Professor in the Oriental Institute of the University of Hawaii, delivered this address at the Annual Commencement of the University, June 22, 1937.]
University of Hawaii Bulletin
Volume 16, Number 8, June, 1937


My predecessor on this platform, Dr. Edwin R. Embree, President of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, told you last year of his grand aspiration and his realistic dream: the birth of the "New Civilization" through the "mingling of the East and West." Some dreams are just fantastic and illusory; others are based on our deepest longings and hopes, peopling the world of our subconscious being, and hence their potency and positive character.

In a 1944 address in Nashville, Tennessee, on July 4—provocative both for its timing and its substance—[Edwin R. Embree] proclaimed the coming of a new order in race relations and international affairs. The war, he predicted, would shift the center of world politics from Europe and the Atlantic to Asia and the Pacific. China and Japan would be major powers, demanding equal status with the U.S., Great Britain, and the Soviet Union and, he asserted, they would expect fair treatment for their distant relatives in North America. More than a year before Japan’s surrender, with the battle for Saipan raging as he spoke, he cautioned against an occupation of the conquered country based on vengeance, rather than one that would allow the Japanese people to divest themselves of their military rulers and become a force for world peace.

-- Edwin Embree As Exemplar: How One Philanthropic Leader Confronted Racial Prejudice During The Second World War, by Alfred Perkins

The Orient suffered from serious historical mutilations and psychological distortions but it is a reality in human history. So, too, the Occident is very much of a reality today, almost dictating the pace of the modern world. Politically and economically the East and the West have often been found to be in conflict, because of maladjustments and misunderstandings. Culturally, the two hemispheres of Humanity are indispensable partners in a vast cosmic drama. These are not mere figures of speech but basic realities. And speaking on this solemn occasion, before my departure from this noble University to participate in the World Conference on Education in Tokyo, which takes as its major topic of discussion "A Twentieth Century Program of Education," I beg leave to affirm that our future education should and must be based on an adequate synthesis of eastern and western cultures. With all its aggressive sense of superiority, western education and culture appear today to be terribly inadequate, judged from the standpoint of moral progress and peace for mankind. So, with all its traditions of spirituality and renunciation, the eastern life and society are darkened today by an atmosphere of poverty, despair, and ignorance dangerously subversive to the world order. The western methods of dividing and dominating the East are doomed to failure; and no less so the eastern reactions against the West, either to treat it as a dangerous "enemy" or a successful "barbarian."

It is indeed a tragic irony of history that the two sister civilizations, so complementary to one another, have not yet found their "Laboratory of Synthesis" in most of our universities of the East and the West. Western science and technology are invading the eastern schools and colleges, divorced pathetically from the correctives of the creative life of the West manifested through her Arts and Literature. So, also, a sprinkling of "Orientalism" is found in the western institutes of higher education in their syllabi of Sociology, Anthropology, Comparative Philology, and such other humanistic studies. But even academic approaches of the Occident to the Orient are vitiated often by an unconscious condescension, a veiled imperialism, or colonialism actual or potential. Thus even the so-called modern Humanities are tainted by the original sin of "the un-human"; and consequently our observations and studies are just materials for the exploitation of one another's weaknesses!

When and how should we organize a new World Education Board, based on mutual respect and cooperation, which alone can drag us out of this quagmire of suspicion and hatred, threatening the peace of the world? This is a challenging question which has to be faced and answered, not only by our universities and cultural organizations but also by our political and economic trusts which are facing today the serious charge of betrayal of trusts! We accuse no one, and we invite one and all in reorganizing the World Trust, without which world security and peace are mere illusions. With malice for none and charity for everyone, we shall join hands, men and women of today and tomorrow, to rebuild the neglected and often desecrated Temple of Humanity, singing in chorus with our whole soul the sublime song of the Pacific expressed in the words inscribed at the entrance gate of this University, both in the musical Hawaiian language and in English:

"Maluna a'e o na lahui a pau ke ola ke kanaka."
"Above All Nations Is Humanity."

Facing, as I do, the representatives of some of the outstanding nations of East and West, here under the harmonious sky of Hawaii, I cannot help expressing some of the doubts and aspirations of our generation. Doubts, if any, have got to be boldly faced; and aspirations severely tested in the light of reality. I know that many of us have become skeptical about the possibility of our nationhood naturally evolving into Humanity. Some are asserting that to reach Humanity one must outgrow nationhood. That again appearing to be a problematic, nay dangerous, experiment, some swing to the opposite extreme, saying that to safeguard our nationhood we must throw overboard the cult of Humanity!

A few of us suspect, however, that whether we like it or not we float, move and have our being on the infinite ocean of Humanity which ultimately supports and regulates the variegated flotilla of diverse nations. Each nation-boat may imagine itself to be self-contained and independent of the others; but all of them stagnate or push forward according to their special rhythmic adjustments with the deep undercurrents of the ocean of Humanity. It is sheer foolhardiness to ignore the ocean while we are lost in our special dances on our particular boats. It may be wise and graceful to adjust our steps with the elemental rhythms of the dancing waves. Our sophisticated civilization has a fair chance of surviving if it learns the moral lesson of the superb technique of Hawaiian surf-riding. Every nation from East or West, must learn this basic rhythm of Humanity or be engulfed for good. Several apparently invincible nations have thus been submerged in history, emerging only as archaeological fossils of a dead past, crowding the galleries of our museums. The lesson of history is clear and it is for us of this modern age to make a choice: suicide or survival, war and extermination or peace and fulfillment of life? The twentieth century confronts us with this life-and-death question. Our entire thought and action should grapple with these vital issues if we are objective enough to visualize the future, and realistic enough to accept the lessons of science and history.

We know that despair and doubts are darkening our horizon today. From the awful experience of the last World War we learned what a penalty we shall have to pay if we follow again blindly the dictates of egotism and greed, leading inevitably to violence and war. Europe tried that path and may try it again and again. Asia, older in age and experience, ever speaks through her great seers that it is wiser to renounce than to grab, and that peace is more effective than war in the social economy and hygiene of Humanity. Twenty-five centuries ago India promulgated through her great sons, Mahavira and Buddha, the great principles of Non-violence (ahimsa) and Fraternity (maitri). The selfsame messages go out to the world from the makers of modern India, as Gandhi and Tagore.

Ram mohun Roy (1772-1833), the Father of Modern Indian Renaissance, and a junior contemporary of George Washington, sounded the keynote through his essays on comparative religion, harmonizing the apparently conflicting creeds of the East and the West, of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity, laying the foundation of the first Universalist Church (Brahmo Samaj) of India. Freedom of speech and self-expression for all men and women, freedom of worship, freedom for womanhood and her equality with man are some of the problems tackled in a spirit of tolerance and peace which so endeared him to Jeremy Bentham that he saluted Rammohun Roy as his "beloved collaborator in the service of Humanity." The history of India from Rammohun Roy to Tagore and Gandhi is that of a progressive humanization. So it is but natural that two of our leaders of Asiatic Renaissance, Tagore and Gandhi, are deeply interested in the noble experiment that America is making here in the heart of the Pacific. Before sailing from India to join the University of Hawaii, I requested Mahatma Gandhi to send a message to the students of this University, and these are his words:

"I have no inspiring message to give to anybody if non-violence is not its own message. But I can state my own experience of nearly fifty years of practice that there is no force known to mankind which is equal to non-violence. It cannot however be learned through books. It has got to be lived."

-- MKGandhi

Here Gandhi is speaking not simply for his own people but for Humanity as a whole. Those who accept Gandhi only as a national leader do not know his preoccupations for the welfare of mankind, irrespective of creed or color. When America was celebrating the fourth centenary of her discovery, in 1893, Gandhi was opening his heroic campaign of non-violent resistance to the inhuman treatment of man by man in South Africa.

Though Gandhi was concerned for the plight of the Indians of South Africa, he shared the racist beliefs of the Theosophists. Of white Afrikaaners and Indians, he wrote: “We believe as much in the purity of races as we think they do.” Gandhi lent his support to the Zulu War of 1906, volunteering for military service himself and raising a battalion of stretcher-bearers. Gandhi complained of Indians being marched off to prison where they were placed alongside Blacks, “We could understand not being classed with whites, but to be placed on the same level as the Natives seemed too much to put up with. Kaffirs [Blacks] are as a rule uncivilized—the convicts even more so. They are troublesome, very dirty and live like animals.”

Gandhi and Mussolini became friendly when they met in December 1931, with Gandhi praising the Duce's "service to the poor, his opposition to super-urbanization, his efforts to bring about a coordination between Capital and Labour, his passionate love for his people." He also advised the Czechs and Jews to adopt nonviolence toward the Nazis, saying that "a single Jew standing up and refusing to bow to Hitler's decrees" might be enough "to melt Hitler's heart."

-- The Untold Story of Gandhi and Theosophy, by David Livingstone

His activities aroused the attention of no less a personality than Leo Tolstoy. The venerable author of "War and Peace" exchanged several letters with Gandhi which you may read in the volume "Tolstoy and the Orient," published by Paul Birukoff, the disciple of the Russian sage in the last few years of his life.

A little earlier, about 1888, another great thinker and artist of Europe, Romain Rolland who would be the noblest interpreter of Gandhi and his non-violence in the West, also corresponded with Tolstoy. Privileged to collaborate with Mon. Rolland in his study on "Mahatma Gandhi," I saw in 1923, in his Swiss home, the original letter of Tolstoy in reply to the poignant questionings of that adolescent French artist who immortalized himself by writing the epic novel "Jean Christophe" and his Lives of Illustrious Men: Beethoven, Michael Angelo, and Tolstoy. Spending his last days studying Oriental religions, Tolstoy left this world in 1910; and within four years the so-called civilized world plunged itself into an orgy of destruction and carnage rarely paralleled in history. The old world motto "Love Thy Neighbor" was coolly replaced by "Kill Thy Brother!" In the face of that awful sacrilege against all religions, Rolland, the symbol of the awakened conscience of the West, wrote that magnificent vindication of humanity: "Above the Battlefield" and his "Appeal" to the elite of all nations to save modern civilization from utter wreckage. Since then, for the last twenty years, Romain Rolland, the master interpreter of music and musicians, has been trying to hold aloft the torch of Humanity in this age of nationalistic obscurantism. It is a rare privilege for me to make his solemn voice also join in this superb symphony of the souls of many nations which naturally drew the sympathy of the great European harmonist. Receiving from me an account of the quiet and constructive work of my friends of this American territory, radiating inter-racial amity, and specially hearing about the noble outlook of internationalism in our University of Hawaii, Romain Rolland sent me by air mail the following lines:

"I am happy to feel the growth of this new family. We are brothers born of the same spirit of human unity and universal communion. Those who are realizing that in harmony, are happy indeed in that Eden of Hawaii. Here, where I am, in Europe, we must accomplish the same through the tumult of strifes. We are the archers of the Gita. We do not fight ourselves; we fight for the welfare and liberty of all those to come and to build the grand Union of all Nations, the sovereign harmony rich and complex; the symphony which weaves into one garland the beautiful and embracing accords of the whole earth....

To fraternal friends
Of all nations
at the University of Hawaii
With my affectionate greetings.


These words of the most musical prophet of modern internationalism will, I am sure, gladden your hearts, my friends and students of this University: Hawaiians, Americans, Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, and Portuguese -- all enjoying a common culture in a common democracy. I urge you young graduates, going out to the world, to be proud of your Alma Mater and to serve the cause so nobly championed by her. I strengthen my appeal by reminding you of the prophetic words of a great American who addressed you last year: "A population descended from the various stocks of Europe and Asia, from Polynesia and the other islands of the Pacific, is here making a new race and a new culture . . . Appropriately enough, the birthplace of this new culture, compounded of the best of the East and the West, is in the group of islands situated midway between the western world and the Orient."1

India of three hundred and fifty million souls, that vast sub-continent of many races, religions, and cultures, would always be with you in your pursuit of cultural fellowships which is the keynote of Indian history and which, I hope, will be the guiding light of all national histories. My Alma Mater, the University of Calcutta, to which I am grateful for this opportunity to serve you for a while, is so glad to learn about your bold experiment that our Vice Chancellor presented your library with all our research publications -- an example which will be followed by many other universities and learned societies of India.

Through ages India maintained the proud tradition of free cultural exchange, ever since the days of our ancient universities of Taxila and Nalanda. And modern India, nay the entire New Orient, would ever be proud of the fact that its greatest living poet-philosopher, Tagore, came to vindicate Humanity insulted and crucified by the "carnivorous and cannibalistic" nationalism during the last world war. As early as 1899 Tagore wrote that soul-stirring poem "The Sunset of the Century." So in 1917, with the unerring judgment of a prophet, Tagore exposed in his "Nationalism" the festering sores of our modern history. Returning in 1921 from the devastated areas of war-mad Europe, Tagore, with little else but his grand dream to support him, transformed his rural school of Santiniketan into the first international university of India, the Visva Bharati. Here Asiatics, Africans, Europeans, and Americans, Christians and non-Christians, have found their haven of meditation for the welfare of Humanity in that "Abode of Peace." As a member of its governing body, I had the honor of introducing your Professor Sinclair to our venerable Founder-President; and the poet-laureate of Asia, on behalf of India and the Orient, gave this benediction on the Oriental Institute of the University of Hawaii:

"I congratulate the authorities of the Hawaii University for the wise step they have taken in starting an Oriental Institute under its auspices. For this distracted world of ours nothing is perhaps so much needed today as a proper understanding between and appreciation of the cultures of the East and the West. That also is the mission of my university Visva Bharati. Hawaii, situated as it is in the midst of the seas that separate the East from the West, is preeminently fitted to be the center of such an institute and I offer it my best wishes for a glorious and useful career."

-- Rabindranath Tagore


It is distinctly a pathological symptom, ominous for our human family, that while countless millions of men and women are hungering for peace, a few politicians are stampeding the nations into rearmament, making war almost inevitable. Collective security is a pious fraud if it is only regional and not universal. It is regrettable that while the experts of the International Labor Office and of the League of Nations are bringing out indisputable evidences showing that cooperation is the only solution of our tragic problems, the tariff walls and muffled war drums are threatening us on all fronts, western and eastern. But, towering high above these vagaries of nationalistic politics and economics, are the clear verdicts of the "Representative Men" of the East and the West. Numerically negligible yet spiritually invincible, these poets, philosophers and philanthropists -- our Tagores, Rollands, and Gandhis -- declare with one voice that the basic religion of mankind is just to be human and that "Humanity is above all Nations."

So, before taking leave of you, I beg to entrust to you of the newborn Pacific race, my concrete dream of a "Laboratory of Human Relations." This University of Hawaii is to me more than a chance experiment of America in the field of international education. It plays the symbolical role of reconciling the glorious traditions of American democracy with the noble Hawaiian traditions of good-will and welcome for all. Its departments of culture show a rare potentiality of expansion and growth with a rich variety in its ethnic basis and with the immense horizon of its geographical situation.

Before developing the story of my Dream-Laboratory, I sketch here the outline of the cultural chart of America's collaboration with her neighbors. Hawaii is culturally connected with New Zealand and the South Pacific cultures through Tahiti. Situated on the crossroads of transpacific liners and clippers, Hawaii is the most valuable and convenient base for American relations with entire Polynesia and Indonesia, through Japan and China, right up to the farthest western base of America in the Orient, the Philippines. There America, true to her democratic traditions, is going to make the first sincere experiment in autonomy for her Filipino citizens. In the new regime of national self-government, the University of the Philippines and allied institutions, if properly developed would, I hope, render a great service by keeping America in intimate relations with French Indo-China, the Dutch East Indies, India, and the Middle East.

Privileged to inaugurate in this University the first series of lectures on the history, thought and culture of the living nations of India and the Near East, I was deeply impressed by the genuine interest in the subject evinced by the students and the public attending the lectures. Compared with Great Britain, France, and Germany, the United States of America was late in entering the field of Oriental studies, especially of India. She has compensated, however, for her loss of time by her generous investments in archaeological explorations and cultural activities in the Near and the Far East, through her great museums, the American Association of Learned Societies, the American Oriental Society, and other similar organizations. Several American universities and museums are excavating in the sites of the dead civilizations in Egypt and Iraq, in Turkey and Persia. The University of Chicago has developed its grand Oriental Institute. Columbia University has its series of Indo-Iranian classics, and Harvard its Oriental Series mainly devoted to India, and its Yenching Foundation attending to Chinese culture. The pre-historic civilizations of the Indus Valley are being explored by the American Association of Learned Societies and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. So, Yale University sent several expeditions to the sub-Himalayan regions in search of the fossil man. Yale also shows keen interest in Polynesian studies, as we find from her intimate collaboration with the Bishop Museum which, with its wonderful collections and research records, is a real pride of Hawaii. The scientific activities of the Bishop Museum are supplemented by the young yet most promising Academy of Arts of Honolulu which very appropriately tries to cultivate in the public of Hawaii, not forgetting its most important element, the children, a taste in Oriental art. So the Pan-Pacific Union, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Anthropological and Sociological Societies are doing admirable work in the last few years, cooperating with and supplementing the work of the University of Hawaii. The latter has already provided for the study of Japanese, Chinese and Indian cultures, as well as Hawaiian language and literature. This year, the University has taken a momentous step by inviting an expert musician to open systematic courses on Music. May it help to save from corruption and oblivion the noblest arts of Polynesia, its chants, and rhythms, its music and dances, finding, at last, their sanctuary at a conservatory of the University.

The diversity of human interests, the rich complexity of racial types and traditions in and around the University of Hawaii naturally signalize it as the most promising "Laboratory of Human Relations" that America can develop, here in the heart of the Pacific, for the better understanding of mankind.
I know that "human relations" and "better understanding" are phrases at the tip of the pen of almost every diplomat and journalist. Over-familiarity seems to have bred a silent contempt for such concepts in this age of refined cynicism. Yet I cannot help reiterating with all the conviction I command that the only way of revitalizing our studies and humanizing our sciences is the way of human relations. So, modifying a little the sonorous words of Danton in the age of the French Revolution, I wish to give to you, of the future generation, the following:

"L'humanite, encore l'humanite, tousjours l'humanite."
"Humanity, more humanity, always humanity!"

Human exploitation and race hatred must stop, or this civilization will just go. Every University of the world boasted of its department of Humanities, and yet owing to the lack of concrete touch of human relations the studies degenerated into dead analysis. That is why in the fire-baptism of mankind in the last World War, so many universities could easily betray human trusts. "Can Nations Be Neighbors?" is the challenging title of a book2 of the learned President of the University of Hawaii; and we can answer that question adequately if we can humanize our academic Humanities.

America rang the Liberty Bell for the whole human race a few years before the French Revolution and the grand Statue of Liberty was very appropriately installed at the entrance of the biggest American harbor on the Atlantic. America is a continent of many races, the dominant ones coming from across the Atlantic. Naturally we find, down to this day, that its academic, political, and cultural outlooks are severely circumscribed by the principles and prepossessions of the Atlantic civilization. This is an unbalanced and unhistorical attitude, as I could not help pointing out while attending, as a delegate from India, the World Writers Congress (P.E.N.) at Buenos Aires. In the crowded auditorium of the leading university of the Argentine Republic I asked and got reply to my question: Since the entire body of the two Americas extending from Alaska to Chile is irrigated, nourished, and built through countless ages by the waves of the immense Pacific, what provision has been made so far for the study of this much-neglected Pacific civilization? It has legitimate claims on full one-half of the body of the New World, and yet how few of the American universities and learned societies are Pacific-minded? The earliest colonizers of America, the pre-historic ancestors of the American Indian, came from the Orient, sometimes walking over the ice-bridges or crossing in skin boats which brought the daring folks across the islands to Alaska, as recently stated by Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, the distinguished anthropologist of the Smithsonian Institution. From that dim past down to our days the Pacific races and cultures have been negotiating with America. Yet, where is the clearing house of the information, not to speak of research centers of Pacific civilization?

Spending these few months in the human atmosphere of the University of Hawaii, fraternizing with the teachers and the students of so many different countries and nationalities, I have felt that this University is the most possible and propitious center for the study of Pacific civilization. Here I met, among the several scholars. of the Pacific basin, professors from Alaska in the north, to New Zealand in the south. So, teachers and students from China, Japan and India are working at our Oriental Institute harmoniously, amidst a thousand material handicaps, to develop a living synthesis of the East and the West, as original as it is comprehensive.
Our aim is not the necrology of scientific analysis, abstract and inhuman, but living reactions and interactions of the past, present and future.


So I hope that in this "Laboratory of Human Relations" of the University of Hawaii a new faculty of research on Pacific culture and a new chapter in world history may someday be developed through the cooperation and good-will of all nations as neighbors in this world-village. It is significant that two of the leading universities of America, Harvard and Yale, are already Pacific-minded, and I hope that others will follow their example when the case for centralizing Oriental and Pacific research in the University of Hawaii is convincingly demonstrated. Then the Carnegie Corporation would find it necessary to establish a Pacific Division of its Institute of Race Relations;

On August 16, 1947 University of Chicago President Robert M. Hutchins announced the formation of the Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations. Funded by equal grants of $75,000 from the Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation, the Committee was constituted to be a five-year program under the direction of Louis Wirth, professor of sociology.

-- Guide to the University of Chicago Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations Records 1944-1962, © 2009 University of Chicago Library

the Rockefeller Foundation would build here laboratories for the study of Oriental and Pacific hygiene; the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace would endow chairs for the study of peace problems of the Orient and Pacific zone. So also the Latin American universities, the universities of China and Japan, of the Philippines and of India, the scientific institutions of Indonesia and of the Near East would gradually come to collaborate with the University of Hawaii, which is the advance-guard of American culture in the Pacific and the Orient. It is the meeting ground of diverse nations of the East and the West. It deserves fully, and will surely draw in the near future, the material and moral support permitting it to fulfill its grand destiny.

Hawaii has often been called the "Geneva of the Pacific," and I plead for the progressive development of the University of Hawaii from a territorial institution into one of the grandest monuments of American internationalism -- a veritable "Pacific Foundation." So many millions have gone to the building up of the departments of Atlantic Civilization. Is it not overdue, this project of a special Foundation for the Study of Pacific Civilization? Arts and sciences, races and literatures would find their special libraries, museums and laboratories. Experts and researchers from all corners of the globe would come here to teach and to learn under this marvellous atmosphere of fellowship. The scholars all the world over would seek the publications of the Foundation for enlightenment; and original texts and translations from the Hawaii University Press would go to enrich the libraries and minds of the various nations.
Here is peace, propitious climate, and rare comradeship; only material resources and tools are lacking. Should the Temple of Humanity be postponed simply on that account?

The answer to this question must come primarily from America, although it should come simultaneously from all the nations immediately interested. If we believe in neighborliness as the soul of all religions, and peace as the real criterion of culture, we should try to make our dream a reality. America has installed the Statue of Liberty on her Atlantic basin. May America with the Pacific Foundation of the University of Hawaii dedicate, in the near future, the first statue of Humanity on the Pacific, announcing peace to all her neighbors! Some future Rodin may design that grand statue of Humanity bearing on the pedestal the noble motto of the University of Hawaii, "Above All Nations Is Humanity."

Our ancestors of the Vedic dawn left us the priceless legacy of world-vision through the following profound message: "To see the Self in the Universe, and the Universe in the Self, is the right seeing." A great philosopher of modern India in the Universal Races Congress (1911) pronounced, in keeping with our ancestral wisdom, that "Nationalism is but the halting stage in our onward march to Humanity." So, the greatest poet of India of today, in his Gitanjali which won the first Nobel Prize from the Orient, sang:

"Thou hast made me known to friends I knew not;
Thou hast given me seats in homes not my own;
Thou hast brought the distant near,
And made a brother of the stranger."

This initiation of individual Man into Humanity is the spiritual dowry of India, and I bring the same to you, my young friends of the University. May right endeavor bring you Unity. May right aspirations bring you Unity. May right achievement bring you Unity. Strive and thrive in rearing the Temple of Humanity. It is a task worthy of the future heroes and heroines of the world. I wish you all success, and conclude with the Vedic prayer which came to impregnate the soul of the Pacific as manifested in some of the fragments of the Polynesian Vedas:

"The One who, himself without colour, by the manifold application of his power
Distributes many colours in his hidden purpose
And into whom, its end and its beginning, the whole world dissolves -- He is God!
May He unite us all with propitious Wisdom!"




1 "The New Civilization: A Mingling of East and West," by Edwin R. Embree, University of  Hawaii Occasional Papers No. 30, July 1936.
2 "There is no greater task, no greater opportunity, confronting education than this: to teach the  nations of the world to understand their neighbors, to respect their neighbors as themselves. Let us educate for mental disarmament, with assurance that physical disarmament will then take care of itself." David Livingston Crawford, Can Nations Be Neighbors?, page 113. (Boston:  The Stratford Company, 1932).
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Mon Feb 17, 2020 10:31 am

Edwin Embree
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/17/20


Edwin Rogers Embree (1883–1950) was one of the former vice presidents of the Rockefeller Foundation, president of the Julius Rosenwald Foundation (also known as the Rosenwald Fund), a writer, and president of the Liberian Foundation.

The Rosenwald Fund (also known as the Rosenwald Foundation, the Julius Rosenwald Fund, and the Julius Rosenwald Foundation) was established in 1917 by Julius Rosenwald and his family for "the well-being of mankind." Rosenwald became part-owner of Sears, Roebuck and Company in 1895, serving as its president from 1908 to 1922, and chairman of its board of directors until his death in 1932. He became interested in social issues, especially education for African Americans in the rural South, which was segregated and chronically underfunded.

Before establishing the foundation, Rosenwald provided funding directly through Dr. Booker T. Washington of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute (now known as Tuskegee University), a historically black college (HBCU), to help support a model project to design and operate schools for black children in the rural South.

Unlike other endowed foundations, which were designed to fund themselves in perpetuity, the Rosenwald Fund was designed to expend all of its funds for philanthropic purposes before a predetermined "sunset date." It donated over $70 million to public schools, colleges and universities, museums, Jewish charities, and black institutions before funds were completely depleted in 1948.

The rural school building program for African-American children was one of the largest programs administered by the Rosenwald Fund. Over $4.4 million in matching funds stimulated construction of more than 5,000 one-room schools (and larger ones), as well as shops and teachers' homes, mostly in the South, where public schools were segregated and black schools had been chronically underfunded. This was particularly so after disenfranchisement of most blacks from the political system in southern states at the turn of the 20th century. The Fund required white school boards to agree to operate such schools and to arrange for matching funds, in addition to requiring black communities to raise funds or donate property and labor to construct the schools. These schools, constructed to models designed by architects of Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute (now known as Tuskegee University), became known as "Rosenwald Schools." In some communities, surviving structures have been preserved and recognized as landmarks for their historical character and social significance. The National Trust for Historic Preservation has classified them as National Treasures.

The Rosenwald Fund also made fellowship grants directly to African-American artists, writers, researchers and intellectuals between 1928 and 1948. Civil rights leader Julian Bond, whose father received a Rosenwald fellowship, has called the list of grantees a "Who's Who of black America in the 1930s and 1940s."[1] Hundreds of grants were disbursed to artists, writers and other cultural figures, many of whom became prominent or already were, including photographer Gordon Parks Jr., Elizabeth Catlett, poets Claude McKay, Dr. Charles Drew, Augusta Savage, anthropologist and dancer Katherine Dunham, singer Marian Anderson, writers Ralph Ellison, W.E.B. Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark, dermatologist Theodore K. Lawless,[2] and poets Langston Hughes, Maya Angelou and Rita Dove.[3][4] Fellowships of around $1,000 to $2,000 were given out yearly to applicants and were usually designed to be open-ended; the Foundation requested but did not require grantees to report back on what they accomplished with the support.

In 1929, the Rosenwald Fund funded a syphilis treatment pilot program in five Southern states. The Rosenwald project emphasized locating people with syphilis and treating them, during a time when syphilis was widespread in poor African-American communities.[5] The Fund ended its involvement in 1932, due to lack of matching state funds (the Fund required jurisdictions to contribute to efforts to increase collaboration on solving problems). After the Fund ceased its involvement, the federal government decided to take over the funding and changed its mission to being a non-therapeutic study. The infamous Tuskegee syphilis study began later that year, tracking the progress of untreated disease, and took advantage of poor participants by not informing them fully of its constraints. Even after penicillin became recognized as approved treatment for this disease, researchers did not treat the study participants.[5]

-- Rosenwald Fund, by Wikipedia

Early life

Embree was born in Nebraska in 1883, the youngest of four children of Laura and William Norris Embree. His grandfather and grandmother were John Gregg Fee and Matilda Fee, Abolitionist leaders from Kentucky. Embree had a very close relationship with his grandfather, the founder and president of Berea College. His father was discharged from the Union Army, after he took a job as a telegrapher with the Union Pacific Railroad. His father died in 1891, so his mother took her four children and moved with her parents to Berea. Embree's grandfather John Fee formed Embree's values and character at an early age, so he followed his grandfather examples. Edwin went to school at Berea and Yale, became a lecturer, and had many other outstanding accomplishments throughout his life. He died in 1950.


Embree attended Berea Academy when he was growing up. He later attended and graduated from Berea College, then enrolled in Yale where he graduated with an advance degree in philosophy. He later worked at Yale for 10 years in alumni affairs.


In 1917, Embree joined the Rockefeller staff in New York as secretary (1917–1924), then as director of the Division of Studies (1925–1927), and later as one of three vice presidents (1927). He also traveled to Japan several times while working with Rockefeller. He became president of the Julius Rosenwald Foundation also known as the Rosenwald Fund for 20 years (1927–1948). When the foundation closed, he became president of the Liberian Foundation. Embree also wrote a handful of books. Brown America "The Story of a New Race" 1931. "Indians of the Americas" 1939. American Negroes "A Handbook" 1942. "13 Against the Odds" 1944.


• Alfred Perkins, "Living The Fee Legacy: Edwin Embree and the Rosenwald Foundation", Berea College Magazine, Winter 2006, pages 34–36, available at [1].
• [2]
• History of Science June 99.p65 at the Wayback Machine (archived September 25, 2006)
• Rosenwald School Initiative
• The Rockefeller Archive Center – Papers of Individuals – Rockefeller Foundation


Edwin Rogers Embree
by The Rockefeller Foundation
Accessed: 2/17/20


Edwin Rogers Embree was an early voice championing the Rockefeller Foundation's (RF) expansion into the humanities and social sciences.

Born in Osceola, Nebraska in 1883, Embree moved with his family to the racially integrated town of Berea, Kentucky in 1891. His formative childhood years in Berea and his family's abolitionist history shaped his lifelong commitment to racial equality.

Embree received his B.A. from Yale University in 1906. He spent a year in New York City as a reporter for the New York Sun before returning to New Haven in 1907. He spent the following decade working at Yale first as assistant editor of the Yale Alumni Weekly and then in several university administrative positions, while also earning an M.A. degree from the university in 1914. Embree's administrative work at Yale brought him to the attention of the Rockefeller Foundation, and in 1917 he was appointed secretary of the RF under president George E. Vincent.

When Embree joined the RF, the Foundation’s efforts were focused primarily on medicine and public health projects. Embree advocated for expanding their work into the humanities and social sciences. In a rousing 1924 address to RF Trustees and the General Education Board, he asked, “Of what good is it to keep people alive and healthy if their lives are not to be touched increasingly with something of beauty?” His speech received a lukewarm response from the Trustees, however. Embree instead channeled his efforts into directing the newly formed Division of Studies (DS), which was created in 1924 to administer all Foundation work in areas outside of medicine and public health. When the DS was eliminated in 1927, Embree went on to serve briefly as the RF's vice president. His vision for a robust humanities and social sciences program would not be fully realized until after his departure from the RF in 1928. That same year, the Foundation reorganized and established a Division of Humanities and a Division of Social Sciences.

Embree left the RF in 1928 to become president of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, which supported educational, public health, and welfare programs for African Americans. When the Fund closed after expending all of its funds in 1948, Embree went on to serve as president of the Liberian and Africa Foundations, collectively focused on improving health, education, and welfare in Africa.

In addition to his long philanthropic career, Embree was a prolific author. He wrote numerous articles, essays, and several books including Brown America: The Story of a New Race (1931), Brown Americans: The Story of a Tenth of the Nation (1943), and Thirteen Against the Odds (1944).

Edwin Rogers Embree died in New York City on February 21, 1950, at the age of 66. His officer's diaries are digitized and can be accessed through the Rockefeller Archive Center's (RAC) online collections. A collection of his papers, including correspondence, a family journal, and some of Embree’s articles and speeches can be accessed at the RAC.


Edwin Embree As Exemplar: How One Philanthropic Leader Confronted Racial Prejudice During The Second World War
by Alfred Perkins
April 20, 2016

Editors’ Note: Alfred Perkins highlights the leadership of Edwin Embree, who served for two decades as president of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, in advocating for the rights of Japanese-Americans during the Second World War.

The current presidential campaign has brought again to the surface the hostility to cultural differences long an element in the American emotional landscape. While that hostility now targets primarily Muslims and undocumented immigrants of Hispanic origin, it calls to mind the wartime situation, three quarters of a century ago, when it was directed against Japanese-Americans. Such nativist sentiments undergirded the forcible relocation of persons of Japanese ancestry from the west coast to internment camps in the interior. One of the most outspoken opponents of that policy was Edwin Rogers Embree (1883-1950), an early official of the Rockefeller Foundation and, from 1928, President of the Julius Rosenwald Fund.

Though neither Embree nor the Chicago-based foundation he headed are widely known today, he was for more than two decades an influential figure in philanthropy and race relations. His unstinting defense of America’s Japanese minority represents a merging of personal conviction and institutional purpose. In addition, it reflects his principled beliefs about the qualities and behaviors appropriate to a foundation executive, a model of leadership well worth considering today.

Embree happened to be in northern California in March, 1942, when the relocations got underway. He saw whole families being removed from their homes to assembly points, in circumstances not altogether unlike the rounding up of Jews in Nazi Germany. He was left with searing, unforgettable memories, the most poignant, perhaps, the sight of a two-year-old anxiously clutching fresh flowers, as grim-faced soldiers led him away. Like many Americans then and since, Embree found this treatment of some 110,000 persons, most of whom were U.S. citizens, profoundly troubling. In time he came to regard the evacuations as “one of the most terrible crimes America has ever committed against her own citizens and against democracy.”

Committed to fighting racial intolerance in all its expressions, Embree in 1943 joined with over sixty academics, ministers, journalists, union leaders, and corporation executives to sponsor the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL). The League, devoted to protecting civil rights and ending discriminatory practices, protested ceaselessly against the internment policy, while emphasizing the fundamental patriotism of citizens of Japanese ancestry.
In the League’s Chicago chapter, its largest and most active, Embree played a prominent role during the war and thereafter, planning strategy, chairing fund-raising dinners, introducing speakers and, with his keen sense of public relations, undoubtedly helping to frame official statements.

The League provided Embree with critical information about the plight of the internees, and other instances of discrimination against Japanese-Americans. A more comprehensive news source was The Monthly Summary of Events and Trends in Race Relations, a publication developed in response to a request from President Franklin Roosevelt, fully financed by the Rosenwald Fund, and serving over 15,000 subscribers at its peak. But Embree learned also from personal contacts, including members of his own family. His anthropologist son John had published in 1941 a doctoral dissertation describing his year-long observations in a Japanese village, a book containing the most current information in English on Japanese beliefs and customs. Called to governmental service a few days after Pearl Harbor, John was assigned to the federal agency responsible for the evacuees, enabling him to inform his father of unclassified but unpublicized developments, and to give him a tour of one of the internment centers.

Anecdotal reports came as well from Edwin Embree’s brother Howard, a social worker at a camp in Wyoming, and from Edwin’s daughter Catherine, a volunteer teacher at a camp in Arizona. Catherine’s extensive letters home initially gave detailed descriptions of her unfinished camp’s harsh living conditions, but later, when some young internees were permitted to enroll in midwestern and eastern colleges, she also alerted her parents to any student passing through Chicago. Either Embree or his wife, and frequently both, met the train, helped with transfers and schedule changes, offered advice and encouragement, and often provided meals and overnight lodging in their home. At least one young woman was allowed to rummage through Catherine’s closet for the warm clothes she lacked. Conversations with these students, and close attention to his other sources, undoubtedly made Embree, of all private citizens, among the best-informed about the internment policy.

Embree gathered information, and he conveyed it—lots of it. His principal educational vehicle was the American Council on Race Relations (ACRR), an organization he envisioned earlier, but co-founded only in 1944.

American Council on Race Relations, 1945-1948
Part of Collection — Box: 2, Folder: 11
Call Number: RG 73, Series I
Geographical location: Chicago, IL
Subjects: Race relations; Civil rights
Comments: The Council is "a kind of over-all coordinating agency -- closely associated with the University of Chicago," that "works primarily with national organizations, such as the NAACP. Compiles data, serves as a clearing house, runs pilot projects, education & training." --L.P. Contains six issues of "ACRR News Letter" (1945-48) incl. re. war relocation; "Hemmed in: ABC's of race restrictive housing covenants," by Robert C. Weaver (1945); chart "Programs under way" [1946].

-- American Council on Race Relations, 1945-1948, by Archives at Yale

Guide to the University of Chicago Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations Records 1944-1962
© 2009 University of Chicago Library
Title: University of Chicago. Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations.
Dates: 1944-1962
Abstract: The University of Chicago Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations Records cover the period 1944 to 1962 and also include the records of two cooperative organizations: American Council on Race Relations; and National Organization of Intergroup Relations Officials. The collection contains correspondence, financial and personnel records, published materials, research project and proposal data, reports and studies, seminar files and committee papers, student recommendations, minutes, charters and by-laws, photographs, and newsletters. It also includes files relating to the Parent Teacher Association, the Sigmund Livingston Fellowship, the Chicago Commission on Human Relations, and the Chicago Community Inventory.
Historical Note: On August 16, 1947 University of Chicago President Robert M. Hutchins announced the formation of the Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations. Funded by equal grants of $75,000 from the Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation, the Committee was constituted to be a five-year program under the direction of Louis Wirth, professor of sociology. At its inception the Committee enumerated 5 practical objectives:
1. to design research that would test theories of race relations in order to provide a scientific basis for public policy and programs, as well as for further field research;
2. to introduce the social scientific knowledge acquired through this research into both general and adult education curricula, and to instruct teachers how to apply and transmit this knowledge;
3. to train professionals, educators, and community leaders in the science of race relations and minority problems;
4. to foster national institutional cooperation in research and training in the field of race relations;
5. to implement pilot programs to test the findings of race relations research, and to design methods of evaluating existing programs. The Committee worked in cooperation with the American Council on Race Relations at the national level, and with the Industrial Relations Center, the Committee on Communications, and the Committee on Human Development within the academic community at the University of Chicago.
Unlike other committees at the University of Chicago such as the Committee on Human Development and the Committee on Social Thought, the Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations did not confer degrees. Rather, graduate students in the Division of Social Sciences at both the master’s and Ph.D. level could construct a concentration of course work, or elect to write a thesis with a focus on race relations. Working simultaneously with faculty in their own departments and members of the Committee, such students formed bridges between the social sciences and the Committee.
A major component of the ongoing work of the Committee was preparation and publication of the Inventory of Research in Racial and Cultural Relations. Published with the aid of the American Council on Race Relations, the Inventory was a quarterly bulletin containing abstracts of articles, books, and reports on unpublished research dealing with racial and cultural issues. After a debut issue of June 30, 1948, the Inventory continued production through volume 5, number 3 in 1953.
The original members of the Committee under the direction of Louis Wirth were anthropologists Robert Redfield, Fred Eggan, and Sol Tax, sociologist Everett C. Hughes, education professors Allison Davis and Ralph W. Tyler, and the executive officer of the Industrial Relations Center, Frederick Harbison. Membership fluctuated slightly between 1947 and 1956 and included at various times Kermit Eby, professor of social sciences, Donald T. Campbell, professor of psychology, William C. Bradbury, professor of sociology, and Clyde W. Hart, professor of sociology.
After the death of Louis Wirth in 1952, the Committee extended its work beyond the five year period of its original design under the leadership of Sol Tax. Although the Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations disbanded in 1956, its educational and research interests continued in the research and mentoring of individual social scientists at the University of Chicago.
Scope Note: The records of the University of Chicago Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations consists of 18 linear feet and cover the period 1944 to 1962. In addition to the records of the CETRRR, the collection includes the records of two cooperative organizations. Because the information was distinct to these two groups the collection was divided into three separate series. They are:
SERIES I: Committee on Education, Training and Research in Race Relations
SERIES II: American Council on Race Relations
SERIES III: National Organization of Intergroup Relations Officials.
The collection contains correspondence, financial and personnel records, published materials, research project and proposal data, reports and studies, seminar files and committee papers, student recommendations, minutes, charters and by-laws, photographs, and newsletters. It also includes files relating to the Parent Teacher Association, the Sigmund Livingston Fellowship, the Chicago Commission on Human Relations, and the Chicago Community Inventory.
Series I: Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations
Series I: Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations contains the administrative files of the committee and covers the period 1944 to 1962.
Series I has been divided into sixteen subseries.
Subseries 1, Correspondence, covers the period 1947 to 1962 and has been arranged alphabetically by the name of the correspondent. Additional subdivisions have been created for the letters of Louis Wirth (director of CETRRR) and William Bradbury (secretary).
Subseries 2 contains the minutes of the CETRRR meetings and covers the period 1947 to 1953. The minutes have been arranged chronologically.
Subseries 3 contains financial records of the CETRRR. Financial statements of the committee cover the period 1946 to 1952 and have been arranged chronologically. Subseries 3 includes financial statements regarding funds from the Carnegie-Rockefeller Race Relations Fund. These statements date from 1948 to 1953. This subseries also contains information on contributions, budgets, and expenses.
Subseries 4 contains personnel records of the CETRRR. It includes information on office staff, research assistants, and temporary employees. It also includes personnel associated with the Chicago Housing Authority Ogden Courts Project (1951-1953).
Subseries 5 contains student recommendations from 1946 to 1953.
Subseries 6 contains information on research projects and proposals submitted to the CETRRR. The files have been arranged alphabetically and date from 1947-1953. A significant portion of this subseries is devoted to Chicago elementary and high schools and redistricting.
Subseries 7 contains reports and studies produced by the CETRRR. Many of the research projects from Subseries 7 were supported and expanded by the CETRRR. This subseries includes unpublished abstracts, studies and reports from 1947 to 1953. The files have been arranged chronologically.
Subseries 8 contains published articles, pamphlets, and guides on research and programs of the CETRRR. The publications in this subseries have been arranged chronologically. One of the first publications produced by the CETRRR was the of Research in Racial and Cultural Relations. This subseries has been arranged into general publications and files relating to the . This subdivision includes correspondence, questionnaires, research, and a subscription card file.
Subseries 9 contains information on seminars organized by the CETRRR. The files in this subseries have been arranged chronologically according to seminar title.
Subseries 10 contains the minutes and correspondence of the Technical Committee on Intergroup Relations.
Subseries 11 contains pamphlets and yearbooks for the Parent Teachers Association.
Subseries 12 contains applicant files, correspondence and reports for the Sigmund Livingston Fellowships from 1948 to 1950. The Sigmund Livingston Fellowship was awarded by the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith. Named after the League's founder, the fellowship was intended "to advance knowledge of the basic social and psychological processes underlying intergroup relations and prejudice". In 1947-1948 the fellowships were awarded to graduate and post-graduate students of the social sciences at three participating institutions: Harvard University, New York University, and the University of Chicago. At the University of Chicago applications were handled by the CETRRR and fellows worked in the Division of Social Sciences.
Subseries 13 contains correspondence and reports for the Chicago Commission on Human Relations in 1953. This group was a commission of the City of Chicago which is still in existence today. The commission is a neutral body that "handles complaints of discrimination." William Bradbury, of the University of Chicago Sociology Department faculty was appointed to the group in January 1953. Subseries 14 contains information on the Chicago Community. This group was associated with processing census and population data.
Subseries 15 contains minutes, memos and reports of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. The SPSSI was formed in 1936 at the convention of the American Psychological Association. The SPSSI was "a group of several hundred social psychologists and allied social scientists with a particular interest in research on the psychological aspects of key social issues." The focus was on applied social action, and on making social scientific research accessible to non-specialists without a loss of disciplined thinking. The material in this subseries constitutes informational copies of communications sent to Louis Wirth as chairman of the American Council on Race Relations.
Finally, Subseries 16, Writings of Others, contains reprints of journal articles, journals, booklets, conference papers, and newspapers articles. These files have been arranged chronologically and cover the period 1940 to 1954.

-- Guide to the University of Chicago Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations Records 1944-1962, © 2009 University of Chicago Library

Financially supported by the Rosenwald Fund, even housed in the Fund’s headquarters, the ACRR had as its purpose “to bring about full democracy in race relations.” Seeking to increase public knowledge about minority groups, it underwrote research, developed materials for use in schools, published and distributed tens of thousands of pamphlets, fact sheets, and reprints. Two of its publications focused on citizens of Japanese ancestry. “Facts about Japanese Americans,” for example, pointed out the invaluable assistance of these minority civilians during the attack on Pearl Harbor, and the Nisei’s (second generation’s) continuing contribution to the war effort through intelligence-gathering and propaganda activities.Above all, it called attention to the thousands of Japanese-Americans in military uniform, and particularly to the heroism of the all-Nisei 100th Infantry Battalion of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team during the Italian campaign. Through correspondence and personal interviews, the Council lobbied energetically for resettlement of the internees, and for prompt federal action on indemnity claims. In cooperation with the JACL, it worked to energize civil rights groups on the West Coast, and to lay the groundwork for restored racial harmony.

Embree’s empathy for the plight of Japanese-Americans was evident even in his hiring practices, as he combatted the discriminatory attitudes he knew minority persons faced whenever they sought employment. During the war years, for example, his secretary was a woman of Japanese background, as were two other members of the Rosenwald clerical staff. At the ACRR, perhaps one-fifth of the office staff were of Japanese extraction. Similarly, when Embree became the founding chairman of the Chicago Mayor’s Commission on Human Relations, he established policies that provided jobs for no fewer than five women who were members of the city’s Japanese community. When he needed outside help with a research project, he gave the assignment to two Japanese-American graduate students.

Embree’s commitment to racial equality long predated the war years. At an early age he had embraced cultural diversity, beginning with the Blackfoot Indian children in Wyoming who were his first playmates, and with the scores of African-Americans who were his schoolmates in the thoroughly integrated Kentucky town where he was reared. His specific fondness for the Japanese, however, stemmed from three visits he made in the 1920s to East Asia on behalf of the Rockefeller Foundation. Though the trips centered on China, he made it a point to spend substantial time in Japan. From the outset he was taken by the Japanese people. He admired their love of nature, appreciation of beautiful things, unfailing courtesy, devotion to family, and deep attachment to their homeland. Returning to the U.S., he was appalled by talk of a future war with the island nation, believing such a conflict would be a disaster for both countries.

When that war came more than a decade later, Embree looked beyond the combat to long-term consequences at home and abroad. In a 1944 address in Nashville, Tennessee, on July 4—provocative both for its timing and its substance—he proclaimed the coming of a new order in race relations and international affairs. The war, he predicted, would shift the center of world politics from Europe and the Atlantic to Asia and the Pacific. China and Japan would be major powers, demanding equal status with the U.S., Great Britain, and the Soviet Union and, he asserted, they would expect fair treatment for their distant relatives in North America. More than a year before Japan’s surrender, with the battle for Saipan raging as he spoke, he cautioned against an occupation of the conquered country based on vengeance, rather than one that would allow the Japanese people to divest themselves of their military rulers and become a force for world peace. And even with anti-Japanese feeling at fever pitch across the country, he called again for the speedy return of the interned thousands to their homes, and an end to hostile behavior by their neighbors.

In 1948 the Julius Rosenwald Fund, having expended all its capital as specified by its founder, closed its doors. Two years later Embree, having returned to New York, was stuck down by a heart attack on a Manhattan street. At a memorial service held in the Bond Chapel on the University of Chicago campus, a telegram from the Japanese American Citizens League, paying tribute to “a great American,” was read:

“[D]uring the war years, when our group of people were suspect, [Embree] was one of the first to express confidence in us and faith in America by becoming one of the national sponsors of our organization. We mourn his passing but the memory of him will sustain our faith that all people can live and work together.”

The philanthropic community can take pride in the fact that one of their own, in a time of great national trial, was worthy of such commendation.

By moving boldly beyond the customary boundaries of organized philanthropy, Embree was able to challenge deeply-held prejudices, demand justice for a vulnerable minority, and extend the impact of the monies he disbursed. This pioneer of his profession would not have voiced the idea, but implicit in his words and actions is the notion that foundation executives might on occasion serve as the nation’s conscience. In these less stringent times, his example might provide useful lessons for his contemporary successors—to the benefit of the philanthropic enterprise, and the nation as a whole.

Alfred Perkins is the author of Edwin Rogers Embree: The Julius Rosenwald Fund, Foundation Philanthropy, and American Race Relations (Indiana University Press, 2011). In addition to philanthropy, he has published on French imperial history, higher education in Appalachia, and desegregation in the U.S. Now retired, he taught European history and served as academic dean and vice president of Upsala, Maryville, and Berea Colleges.
Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Thu Feb 27, 2020 12:50 am

Site Admin
Posts: 33222
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am


Return to Articles & Essays

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 3 guests