Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

This is a broad, catch-all category of works that fit best here and not elsewhere. If you haven't found it someplace else, you might want to look here.

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 6:28 am

Part 1 of 2

Ramsay MacDonald
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/13/20

The Right Honourable Ramsay MacDonald, FRS
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office: 5 June 1929 – 7 June 1935
Monarch: George V
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
In office: 22 January 1924 – 4 November 1924
Monarch: George V
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
Leader of the Opposition
In office: 4 November 1924 – 5 June 1929
Monarch: George V
Prime Minister: Stanley Baldwin
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
In office: 21 November 1922 – 22 January 1924
Monarch: George V
Prime Minister: Bonar Law; Stanley Baldwin
Preceded by: H. H. Asquith
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
Leader of the Labour Party
In office: 22 November 1922 – 1 September 1931
Deputy: J. R. Clynes
Preceded by: J. R. Clynes
Succeeded by: Arthur Henderson
In office: 6 February 1911 – 5 August 1914
Chief Whip: George Roberts; Arthur Henderson
Preceded by: George Barnes
Succeeded by: Arthur Henderson
Lord President of the Council
In office: 7 June 1935 – 28 May 1937
Prime Minister: Stanley Baldwin
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: The Viscount Halifax
Leader of the House of Commons
In office: 5 June 1929 – 7 June 1935
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
In office: 22 January 1924 – 3 November 1924
Preceded by: Stanley Baldwin
Succeeded by: Stanley Baldwin
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
In office: 22 January 1924 – 3 November 1924
Preceded by: The Marquess Curzon
Succeeded by: Austen Chamberlain
Member of Parliament for the Combined Scottish Universities
In office: 31 January 1936 – 9 November 1937
Preceded by: Noel Skelton
Succeeded by: Sir John Anderson
Member of Parliament for Seaham
In office: 30 May 1929 – 25 October 1935
Preceded by: Sidney Webb
Succeeded by: Manny Shinwell
Member of Parliament for Aberavon
In office: 15 November 1922 – 10 May 1929
Preceded by: Jack Edwards
Succeeded by: William Cove
Member of Parliament for Leicester
In office: 8 February 1906 – 25 November 1918
Serving with Henry Broadhurst Franklin Thomasson Eliot Crawshay-Williams Sir Gordon Hewart
Preceded by: John Rolleston; Henry Broadhurst
Succeeded by: Constituency abolished
Personal details
Born: James MacDonald Ramsay, 12 October 1866, Lossiemouth, Morayshire, Scotland
Died: 9 November 1937 (aged 71), Atlantic Ocean (on holiday aboard the ocean liner Reina del Pacifico)
Nationality: British
Political party: Labour (until 1931); National Labour (from 1931)
Spouse(s): Margaret Gladstone (m. 1896; died 1911)
Children: 6, including Malcolm and Ishbel
Alma mater: Birkbeck, University of London
Profession: Politician

James Ramsay MacDonald FRS (né James McDonald Ramsay; 12 October 1866 – 9 November 1937) was a British statesman who was the first Labour Party politician to become Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, leading minority Labour governments for nine months in 1924 and then in 1929–31. From 1931 to 1935, he headed a National Government dominated by the Conservative Party and supported by only a few Labour members. MacDonald was later vehemently denounced by and expelled from the party he had helped to found.

MacDonald, along with Keir Hardie and Arthur Henderson, was one of the three principal founders of the Labour Party. He was chairman of the Labour MPs before 1914 and, after an eclipse in his career caused by his opposition to the First World War, he was Leader of the Labour Party from 1922. The second Labour Government (1929–31) was dominated by the Great Depression. He formed the National Government to carry out spending cuts to defend the gold standard, but it had to be abandoned after the Invergordon Mutiny, and he called a general election in 1931 seeking a "doctor's mandate" to fix the economy. The National coalition won an overwhelming landslide and the Labour Party was reduced to a rump of around 50 seats in the House of Commons. His health deteriorated and he stood down as Prime Minister in 1935, remaining as Lord President of the Council until retiring in 1937. He died later that year.

MacDonald's speeches, pamphlets and books made him an important theoretician. Historian John Shepherd states that "MacDonald's natural gifts of an imposing presence, handsome features and a persuasive oratory delivered with an arresting Highlands accent made him the iconic Labour leader". After 1931, MacDonald was repeatedly and bitterly denounced by the Labour movement as a traitor to its cause. Since the 1960s, historians have defended his reputation, emphasising his earlier role in building up the Labour Party, dealing with the Great Depression, and as a putative forerunner of the political realignments of the 1990s and 2000s.[1]

Early life


MacDonald was born at Gregory Place, Lossiemouth, Morayshire, Scotland, the illegitimate son of John MacDonald, a farm labourer, and Anne Ramsay, a housemaid.[2] Registered at birth as James McDonald (sic) Ramsay, he was known as Jaimie MacDonald. Illegitimacy could be a serious handicap in 19th-century Presbyterian Scotland, but in the north and northeast farming communities this was less of a problem; in 1868 a report of the Royal Commission on the Employment of Children, Young Persons and Women in Agriculture noted that the illegitimacy rate was around 15%—nearly every sixth person was born out of wedlock.[3] MacDonald's mother had worked as a domestic servant at Claydale farm, near Alves, where his father was also employed. They were to have been married, but the wedding never took place, either because the couple quarrelled and chose not to marry, or because Anne's mother, Isabella Ramsay, stepped in to prevent her daughter from marrying a man she deemed unsuitable.[4]

Bloody Sunday.

Ramsay MacDonald received an elementary education at the Free Church of Scotland school in Lossiemouth from 1872 to 1875, and then at Drainie parish school. He left school at the end of the summer term in 1881, at the age of 15, and began work on a nearby farm. In December 1881, he was appointed a pupil teacher at Drainie parish school.[5] In 1885, he left to take up a position as an assistant to Mordaunt Crofton, a clergyman in Bristol who was attempting to establish a Boys' and Young Men's Guild at St Stephen's Church.[6] In Bristol Ramsay MacDonald joined the Democratic Federation, a Radical organisation, which changed its name a few months later to the Social Democratic Federation (SDF).[7][8] He remained in the group when it left the SDF to become the Bristol Socialist Society. In early 1886 he moved to London.[9]

Young semi-socialist in London

Following a short period of work addressing envelopes at the National Cyclists' Union in Fleet Street, he found himself unemployed and forced to live on the small amount of money he had saved from his time in Bristol. MacDonald eventually found employment as an invoice clerk in the warehouse of Cooper, Box and Co.[10] During this time he was deepening his socialist credentials, and engaged himself energetically in C. L. Fitzgerald's Socialist Union which, unlike the SDF, aimed to progress socialist ideals through the parliamentary system.[11] MacDonald witnessed the Bloody Sunday of 13 November 1887 in Trafalgar Square, and in response, had a pamphlet published by the Pall Mall Gazette, entitled Remember Trafalgar Square: Tory Terrorism in 1887.[12]

MacDonald retained an interest in Scottish politics. Gladstone's first Irish Home Rule Bill inspired the setting-up of a Scottish Home Rule Association in Edinburgh. On 6 March 1888, MacDonald took part in a meeting of London-based Scots, who, upon his motion, formed the London General Committee of the Scottish Home Rule Association.[13] For a while he supported home rule for Scotland, but found little support among London's Scots.[14] However, MacDonald never lost his interest in Scottish politics and home rule, and in Socialism: critical and constructive, published in 1921, he wrote: "The Anglification of Scotland has been proceeding apace to the damage of its education, its music, its literature, its genius, and the generation that is growing up under this influence is uprooted from its past."[15]

Politics in the 1880s was still of less importance to MacDonald than furthering his education. He took evening classes in science, botany, agriculture, mathematics, and physics at the Birkbeck Literary and Scientific Institution but his health suddenly failed him due to exhaustion one week before his examinations, which put an end to any thought of a scientific career.[16] In 1888, MacDonald took employment as private secretary to Thomas Lough who was a tea merchant and a Radical politician.[17] Lough was elected as the Liberal Member of Parliament (MP) for West Islington, in 1892. Many doors now opened to MacDonald: he had access to the National Liberal Club as well as the editorial offices of Liberal and Radical newspapers; he made himself known to various London Radical clubs among Radical and labour politicians. MacDonald gained valuable experience in the workings of electioneering. At the same time he left Lough's employment to branch out as a freelance journalist. Elsewhere, as a member of the Fabian Society for some time, MacDonald toured and lectured on its behalf at the London School of Economics and elsewhere.[18]

Active politics

The Trades Union Congress had created the Labour Electoral Association (LEA) and entered into an unsatisfactory alliance with the Liberal Party in 1886.[19] In 1892, MacDonald was in Dover to give support to the candidate for the LEA in the General Election, who was well beaten. MacDonald impressed the local press[20] and the Association and was adopted as its candidate, announcing that his candidature would be under a Labour Party banner.[21] He denied the Labour Party was a wing of the Liberal Party but saw merit in a working political relationship. In May 1894, the local Southampton Liberal Association was trying to find a labour-minded candidate for the constituency. Two others joined MacDonald to address the Liberal Council: one was offered but turned down the invitation, while MacDonald failed to secure the nomination despite strong support among Liberals.[22]

In 1893, Keir Hardie had formed the Independent Labour Party (ILP) which had established itself as a mass movement. In May 1894 MacDonald applied for membership, and was accepted. He was officially adopted as the ILP candidate for one of the Southampton seats on 17 July 1894[23] but was heavily defeated at the election of 1895. MacDonald stood for Parliament again in 1900 for one of the two Leicester seats and although he lost was generously accused of splitting the Liberal vote to allow the Conservative candidate to win.[24] That same year he became Secretary of the Labour Representation Committee (LRC), the forerunner of the Labour Party, allegedly in part because many delegates confused him with prominent London trade unionist Jimmie MacDonald when they voted for "Mr. James R. MacDonald".[25] MacDonald retained membership of the ILP; while it was not a Marxist organisation it was more rigorously socialist than the once and future Labour Party in which the ILP members would operate as a "ginger group" for many years.[26]

As Party Secretary, MacDonald negotiated an agreement with the leading Liberal politician Herbert Gladstone (son of the late Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone), which allowed Labour to contest a number of working class seats without Liberal opposition,[27] thus giving Labour its first breakthrough into the House of Commons. He married Margaret Ethel Gladstone, who was unrelated to the Gladstones of the Liberal Party, in 1896. Although not wealthy, Margaret MacDonald was comfortably off,[28] and this allowed them to indulge in foreign travel, visiting Canada and the United States in 1897, South Africa in 1902, Australia and New Zealand in 1906 and India several times.

It was during this period that MacDonald and his wife began a long friendship with the social investigator and reforming civil servant Clara Collet[29][30] with whom he discussed women's issues. She was an influence on MacDonald and other politicians in their attitudes towards women's rights. In 1901, he was elected to the London County Council for Finsbury Central as a joint Labour–Progressive Party candidate, but he was disqualified from the register in 1904 due to his absences abroad.[31]

Macdonald (third from left) in 1906, with other leading figures in the party

In 1906, the LRC changed its name to the "Labour Party", amalgamating with the ILP.[32] In that same year, MacDonald was elected MP for Leicester along with 28 others,[33] and became one of the leaders of the Parliamentary Labour Party. These Labour MPs undoubtedly owed their election to the 'Progressive Alliance' between the Liberals and Labour, a minor party supporting the Liberal governments of Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith. MacDonald became the leader of the left wing of the party, arguing that Labour must seek to displace the Liberals as the main party of the left.[34]

Party leader

Hoist with his own petard.

Mr. Ramsay MacDonald (Champion of Independent Labour). "Of course I'm all for peaceful picketing—on principle. But it must be applied to the proper parties."
Cartoon from Punch 20 June 1917
In 1911 MacDonald became "Chairman of the Parliamentary Labour Party", the leader of the party. He was the chief intellectual leader of the party, paying little attention to class warfare and much more to the emergence of a powerful state as it exemplified the Darwinian evolution of an ever more complex society. He was an Orthodox Edwardian progressive, keen on intellectual discussion, and averse to agitation.[35]

Within a short period, his wife became ill with blood poisoning and died. This deeply and permanently affected MacDonald.[36]

MacDonald had always taken a keen interest in foreign affairs and knew from his visit to South Africa, just after the Boer War had ended, what the effects of modern conflict would be. Although the Parliamentary Labour Party generally held an anti-war opinion, when war was declared in August 1914, patriotism came to the fore.[37] After the Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, warned the House of Commons on 3 August that war with Germany was likely, MacDonald responded by declaring that "this country ought to have remained neutral".[38][39] In the Labour Leader he claimed that the real cause of the war was the "policy of the balance of power through alliance".[40]

The Party supported the government in its request for £100,000,000 of war credits and, as MacDonald could not, he resigned from the party Chairmanship. Arthur Henderson became the new leader, while MacDonald took the party Treasurer's post.[41] Despite his opposition to the war, MacDonald visited the Western Front in December 1914 with the approval of Lord Kitchener. MacDonald and General Seeley set off for the front at Ypres and soon found themselves in the thick of an action in which both behaved with the utmost coolness. Later, MacDonald was received by the Commander-in-Chief at St Omer and made an extensive tour of the front. Returning home, he paid a public tribute to the courage of the French troops, but said nothing then or later of having been under fire himself.[42]

During the early part of the war, he was extremely unpopular and was accused of treason and cowardice. Former Liberal Party MP and publisher Horatio Bottomley attacked him through his magazine John Bull in September 1915, by publishing an article carrying details of MacDonald's birth and his so-called deceit in not disclosing his real name.[43][44] His illegitimacy was no secret and he had not seemed to have suffered by it, but, according to the journal he had, by using a false name, gained access to parliament falsely and should suffer heavy penalties and have his election declared void. MacDonald received much internal support, but the way in which the disclosures were made public had affected him.[45] He wrote in his diary:

...I spent hours of terrible mental pain. Letters of sympathy began to pour in upon me. ... Never before did I know that I had been registered under the name of Ramsay, and cannot understand it now. From my earliest years, my name has been entered in lists, like the school register, etc. as MacDonald.

Election poster produced for the 1923 election

In August 1916 the Moray Golf Club passed a resolution declaring that MacDonald's anti-war activities "had endangered the character and interests of the club" and that he had forfeited his right to membership.[46] In January 1917 MacDonald published National Defence, in which he argued that open diplomacy and disarmament were necessary to prevent future wars.[47]

As the war dragged on, his reputation recovered but he still lost his seat in the 1918 "Coupon Election", which saw the Liberal David Lloyd George's coalition government win a large majority. The election campaign in Leicester West focused on MacDonald's opposition to the war, with MacDonald writing after his defeat: "I have become a kind of mythological demon in the minds of the people".[48]

MacDonald denounced the Treaty of Versailles: "We are beholding an act of madness unparalleled in history".[49]


MacDonald stood for Parliament in the 1921 Woolwich East by-election and lost. His opponent, Captain Robert Gee, had been awarded the Victoria Cross at Cambrai; MacDonald tried to counter this by having ex-soldiers appear on his platforms. MacDonald also promised to pressure the government into converting the Woolwich Arsenal to civilian use.[50] Horatio Bottomley intervened in the by-election, opposing MacDonald's election because of his anti-war record.[51] Bottomley's influence may have been decisive in MacDonald's failure to be elected as there were under 700 votes difference between Gee and MacDonald.[52]

In 1922, MacDonald was returned to the House as MP for Aberavon in Wales, with a vote of 14,318 against 11,111 and 5,328 for his main opponents. His rehabilitation was complete; the Labour New Leader magazine opined that his election was, "enough in itself to transform our position in the House. We have once more a voice which must be heard."[53] By now, the party was reunited and MacDonald was re-elected as Leader. Historian Kenneth O. Morgan examines his newfound stature:

as dissolution set in with the Lloyd George coalition in 1921–22, and unemployment mounted, MacDonald stood out as the leader of a new kind of broad-based left. His opposition to the war had given him a new charisma. More than anyone else in public life, he symbolised peace and internationalism, decency and social change.... [He] had become The voice of conscience.[54]

At the 1922 election, Labour replaced the Liberals as the main opposition party to the Conservative government of Stanley Baldwin, making MacDonald Leader of the Opposition. By now, he had moved away from the Labour left and abandoned the socialism of his youth: he strongly opposed the wave of radicalism that swept through the labour movement in the wake of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and became a determined enemy of Communism. Unlike the French Socialist Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Labour Party did not split and the Communist Party of Great Britain remained small and isolated.

In 1922, MacDonald visited Palestine.[55] In a later account of his visit, he contrasted Zionist pioneers with 'the rich plutocratic Jew'.[55] MacDonald believed the latter "was the true economic materialist. He is the person whose views upon life make one anti-Semitic. He has no country, no kindred. Whether as a sweater or a financier, he is an exploiter of everything he can squeeze. He is behind every evil that Governments do, and his political authority, always exercised in the dark, is greater than that of Parliamentary majorities. He is the keenest of brains and the bluntest of consciences. He detests Zionism because it revives the idealism of his race, and has political implications which threaten his economic interests"[55]

MacDonald became noted for "woolly" rhetoric such as the occasion at the Labour Party Conference of 1930 at Llandudno when he appeared to imply unemployment could be solved by encouraging the jobless to return to the fields "where they till and they grow and they sow and they harvest". Equally, there were times when it was unclear what his policies were. There was already some unease in the party about what he would do if Labour was able to form a government.[56]

At the 1923 election, the Conservatives had lost their majority, and when they lost a vote of confidence in the House in January 1924, King George V called on MacDonald to form a minority Labour government, with the tacit support of the Liberals under Asquith from the corner benches. He became the first Labour Prime Minister,[57] the first from a working-class background[57] and one of the very few without a university education.[58]

First government (1924)

Further information: First MacDonald ministry

Ramsay MacDonald by Solomon Joseph Solomon, 1911

MacDonald had never held office but demonstrated energy, executive ability, and political astuteness. He consulted widely within his party, making the Liberal Lord Haldane the Lord Chancellor, and Philip Snowden Chancellor of the Exchequer. He took the foreign office himself. Besides himself, ten other cabinet members came from working class origins, a dramatic breakthrough in British history.[59] His first priority was to undo the perceived damage caused by the 1919 Treaty of Versailles, by settling the reparations issue and coming to terms with Germany. The king noted in his diary, "He wishes to do the right thing.... Today, 23 years ago, dear Grandmama died. I wonder what she would have thought of a Labour Government!"[60]

While there were no major labour strikes during his term, MacDonald acted swiftly to end those that did erupt. When the Labour Party executive criticised the government, he replied that, "public doles, Poplarism [local defiance of the national government], strikes for increased wages, limitation of output, not only are not Socialism, but may mislead the spirit and policy of the Socialist movement".[61] The Government lasted only nine months and did not have a majority in either House of the Parliament, but it was still able to support the unemployed with the extension of benefits and amendments to the Insurance Acts. In a personal triumph for John Wheatley, Minister for Health, a Housing Act was passed, which greatly expanded municipal housing for low paid workers.[62]

Foreign affairs

Further information: International relations (1919–1939), History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom, and Interwar Britain

MacDonald had long been a leading spokesman for internationalism in the Labour movement; at first, he verged on pacifism. He founded the Union of Democratic Control in early 1914 to promote international socialist aims, but it was overwhelmed by the war. His 1916 book, National Defence, revealed his own long-term vision for peace. Although disappointed at the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty, he supported the League of Nations – but, by 1930, he felt that the internal cohesion of the British Empire and a strong, independent British defence programme might turn out to be the wisest British government policy.[63]

MacDonald moved in March 1924 to end construction work on the Singapore military base, despite strong opposition from the Admiralty. He believed the building of the base would endanger the disarmament conference; the First Sea Lord Lord Beatty considered the absence of such a base as dangerously imperilling British trade and territories East of Aden and could mean the security of the British Empire in the Far East being dependent on the goodwill of Japan.[64]

In June 1924, MacDonald convened a conference in London of the wartime Allies and achieved an agreement on a new plan for settling the reparations issue and French occupation of the Ruhr. German delegates joined the meeting, and the London Settlement was signed. It was followed by an Anglo-German commercial treaty. Another major triumph for MacDonald was the conference held in London in July and August 1924 to deal with the implementation of the Dawes Plan.[65] MacDonald, who accepted the popular view of the economist John Maynard Keynes of German reparations as impossible to pay, pressured French Premier Édouard Herriot until many concessions were made to Germany.[65]

Ramsay MacDonald and Christian Rakovsky, Head of the Soviet diplomatic delegation. Feb 1924.

A British onlooker commented, "The London Conference was for the French 'man in the street' one long Calvary ... as he saw M. Herriot abandoning one by one the cherished possessions of French preponderance on the Reparations Commission, the right of sanctions in the event of German default, the economic occupation of the Ruhr, the French-Belgian railroad Régie, and finally, the military occupation of the Ruhr within a year."[66] MacDonald was proud of what had been achieved, which was the pinnacle of his short-lived administration's achievements.[67] In September, he made a speech to the League of Nations Assembly in Geneva, the main thrust of which was for general European disarmament, which was received with great acclaim.[68]

MacDonald recognised the Soviet Union and MacDonald informed Parliament in February 1924 that negotiations would begin to negotiate a treaty with the Soviet Union.[69] The treaty was to cover Anglo-Soviet trade and the repayment of the British bondholders, who had lent billions to the pre-revolutionary Russian government and been rejected by the Bolsheviks. There were, in fact, two proposed treaties: one would cover commercial matters, and the other would cover a fairly vague future discussion on the problem of the bondholders. If the treaties were signed, the British government would conclude a further treaty and guarantee a loan to the Bolsheviks. The treaties were popular neither with the Conservatives nor with the Liberals, who, in September, criticised the loan so vehemently that negotiation with them seemed impossible.[70]

However, the government's fate was determined by the "Campbell Case", the abrogation of prosecuting the left-wing newspaper the Workers' Weekly for inciting servicemen to mutiny. The Conservatives put down a censure motion, to which the Liberals added an amendment. MacDonald's Cabinet resolved to treat both motions as matters of confidence. The Liberal amendment was carried, and the King granted MacDonald a dissolution of Parliament the following day. The issues that dominated the election campaign were the Campbell Case and the Russian treaties, which soon combined into the single issue of the Bolshevik threat.[71]

Zinoviev letter

Main article: Zinoviev letter

On 25 October 1924, just four days before the election, the Daily Mail reported that a letter had come into its possession which purported to be a letter sent from Grigory Zinoviev, the President of the Communist International, to the British representative on the Comintern Executive. The letter was dated 15 September and so before the dissolution of parliament: it stated that it was imperative for the agreed treaties between Britain and the Bolsheviks to be ratified urgently. The letter said that those Labour members who could apply pressure on the government should do so. It went on to say that a resolution of the relationship between the two countries would "assist in the revolutionising of the international and British proletariat ... make it possible for us to extend and develop the ideas of Leninism in England and the Colonies".

The government had received the letter before the publication in the newspapers. It had protested to the Bolsheviks' London chargé d'affaires and had already decided to make public the contents of the letter with details of the official protest. But it had not been swift-footed enough.[72]

Historians mostly agree the letter was a forgery, but it closely reflected attitudes current in the Comintern. In any case, it had little impact on the Labour vote, which actually increased. It was the collapse of the Liberal Party that led to the Conservative landslide. However, many Labourites for years blamed their defeat on the Letter by misunderstanding the political forces at work.[73][74]

Despite all that had gone on, the result of the election was not disastrous for Labour. The Conservatives were returned decisively, gaining 155 seats for a total of 413 members of parliament. Labour lost 40 seats, but held on to 151. The Liberals lost 118 seats (leaving them with only 40) and their vote fell by over a million. The real significance of the election was that the Liberal Party, which Labour had displaced as the second largest political party in 1922, was now clearly the third party.

Second government and National government (1929–1935)

Further information: Second MacDonald ministry

Second Labour government (1929–1931)

The strong majority held by the Conservatives gave Baldwin a full term during which the government had to deal with the 1926 General Strike. Unemployment remained high but relatively stable at just over 10% and, apart from 1926, strikes were at a low level.[75] At the May 1929 election, Labour won 288 seats to the Conservatives' 260, with 59 Liberals under Lloyd George holding the balance of power. MacDonald was increasingly out of touch with his supposedly safe Welsh seat at Aberavon; he largely ignored the district, and had little time or energy to help with its increasingly difficult problems regarding coal disputes, strikes, unemployment and poverty. The miners expected a wealthy man who would fund party operations, but he had no money. He disagreed with the increasingly radical activism of party leaders in the district, as well as the permanent agent, and the South Wales Mineworkers' Federation. He moved to Seaham Harbour in County Durham, a safer seat, to avoid a highly embarrassing defeat.[76][77]

MacDonald at Tomb of Unknown Soldier, Washington, DC, 9 October 1929

Baldwin resigned and MacDonald again formed a minority government, at first with Lloyd George's cordial support. This time, MacDonald knew he had to concentrate on domestic matters. Arthur Henderson became Foreign Secretary, with Snowden again at the Exchequer. JH Thomas became Lord Privy Seal with a mandate to tackle unemployment, assisted by the young radical Oswald Mosley. MacDonald appointed the first-ever woman cabinet minister Margaret Bondfield as Minister of Labour.[78][79]

MacDonald's second government was in a stronger parliamentary position than his first, and in 1930 he was able to raise unemployment pay, pass an act to improve wages and conditions in the coal industry (i.e. the issues behind the General Strike) and pass a housing act which focused on slum clearances. However, an attempt by the Education Minister Charles Trevelyan to introduce an act to raise the school-leaving age to 15 was defeated by opposition from Roman Catholic Labour MPs, who feared that the costs would lead to increasing local authority control over faith schools.[62]

In international affairs he also convened the Round Table conferences in London with the political leaders of India, at which he offered them responsible government, but not independence or even Dominion status. In April 1930 he negotiated the London Naval Treaty, limiting naval armaments, with France, Italy, Japan, and the United States.[62]

MacDonald c. 1929
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 6:28 am

Part 2 of 2

Great Depression

Main article: Great Depression in the United Kingdom

MacDonald's government had no effective response to the economic crisis which followed the Stock Market Crash of 1929. Philip Snowden was a rigid exponent of orthodox finance and would not permit any deficit spending to stimulate the economy, despite the urgings of Oswald Mosley, David Lloyd George and the economist John Maynard Keynes. Mosley put forward a memorandum in January 1930, calling for the public control of imports and banking as well as an increase in pensions to boost spending power. When this was repeatedly turned down, Mosley resigned from the government in February 1931 and formed the New Party. He later converted to Fascism.

By the end of 1930, unemployment had doubled to over two and a half million.[80] The government struggled to cope with the crisis and found itself attempting to reconcile two contradictory aims: achieving a balanced budget to maintain sterling on the gold standard, and maintaining assistance to the poor and unemployed, at a time when tax revenues were falling. During 1931, the economic situation deteriorated, and pressure from orthodox economists for sharp cuts in government spending increased. Under pressure from its Liberal allies, as well as the Conservative opposition who feared that the budget was unbalanced, Snowden appointed a committee headed by Sir George May to review the state of public finances. The May Report of July 1931, urged large public-sector wage cuts and large cuts in public spending, notably in payments to the unemployed, to avoid a budget deficit.[81]

Formation of the National Government

Further information: National Government (1931)

Although there was a narrow majority in the Cabinet for drastic reductions in spending, the minority included senior ministers such as Arthur Henderson who made it clear they would resign rather than acquiesce in the cuts. With this unworkable split, on 24 August 1931, MacDonald submitted his resignation and then agreed, on the urging of King George V, to form a National Government with the Conservatives and Liberals. With Henderson taking the lead, MacDonald, Snowden, and Thomas were quickly expelled from the Labour Party.[82] They responded by forming a new National Labour group, which provided a nominal party base for the expelled MPs, but received little support in the country or the unions. Great anger in the labour movement greeted MacDonald's move. Riots took place in protest in Glasgow and Manchester. Many in the Labour Party viewed this as a cynical move by MacDonald to rescue his career, and accused him of 'betrayal'. MacDonald, however, argued that the sacrifice was for the common good.[83][84]

1931 general election

In the 1931 general election, the National Government won 554 seats, comprising 473 Conservatives, 13 National Labour, 68 Liberals (Liberal National and Liberal) and various others, while Labour, now led by Arthur Henderson won only 52 and the Lloyd George Liberals four. Henderson and his deputy J. R. Clynes both lost their seats in Labour's worst-ever rout. Labour's disastrous performance at the 1931 election greatly increased the bitterness felt by MacDonald's former colleagues towards him. MacDonald was genuinely upset to see the Labour Party so badly defeated at the election. He had regarded the National Government as a temporary measure, and had hoped to return to the Labour Party.[80]

Premiership of the National Government (1931–1935)

Further information: National Government (1931–1935)

The National Government's huge majority left MacDonald with the largest mandate ever won by a British Prime Minister at a democratic election, but MacDonald had only a small following of National Labour men in Parliament. He was ageing rapidly, and was increasingly a figurehead. In control of domestic policy were Conservatives Stanley Baldwin as Lord President and Neville Chamberlain the chancellor of the exchequer, together with National Liberal Walter Runciman at the Board of Trade.[85] MacDonald, Chamberlain and Runciman devised a compromise tariff policy, which stopped short of protectionism while ending free trade and, at the 1932 Ottawa Conference, cementing commercial relations within the Commonwealth.[86]

Besides his preference for a cohesive British Empire and a protective tariff, he felt an independent British defence programme would be the wisest policy. However, budget pressures and a strong popular pacifist sentiment, forced a reduction in the military and naval budgets.[87] MacDonald involved himself heavily in foreign policy. Assisted by the National Liberal leader and Foreign Secretary John Simon, he continued to lead British delegations to international conferences, including the Geneva Disarmament Conference and the Lausanne Conference in 1932, and the Stresa Conference in 1935.[88] He went to Rome in March 1933 to facilitate Nazi Germany's return to the concert of European powers and to continue the policy of appeasement.[89] On 16 August 1932 he granted the Communal Award upon India, partitioning it into separate electorates for Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Untouchables. Most important of all, he presided at the world economic conference in London in June 1933. Nearly every nation was represented, but no agreement was possible. The American president torpedoed the conference with a bombshell message that the US would not stabilise the depreciating dollar. The failure marked the end of international economic co-operation for another decade.[90]

MacDonald was deeply affected by the anger and bitterness caused by the fall of the Labour government. He continued to regard himself as a true Labour man, but the rupturing of virtually all his old friendships left him an isolated figure. One of the only other leading Labour figures to join the government, Philip Snowden, was a firm believer in free trade and resigned from the government in 1932 following the introduction of tariffs after the Ottawa agreement.[91]


By 1933 MacDonald's health was so poor that his doctor had to personally supervise his trip to Geneva. By 1934 MacDonald's mental and physical health declined further, and he became an increasingly ineffective leader as the international situation grew more threatening. His speeches in Commons and at international meetings became incoherent. One observer noted how "Things ... got to the stage where nobody knew what the Prime Minister was going to say in the House of Commons, and, when he did say it, nobody understood it". Newspapers did not report MacDonald denying to reporters that he was seriously ill because he only had "loss of memory".[62][25] His pacifism, which had been widely admired in the 1920s, led Winston Churchill and others to accuse him of failure to stand up to the threat of Adolf Hitler. His government began the negotiations for the Anglo-German Naval Agreement.

In these years he was irritated by the attacks of Lucy, Lady Houston, the strongly nationalistic proprietor of the Saturday Review. Lady Houston believed that MacDonald was under the control of the Soviets and amused the nation by giving MacDonald such epithets as the 'Spider of Lossiemouth,' and hanging a large sign in electric lights from the rigging of her luxury yacht, the Liberty. According to some versions it read 'Down the Ramsay MacDonald,' and to others 'To Hell with Ramsay MacDonald.' Lady Houston also sent agents to disrupt his election campaigns. In 2020 new research revealed how she purchased three letters, supposedly written by Ramsay MacDonald to Soviet officials but actually the work of an American forger. In 1935 Lady Houston stated that she intended to publish them but eventually handed them over to Special Branch, and MacDonald's solicitors entered a legal battle with her.[92]

MacDonald was aware of his fading powers, and in 1935 he agreed to a timetable with Baldwin to stand down as Prime Minister after King George V's Silver Jubilee celebrations in May 1935. He resigned on 7 June in favour of Baldwin, and remained in the cabinet, taking the largely honorary post of Lord President vacated by Baldwin.[62]

After Hitler's re-militarisation of the Rhineland in 1936, MacDonald declared that he was "pleased" that the Treaty of Versailles was "vanishing", expressing his hope that the French had been taught a "severe lesson".[93]

Last years and death

At the 1935 election MacDonald was defeated at Seaham by Emanuel Shinwell. Shortly after he was elected at a by-election in January 1936 for the Combined Scottish Universities seat, but his physical and mental health collapsed in 1936. King George V died a week before voting began in the Scottish by-election, and MacDonald deeply mourned his death,[94][95] paying tribute to him in his diary as "a gracious and kingly friend whom I have served with all my heart".[94][95] There had been a genuine mutual affection between the two; the King is said to have regarded MacDonald as his favourite prime minister.[96][97]

A sea voyage was recommended to restore MacDonald's health, but he died on board the liner MV Reina del Pacifico at sea on 9 November 1937, aged 71 with his youngest daughter Sheila. His funeral was in Westminster Abbey on 26 November. After cremation, his ashes were buried alongside his wife Margaret at Spynie in his native Morayshire.[62]


For half a century, MacDonald was demonised by the Labour Party as a turncoat who consorted with the enemy and drove the Labour Party to its nadir. Later, however, scholarly opinion raised his status as an important founder and leader of the Labour Party, and a man who held Britain together during its darkest economic times.[98][99]

MacDonald's expulsion from Labour along with his National Labour Party's coalition with the Conservatives, combined with the decline in his physical and mental powers after 1931, left him a discredited figure at the time of his death, destined to receive years of unsympathetic treatment from generations of Labour-inclined British historians. The events of 1931, with the downfall of the Labour government and his coalition with the Conservatives, led to MacDonald becoming one of the most reviled figures in the history of the Labour Party, with many of his former supporters accusing him of betraying the party he had helped create.[100][101][102] MacNeill Weir, MacDonald's former parliamentary private secretary, published the first major biography The Tragedy of Ramsay MacDonald in 1938. Weir demonised MacDonald for obnoxious careerism, class betrayal and treachery.[103] Clement Attlee in his autobiography As it Happened (1954) called MacDonald's decision to abandon the Labour government in 1931 "the greatest betrayal in the political history of the country".[104] The coming of war in 1939 led to a search for the politicians who had appeased Hitler and failed to prepare Britain; MacDonald was grouped among the "Guilty Men".

By the 1960s, while union activists maintained their hostile attitude, scholars wrote with more appreciation of his challenges and successes.[105] Finally in 1977 he received a long scholarly biography that historians have judged to be "definitive."[106] Labour MP David Marquand, a trained historian who later became a professor of politics, wrote Ramsay MacDonald with the stated intention of giving MacDonald his due for his work in founding and building the Labour Party, and in trying to preserve peace in the years between the two world wars. He argued also to place MacDonald's fateful decision in 1931 in the context of the crisis of the times and the limited choices open to him. Marquand praised the prime minister's decision to place national interests before that of party in 1931. He also emphasised MacDonald's lasting intellectual contribution to socialism and his pivotal role in transforming Labour from an outside protest group to an inside party of government.[107]

Scholarly analysis about the economic decisions taken in the inter-war period such as the return to the Gold Standard in 1925, and MacDonald's desperate efforts to defend it in 1931, has changed. Robert Skidelsky, in his classic account of the 1929–31 government, Politicians and the Slump (1967), compared the orthodox policies advocated by leading politicians of both parties unfavourably with the more radical, proto-Keynesian measures proposed by David Lloyd George and Oswald Mosley. But in the preface to the 1994 edition Skidelsky argued that recent experience of currency crises and capital flight made it hard to be critical of politicians who wanted to achieve stability by cutting so-called "labour costs" and defending the value of the currency.[108] In 2004 Marquand advanced a similar argument:

In the harsher world of the 1980s and 1990s it was no longer obvious that Keynes was right in 1931 and the bankers wrong. Pre-Keynesian orthodoxy had come in from the cold. Politicians and publics had learned anew that confidence crises feed on themselves; that currencies can collapse; that the public credit can be exhausted; that a plummeting currency can be even more painful than deflationary expenditure cuts; and that governments which try to defy the foreign exchange markets are apt to get their—and their countries'—fingers burnt. Against that background MacDonald's response to the 1931 crisis increasingly seemed not just honourable and consistent, but right ... he was the unacknowledged precursor of the Blairs, the Schröders, and the Clintons of the 1990s and 2000s.[109]

Cultural depictions

Further information: Cultural depictions of British prime ministers § Ramsay MacDonald

Personal life

MacDonald c. 1900s

Ramsay MacDonald married Margaret Ethel Gladstone (no relation to Prime Minister William Gladstone) in 1896. The marriage was a very happy one, and they had six children, including Malcolm MacDonald (1901–81), who had a distinguished career as a politician, colonial governor and diplomat, and Ishbel MacDonald (1903–82), who was very close to her father. Another son, Alister Gladstone MacDonald (1898–1993) was a conscientious objector in the First World War, serving in the Friends' Ambulance Unit; he became a prominent architect who worked on promoting the planning policies of his father's government, and specialised in cinema design.[110] MacDonald was devastated by Margaret's death from blood poisoning in 1911, and had few significant personal relationships after that time, apart from with Ishbel, who acted as his consort while he was Prime Minister and cared for him for the rest of his life. Following his wife's death, MacDonald commenced a relationship with Lady Margaret Sackville.[111]

In the 1920s and 1930s he was frequently entertained by the society hostess Lady Londonderry, which was much disapproved of in the Labour Party since her husband was a Conservative cabinet minister.[112]

Ramsay MacDonald's religious life was varied, starting as a devout Christian and incrementally moving across his life into organised humanism, particularly the British Ethical movement. MacDonald's father held firm Calvinist beliefs, but as an adult Ramsay would join the Church of Scotland. Subsequently, he became interested in the Unitarian movement during his time in London, and led Unitarian worship sessions. His interest in Unitarianism led him to discover the Ethical Church, an early humanist association affiliated with the Union of Ethical Societies (today known as Humanists UK), which he joined as a member.[113][114] He regularly attended services at the South Place Ethical Society (now Conway Hall),[115] and became intensely involved in Union of Ethical Societies, and friends with its founder, Stanton Coit. Ramsay would write regularly in Stanton Coit's Ethical World, a humanist publication.[116] On more than one occasion, he had been elected chair of the Union at its annual meeting, evidencing the significance of his commitment to organised humanism.[117]

MacDonald's unpopularity in the country following his stance against Britain's involvement in the First World War spilled over into his private life. In 1916, he was expelled from Moray Golf Club in Lossiemouth for being deemed to bring the club into disrepute because of his pacifist views.[118] The manner of his expulsion was regretted by some members but an attempt to re-instate him by a vote in 1924 failed. However, a Special General Meeting held in 1929 finally voted for his reinstatement. By this time, MacDonald was Prime Minister for the second time. He felt the initial expulsion very deeply and refused to take up the final offer of membership, which he had framed and mounted.[119]


In 1930, MacDonald was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) under Statute 12.[120] He was awarded honorary Doctor of Laws (LLD) degrees by the universities of Wales, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Oxford and McGill and George Washington University.[121]

In popular culture

The novel Fame is the Spur (1940) by Howard Spring is thought to be based on the life of MacDonald.[122]


1. John Shepherd, "The Lad from Lossiemouth." History today 57#11 (2007): 31+
2. Marquand, David: Ramsay MacDonald, London, 1977, pp. 4–5
3. Marquand, p. 6
4. Marquand, p. 5
5. Marquand, p. 12
6. Marquand, p. 15
7. Bryher, Samual: An Account of the Labour and Socialist Movement in Bristol, 1929
8. Elton, p.44
9. Marquand, pp. 9, 17
10. Tracey, Herbert: J. Ramsay MacDonald, 1924, p. 29
11. Marquand, p. 20
12. Marquand, p.21
13. Morgan, J. Ramsay MacDonald (1987) p.17
14. Marquand, p.23
15. MacDonald, James Ramsay (1921). Socialism: critical and constructive. Cassell's social economics series. Cassell and Company Ltd.
16. Elton, pp.56–57
17. Conor Cruise O' Brien, Parnell and his Party 1957, p.275
18. Marquand, p.22
19. Marquand, p. 31
20. Dover Express, 17 June 1892; 12 August 1892
21. Dover Express, 7 October 1892
22. Marquand, p. 35
23. Southampton Times, 21 July 1894
24. Marquand, p. 73
25. Gunther, John (1940). Inside Europe. New York: Harper & Brothers. pp. 335, 337–340.
26. Jennings 1962, p. 457.
27. Mackintosh, John P. (Ed.): British Prime Ministers in the twentieth Century, London, 1977, p. 157
28. MacDonald Papers, P.R.O. 3/95
29. McDonald, Deborah, Clara Collet 1860–1948: An Educated Working Woman; Routledge: 2004
30. Diary of Clara Collet: Warwick Modern Records Office
31. Morgan 1987, p. 30.
32. Clegg, H.A;, Fox, Alan; Thompson, A.F.: A History of British Trade Unions since 1889, 1964, vol I, p. 388
33. Leicester Pioneer, 20 January 1906
34. Morgan 1987, p. 40.
35. Kenneth Morgan (1987) pp 42–43
36. Thompson, Laurence: The Enthusiasts, (1971), p. 173
37. Marquand, pp. 77, 168
38. Marquand, p. 168.
39. HC Deb 03 August 1914 vol 65 c. 1831
40. Marquand, p. 169.
41. MacKintosh, John P (Ed.): British Prime Ministers in the Twentieth Century, (1977), p. 159.
42. Elton, pp. 269–71
43. Marquand, p. 189.
44. Symons, Julian, Horatio Bottomley, Cressett Press, London, 1955, pp. 168–69
45. Marquand, pp. 190, 191.
46. Marquand, p. 192.
47. Marquand, p. 205.
48. Marquand, p. 236.
49. Marquand, p. 250.
50. Marquand, p. 273.
51. Marquand, p. 274.
52. Marquand, pp. 274–275.
53. Marquand, p 283
54. Kenneth Morgan (1987) pp 44–45
55. David Cesarani. "Anti-Zionism in Britain, 1922–2002: Continuities and Discontinuities" The Journal of Israeli History 25.1 (2006): 141
56. Neilson, Keith; Otte, T.G. (2008). The Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 1854–1946. New York: Routledge. p. 175. ISBN 978-1134231393.
57. "Scotland Back in the Day: Remembering the first working-class PM, Ramsay MacDonald, 150 years after his birth", The National.
58. "Ramsay MacDonald", Spartacus Educational, John Simkin, September 1997 (updated February 2016).
59. A.J.P. Taylor, English History: 1914–1945 (1965) p 209
60. Sir Harold Nicolson, King George V: His life and reign (1952)
61. Taylor, English History: 1914–1945, pp. 213–14
62. Morgan, Kevin. (2006) MacDonald (20 British Prime Ministers of the 20th Century), Haus Publishing, ISBN 1-904950-61-2
63. Keith Robbins, "Labour Foreign Policy and International Socialism: MacDonald and the League of Nations," in Robbins, Politicians, Diplomacy and War (2003) pp. 239–72
64. Marquand, pp. 315–17
65. Marks, Sally (1978). "The Myths of Reparations". Central European History. 11 (3): 231–55. doi:10.1017/s0008938900018707.
66. Marks, "The Myths of Reparations", p. 249
67. Marquand, pp. 329–51
68. Limam: The First Labour Government, 1924, p. 173
69. Curtis Keeble (1990). Britain and the Soviet Union 1917–89. Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 117. ISBN 9781349206438.
70. Lyman, The First Labour Government, 1924 pp. 195–204
71. A.J.P. Taylor (1965). English History, 1914–1945. pp. 217–20, 225–26. ISBN 9780198217152.
72. Marquand, p. 382
73. Taylor, English History: 1914–1945, pp. 219–20, 226–7
74. C. L. Mowat (1955). Britain Between the Wars, 1918–1940. Taylor & Francis. pp. 188–94.
75. "A Century of Change: Trends in UK statistics since 1900," Research Paper 99/111, 1999, House of Commons Library
76. "MR. W. G. COVE, M.P., MAY NOT STAND AGAIN AT WELLINGBOROUGH". Northampton Mercury. 17 August 1928. Retrieved 25 October 2015 – via British Newspaper Archive.
77. Chris Howard, "Ramsay MacDonald and Aberavon, 1922–29," Llafur: Journal of Welsh Labour History 7#1 (1996) pp 68–77
78. John Shepherd, The Second Labour Government: A reappraisal (2012).
79. "THE NEW MINISTRY". Hartlepool Mail. 8 June 1929. Retrieved 25 October 2015 – via British Newspaper Archive.
80. Davies, A.J. (1996) To Build A New Jerusalem: The British Labour Party from Keir Hardie to Tony Blair, Abacus, ISBN 0-349-10809-9
81. C. L. Mowat, Britain between the Wars, 1918–1940 (1955) pp 379–401
82. Andrew Thorpe, "Arthur Henderson and the British political crisis of 1931." Historical Journal 31#1 (1988): 117–139.
83. Martin Pugh Speak for Britain!: A New History of the Labour Party (2010) pp 212–16
84. Reginald Bassett, 1931 Political Crisis (MacMillan, 1958) defends MacDonald.
85. Harford Montgomery Hyde (1973). Baldwin; the unexpected Prime Minister. Hart-Davis MacGibbon. p. 345.
86. Wrench, David (2000). "'Very Peculiar Circumstances': Walter Runciman and the National Government, 1931-3". Twentieth Century British History. 11 (1): 61–82. doi:10.1093/tcbh/11.1.61.
87. A.J.P. Taylor, English History 1914–1945 (1965), pp. 359–70
88. Kevin Morgan (2006). Ramsay MacDonald. Haus Publishing. p. 79. ISBN 9781904950615.
89. Aage Trommer, "MacDonald in Geneva in March 1933: A study in Britain's European policy." Scandinavian Journal of History1#1–4 (1976): 293–312.
90. Taylor, English History: 1914–1945 (1965), pp .334–35
91. Morgan 1987, p. 213.
92. Crompton, Teresa (2020). Adventuress, the Life and Loves of Lucy, Lady Houston. The History Press.
93. Stevenson, David (1998). "France at the Paris Peace Conference: Addressing the Dilemmas of Security". In Robert W. D. Boyce (ed.). French Foreign and Defence Policy, 1918–1940: The Decline and Fall of a Great Power. London: Routledge. p. 10. ISBN 9780415150392.
94. Marquand, David (1977). Ramsay MacDonald. J. Cape. p. 784. ISBN 978-0-224-01295-9. George V's death in January 1936, had been a heavy blow to MacDonald; it is clear from his diary that he must have taken some time to recover from it.
95. Morgan, Austen (1987). J. Ramsay MacDonald. Manchester University Press. p. 234. ISBN 978-0-7190-2168-8.
96. Berkeley, Humphry (1978). The myth that will not die: the formation of the National Government 1931. Croom Helm. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-85664-773-4.
97. Watkins, Alan (2 September 1978). "History without heroes". The Spectator. Vol. 241. F.C. Westley. p. 20.
98. John Shepherd, "The Lad from Lossiemouth," History Today (Nov 2007) 57#11 pp 31–33
99. Owen, Nicholas (2007). "MacDonald's Parties: The Labour Party and the 'Aristocratic Embrace' 1922–31". Twentieth Century British History. 18 (1): 1–53. doi:10.1093/tcbh/hwl043.
100. "Labour History". Archived from the original on 30 September 2008. Retrieved 9 May 2010.
101. Blair makes moral case for war BBC News, 15 February 2003
102. "Nick Clegg and the ghost of Ramsay MacDonald", The Guardian, 9 May 2010
103. David E. Martin, "MacDonald, (James) Ramsay" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:836-37.
104. Attlee, Clement. As it Happened. Heinemann: 1954
105. Martin, pp 836–37.
106. David Dutton (2008). Liberals in Schism: A History of the National Liberal Party. I.B.Tauris. p. 88. ISBN 9780857737113.
107. Martin (2003) p 837.
108. Robert Skidelsky (1994). Politicians and the slump: The Labour Government of 1929–1931. Papermac. ISBN 9780333605929.
109. Marquand (2004)
110. David Goold (2008). "Alister Gladstone MacDonald (or Alistair Gladstone MacDonald)". Dictionary of Scottish Architects. Retrieved 9 May 2010.
111. Fenton, Ben (2 November 2006). "Secret love affair of Labour Prime Minister and Lady Margaret is revealed 80 years on". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 9 May 2010.
112. Morgan 1987, p. 124.
113. Turner, Jacqueline (2018). The Labour Church: Religion and Politics in Britain 1890–1914. I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd.
114. Hunt, James D. (2005). An American Looks at Gandhi: Essays in Satyagraha, Civil Rights, and Peace. Promilla & Co Publishers Ltd.
115. Marquand, p. 24
116. Roger E Blackhouse, Tamotsu Nishizawa, eds. (2010). No Wealth But Life: Welfare Economics and the Welfare State in Britain, 1880–1945. Cambridge University Press. p. 118.
117. Lord Godfrey Elton (1939). The Life of James Ramsay Macdonald (1866–1919). Collins. p. 94.
118. Marquand, pp 190, 191
119. McConnachie, John. The Moray Golf Club at Lossiemouth, 1988
120. Gregory, R. A. (1939). "James Ramsay MacDonald. 1866–1937". Obituary Notices of Fellows of the Royal Society. 2 (7): 475–482. doi:10.1098/rsbm.1939.0007.
121. "MacDonald, Rt Hon. James Ramsay, (12 October 1866 – 9 November 1937), JP Morayshire; MP (Lab.) Aberavon Division of Glamorganshire, 1922–29, Seaham Division Co. Durham, 1929–31, (Nat. Lab.) 1931–35, Scottish Universities since 1936". MacDonald, Rt Hon. James Ramsay. Who Was Who. Oxford University Press. 1 December 2007. doi:10.1093/ww/9780199540884.013.U213229.
122. Accessed 6 November 2014


• Carlton, David. MacDonald versus Henderson: The Foreign Policy of the Second Labour Government (2014).
• Heppell, Timothy, and Kevin Theakston, eds. How Labour Governments Fall: From Ramsay MacDonald to Gordon Brown (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).
• Hinks, John Ramsay MacDonald: the Leicester years (1906–1918), Leicester, 1996
• Howell, David MacDonald's Party. Labour Identities and Crisis, 1922–1931, Oxford: OUP 2002; ISBN 0-19-820304-7
• Jennings, Ivor (1962). Party Politics: Volume 3, The Stuff of Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521054348.
• Kitching, Carolyn J. "Prime minister and foreign secretary: the dual role of James Ramsay MacDonald in 1924." Review of International Studies 37#3 (2011): 1403–1422.
• Lloyd, Trevor. "Ramsay MacDonald: Socialist or Gentleman?." Canadian Journal of History/Annales Canadiennes d'Histoire 15#3 (1980) online.
• Lyman, Richard W. The First Labour Government, 1924 (Chapman & Hall, 1957).
• Lyman, Richard W. "James Ramsay MacDonald and the Leadership of the Labour Party, 1918–22." Journal of British Studies 2#1 (1962): 132–160.
• Marquand, David Ramsay MacDonald, (London: Jonathan Cape 1977); ISBN 0-224-01295-9; 902pp; the standard scholarly biography; favourable
• McKibbin, Ross I. "James Ramsay MacDonald and the Problem of the Independence of the Labour Party, 1910–1914." Journal of Modern History 42#2 (1970): 216–235. in JSTOR
• Marquand, David. Ramsay MacDonald (Jonathan Cape, 1977); The most comprehensive scholarly biography; it launched his rehabilitation.
• Marquand, David. "MacDonald, (James) Ramsay (1866–1937)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2009 accessed 9 Sept 2012; doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/34704
• Morgan, Austen (1987). J. Ramsay MacDonald. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0719021688.
• Morgan, Kevin. Ramsay MacDonald (2006)excerpt and text search
• Morgan, Kenneth O. Labour People: Leaders and Lieutenants Hardy to Kinnock (1987) pp 39–53.
• Mowat, C. L. "Ramsay MacDonald and the Labour Party," in Essays in Labour History 1886–1923, edited by Asa Briggs, and John Saville, (1971)
• Mowat, C. L.Britain Between the Wars, 1918–1940 (1955).
• Owen, Nicholas (2007). "MacDonald's Parties: The Labour Party and the 'Aristocratic Embrace' 1922–31". Twentieth Century British History. 18 (1): 1–53. doi:10.1093/tcbh/hwl043.
• Phillips, Gordon: The Rise of the Labour Party 1893–1931, (Routledge 1992).
• Riddell, Neil. Labour in Crisis: The Second Labour Government, 1929-31 (1999).
• Robbins, Keith (1994). Politicians, Diplomacy and War in Modern British History. A&C Black. pp. 239–72. ISBN 9780826460479.
• Rosen, Greg (ed.) Dictionary of Labour Biography, London: Politicos Publishing 2001; ISBN 978-1-902301-18-1
• Rosen, Greg (ed.) Old Labour to New. The Dreams That Inspired, the Battles That Divided (London: Politicos Publishing 2005; ISBN 978-1-84275-045-2).
• Sacks, Benjamin. J. Ramsay MacDonald in Thought and Action (University of New Mexico Press, 1952), favourable biography by American scholar
• Shepherd, John and Keith Laybourn. Britain's First Labour Government (2006).
• Shepherd, John. The Second Labour Government: A reappraisal (2012).
• Skidelsky, Robert. Politicians and the Slump: The Labour Government of 1929–1931 (1967).
• Taylor, A.J.P. English History: 1914–1945 (1965)
• Thorpe, Andrew. "Arthur Henderson and the British political crisis of 1931." Historical Journal 31#1 (1988): 117–139, On the expulsion of MacDonald from the Labour Party.
• Thorpe, Andrew Britain in the 1930s. The Deceptive Decade (Blackwell 1992; ISBN 0-631-17411-7)
• Ward, Stephen R. James Ramsay MacDonald: Low Born among the High Brows (1990).
• Weir, L. MacNeill. The Tragedy of Ramsay MacDonald: A Political Biography (1938). Highly influential and extremely negative account by a former aide. online
• Williamson, Philip : National Crisis and National Government. British Politics, the Economy and the Empire, 1926–1932, Cambridge: CUP 1992; ISBN 0-521-36137-0
• Wrigley, Chris. "James Ramsay MacDonald 1922–1931," in Leading Labour: From Keir Hardie to Tony Blair, edited by Kevin Jefferys, (1999)


• Callaghan, John, et al. eds., Interpreting the Labour Party: Approaches to Labour Politics and History (2003) online; also online free
• Loades, David, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:836-37.
• Shepherd, John. "The Lad from Lossiemouth," History Today (Nov 2007) 57#11 pp 31–33, historiography

Primary sources

• Barker, Bernard (ed.) Ramsay MacDonald's Political Writings (Allen Lane, 1972).
• Cox, Jane A Singular Marriage: A Labour Love Story in Letters and Diaries (of Ramsay and Margaret MacDonald), London: Harrap 1988; ISBN 978-0-245-54676-1
• MacDonald, Ramsay The Socialist Movement (1911) online; free copy
• MacDonald, Ramsay Socialism and Society (1914) online
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Labour and Peace, Labour Party 1912
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Parliament and Revolution, Labour Party 1919
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Parliament and revolution (1920) online
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Foreign Policy of the Labour Party, Labour Party 1923
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Margaret Ethel MacDonald (1924) online
• MacDonald, Ramsay. Socialism: critical and constructive (1924) online

External links

Ramsay MacDonaldat Wikipedia's sister projects

• Definitions from Wiktionary
• Media from Wikimedia Commons
• News from Wikinews
• Quotations from Wikiquote
• Texts from Wikisource
• Textbooks from Wikibooks
• Resources from Wikiversity
• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by Ramsay MacDonald
• A left-wing criticism of Macdonald's career Socialist Review
• More about Ramsay MacDonald Prime Minister's Office
• Ramsay MacDonald Papers, 1893–1937
• Portraits of Ramsay MacDonald at the National Portrait Gallery, London
• "Archival material relating to Ramsay MacDonald". UK National Archives.
• Newspaper clippings about Ramsay MacDonald in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 6:50 am

Brook Farm
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/13/20

Brook Farm
U.S. National Register of Historic Places
U.S. National Historic Landmark
Brook Farm is located in MassachusettsBrook Farm
Location 670 Baker Street, Boston, Massachusetts
Coordinates 42°17′28.90″N 71°10′26.71″WCoordinates: 42°17′28.90″N 71°10′26.71″W
Area: 188 acres (0.76 km2)[2]
Built: 1841
Architect: Brook Farm Community
NRHP reference # 66000141[1]
Significant dates
Added to NRHP October 15, 1966
Designated NHL July 23, 1965[3]

Brook Farm, also called the Brook Farm Institute of Agriculture and Education[4] or the Brook Farm Association for Industry and Education,[5] was a utopian experiment in communal living in the United States in the 1840s. It was founded by former Unitarian minister George Ripley and his wife Sophia Ripley at the Ellis Farm in West Roxbury, Massachusetts (9 miles outside of downtown Boston) in 1841 and was inspired in part by the ideals of Transcendentalism, a religious and cultural philosophy based in New England. Founded as a joint stock company, it promised its participants a portion of the profits from the farm in exchange for performing an equal share of the work. Brook Farmers believed that by sharing the workload, ample time would be available for leisure activities and intellectual pursuits.

Life on Brook Farm was based on balancing labor and leisure while working together for the benefit of the greater community. Each member could choose to do whatever work they found most appealing and all were paid equally, including women. Revenue for the community came from farming and from selling handmade products like clothing as well as through fees paid by the many visitors to Brook Farm. The main source of income was the school, which was overseen by Mrs. Ripley. A pre-school, primary school, and a college preparatory school attracted children internationally and each child was charged for his or her education. Adult education was also offered.

The community was never financially stable and had difficulty profiting from its agricultural pursuits. By 1844, the Brook Farmers adopted a societal model based on the socialist concepts of Charles Fourier and began publishing The Harbinger as an unofficial journal promoting Fourierism. Following his vision, the community members began building an ambitious structure called the Phalanstery. When the uninsured building was destroyed in a fire, the community was financially devastated and never recovered. It was fully closed by 1847. Despite the experimental commune's failure, many Brook Farmers looked back on their experience positively. Critics of the commune included Charles Lane, founder of another utopian community called Fruitlands. Nathaniel Hawthorne was a founding member of Brook Farm, though he was not a strong adherent of the community's ideals. He later fictionalized his experience in his novel The Blithedale Romance (1852).

After the community's failure, the property was operated for most of the next 130 years by a Lutheran organization as first an orphanage, and then a treatment center and school. The buildings of the Transcendentalists were destroyed by fire over the years. In 1988 the State of Massachusetts acquired 148 acres (60 ha) of the farm, which is now operated by the Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation as a historic site. Brook Farm was one of the first sites in Massachusetts to be listed on the National Register of Historic Places and be designated a National Historic Site. In 1977, the Boston Landmarks Commission designated Brook Farm a Landmark, the city's highest recognition for historic sites.


Planning and background

George Ripley founded Brook Farm based on Transcendental ideals.

In October 1840, George Ripley announced to the Transcendental Club that he was planning to form a Utopian community.[6] Brook Farm, as it would be called, was based on the ideals of Transcendentalism; its founders believed that by pooling labor they could sustain the community and still have time for literary and scientific pursuits.[7] The experiment was meant to serve as an example for the rest of the world, based on the principles of "industry without drudgery, and true equality without its vulgarity".[8] At Brook Farm, as in other communities, physical labor was perceived as a condition of mental well-being and health. Brook Farm was one of at least 80 communal experiments active in the United States throughout the 1840s, though it was the first to be secular.[9] Ripley believed his experiment would be a model for the rest of society. He predicted: "If wisely executed, it will be a light over this country and this age. If not the sunrise, it will be the morning star."[4] As more interested people began to take part in planning, Ripley relocated meetings from his home to the West Street bookshop operated by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody.[10]


Ripley and his wife Sophia formed a joint stock company in 1841 along with 10 other initial investors.[7] He sold shares of the company $500 apiece with a promise of five percent of the profits to each investor.[6] Shareholders were also allowed a single vote in decision-making and several held director positions.[4] The Ripleys chose to begin their experiment at a dairy farm owned by Charles and Maria Mayo Ellis in West Roxbury, Massachusetts, near the home of Theodore Parker.[11] They began raising money, including holding a meeting at Peabody's bookshop to raise $10,000 for the farm's initial purchase.[12] The site was eventually purchased on October 11, 1841, for $10,500.[13] though participants had begun moving in as early as April.[14] The 170-acre (0.69 km2) farm about eight miles (13 km) from Boston was described in a pamphlet as a "place of great natural beauty, combining a convenient nearness to the city with a degree of retirement and freedom from unfavorable influences unusual even in the country".[11] The purchase also covered a neighboring Keith farm, approximately 22 acres (89,000 m2), "consisting altogether of a farm with dwelling house, barn, and outbuildings thereon situated".[13]

The first major public notice of the community was published in August 1841. "The Community at West Roxbury, Mass." was likely written by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody.[15] Though they began with 10 investors, eventually some 32 people would become Brook Farmers.[7][16] Writer and editor Margaret Fuller was invited to Brook Farm[17] and, though she never officially joined the community, she was a frequent visitor, often spending New Year's Eve there.[18] Ripley received many applications to join the community, especially from people who had little money or those in poor health, but full-fledged membership was granted only to individuals who could afford the $500 share of the joint stock company.[19]

One of the initial founders of Brook Farm was author Nathaniel Hawthorne. Hawthorne did not particularly agree with the ideals of the experiment, hoping only that it would help him raise enough money to begin his life with his wife-to-be Sophia Peabody.[8] She considered moving there as well and even visited in May 1841, though Hawthorne sent her away.[20] Ripley was aware of Hawthorne's motivations, and tried to convince him to get involved more fully by appointing him as one of four trustees, specifically overseeing "Direction of Finance".[13] After requesting his initial investment be returned, Hawthorne officially resigned from Brook Farm on October 17, 1842.[21] He wrote of his displeasure with the community: "even my Custom House experience was not such a thraldom and weariness; my mind and heart were freer ...Thank God, my soul is not utterly buried under a dung-heap."[22]

Fourier inspiration

Brook Farm was reorganized to follow the work of Charles Fourier.

In the late 1830s Ripley became increasingly engaged in "Associationism", an early socialist movement based on the work of Charles Fourier. Horace Greeley, a New York newspaper editor, and others began to pressure the Brook Farm experiment to follow more closely the pattern of Charles Fourier[23] at a time when the community was struggling to be self-sufficient.[19] Albert Brisbane, whose book The Social Destiny of Man (1840) had been an inspiration to Ripley,[24] paid Greeley $500 for permission to publish a front-page column in the New York Tribune which ran in several parts from March 1842 to September 1843. Brisbane argued in the series, titled "Association: or, Principles of a True Organization of Society", how Fourier's theories could be applied in the United States.[19] Brisbane published similar articles in 1842 in The Dial, the journal of the Transcendentalists.[25] Fourier's societal vision included elaborate plans for specific structures and highly organized roles of its members.[23] He called this system for an ideal community a "Phalanx".[26]

To meet this vision, now under the name "Brook Farm Association for Industry and Education",[5] Brook Farmers committed themselves to constructing an ambitious communal building known as the Phalanstery. Construction began in the summer of 1844 and the structure would provide accommodations for 14 families and single people as well.[27] It was planned to be 175 feet (53 m) by 40 feet (12 m) and include, as Ripley described, "a large and commodious kitchen, a dining-hall capable of seating from three to four hundred persons, two public saloons, and a spacious hall or lecture room".[28]

Ripley and two associates created a new constitution for Brook Farm in 1844, beginning the experiment's attempts to follow closely Fourier's Phalanx system.[29] Many Brook Farmers supported the transition; at a dinner in honor of Fourier's birthday, one member of the group proposed a toast to "Fourier, the second coming of Christ".[30] Others, however, did not share in the enthusiasm and some left the commune altogether.[30] One of those who left was Isaac Hecker, who converted to Catholicism and went on to become the founder of the first American-based order of priests, the Paulist Fathers, in 1858.[31] In particular, many Brook Farmers thought the new model was too rigid and structured and too different from the carefree aspects that they had been attracted to.[32] Both supporters and detractors referred to the early part of Brook Farm's history as the "Transcendental days".[30] Ripley himself became a celebrity proponent of Fourierism and organized conventions throughout New England to discuss the community.[33]

November 7, 1846, issue of The Harbinger, printed at Brook Farm

In the last few months of 1844, Brook Farmers were offered the possibility of taking over two Associationism-inspired publications, Brisbane's The Phalanx and John Allen's The Social Reformer. Four printers were part of Brook Farm at the time and members of the community believed it would elevate their status as leaders of the movement as well as provide additional income.[34] Ultimately, the Brook Farmers published a new journal combining the two, The Harbinger.[27] The journal's first issue was published June 14, 1845, and was continuously printed, originally weekly, until October 1847, when it was relocated to New York City, still under the oversight of George Ripley and fellow Brook Farmer Charles Anderson Dana.[35] Naming the publication, however, turned out to be a difficult task. Parke Godwin offered advice when it was suggested to keep the name The Phalanx:

Call it the Pilot, the Harbinger, the Halycon, the Harmonist, The Worker, the Architect, The Zodiac, The Pleiad, the Iris, the Examiner, The Aurora, the Crown, the Imperial, the Independent, the Synthesist, the Light, the Truth, the Hope, the Teacher, the Reconciler, the Wedge, the Pirate, the Seer, the Indicator, the Tailor, the Babe in the Manger, the Universe, the Apocalypse, the Red Dragon, the Plant, Beelzebub—the Devil or anything rather than the meaningless name Phalanx.[36]

Decline and dissolution

Brook Farm began to decline rapidly after its restructuring. In October 1844, Orestes Brownson visited the site and sensed that "the atmosphere of the place is horrible".[37] To save money, "retrenchments", or sacrifices, were called for, particularly at the dinner table.[38] Meat, coffee, tea, and butter were no longer offered, though it was agreed that a separate table with meat be allowed in December 1844.[37] That Thanksgiving, a neighbor had donated a turkey.[27] Many Brook Farmers applied for exceptions to these rules and soon it was agreed that "members of the Association who sit at the meat table shall be charged extra for their board".[39] Life on Brook Farm was further worsened by an outbreak of smallpox in November 1845; though no one died, 26 Brook Farmers were infected.[27] Ripley attempted to quell the financial difficulties by negotiating with creditors and stockholders, who agreed to cancel $7,000 of debts.[40]

Construction on the Phalanstery was progressing well[27] until the evening of March 3, 1846, when it was discovered that the Phalanstery had caught fire. Within two hours, the structure had completely burned down;[41] firefighters from Boston arrived too late.[42] The fire was likely caused by a defective chimney. One participant noted, "Ere long the flames were chasing one another in a mad riot over the structure; running across long corridors and up and down the supporting columns of wood, until the huge edifice was a mass of firework".[43] The financial blow from the loss of the uninsured building was $7,000 and it marked the beginning of the end of Brook Farm.[42]

George Ripley, who had begun the experiment, made an unofficial break with Brook Farm in May 1846.[44] Many others began to leave as well, though the dissolution of the farm was slow. As one Brook Farmer said, the slow decline of the community was like apple petals drifting slowly to the ground, making it seem "dreamy and unreal".[42] On November 5, 1846, Ripley's book collection, which had served as Brook Farm's library, was auctioned to help cover the association's debts.[45] By the end, Brook Farm had a total debt of $17,445.[46] Ripley told a friend, "I can now understand how a man would feel if he could attend his own funeral".[45] He took a job with the New York Tribune and it took him 13 years to pay off the Brook Farm debt, which he did in 1862.[47]

After Brook Farm

The Print Shop, constructed in about 1890, is the last remaining historic building at Brook Farm, though it is not associated with the Transcendentalist Utopian community. It was built by the Lutheran Church, which operated the Martin Luther Orphan's Home on the property from 1871 to 1944.[48]

A man named John Plummer purchased the land that was Brook Farm in 1849 before selling it six years later to James Freeman Clarke, who intended to establish another community there. Instead, Clarke offered it to President Abraham Lincoln during the American Civil War and the Second Massachusetts Regiment used it for training as Camp Andrew.[49]

Clarke sold the property in 1868 to two brothers, who used it as a summer boarding house. In 1870 Gottlieb F. Burckhardt purchased the property, after which he formed the Association of the Evangelical Lutheran Church for Works of Mercy to operate an orphanage in The Hive, as the main house on the property was known. The orphanage opened in 1872 and operated until 1943. In 1948 the Lutherans converted it into a treatment center and school, which closed in 1977.[50] Parts of the farm were separated in 1873 for use as a cemetery, a use that continues today as a non-denominational cemetery known as the Gardens of Gethsemene (as part of St. Joseph's Cemetery and the Baker Street Jewish Cemeteries). During the period of Lutheran ownership the only now extant building, a c. 1890 print shop, was built on the land; the buildings associated with the Transcendentalists, most recently the Margaret Fuller Cottage, had burned down by the 1980s.[49][50]

In 1988 the Metropolitan District Commission (since merged with the Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation, or DCR) purchased 148 acres (0.60 km2) of the original land.[51] The farm was declared a U.S. National Historic Landmark in 1965, a Boston Landmark in 1977, and is listed on the National Register of Historic Places.[2][3] The DCR now operate the state-owned portion as a historic site; the West Roxbury Historical Society periodically offers tours.[50]

Landscape and facilities

Brook Farm was named for the brook that ran near the roadside and that eventually went to the Charles River.[52] It was surrounded by low hills and its meadows and sunny slopes were diversified by orchard, quiet groves and denser pine woods. The land, however, turned out to be difficult to farm.[53]

The land on the Keith lot that was purchased along with the Ellis farm included a functional farmhouse, which Brook Farmers immediately began calling "The Hive".[13] The Hive became the center for social activities and was where the people of the community went to eat three meals a day. The Hive's dining room held fifty people and its library was stocked with George Ripley's personal book collection which was made available for all community members.[54]

As the community grew, it became necessary to add more buildings for lodgings and various activities. The first building constructed was "The Nest", where school lessons took place and where guests of the farm would stay. Mr. and Mrs. Ripley's house, later to be called the Eyrie, was built during the second year. The next building to be built was the Margaret Fuller Cottage; though named after Fuller, she never spent a night there.[55] A participant at Brook Farm named Ichabod Morton built the Pilgrim House, named in honor of his home town of Plymouth, Massachusetts. The ​2 1⁄2-story building was the third structure built that year and cost nearly $5,000 to build.[56] Morton stayed there only two weeks before moving out, after which the building was used for general lodging and also held the laundry facilities.[55] The many constructions, including greenhouses and small craft shops, quickly reduced their treasury.[53]

Community life

Work and finances

Participants at Brook Farm were also shareholders and were promised five percent of the annual profits or free tuition for one student. In exchange for 300 days of work per year, they were granted free room and board.[4] Members performed whatever work most appealed to them and all, including women, were paid equal wages.[57] The philosophy of labor, according to Ripley, was "to insure a more natural union between intellectual and manual labor than now exists; to combine the thinker and the worker, as far as possible, in the same individual."[58]

The organization of work in Brook Farm changed over time because of both financial troubles and changes in ideologies. Members of Brook Farm initially participated in an "attractive industry" system where each individual could pick his or her work assignments based on their own preferences.[59] This method did not have any specific authority making sure that essential tasks were getting done. After initial leniency, some sensed that not all members were doing their fair share of the labor, so in 1841 the community adopted required standards for work: ten hours of work were required per day during the summer, and eight hours during winter.[32] When Brook Farm first started adopting Fourierist notions, they created a more structured work environment with a system that consisted of three series of industry, which were agriculture, mechanical, and domestic, and within each series there were a number of groups that handled more specific tasks.[60] Each group had a chief whose duty it was to keep a record of the work done. While this system did create a new work hierarchy, the members still had the flexibility to move between groups easily.[60] These new measures caused Brook Farm to achieve a profit in 1844 which was a feat that had not been accomplished in its first few years of the community's existence.[60]

Typical work duties at Brook Farm included chopping wood, bringing in firewood, milking cows, turning a grindstone, and other farming chores.[43] Not all were farmers, however. Some worked in the trades, including making shoes, and others were teachers. Regardless of the job, all were considered equal and because of the job distribution, as Elizabeth Peabody wrote, "no one has any great weight in any one thing".[61] In exchange for their work, participants were granted several "guarantees", including "medical attendance, nursing, education in all departments, amusements".[62] There were some occasional conflicts between different workers, partly because those who were educators believed themselves more aristocratic; overall, however, as historian Charles Crowe wrote, "indeed all aspects of communal life operated with surprisingly little friction" in general.[63]

Visitors to Brook Farm came frequently, totaling an estimated 1,150 each year, though each was charged for their visit. Between November 1844 and October 1845, surviving records show that $425 was collected from visitor fees.[64] The list of visitors included theologian Henry James, Sr., sculptor William Wetmore Story, artist John Sartain, and British social reformer Robert Owen.[65]

Despite multiple sources of income, the community was in constant debt almost immediately after it began.[46] The community, including Ripley, had difficulty with the farming aspects of the community, in particular because of poor soil and not enough labor. The major crop was hay, though it was sold at low grade prices; vegetables, milk, and fruit were not produced in high enough numbers to be profitable.[66] The property was mortgaged four times between 1841 and 1845.[46] Brook Farm got into the habit of spending money before they had raised it. As one Brook Farmer wrote, "I think here lies the difficulty,—we have not had business men to conduct our affairs ... those among us who have some business talents, see this error".[27]


On September 29, 1841, the "Brook Farm Institute of Agriculture and Education" was organized. The school was the most immediate (and at times the only) source of income for Brook Farm and attracted students as far away as Cuba and the Philippines.[19] Children under twelve were charged three-and-a-half dollars per week and, at first, boys over twelve were charged four dollars a week and girls were charged five; by August 1842, the rates were made identical, regardless of gender.[62] Adult education was also available in the evenings. The schedule for adults included courses on moral philosophy, German language, and modern European history.[67]

Within the school there was an infant school for children under six, a primary school for children under ten, and there was a preparatory school that prepared children for college in six years.[67] When entering the school, each pupil under high school age was assigned a woman of the community who was in charge of his/her wardrobe, personal habits, and exercise.[68] The teachers included three graduates of Harvard Divinity School (George Ripley, George Bradford, John Sullivan Dwight) as well as several women (Ripley's wife Sophia, his sister Marianne, and his cousin Hannah, as well as Georgianna Bruce and Abby Morton).[69] Ripley was in charge of teaching English and was known to be relaxed in his class. Dana taught languages, being able to speak ten himself. Dwight taught music[70] as well as Latin.[12] Students studied European languages and literature and, at no extra cost, pupils could also indulge in the fine arts.[68] The primary school was overseen by Sophia Ripley and Marianne Ripley, using a progressive child-centered pedagogy that has been compared to the later reforms of John Dewey.[67] Sophia Ripley's dedication to the school was remarked upon by many; she only missed two classes in six years.[71]


The people of Brook Farm spent most of their time either studying or working the farm, but they always set aside time in the day for play. In their free time, the members of Brook Farm enjoyed music, dancing, card games, drama, costume parties, sledding, and skating.[7][72] Every week everyone in the community would gather at The Hive for a dance of the young ladies of the community. They would wear wreaths of wild daisies on top of their heads, and each week a special wreath, bought from a florist, would be given to the best dressed girl.[73] At the end of every day, many performed a "symbol of Universal Unity", in which they stood in a circle and joined hands and vowed for "truth to the cause of God and Humanity".[74]

Spirits remained high throughout the experiment, regardless of the community's financial standing.[6] Their social structure demanded selflessness[71] and individuals rarely failed to fulfill their duties,[63] a requirement to earn leisure time. Leisure time was important to the Brook Farm philosophy. As Elizabeth Palmer Peabody wrote for The Dial in January 1842, "none will be engaged merely in bodily labor ... This community aims to be rich, not in the metallic representative of wealth, but in ... leisure to live in all the faculties of the soul".[75]

Role of women

At Brook Farm, women had the opportunity to expand beyond their typical sphere of tasks and their labor was highly valued.[76] They did have tasks that were typical of other women at the time such as simple food preparation, and shared housekeeping. However, during the harvest time women were allowed to work in the fields and men even helped out with laundry during the cold weather. Because no single religion could impose its beliefs on the community, women were safe from the typical patriarchy associated with religion at the time.[76] Because of the community's focus on individual freedom, women were autonomous from their husbands and were also allowed to become stockholders.[71] Women also played an important role in providing sources of income to the community. Many devoted time to making, as Brook Farmer Marianne Dwight described, "elegant and tasteful caps, capes, collars, undersleeves, etc., etc.," for sale at shops in Boston.[76] Others painted screens and lamp shades for sale.[63] Women were allowed to go to school and, because of the well-known education of women at Brook Farm, many female writers and performers visited the farm. George Ripley's wife Sophia, who had written an outspoken feminist essay for The Dial on "Woman" before moving to Brook Farm,[77] was very educated and was able to teach history and foreign languages at the farm.


Many people in the community wrote of how much they enjoyed their experience and, in particular, the light-hearted atmosphere.[72] One participant, a man named John Codman, joined the community at the age of 27 in 1843. He wrote, "It was for the meanest a life above humdrum, and for the greatest something far, infinitely far beyond. They looked into the gates of life and saw beyond charming visions, and hopes springing up for all".[78] The idealism of the community sometimes was not met, however. Because the community was officially secular, a variety of religions were represented, though not always amicably. When Isaac Hecker and, later, Sophia Ripley converted to Catholicism, a Protestant Brook Farmer complained, "We are beginning to see wooden crosses around and pictures of saints ... and I suspect that rosaries are rattling under aprons."[79]

Nathaniel Hawthorne, eventually elected treasurer of the community, did not enjoy his experience. Initially, he praised the work he was doing, boasting of "what a great, broad-shouldered, elephantine personage I shall become by and by!"[80] Later, he wrote to his wife-to-be Sophia Peabody, "labor is the curse of the world, and nobody can meddle with it without becoming proportionately brutified".[81] After disassociating with the community Hawthorne demanded the return of his initial investment, though he never held any ill will with Ripley, to whom he wrote he would "heartily rejoice at your success—of which I can see no reasonable doubt".[21]

Many outside the community were critical of Brook Farm, especially in the press. The New York Observer, for example, suggested that, "The Associationists, under the pretense of a desire to promote order and morals, design to overthrow the marriage institution, and in the place of the divine law, to substitute the 'passions' as the proper regulator of the intercourse of the sexes", concluding that they were "secretly and industriously aiming to destroy the foundation of society".[82] Critic Edgar Allan Poe expressed his opinions on the community in an article titled "Brook Farm" in the December 13, 1845, issue of the Broadway Journal. He wrote that he had "sincere respect" for the group and that its journal, The Harbinger, was "conducted by an assemblage of well-read persons who mean no harm—and who, perhaps, can do no less".[83] Despite many critics, none suggested George Ripley be replaced as Brook Farm's leader.[40]

Ralph Waldo Emerson never joined the Brook Farm community, despite several invitations. He wrote to Ripley on December 15, 1840, of his "conviction that the Community is not good for me".[53] He also questioned the idealism of the community, particularly its optimism that all members would equally share responsibility and workload. As he wrote, "The country members naturally were surprised to observe that one man ploughed all day and one looked out of a window all day ... and both received at night the same wages".[32] Twenty years later, Emerson publicly denounced the experiment in his collection of essays titled The Conduct of Life. Charles Lane, one of the founders of another community called Fruitlands, thought the Brook Farmers lived a lifestyle that did not sacrifice enough. As he said, they were "playing away their youth and day-time in a miserably joyous frivolous manner".[84] Like other communities, Brook Farm was criticized for its potential to break up the nuclear family because of its focus on working as a larger community.[85] After its conversion to Fourierism, the Transcendentalists showed less support for the experiment.[86] Henry David Thoreau questioned the community members' idealism and wrote in his journal, "As for these communities, I think I had rather keep bachelor's hall in hell than go to board in heaven".[23] Even Sophia Ripley later questioned their original optimism, referring to it as "childish, empty, & sad".[87]

In fiction

A founding member, Hawthorne later fictionalized his experience at Brook Farm in The Blithedale Romance.

Nathaniel Hawthorne, though a founding member, was unhappy during his tenure as a Brook Farmer, partly because he was unable to write while living there. "I have no quiet at all", he complained, and his hands were covered "with a new crop of blisters—the effect of raking hay".[75] He later presented a fictionalized portrait of his experience in his 1852 novel, The Blithedale Romance.[88] He acknowledged the resemblance in his introduction, saying "in the 'Blithedale' of this volume, many readers will probably suspect a faint and not very faithful shadowing of Brook Farm, in West Roxbury, which (now a little more than ten years ago) was occupied and cultivated by a company of socialists." The chapter called "The Masqueraders", for example, was based on a picnic held one September to celebrate the harvest season.[89] George Ripley, who reviewed the book for the New York Tribune, said that former Brook Farmers would only notice the resemblance in the humorous parts of the story.[42] Some have also seen a resemblance between Margaret Fuller and Hawthorne's fictional character Zenobia.[18] In the novel, a visitor—a writer like Hawthorne—finds that hard farm labor is not conducive to intellectual creativity. In his introduction, Hawthorne insisted that, although his experience with Brook Farm undoubtedly influenced his concept of a Utopian community, that the characters in his novel in no way represented any of the Brook Farm residents specifically.[90]

See also

• National Register of Historic Places listings in southern Boston, Massachusetts


1. "National Register Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service. March 13, 2009.
2. Polly M. Rettig and S. Sydney Bradford (April 3, 1976) National Register of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination: Brook Farm, National Park Service and Accompanying five photos, from 1975
3. "Brook Farm". National Historic Landmark summary listing. National Park Service. Archived from the original on 2009-06-06. Retrieved 2009-04-25.
4. Felton, 124
5. Rose, 140
6. Packer, 133
7. Hankins, 34
8. McFarland, 83
9. Delano, 52
10. Marshall, 398
11. Delano, 39
12. Marshall, 415
13. Delano, 71
14. Marshall, 407
15. Delano, 63
16. Rose, 132
17. Gura, 156
18. Blanchard, Paula. Margaret Fuller: From Transcendentalism to Revolution. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1987: 187. ISBN 0-201-10458-X
19. Packer, 155
20. Marshall, 408–409
21. Delano, 97
22. Marshall, 417
23. Hankins, 35
24. Felton, 123
25. Delano, 91
26. Delano, 90
27. Packer, 161
28. Delano, 255
29. Packer, 157
30. Packer, 158
31. Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007: 300–301. ISBN 978-0-19-507894-7
32. Felton, 127
33. Crowe, 170
34. Delano, 190–191
35. Delano, 217
36. Delano, 222
37. Delano, 192
38. Packer, 160
39. Delano, 193
40. Crowe, 187
41. Delano, 254
42. Packer, 162
43. Felton, 128
44. Delano, 269
45. Delano, 283
46. Rose, 136
47. Rose, 209
48. [1]
49. Felton, 129
50. "Brooks Farm Brochure" (PDF). Massachusetts DCR. Retrieved 2013-06-19.
51. Delano, 326
52. Myerson, 299–300
53. Packer, 134
54. Felton, 124–125
55. Felton, 125
56. Delano, 96
57. Delano, 65–66
58. Marshall, 407–408
59. McKanan, Dan (September 2006). "Self-Unfolding as Communitarian Vision: Brook Farm's Challenge to Contemporary Communities". Communal Societies. 26 (2): 4–5.
60. Francis, Richard (1977). "The Ideology of Brook Farm". Studies in the American Renaissance: 14–15.
61. Rose, 135
62. Delano, 67
63. Crowe, 178
64. Delano, 53
65. Delano, 54
66. Crow, 161
67. Felton, 126
68. Myerson, 82
69. Delano, 79
70. Myerson, 305
71. Rose, 186
72. Rose, 131
73. Myerson, 302–303
74. Felton, 125–126
75. Marshall, 416
76. Packer, 159
77. Rose, 185
78. Packer, 135
79. Rose, Ann C. Beloved Strangers: Interfaith Families in Nineteenth-century America Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001: 94–95. ISBN 0-674-00640-2
80. Marshall, 409
81. McFarland, 84
82. Delano, 275–276
83. Sova, Dawn B. Edgar Allan Poe: A to Z. New York: Checkmark Books, 2001: 35. ISBN 0-8160-4161-X
84. Delano, 119
85. Rose, 189
86. Crowe, 179
87. Rose, 196
88. McFarland, 149
89. Delano, 102
90. Nathaniel Hawthorne, Blithedale Romance, Oxford University Press


• Crowe, Charles. George Ripley: Transcendentalist and Utopian Socialist. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1967.
• Delano, Sterling F. Brook Farm: The Dark Side of Utopia. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-674-01160-0
• Felton, R. Todd. A Journey into the Transcendentalists' New England. Berkeley, California: Roaring Forties Press, 2006. ISBN 0-9766706-4-X
• Gura, Philip F. American Transcendentalism: A History. New York: Hill and Wang, 2007. ISBN 0-8090-3477-8
• Hankins, Barry. The Second Great Awakening and the Transcendentalists. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2004. ISBN 0-313-31848-4
• Marshall, Megan. The Peabody Sisters: Three Women Who Ignited American Romanticism. Boston: Mariner Books, 2005. ISBN 978-0-618-71169-7
• McFarland, Philip. Hawthorne in Concord. New York: Grove Press, 2004. ISBN 0-8021-1776-7
• Myerson, Joel (ed). The Brook Farm Book: A Collection of First-Hand Accounts of the Community. New York: Garland, 1987. ISBN 0-8240-8507-8
• Packer, Barbara L. The Transcendentalists. Athens, Georgia: The University of Georgia Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0-8203-2958-1
• Rose, Anne C. Transcendentalism as a Social Movement, 1830–1850. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981. ISBN 0-300-02587-4

External links

• Brook Farm at Massachusetts DCR
• Brook Farm Study Report from Boston Landmarks Commission, City of Boston
• American Communities and Co-operative Colonies, (1908) by William Alfred Hinds
• "Transcendental ideas: social reform" at Virginia Commonwealth University
• Brook Farm at, provides several links to primary source accounts of Brook Farm
• Brook Farm: Historic and Personal Memoirs at Project Gutenberg
• Brook Farm Historic Site at Newton Conservators
• Texts on Wikisource:
o "Brook Farm" . Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
o "Brook Farm". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
o "Brook Farm". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 7:53 am

Lothrop Stoddard
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

Lothrop Stoddard
Born: Theodore Lothrop Stoddard, June 29, 1883, Brookline, Massachusetts, U.S.
Died: May 1, 1950 (aged 66), Washington, D.C., U.S.
Nationality: American
Alma mater: Harvard, Boston University
Occupation: Author, political scientist, historian, journalist
Parents: John Lawson Stoddard (father); Mary H Stoddard (mother)

Theodore Lothrop Stoddard (June 29, 1883 – May 1, 1950) was an American white supremacist[1][2] historian, journalist, and political scientist.

Stoddard wrote several books which advocated eugenics and scientific racism, including The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy (1920). He advocated a racial hierarchy which needed to be preserved through anti-miscegenation laws. Stoddard's books were once widely read both inside and outside the United States.

He was a member of the Ku Klux Klan, where his books were recommended reading.[3][4][5][6] He was also a member of the American Eugenics Society[7] as well as a founding member and board member of American Birth Control League.[8]

Stoddard's work influenced the Nazi government of Germany. His book Untermensch (1922) introduced the term (English: sub-human) into Nazi conceptions of race. As a journalist he spent time in Germany during World War II, where he interviewed several prominent Nazi officials. After the end of the war, Stoddard's writing faded from popularity.

Early life and education

Stoddard was born in Brookline, Massachusetts, the son of John Lawson Stoddard, a prominent writer and lecturer, and his wife Mary H. Stoddard.[9] He attended Harvard College, graduating magna cum laude in 1905, and studied Law at Boston University until 1908. Stoddard received a Ph.D. in History from Harvard University in 1914.[10]


Stoddard was a member of the American Historical Association, the American Political Science Association, and the Academy of Political Science.[11]

In 1923, an exposé by Hearst's International revealed that Stoddard was a member of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), and had been acting as a consultant to the organization. A letter from the KKK to members had praised The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy in explicitly racial terms. Stoddard privately dismissed the Hearst magazine as a "radical-Jew outfit".[3]


Stoddard's analysis divided world politics and situations into "white," "yellow," "black," "Amerindian," and "brown" peoples and their interactions.

Stoddard authored many books, most of them related to race and civilization. He wrote primarily on the alleged dangers posed by "colored" peoples to white civilization. Many of his books and articles were racialist and described what he saw as the peril of immigration. He develops this theme in The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy originally published in 1920[12][13] with an introduction by Madison Grant.[14] He presents a view of the world situation pertaining to race and focusing concern on the coming population explosion among the non-white peoples of the world and the way in which "white world-supremacy" was being lessened in the wake of World War I and the collapse of colonialism.[page needed] In the book, Stoddard blamed the ethnocentrism of the German "Teutonic imperialists" for the outbreak of World War I.[15]

Stoddard argued that race and heredity were the guiding factors of history and civilization and that the elimination or absorption of the "white" race by "colored" races would result in the destruction of Western civilization. Like Madison Grant in The Passing of the Great Race, Stoddard divided the white race into three main divisions: Nordic, Alpine, and Mediterranean. He considered all three to be of good stock and far above the quality of the colored races but argued that the Nordic was the greatest of the three and needed to be preserved by way of eugenics. He considered most Jews to be racially "Asiatic" and argued for restricting Jewish immigration because he considered them a threat to Nordic racial purity in the US. He warned that US was being "invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediterraneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levantines and Jews."[16][17][18] Stoddard's racist beliefs were especially hostile to black people. He claimed that they were fundamentally different from other groups, they had no civilizations of their own, and had contributed nothing. Stoddard opposed miscegenation, and said that "crossings with the negro are uniformly fatal".[3] During a 1921 speech in Birmingham, Alabama, President Warren G. Harding praised the book.[14]

In The Revolt Against Civilization (1922), Stoddard put forward the theory that civilization places a growing burden on individuals, which leads to a growing underclass of individuals who cannot keep up and a "ground-swell of revolt".[19] Stoddard advocated immigration restriction and birth control legislation to reduce the numbers of the underclass and promoted the reproduction of members of the middle and upper classes. He considered social progress impossible unless it was guided by a "neo-aristocracy" from the most capable individuals that was reconciled with the findings of science rather than based on abstract idealism and egalitarianism.[20] Stoddard was one of several eugenicists who sat on the board of the American Birth Control League.[21]

Debate with W.E.B. Du Bois

In 1929, Stoddard debated W.E.B. Du Bois on white supremacy and its assertion of the natural inferiority of colored races.[22][23] The debate was organised by the Chicago Forum Council being billed as "One of the greatest debates ever held".[14] Du Bois argued in the affirmative to the question "Shall the Negro be encouraged to seek cultural equality? Has the Negro the same intellectual possibilities as other races?"[24]

Du Bois knew the racism would be unintentionally funny onstage; as he wrote to Moore, Senator Heflin “would be a scream” in a debate. "Du Bois let the overconfident and bombastic Stoddard walk into a comic moment, which Stoddard then made even funnier by not getting the joke". The transcript records Stoddard saying:

"'The more enlightened men of southern white America . . . are doing their best to see that separation shall not mean discrimination; that if the Negroes have separate schools, they shall be good schools; that if they have separate train accommodations, they shall have good accommodations.' [laughter]."

Travelling in segregated trains was an appalling experience for African Americans. Du Bois, in responding to Stoddard, said the reason for the audience laughter was that he had never journeyed under Jim Crow restrictions. "We have", Du Bois told him and the mixed audience.[14]

This moment was captured in The Chicago Defender's headline: "DuBois Shatters Stoddard’s Cultural Theories in Debate; Thousands Jam Hall . . . Cheered As He Proves Race Equality." The Afro-American reported: "5,000 Cheer W.E.B. DuBois, Laugh at Lothrop Stoddard."[14]

Links to Nazi Germany

The Nazi Party's chief racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg got the racial term Untermensch from the German version of Stoddard's 1922 book The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under-man. The German title was Der Kulturumsturz: Die Drohung des Untermenschen (1925).[25]

Between 1939 and 1940, Stoddard spent four months as a journalist for the North American Newspaper Alliance in Nazi Germany. He got preferential treatment by Nazi officials compared to other journalists. An example was the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda's insisting that NBC's Max Jordan and CBS's William Shirer use Stoddard to interview the captain of the Bremen.[26][27]

Stoddard visited the Hereditary Health Court in Charlottenburg, an appeals court that decided whether Germans would be forcibly sterilized. After having observed several dysgenics trials at the court, Stoddard stated that the eugenics legislation was "being administered with strict regard for its provisions and that, if anything, judgments were almost too conservative" and that the law was "weeding out the worst strains in the Germanic stock in a scientific and truly humanitarian way."[26][28] However, Stoddard was taken aback by the forthrightness of the Nazis' anti-Jewish views, foreseeing that the "Jewish problem" would soon be settled "by the physical elimination of the Jews themselves from the Third Reich."[28]

Stoddard wrote a memoir, Into the Darkness: Nazi Germany Today (1940), about his experiences in Germany. Among other events, the book describes interviews with such figures as Heinrich Himmler, Robert Ley and Fritz Sauckel, as well as a brief meeting with Hitler himself.[26]

After World War II, Stoddard's theories were deemed too closely aligned with those of the Nazis and so he suffered a large drop in popularity.[29] His death from cancer in 1950 went almost entirely unreported despite his previously broad readership and influence.[30]


In The Great Gatsby (1925), by F. Scott Fitzgerald, there is an allusion, by re-worded title, to The Rising Tide of Color,[31] wherein the Tom Buchanan character says:

"Civilization's going to pieces," broke out Tom violently. "I've gotten to be a terrible pessimist about things. Have you read The Rise of the Colored Empires by this man Goddard?"

"Why no," I answered, rather surprised by his tone.

"Well, it's a fine book, and everybody ought to read it. The idea is if we don't look out the white race will be — will be utterly submerged. It's all scientific stuff; it's been proved."

"Tom's getting very profound," said Daisy, with an expression of unthoughtful sadness. "He reads deep books with long words in them. What was that word we — "

"Well these books are all scientific," insisted Tom, glancing at her impatiently. "This fellow has worked out the whole thing. It's up to us, who are the dominant race, to watch out or these other races will have control of things."

"We've got to beat them down," whispered Daisy, winking ferociously toward the fervent sun.

"You ought to live in California —" began Miss Baker, but Tom interrupted her by shifting heavily in his chair.

"This idea is that we're Nordics. I am, and you are, and you are, and —" After an infinitesimal hesitation he included Daisy with a slight nod, and she winked at me again. " — And we've produced all the things that go to make civilization — oh, science and art, and all that. Do you see?"

There was something pathetic in his concentration, as if his complacency, more acute than of old, was not enough to him any more.[32]



• The French Revolution in San Domingo, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914.
• Present-day Europe, its National States of Mind, The Century Co., 1917.
• Stakes of the War, with Glenn Frank, The Century Co., 1918.[33]
• The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921 [1st Pub. 1920]. ISBN 4-87187-849-X
• The New World of Islam, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922 [1st Pub. 1921]. [2]
• The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under Man, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922.
• Racial Realities in Europe, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924.
• Social Classes in Post-War Europe. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925.
• Scientific Humanism. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1926.
• Re-forging America: The Story of Our Nationhood. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1927.
• The Story of Youth. New York: Cosmopolitan Book Corporation, 1928.
• Luck, Your Silent Partner. New York: H. Liveright, 1929.
• Master of Manhattan, the life of Richard Croker. Londton: Longmans, Green and Co., 1931.
• Europe and Our Money, The Macmillan Co., 1932
• Lonely America. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran, and Co., 1932.
• Clashing Tides of Color. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935.
• A Caravan Tour to Ireland and Canada, World Caravan Guild, 1938.
• Into the Darkness: Nazi Germany Today, Duell, Sloan & Pearce, Inc., 1940.[34]

Selected articles

• “Turkey and the Great War,” The North American Review, October 1914.
• “How Europe’s Armies Take the Field,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. L, September 1914.
• “Italy and the War,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. L, September 1914.
• “Bulgaria’s Dream of Empire,” The Century Magazine, Vol. XL, May/October, 1915.
• “Imperiled Holland,” The Century Magazine, Vol. XL, May/October, 1915.
• “Rome Rampant,” The Century Magazine, Vol. XL, May/October, 1915.
• “Italian Imperialism,” The Forum, September 1915.
• “Italy and her Rivals,” Review of Reviews, Vol. LII, July/December 1915.
• “Venizelos: Pilot of Greater Greece,” Review of Reviews, Vol. LII, July/December 1915.
• “The Simmering Balkans,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. LIV, July/December 1916.
• “The Danish West Indies: Keys to the Caribbean,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. LIV, July/December 1916.
• "Russia's State of Mind," The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. CXVIII, 1916.
• "The Blundering of Greece,” The Century Magazine, XCIII, November 1916/April 1917.
• “The Economic Heresy of the Allies,” The Century Magazine, XCIII, November 1916/April 1917.
• "Pan-Turanism," The American Political Science Review, Vol. 11, No. 1, Feb., 1917.
• “The Real Menace of Pacifism,” The Forum, March 1917.
• “New China Menaced,” The Forum, March 1917.
• “The Right-Line of American Policy,” The Forum, March 1917.
• “Exit Constantine,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. LVI, July/December 1917.
• “Russia: A Bird’s-Eye View,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. LVI, July/December 1917. • “Some Reflections on Revolution,” The Unpopular Review, Vol. IX, January/June, 1918.
• “Russia and German Policy,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. LVIII, July/December, 1918.
• “What Remains of Germanism in Central Europe,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXVII, November 1918/April 1919.
• “Peace Conferences that Have Failed in the Past,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXVII, November 1918/April 1919.
• “The World as It Is,” Part II, Part III, Part IV, Part V, The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXVIII, May 1919.
• “The Economic Foundations of Peace,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXVIII, May 1919.
• "Adria: The Troubled Sea," The Century Magazine, Vol. XCVIII, 1919.
• "Bolshevism: The Heresy of the Underman," The Century Magazine, Vol. XCVIII, 1919.
• “As Others See Us," The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXVIII, May 1919; Part II, Part III, Part IV, Part V, Part VI, Part VII, The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXIX, November 1919/April 1920; Part VIII, Part IX, The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XL, May 1920/October 1920.
• “The Common People’s Union,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXIX, November 1919/April 1920.
• “Labor in World Politics,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XXXIX, November 1919/April 1920.
• “Japan Challenges Us to Control California,” The American Review of Reviews, Vol. XL, May 1920/October 1920.
• “Scandinavia’s Lesson to the World,” Scribner's Magazine, November 1920.
• “The New Ignorance,” Scribner's Magazine, December 1920.
• “The Unrest in the Islamic World,” Scribner's Magazine, December 1920.
• “Social Unrest and Bolshevism in the Islamic World,” Scribner's Magazine, December 1920. • “How Europe Views Our Campaign,” The World's Work, Vol. XLI, November 1920/April 1921.
• “Is America American?,” The World's Work, Vol. XLI, November 1920/April 1921.
• "The Japanese Question in California," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 93, Jan., 1921.
• "Population Problems in Asia," The Birth Control Review, Vol. V, 1921.
• "The Month in World Affairs," Part II, Part III, The Century Magazine, Vol. CIII, 1921/1922; Part IV Part V, Part VI, Part VII, The Century Magazine, Vol. CIV, 1922.
• “Islam Aflame with Revolt,” The World's Work, Vol. XLIV, May/October 1922.
• “England: Impressions and Personalities,” Scribner's, September 1923.
• “Through Rhineland and Ruhr — Via Morocco,” Scribner's, November 1923.
• “Berlin and Vienna: Likenesses and Contrasts,” Scribner's, December 1923.
• “Balkan Glimpses,” Scribner's, January 1924.
• “Turkish Vistas by Land and Sea,” Scribner's, February 1924.
• “Through Arab Lands,” Scribner's, March 1924.
• “The Pedigree of Judah,” The Forum, March 1926.
• “Two Views of Fascism,” The Forum, August 1927.
• “The Impasse at the Color-Line,” The Forum, October 1927.
• “Is This the End of Civilization?,” Scribner's Magazine, June 1931.
• “What France Really Wants,” The Forum, December 1931.
• “Why Cities Go Broke,” The Forum, June 1932.
• “Chaos in the East,” Scribner's Magazine, October 1932.
• “How to Keep Out of the Next War,” Scribner's Magazine, May 1934.
• “Africa — The Coming Continent,” Scribner's Magazine, April 1936.

Additionally, Stoddard wrote several articles for The Saturday Evening Post.[35][36]

See also

• Eugenics in the United States
• Madison Grant


1. Daylanne K. English, Unnatural Selections: Eugenics in American Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance (University of North Carolina Press, 2004), pp. 14, 110, 197.
2. Harilaos Stecopoulos, Reconstructing the World: Southern Fictions and U.S. Imperialisms, 1898–1976 (Cornell University Press, 2008), p. 78.
3. Yudell, Michael (2014). Race Unmasked: Biology and Race in The Twentieth Century. Columbia University Press. pp. 41–42. ISBN 9780231537995. Retrieved 13 February 2019.
4. African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology of Garvey's Harlem Renaissance
5. Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan
6. The Ku Klux Klan: History, Organization, Language, Influence and Activities of America's Most Notorious Secret Society, p. 99. "Stoddard, Lothrop - The 1920s exalted cyclops of Massachusetts Provisional Klan No. 1"
7. Messall, Rebecca R. (2018). "Book Review: An Image of God: The Catholic Struggle with Eugenics". The Linacre Quarterly. 85 (3): 299–306. doi:10.1177/0024363918777508. ISSN 0024-3639. PMC 6161230.
8. Carey, Jane (2012-11-01). "The Racial Imperatives of Sex: birth control and eugenics in Britain, the United States and Australia in the interwar years". Women's History Review. 21 (5): 733–752. doi:10.1080/09612025.2012.658180. ISSN 0961-2025.
9. Cox, Michaelene (2015). The Politics and Art of John L. Stoddard. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, p. 36-38.
10. Gossett, Thomas F. (1963). Race, the History of an Idea in America. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, p. 391; Alfred L. Brophy & Elizabeth Troutman, The Eugenics Movement in North Carolina, North Carolina Law Review 94 (2016): 1871, 1883 (discusing Stoddard's ph.d. dissertation and first book on the Haitian Revolution, The French Revolution in San Domingue (1914), and noting his early concern over race).
11. Margaret Sanger (1922). The Birth Control Review. M. Sanger. pp. 26, 50, 74, 89, 100.
12. The Rising Tide of Color, (1920). New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, p. xi.
13. Huntington, Ellsworth (1922). "The Racial Problem in World-Politics," Geographical Review 12 (1), pp. 145–146.
14. Frazier, Ian (August 19, 2019). "When W. E. B. Du Bois Made a Laughingstock of a White Supremacist". The New Yorker. ISSN 0028-792X. Retrieved October 29, 2019.
15. The Rising Tide of Color (1920), p. 227.
16. Leonard Dinnerstein. 1995. Antisemitism in America. Oxford University Press. page 94 [1]
17. Marcel Stoetzler. 2014. Antisemitism and the Constitution of Sociology. U of Nebraska Press
18. Jerome Karabel. 2006. The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 84
19. Stoddard, Lothrop (1922). "The Ground-Swell of Revolt." In: The Revolt Against Civilization. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, pp. 142–176.
20. Stoddard, Lothrop (1922). "Neo-Aristocracy." In: The Revolt Against Civilization. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, pp. 237–268.
21. Carey, Jane (November 2012). "The Racial Imperatives of Sex: birth control and eugenics in Britain, the United States and Australia in the interwar years". Women's History Review. 21 (5): 741. doi:10.1080/09612025.2012.658180.
22. Shall the Negro be Encouraged to Seek Cultural Equality?: Report of the Debate Conducted by the Chicago Forum, Chicago Forum, 1929.
23. Taylor, Carol M. (1981). "W.E.B. DuBois's Challenge to Scientific Racism," Journal of Black Studies 11 (4), pp. 449–460.
24. Taylor, Carol M. (1981). "W.E.B. DuBois's Challenge to Scientific Racism". Journal of Black Studies. 11 (4): 449–460. doi:10.1177/002193478101100405. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 2784074. PMID 11635221.[verification needed]
25. Losurdo, Domenico (2004). Translated by Marella & Jon Morris. "Toward a Critique of the Category of Totalitarianism" (PDF, 0.2 MB). Historical Materialism. Brill. 12 (2): 25–55, here p. 50. doi:10.1163/1569206041551663. ISSN 1465-4466.
26. Stefan Kühl (2001). The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism. Oxford University Press US. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-19-514978-4. Retrieved 2009-11-09.
27. William L Shirer (2004). Berlin Diary. Tess Press / Black Dog & Leventhal. p. 207. ISBN 1-57912-442-9.
28. Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant. Univ. of Vermont Press. pp. 373–374. ISBN 978-1-58465-715-6. Lay summary (29 September 2010).
29. Guterl, Matthew Pratt. The Color of Race in America, 1900-1940, Harvard University Press, 2004.
30. Fant, Jr. Gene C. "Stoddard, Lothrop," American National Biography Online, 2000.
31. Slater, Peter Gregg (1973). "Ethnicity in The Great Gatsby," Twentieth Century Literature, 19 (1), pp. 53–62.
32. "The Great Gatsby," Chap. 1.
33. "Defining the Stakes of the War," The New York Times, September 15, 1918.
34. Stone, Shepard. "Mr. Hitler's 'New Sparta'," The Saturday Review, June 29, 1940.
35. "Stoddard, Lothrop," Archived 2013-01-10 at the Wayback Machine The Fiction Mags Index.
36. "New-York Tribune," November 02, 1922.

Further reading

• Bachman, James Robert. Theodore Lothrop Stoddard: The Bio-sociological Battle for Civilization, University of Rochester. Department of History, 1967.
• Bertonneau, Thomas F. "American Nietzsche," Part II, The Alternative Right, March 2010.
• Frank, Glenn. "The Literature of Despair," The Century Magazine, July 1925.
• McDaniel, George. "America's Racialist Moment: Racism as Reform," The Occidental Quarterly, Vol. VI, No. 1, 2006, pp. 38–54.
• Newby, Idus A. Jim Crow's Defense: Anti-Negro Thought in America, 1900-1930, Louisiana State University Press, 1965.

External links

• Profile of Lothrop Stoddard, at The Northlander Archives
• Stoddard Family Association
• The Colchester Collection
• Works by Lothrop Stoddard at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Lothrop Stoddard at Internet Archive
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 10:08 pm

Sydney Olivier, 1st Baron Olivier
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

The Right Honourable The Lord Olivier, KCMG CB PC
Governor of Jamaica
In office: 16 May 1907 – January 1913
Monarch: Edward VII; George V
Preceded by: Hugh Clarence Bourne (acting)
Succeeded by: Philip Clark Cork (acting)
Secretary of State for India
In office: 22 January 1924 – 3 November 1924
Monarch: George V
Prime Minister: Ramsay MacDonald
Preceded by: The Viscount Peel
Succeeded by: The Earl of Birkenhead
Personal details
Born: Sydney Haldane Olivier, 16 April 1859, Colchester, Essex
Died: 15 February 1943 (aged 83)
Nationality: British
Political party: Labour
Spouse(s): Margaret Cox
Alma mater: Corpus Christi College, Oxford
Margaret Cox

Sydney Haldane Olivier, 1st Baron Olivier, KCMG, CB, PC (16 April 1859 – 15 February 1943) was a British civil servant. A Fabian and a member of the Labour Party, he served as Governor of Jamaica and as Secretary of State for India in the first government of Ramsay MacDonald. He was the uncle of the actor Laurence Olivier.


Olivier was born in Colchester, the second of eight children of Anne Elizabeth Hardcastle Arnould and the Reverend Henry Arnold Olivier, a stern Anglican.[1] His brothers included Henry (1850–1935), who had a military career ending as a colonel,[2] Herbert, a successful portrait painter, and Gerard (1869–1939), a clergyman (the father of Laurence).[3] During Olivier's youth, the family spent time at Lausanne and Kineton, and at Poulshott in Wiltshire, where Henry Olivier was rector. Sydney Olivier was sent to Tonbridge School, and then studied philosophy and theology at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. At Oxford he became a close friend of Graham Wallas, who came from a similar background.

After graduation Olivier resisted family pressure to train as a barrister and instead sat the competitive examination for the Civil Service. He came first, beating Sidney Webb into second place. Olivier entered the Colonial Office in the spring of 1882, working as a resident clerk. He was joined by Webb shortly afterwards, and the two became good friends. In contrast to Webb, Olivier was an impulsive and dominating dandy, nicknamed the "socialist hidalgo". At this time Olivier also worked at Toynbee Hall in the East End of London, living in the slums of Whitechapel and teaching Latin at the Working Men's College. He was a member of the Land Reform Union, where he met George Bernard Shaw in 1883, and part of team which in 1883 established a monthly periodical called the Christian Socialist, inspired by the Christian Socialist movement of 1848–1852. Olivier had become enthusiastic about Positivism after working as a tutor to the son of Henry Compton, a leading Positivist. He was attracted to the Positivist vision of a moral reform of capitalism, rather than mere amelioration, and for a while entertained this notion as an alternative to socialism that might be more palatable to Victorian England.

On 1 May 1885, Olivier and Sidney Webb followed Shaw's lead and enrolled in the Fabian Society, which had been formed at the start of 1884; Wallas joined the following year, and the three became known as the Three Musketeers of the Society, with Shaw as their D'Artagnan. Partly through Olivier, the Fabians would adopt the policy of reforming capitalism as a necessary precursor to explicitly socialist reforms, Olivier arguing that the sudden introduction of socialism would result in either anarchy or tyranny and attacking Marxism's neglect of non-economic values. The same month that he joined the Fabians, Olivier married Margaret Cox, the sister of Harold Cox, an old school friend and later a Liberal member of parliament. Olivier's wife was intimidated by the Fabians, preferring the less politically involved Simple Life movement, but Olivier was an eager member of the movement, serving as the Society's secretary from 1886 to 1890. He began speaking at the Hampstead Historic Society, a reading group for a number of Fabians, and developed his speaking skills to address larger meetings. In the summer of 1887 he took part in the Fabians' mock legislature experiment, the Charing Cross Parliament, as Colonial Secretary.

Fabian and civil servant

In 1888 Olivier wrote the seventh Fabian tract, Capital and Land, in which he criticised Georgism (a system, popular with some Radicals and Christian Socialists, in which land continued to be privately owned and managed but should be taxed for the benefit of the community) and instead advocated the communal ownership and control of land. That year he performed with Annie Besant clerical duties at the strike headquarters during the Bryant and May match factory strike. By now he was one of the "Big Four" of the Fabian movement in London, with Shaw, Webb and Wallas. In 1889 he wrote Moral Aspects of the Basis of Socialism in the Essays in Fabian Socialism, an attempt to develop a distinct programme for the Fabians. That year he stood down as Secretary of the Fabian Society, being succeeded by Edward R. Pease. The Oliviers bought a holiday home in Limpsfield in the North Downs; they had two daughters by now, and a third was born in November. He was a guest speaker at the London School of Economics, which had many Fabian connections.

In October 1890, having established an excellent reputation at the Colonial Office, Sydney Olivier was appointed as acting Colonial Secretary of British Honduras. He continued to be active in the Fabian Society during his periods back in London. In 1891 the Oliviers made a permanent home in Limpsfield; several other Fabians and radicals moved to the area, and they soon became the dominant force on the parish council. In 1892, Olivier and Shaw attacked Robert Blatchford, Fabian leader in Manchester, for calling for members to boycott both the Conservative and Liberal parties at the ballot, regardless of the policies of individual candidates. In 1895 he was posted to the Leeward Islands as Auditor-General, a special appointment to examine and reorganise the finances of the colony. After this he returned to London, working as Private Secretary to the Under-Secretary to the Colonial Office, Lord Selbourne. In 1897 he became Secretary to the West Indian Royal Commission, and during 1898 he went to Washington to take part in trade negotiations on behalf of the West Indian Colonies.

In the run-up to the Second Boer War, the executive of the Fabian Society became split. Some Fabians, including Olivier and Ramsay MacDonald, adhering to the traditional Liberal opposition to militarism and imperialism, opposed the war; Olivier claimed that the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, had engineered the conflict to increase British holdings in South Africa. Other Fabians, including Webb and Shaw, believed military action could be used to promote democracy and civilisation, whilst some also felt that the best policy was to reform the British Empire rather than, as Olivier advocated, retreating from it. The majority of the leading Fabians believed that it was a just war and that the native population would be better off under the British than under the Boers, whom many saw as religious fundamentalists and bigots. After a series of close votes, the executive came out in support of the declaration of war, although the Society would change its position during the war, as the government's conduct came under scrutiny.

Governor of Jamaica

The Olivier sisters with their father, Jamaica 1903

Having caused a stir in Downing Street by voicing his opposition to the war and his criticisms of Chamberlain, Olivier was posted as Colonial Secretary in Jamaica, departing in early 1900. He again enhanced his reputation as a colonial administrator, and was acting governor later in 1900 and again in 1902. This posting ended in 1903 and Olivier returned to England, but he went back to Jamaica a short while later to work in relief and rehabilitation following a devastating hurricane, and served as acting governor for a third time. He returned to England in September 1904, and spent three years as Principal Secretary to the West Africa and West Indian Department of the Colonial Office. During this time he was again active in the Fabian Society. Feeling that the society had been stagnating since 1897, he hoped that a prominent new member, H. G. Wells, would be able to re-energise it. He supported Wells' campaign for a more radical Fabian agenda in 1906, but by the end of the year he had come to find Wells too erratic.

In 1907, following a devastating earthquake in Jamaica, Olivier returned to the colony as governor. He was appointed a KCMG, making him Sir Sydney Olivier. He quickly reestablished order after the earthquake, and his reforms of the colony's government proved to be very popular. He was responsible for the construction of the Public Buildings in downtown Kingston in which the bureaucracy and courts were housed after the earthquake. He served in this post until 1913 then returned to England permanently, though he took very little part in Fabian activities upon his return. Moving outside of the Colonial Office, he served as Permanent Secretary to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries for four years, then as assistant comptroller and auditor of the Exchequer from 1917 until 1920, when he retired from the civil service to devote himself to philosophical and political study. However, this proved not to be the end of his public life.

The Sydney Olivier Interscholastic Challenge Shield is the oldest and most prestigious schoolboy football title in Jamaica. The competition started in 1909 and the Shield is played between winners of DaCosta Cup for Rural Area Champions and Manning Cup for Urban Area Champions.

Peer and Secretary of State for India

In January 1924 Olivier was appointed Secretary of State for India in the first Labour government and sworn of the Privy Council[4] The following month he was raised to the peerage by Ramsay MacDonald as Baron Olivier, of Ramsden in the County of Oxford.[5] His appointment as India Secretary dismayed those who had expected the office to go to Josiah Wedgwood, a supporter of the Indian independence movement. Under Olivier there was no departure from the Conservative policy on India, although Mahatma Gandhi was released from prison after serving only two years out of a six-year sentence. Olivier's attitude to Empire had changed and he rejected calls for a new conference to discuss changes to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of 1921, reaffirming the traditional argument that Britain's contribution to India gave it a right to be there and that the native Indians were not ready for self-government. Privately, he believed that the problems of India could not be solved at that time or by a minority Labour government, and resolved to merely defend the status quo.

In July 1924, he sided unsuccessfully with Wedgwood, Philip Snowden and J. H. Thomas in the Cabinet, opposing the promise of a loan to the Soviet Union, and was critical of MacDonald's decision to call an unnecessary election later that year. MacDonald did not give him an office in the Labour government of 1929, instead sending him to the West Indies to investigate the sugar trade. Following this he retired for the final time, living in the Cotswolds and then Sussex. He had tried writing poetry during his early years but without any success. He wrote throughout his life, faring better with a few plays (first performed at the Fabian Society) and a Fabian paper on Émile Zola (1890), but was most noted for several books on colonial matters, including White Capital and Coloured Labour in 1906 and Jamaica, the Blessed Island in 1936. Having no sons, Olivier's peerage became extinct upon his death in 1943. His nephew, the actor Laurence Olivier, would be granted a life peerage in 1970 as Baron Olivier, of Brighton in East Sussex.

Family life


Margery Olivier 1906

Brynhild Olivier 1913

Daphne Olivier 1913

Noël Olivier 1908

Four daughters were born to the couple:

Hon. Margery Olivier (1886–1974), Hon. Brynhild Olivier (20 May 1887 – 13 January 1935), Hon. Daphne Olivier (1889 – 14 July 1950) and Hon. Noël Olivier (1893–1969).[1] They were prominent in the Cambridge and Bloomsbury social circles around Rupert Brooke and in what Virginia Woolf dubbed the Neo-Pagans.

After his death, his wife Margaret edited and published his letters and other writings.[6]


1. Lundy 2017, p. 18294 § 182931
2. Holden, p.11
3. Darlington, p. 13
4. LG 2019, 32901 25 January 1924 p. 769
5. LG 2019, 32907 12 February 1924 p. 1265
6. Olivier 1948.


• Darlington, W. A. (1968). Laurence Olivier. London: Morgan Grampian. ISBN 978-0-249-43970-0.
• Holden, Anthony (1988). Olivier. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-79089-1.
• Olivier, Sydney Haldane Olivier Baron (1948). Olivier, Margaret (ed.). Sydney Olivier: Letters and Selected Writings. Preface by Bernard Shaw. Allen and Unwin.
• Mariz, George (2004). "Olivier, Sydney Haldane, Baron Olivier". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/35309. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
• Lundy, Darryl (2017). "The Peerage". Retrieved 19 December 2017.
• "The London Gazette". Retrieved 21 July 2019.
• Simkin, John (2016). "Sydney Olivier". History of Socialism. Spartacus Educational. Retrieved 31 July 2019.
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Apr 14, 2020 11:45 pm

English League for the Taxation of Land Values [Land Reform Union] [English Land Restoration League (ELRL)]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

The English League for the Taxation of Land Values was a Georgist political group. It was a historic precursor of two present-day reform bodies: the international umbrella organisation the IU [International Union for Land Value Taxation][1]....

The IU, in full the International Union for Land Value Taxation, is an international umbrella organisation for land value tax reformers. It has members in 35 countries around the world - activists, politicians, professionals and academics, and some 70 national and local organisations. The IU enjoys Special Consultative Status at the United Nations.[1]

The objectives of the IU are "to stimulate in all countries a public opinion favourable to permanent peace and prosperity for all people, through the progressive removal of the basic economic causes of poverty and war". The IU's work is guided by principles of equal freedom and sharing of common resources of community and nature - ideas most cogently set out in modern times in the writings of the 19th-century American reformer [url]Henry George[/url]. Specifically, towards the realisation of its objectives, the IU "favours the raising of public revenues by public collection of the rental value of land apart from improvements"; and, further, favours "the abolition of taxes, tariffs, or imposts of every sort that interfere with the free production and exchange of wealth". Following from those principles the IU advances a radical land and fiscal reform agenda and 'real' free trade (i.e. that does not privilege Western corporate interests). The principal policies advocated by the IU are the public collection of 'resource rents' and land value taxation, in lieu of traditional taxation....

The IU was founded at an international conference held in Denmark in 1926. The conference was attended by some 500 delegates, all advocates of the ideas of Henry George. In 1992 the IU was accredited to the United Nations as a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). In 2003 it was granted Special Consultative Status by the UN's Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), which widened the scope of its engagement and influence in United Nations' processes. The IU retains 12 UN representatives who serve the world organisation's offices in New York, Geneva, Addis Ababa, Bangkok and Santiago.

Since its founding, the IU has held periodic international conferences and published conference papers. Until recently, with the exception of its UN work, the IU's principal function was to provide a forum for land and tax reformers around the world to exchange ideas at conference. ...

At the Swanwick Conference in England in 1949 - as the United Nations was settling its Universal Declaration of Human Rights - the IU published a principle and policy pamphlet that later came to be known as its Declaration of Human Rights on Equal Freedom. This Declaration was translated into many languages, and subsequently amended and reaffirmed; most recently in 2001.

In 2008 the IU launched a global online petition to reform the UDHR by amending its Articles 3 and 29 to include "a universal right to a place on earth".

-- The IU, by Wikipedia

and the UK think tank the Henry George Foundation. The object of the League was

the taxation for national and local purposes of the 'unimproved value of the land', ie the value of the land apart from the buildings or other improvements in or upon it. The League actively support[ed] all proposals in Parliament for separate valuation of land, and for making land values the basis of national and local taxation.

The organisation was established on 16 April 1883 as the Land Reform Union, inspired by social reformer Henry George's first UK lecture tour in 1883–4, and his book, Progress and Poverty.[3] Early members of the group included John Charles Durrant, Stewart Headlam, James Leigh Joynes, Sydney Olivier, William Saunders, George Bernard Shaw, Henry Cary Shuttleworth, John Elliotson Symes, Helen Taylor, T. F. Walker and Philip Wicksteed. Initially, it focused on issuing leaflets explaining George's ideas. It also agreed to fund a second speaking tour of England for George.[4]

At the organisation's first annual meeting, in May 1884, it renamed itself as the English Land Restoration League (ELRL). Frederick Verinder was appointed as the league's secretary, and Saunders became its first treasurer. George's tour went ahead later in the year, running into 1885, with speeches also made by Michael Davitt. Durant and Saunders took up the cause in Parliament, and the group worked with the London Municipal Reform League to put up agreed candidates for the London County Council election, 1889, many of whom were elected.[4]

During the 1880s, the league organised regular meetings in Trafalgar Square. In 1887, its meeting was the last one prior to Bloody Sunday. Ending in chaos, Saunders was arrested and charged with riot, but he was acquitted.[4]

In 1891, the league instituted a "red van" campaign, in which a group of speakers travelled in a van around various villages in Suffolk. It ran the tour in conjunction with the Eastern Counties Labour Federation, which claimed to have recruited 5,000 members as a result. Deemed a great success, it ran five vans in following years, and in the winters instead organised lecture series in London.[4] As a result, in Victorian England "the principles for which the...League stood were made widely known, and found acceptance both in town and country".[5] The Liberty and Property League was formed in an attempt to counter the ELRL's ideas, while the Land Nationalisation Society worked closely with the ELRL.[4]

In 1902 the ELRL changed its name—"which involved no change of front nor change of principles"—to the English League for the Taxation of Land Values.[6]

The League was a constituent part (as one of the three national members), and 1907 founder, of the United Committee for the Taxation of Land Values, which became the Henry George Foundation:[7] as co-organiser of the 1926 International Conference in Denmark (and its 1923 precursor in Oxford, England), the League was a partner in the foundation of the International Union for Land Value Taxation and Free Trade, which became known simply as the IU.[8] The United Committee and the IU became the principal vehicles for the League's work. The English league as a stand-alone organisation disappeared sometime after its general meeting in 1950, to which its Hon Secretary, Vic Blundell, "explained how the work of the English League was being carried on if not in name then in spirit by the combined activities of the associated groups": the United Committee for the Taxation of Land Values Ltd and the International Union for Land Value Taxation and Free Trade.[9]


Barker, Charles Albro (1955). Henry George (p. 402). New York: Oxford University Press. p. 402.
Joseph Edwards, ed. (21 July 1909). Land and Real Tariff Reform. The Land Reformers’ Handbook (First Edition of First Issue ed.). London: Joseph Edwards with The Clarion Press, LD and ILP, New Age Press TCP. p. 77. through stages of organisational turnover
Edwards 1909, p. 77
Edwards, Joseph (1895). Labour Annual. Manchester: Labour Press Society. pp. 125–127.
Edwards 1909, p. 78
Land Values vol. IX, no. 100, September 1902, p. 60
Edwards 1907 p. 73
Land&Liberty vol. 33, no. 388, p. 179
Land&Liberty, vol. 57, no. 679, December 1950, p. 240
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Apr 15, 2020 12:03 am

Christian socialism
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

Political concepts: Anti-racism Christian anarchism Christian communism Liberation theology Popular front Postcolonial theology Separation of church and state Social Christianity Tolstoyan movement Two kingdoms doctrine
People: Hugo Chávez James H. Cone Dorothy Day Tommy Douglas Terry Eagleton Paulo Freire Martin Luther King Jr. Jesse Jackson Gustavo Gutierrez F. D. Maurice Henri Saint-Simon Sophie Scholl Dorothee Sölle William Temple Leo Tolstoy Cornel West
Major writings: The Kingdom of God Is Within You Pedagogy of the Oppressed Sermon on the Mount A Theology of Liberation
Organizations: Catholic WorkerFSLN

Christian socialism is a religious and political philosophy that blends Christianity and socialism, endorsing left-wing economics on the basis of the Holy Bible and the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth.

Many Christian socialists believe capitalism to be idolatrous and rooted in the sin of greed.
[1] Christian socialists identify the cause of inequality to be the greed that they associate with capitalism.[1]

Christian socialism became a major movement in the United Kingdom beginning in the 19th century. The Christian Socialist Movement, since 2013 known as Christians on the Left, is one formal group.[1]

Other earlier figures are also viewed as Christian socialists, such as the nineteenth century writers Frederick Denison Maurice (The Kingdom of Christ, 1838), John Ruskin (Unto This Last, 1862), Charles Kingsley (The Water-Babies, 1863), Thomas Hughes (Tom Brown's Schooldays, 1857), Frederick James Furnivall (co-creator of the Oxford English Dictionary), Adin Ballou (Practical Christian Socialism, 1854), and Francis Bellamy (a Baptist minister and the author of the United States' Pledge of Allegiance).


Biblical age

Elements that would form the basis of Christian socialism are found in the Old and New Testaments.[2]

Old Testament

The Old Testament had divided perspectives on the issue of poverty. One part of the Jewish tradition held that poverty was judgment of God upon the wicked while viewing prosperity as a reward for the good, stating that "The righteous has enough to satisfy his appetite, but the belly of the wicked suffers want" (Prov. 13:25).[3]

However, there are other sections that instruct generosity to the "have nots" of society. The Torah instructs followers to treat neighbours equally and to be generous to have nots
, such as stating:

You shall not oppress your neighbour...but you shall love your neighbour as yourself: I am the Lord

— (Lev 19:13, 18).[4]

He [the Lord your God] executes justice for the fatherless and the widow, and loves the sojourner, giving him food and clothing. Love the sojourner therefore; for you were sojourners in the land of Egypt

— (Deut. 10:18–19).[5]

When you reap in your harvest in the field, and have forgotten a sheaf in the field, you shall not go back to get it...When you beat your olive trees, you shall not go over the boughs again...When you gather the grapes of your vineyard, you shall not glean it afterward; it shall be for the sojourner, the fatherless and the widow. You shall remember that you were a slave in the land of Egypt; therefore I command you to do this

— (Deut. 24:19–22).[2]

Some of the Psalms include many references to social justice for the poor:

Give justice to the weak and the fatherless; maintain the right of the afflicted and the destitute. Rescue the weak and the needy; deliver them from the hand of the wicked

— (Ps. 82 (81): 3, 4).[6]

Blessed is the man who fears the Lord, who greatly delights in his commandments!...He has distributed freely, he has given to the poor; his righteousness endures forever; his horn is exalted in honour

— (Ps. 112 (111): 1, 9).[6]

Amos emphasizes the need for "justice" and "righteousness" that is described as conduct that emphasizes love for those who are poor and to oppose oppression and injustice towards the poor.[7] The prophet Isaiah (759–694 B.C.) to whom is attributed the first thirty-nine chapters of the Book of Isaiah ("Proto-Isaiah"), followed upon Amos' themes of justice and righteousness involving the poor as necessary for followers of God, denouncing those who do not do these things, stating:

Even though you make many prayers, I will not listen; your hands are full of blood...cease to do evil, learn to do good; seek justice, correct oppression; defend the fatherless, plead for the widow

— (Isa. 1:15–17).[7]

The Book of Sirach, one of the Deuterocanonical or Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, denounces the pursuit of wealth, stating:

He who loves gold will not be justified, and he who pursues money will be led astray by it. Many have come to ruin because of gold, and their destruction has met them face to face. It is a stumbling block to those who are devoted to it, and every fool will be taken captive by it

— (Sir. 31: 5–7).[8]

New Testament

In the New Testament, Jesus in Matthew 25:31–46 identifies himself with the hungry, the poor, the sick, and the prisoners.[9] Matthew 25:31–46 is a major component of Christianity and is considered the cornerstone of Christian socialism.[9]

Matthew 25:31-46 New International Version (NIV)
The Sheep and the Goats

31 “When the Son of Man comes in his glory, and all the angels with him, he will sit on his glorious throne. 32 All the nations will be gathered before him, and he will separate the people one from another as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats. 33 He will put the sheep on his right and the goats on his left.

34 “Then the King will say to those on his right, ‘Come, you who are blessed by my Father; take your inheritance, the kingdom prepared for you since the creation of the world. 35 For I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in, 36 I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked after me, I was in prison and you came to visit me.’

37 “Then the righteous will answer him, ‘Lord, when did we see you hungry and feed you, or thirsty and give you something to drink? 38 When did we see you a stranger and invite you in, or needing clothes and clothe you? 39 When did we see you sick or in prison and go to visit you?’

40 “The King will reply, ‘Truly I tell you, whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did for me.’

41 “Then he will say to those on his left, ‘Depart from me, you who are cursed, into the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels. 42 For I was hungry and you gave me nothing to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me nothing to drink, 43 I was a stranger and you did not invite me in, I needed clothes and you did not clothe me, I was sick and in prison and you did not look after me.’

44 “They also will answer, ‘Lord, when did we see you hungry or thirsty or a stranger or needing clothes or sick or in prison, and did not help you?’

45 “He will reply, ‘Truly I tell you, whatever you did not do for one of the least of these, you did not do for me.’

46 “Then they will go away to eternal punishment, but the righteous to eternal life.”

Another key statement in the New Testament that is an important component of Christian socialism is Luke 10:25–37 that follows the statement "You shall love your neighbour as yourself" with the question "And who is my neighbour?", and in the Parable of the Good Samaritan Jesus gives the revolutionary response that the neighbour includes anyone in need, even people we might be expected to shun.[10] (The Samaritans were considered a heretical sect by Jews and neither would usually deal with the other.)[10]

Luke 10:25-37 New International Version (NIV)
The Parable of the Good Samaritan

25 On one occasion an expert in the law stood up to test Jesus. “Teacher,” he asked, “what must I do to inherit eternal life?”

26 “What is written in the Law?” he replied. “How do you read it?”

27 He answered, “‘Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength and with all your mind’[a]; and, ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’[ b]”

28 “You have answered correctly,” Jesus replied. “Do this and you will live.”

29 But he wanted to justify himself, so he asked Jesus, “And who is my neighbor?”

30 In reply Jesus said: “A man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, when he was attacked by robbers. They stripped him of his clothes, beat him and went away, leaving him half dead. 31 A priest happened to be going down the same road, and when he saw the man, he passed by on the other side. 32 So too, a Levite, when he came to the place and saw him, passed by on the other side. 33 But a Samaritan, as he traveled, came where the man was; and when he saw him, he took pity on him. 34 He went to him and bandaged his wounds, pouring on oil and wine. Then he put the man on his own donkey, brought him to an inn and took care of him. 35 The next day he took out two denarii[c] and gave them to the innkeeper. ‘Look after him,’ he said, ‘and when I return, I will reimburse you for any extra expense you may have.’

36 “Which of these three do you think was a neighbor to the man who fell into the hands of robbers?”

37 The expert in the law replied, “The one who had mercy on him.”

Jesus told him, “Go and do likewise.”

"Jesus Expels the Moneylenders from the Temple" by Giovanni Paolo Pannini

In the Sermon on the Plain, Jesus says, "Blessed are you poor, for yours is the kingdom of God. Blessed are you that hunger now, for you shall be satisfied" (Luke 6:20, 21).[11]

Christian socialists note that James the Just, the brother of Jesus of Nazareth, in the Epistle of James criticizes the rich intensely and in strong language:

Come now, you rich, weep and howl for the miseries that are coming upon you. Your riches have rotted and your garments are moth-eaten. Your gold and silver have rusted, and their rust will be evidence against you and will eat your flesh like fire. You have laid up for treasure for the last days. Behold, the wages of the labourers who mowed your fields, which you have kept back by fraud, cry out; and the cries of the harvesters have reached the ears of the Lord of hosts. You have lived on the earth in luxury and in pleasure; you have fattened your hearts in a day of slaughter.

— (Jam. 5:1–6).[12]

During the New Testament period and beyond, there is evidence that many Christian communities practiced forms of sharing, redistribution and communism.[13]

Church Fathers age

Basil of Caesarea (c. 330–379), the Father of the Eastern monks who became Bishop of Caesarea, established a complex around the church and monastery that included hostels, almshouses, and hospitals for infectious diseases.[14] During the great famine of 368, Basil denounced against profiteers and the indifferent rich.[14] Basil wrote the sermon on The Rich Fool in which he states:

Who is the covetous man? One for whom plenty is not enough. Who is the defrauder? One who takes away what belongs to everyone. And are not you covetous, are you not a defrauder, when you keep for private use what you were given for distribution? When some one strips a man of his clothes we call him a thief. And one who might clothe the naked and does not—should not he be given the same name? The bread in your hoard belongs to the hungry; the cloak in your wardrobe belongs to the naked; the shoes you let rot belong to the barefoot; the money in your vaults belongs to the destitute. All you might help and do not—to all these you are doing wrong[15]

John Chrysostom declared his reasons for his attitude towards the rich and position of attitude towards wealth by saying:

I am often reproached for continually attacking the rich. Yes, because the rich are continually attacking the poor. But those I attack are not the rich as such, only those who misuse their wealth. I point out constantly that those I accuse are not the rich, but the rapacious; wealth is one thing, covetousness another. Learn to distinguish.[16]

19th century to present

A variety of socialist perspectives emerged in 19th century Britain, beginning with John Ruskin.

John Ruskin

The influential Victorian art critic John Ruskin expounded theories about social justice in Unto This Last (1860). In it, he stated four goals that might be called "socialist" although Ruskin did not use the term.[17]

1. "training schools for youth, established at government cost";
2. in connection with these schools, the government should establish "manufactories and workshops, for the production and sale of every necessary of life";
3. all unemployed people should be "set to work" or trained for work if needed or forced to work if necessary;
4. "for the old and destitute, comfort and home should be provided".

Ruskin was not "an authentic Socialist in any of its various nineteenth-century meanings." His only real contact with the Christian Socialists came through the Working Men's College. However, he influenced later socialist thinking, especially William Morris.[18]


The painters of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood were influenced and sponsored by Ruskin.[19] The artist William Morris was a leader of the Socialist League founded in December 1884.[20]

Fabian Society

The Fabian Society was founded in the same year; Sidney and Beatrice Webb were among its leading members. The Fabians influenced members of the Bloomsbury Group and were important in the early history of the British Labour Party.[21]

Episcopal Church Socialist League and the Church League for Industrial Democracy

Founded in 1911[22] by Vida Dutton Scudder, herself influenced by the Fabian Society, the Episcopal Church Socialist League and its successor the Church League for Industrial Democracy sought to ally Christian doctrine with the plight of the working class[23] as a part of the larger social gospel movement that was taking hold of many urban churches across the United States in the early 20th century.

Bishop Spalding

In the November 1914 issue of The Christian Socialist, Episcopal bishop Franklin Spencer Spalding of Utah stated:

The Christian Church exists for the sole purpose of saving the human race. So far she has failed, but I think that Socialism shows her how she may succeed.

It insists that men cannot be made right until the material conditions be made right. Although man cannot live by bread alone, he must have bread. Therefore,

the Church must destroy a system of society which inevitably creates and perpetuates unequal and unfair conditions of life. These unequal and unfair conditions

have been created by competition. Therefore competition must cease and cooperation take its place.[24]

Christian democracy

The political movement of Christian democracy espouses some values of Christian socialism, for example "economic justice" and "social welfare." It opposes an "individualist worldview" and it approves state intervention in the economy in defence of "human dignity." On the other hand, because of its "close association with Roman Catholicism", Christian democracy differs from Christian socialism by its emphasis on "traditional church and family values," by its defence of "private property," and by its opposition to "excessive intervention of the state."[25]

Christian democratic parties (under various names) were formed in Europe and Latin America after World War II. Some became "a major political force."[25]


Main article: Christian communism

Christian communism is a form of religious communism based on Christianity. It is a view that the teachings of Jesus Christ compel Christians to support communism as the ideal social system. Although there is no universal agreement on the exact date when Christian communism was founded, many Christian communists assert that evidence from the Bible (in the Acts of the Apostles)[26] suggests that the first Christians, including the apostles, established their own small communist society in the years following Jesus' death and resurrection.[26] As such, many advocates of Christian communism argue that it was taught by Jesus and practiced by the apostles themselves.[27] Some independent historians confirm it.[28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39]

Spiritualism and Occultism

Utopian socialist ideas continued, after 1848, in new religious movements such as Spiritualism or Occultism.[40] They were often marked by a heterodox Christian identity and a decidedly anti-materialist attitude.

In Catholicism

In Catholicism, communism was strongly criticized in the 1878 papal encyclical Quod Apostolici Muneris by Pope Leo XIII, as he believed that it led to state domination over the freedom of the individual and quelled proper religious worship, inherently turning the top hierarchical power over to the state instead of God. This opinion was moderated in an encyclical issued by Pope Pius XI on 15 May 1931 Quadragesimo anno, wherein Pius describes the major dangers for human freedom and dignity arising from unrestrained capitalism and totalitarian communism. Pius XI called upon true socialism to distance itself from totalitarian communism as a matter of clarity and also as a matter of principle. Communists were accused of attempting to overthrow all existing civil society, and Christian socialism, if allied to communism, was deemed to be an oxymoron because of this.[citation needed] Pius XI famously wrote at the time that "no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist",[41] yet had clarified that a Catholic was free to vote for the British Labour Party, the UK affiliate of the Socialist International. Nonetheless, prominent Catholic Socialists did exist during Pope Pius XI's era, such as Dorothy Day of the United States of America, and Father Michael O'Flanagan of Ireland.

Pope Benedict XVI addressed the Italian Senate, declaring, “In many respects democratic socialism was and is close to Catholic social doctrine; in any case, it contributed toward the formation of a social consciousness.” [42]

Pope Francis has shown sympathy to socialist causes with claims such as that capitalism is "Terrorism against all of Humanity"[43] and that "it is the communists who think like Christians. Christ spoke of a society where the poor, the weak and the marginalized have the right to decide."[44]

More recently movements such as liberation theology, and Tradinista! have argued for the compatibility of socialism and Catholicism. António Guterres, a practicing Catholic and current Secretary-General of the United Nations is the immediate past President of the Socialist International.

In Calvinism

In France, the birthplace of Calvinism, the Christianisme Social (Social Christianity) movement emerged from the preaching of Tommy Fallot[45] in the 1870s. Early on, the movement focused on such issues as illiteracy and alcoholism amongst the poor.[46] After the First World War, Social Christianity moved in two directions: towards pacifism and towards ecumenism.

Hence within the movement emerged conscientious objectors such as Jacques Martin, Philo Vernier and Henri Roser, economists pursuing policies that reflected cooperation and solidarity (such as Bernard Lavergne and Georges Lasserre), and theologians such as Paul Ricoeur. One of the pastors in the movement, Jacques Kaltenbach, was also to have a formative influence on André Trocmé.[47]

Under the Vichy regime, which had seen the emergence of other forms of witness (particularly the support of internees in the camps, and aiding Jews to escape), the movement was reborn to tackle the problems of a changing world. It expressed a Christian socialism, more or less in line with the beginning of a new political left. Political activism was very broad and included the denunciation of torture, East–West debate on European integration and taking a stance on the process of decolonization. It facilitated meetings between employers, managers and trade unionists to discern a new economic order.[citation needed]

After the events of May 1968, Calvinism in France became much more left-wing in its orientation.[48] One doctrinal text produced in this period, Church and Authorities, was described as Marxist in its orientation.[48] Churches now seized for themselves the political and social issues to tackle, such as nuclear power and justice for the Third World.

In the early 2000s, the Social Christianity movement temporarily discontinued and its journal, Other Times, ceased to be published.[46] However, the movement was relaunched on 10 June 2010 with a petition signed by over 240 people[46] and now maintains an active presence with its own website.[49]

Economically, Calvinists have supported capitalism and have been in the vanguard of promoting market capitalism[50] and have produced many of France's leading entrepreneurs.[50] With regard to politics and social issues however, they are very much socialists.[48] Three of France's post-war prime ministers have been Calvinists, despite Protestants only making up two percent of the population. Two of these prime ministers have been socialists.[50]

In Australia, the academic Roland Boer has attempted to synthesize Calvinism and Marxism.[51] He has stated that "it became clear to me that within Christianity there is a strong tradition of political and theological radicalism, which I continued to explore personally. Reformed or Calvinist theology did not seem to sit easily with that interest, so I spent many a long year rejecting that tradition, only to realise later that Calvin himself was torn between the radical potential of elements in the Bible and his own conservative preferences".[52]

In Wales, Calvinistic Methodism is the largest non-conformist religion. Its beginnings may be traced to Griffith Jones (1684–1761), of Llanddowror, Carmarthenshire, whose sympathy for the poor led him to set on foot a system of circulating charity schools for the education of children.[citation needed] However, until the nineteenth century, the prevailing thought amongst Welsh non-conformists was that "it would be wiser if the churches limited their activities to those of the altar and not to meddle at all with the state and social questions". This stemmed partly from the traditional nonconformist belief in the separation of church and state.[53]

In his influential sermon, Y Ddwy Alwedigaeth (The Two Vocations), Emrys ap Iwan challenged this passive pietism: "We must not think, like the old Methodists, Puritans and some Catholics, that we can only seek Godliness outside our earthly vocation." He condemned those Christians who limited godliness to directly religious matters such as Sabbath observance and personal devotion. He declared that all earthly things, including language and culture, have some kind of divine origin.[54]

Many of the founders of the Welsh nationalist social-democratic party, Plaid Cymru were also devout Calvinists,[citation needed] including John Edward Daniel. Daniel was the theologian credited for bringing neo-orthodoxy to Wales. Daniel argued that God did not create man as an isolated individual but as a social being.[54]

The second generation of Plaid Cymru leaders included R. Tudur Jones. His political stance, combined with Calvinist doctrine, created an integrated vision that was significant to the religious life of Christian Wales in the later half of the 20th century.[55] Jones argued that the "state should be a servant, to preserve order and to allow men to live the good life".[56]

Today, many Calvinist socialists in Wales support same-sex marriage on the grounds that it delivers marriage equality in the eyes of the state while still allowing churches to follow their own conscience, thus upholding the traditional Protestant belief in separation of church and state.[57]

The Calvinist tradition in Plaid Cymru has also influenced its non-violent approach.[citation needed] "The ideal is no fist violence, no verbal violence, and no heart violence.... Christians... point to the New Testament example of Jesus Christ clearing the temple. Here there is no suggestion of violence against people; rather the tables are turned as a symbolic act. The life and teaching of Jesus Christ were seen as the foundations of nonviolent direct action [for Plaid Cymru members]... loving their enemies on the one hand, but not compromising on what they saw as an issue of moral rightness."[58] Plaid Cymru continues to see itself as very much part of the Christian pacifist tradition.[57]


Lawrence Reed, in Rendering Unto Caesar, writes that Jesus was not a socialist in that he promoted voluntary giving and charity rather than the mandatory taking by government (taxes).[59][dubious – discuss] Johnnie Moore (Professor of Religion at Liberty University) writing on the homepage of Fox News Radio's Todd Starnes, says Jesus was a capitalist.[60][dubious – discuss] Bryan Fischer, of the American Family Association, says Jesus was a capitalist who advocated "voluntary redistribution of wealth".[61][dubious – discuss]

Charles Haddon Spurgeon was critical of socialist doctrines, and warned that those who seek socialism "may soon have too much of it." Specifically, he regarded collectivist Christianity as inferior to faith on an individual level. He said "I would not have you exchange the gold of individual Christianity for the base metal of Christian Socialism."[62]

Christian socialist parties

• Agricultural People's Front of Peru (Peru)
• Christian Democracy (Greece)
• Christian Left Party (Chile)
• Christian Social Party (Netherlands)
• Christian Social Party (Switzerland)
• Christians on the Left, formerly the Christian Socialist Movement (United Kingdom; a Socialist Society affiliated with the Labour Party)
• Democratic Revival (Greece)
• League of Christian Socialists (the Netherlands)
• Le Sillon (France)
• Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland (Poland)
• Social Christians (Italy)
• Ligue de la jeune République (France)

Notable Christian socialists

Main category: Christian socialists

The following list includes notable followers of Christian socialism:

• John Archer, former Mayor of Christchurch and President of the New Zealand Labour Party[63]
• Francis Bellamy, original author of the Pledge of Allegiance[64]
• Tony Benn, British Parliamentarian and campaigner[65]
• William Dwight Porter Bliss, American Episcopal priest, writer, editor, and activist[66]
• Sergei Bulgakov, Russian Orthodox Christian theologian, philosopher and economist[67]
• Hélder Câmara, Roman Catholic bishop of Olinda e Recife, Brazil
• Hugo Chávez, former President of Venezuela[68]
• Dorothy Day, co-founder of the Catholic Worker Movement[69]
• Percy Dearmer, English priest and liturgist[70]
• Tommy Douglas, Canadian politician and Baptist minister, Premier of Saskatchewan[71]
• Barry Gardiner, British Labour Party politician.[72]
• David Bentley Hart, American Orthodox philosophical theologian[73]
• Hewlett Johnson, English Anglican priest, called "The Red Dean of Canterbury", and author of such books as The Socialist Sixth of the World (1939) and Soviet Russia Since the War (1947).
• Kenneth Leech, English Anglican priest and theologian
• Walter Nash, former Prime Minister of New Zealand and leader of the New Zealand Labour Party[74]
• Kevin Rudd, former Prime Minister of Australia[75][76][77]
• Desmond Tutu, South African theologian and former Archbishop of Cape Town[78]

See also

• Christianity portal
• Socialism portal
• Agrarian socialism
• Christian anarchism
• Christian communism
• Christian left
• Christian libertarianism
• Christian views on poverty and wealth
• Ethical socialism
• Jesus and the rich young man
• Liberation theology
• Political Catholicism
• Political theology
• Progressive Christianity
• Religion and Socialism Commission
• Spiritual left



1. Leech 2000, pp. 677–678.
2. Cort 1988, p. 19.
3. Cort 1988, p. 20.
4. Cort 1988, p. 21.
5. Cort 1988.
6. Cort 1988, p. 22.
7. Cort 1988, p. 23.
8. Cort 1988, p. 28.
9. Cort 1988, p. 31.
10. Cort 1988, p. 32.
11. Cort 1988, p. 37.
12. Cort 1988, pp. 41–42.
13. Montero 2017.
14. Cort 1988, p. 43.
15. Cort 1988, pp. 43–44.
16. Cort 1988, p. 45.
17. Ruskin 1872, pp. xi–xiii.
18. Norman 1987, pp. 122, 132.
19. Landow, George P. (2015) [1989]. "Pre-Raphaelites: An Introduction". The Victorian Web. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
20. Cody, David (2002) [1987]. "Morris's Socialism". The Victorian Web. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
21. "The Fabian Story". Fabian Society. Archived from the original on 25 December 2015. Retrieved 23 December2015.
22. "Scudder, Vida Dutton". Episcopal Church. 22 May 2012. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
23. "Christian Socialism". Episcopal Church. 22 May 2012. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
24. Berman 2007, pp. 11–12.
25. "Christian Democracy". Britannica Academic. Encyclopædia Britannica. 2015. Retrieved 25 December2015.
26. Acts 2:44, 4:32–37; 5:1–12. Other verses are: Matthew 5:1–12, 6:24, Luke 3:11, 16:11, 2 Corinthians 8:13–15 and James 5:3.
27. This is the standpoint of the orthodox Marxist Kautsky, Karl (1953) [1908]. "IV.II. The Christian Idea of the Messiah. Jesus as a Rebel.". Foundations of Christianity. Russell and Russell.: Christianity was the expression of class conflict in Antiquity.
28. Gustav Bang Crises in European History p. 24.
29. Lansford, Tom (2007). "History of Communism". Communism. Political Systems of the World. Marshall Cavendish. pp. 24–25. Retrieved 16 May 2011.
30. von Mises, Ludwig (1981) [1951]. "Christianity and Socialism". Socialism. New Heaven: Yale University Press. p. 424. Retrieved 16 May 2011.
31. "Rénan's Les Apôtres. Community life". The London Quarterly and Holborn Review, Volume 26. London. 1866 [April and July]. p. 502. Retrieved 10 May 2011.
32. Unterbrink, Daniel T. (2004). "The Dead Sea Scrolls". Judas the Galilean. Lincoln: iUniverse. p. 92. ISBN 0-595-77000-2. Retrieved 10 May 2011.
33. Guthrie, Donald (1992) [1975]. "3. Early Problems. 15. Early Christian Communism". The Apostles. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan. p. 46. ISBN 978-0-310-25421-8.
34. Renan, Ernest (1869). "VIII. First Persecution. Death of Stephen. Destruction of the First Church of Jerusalem". Origins of Christianity. II. The Apostles. New York: Carleton. p. 152.
35. Ehrhardt, Arnold (1969). "St Peter and the Twelve". The Acts of the Apostles. Manchester: University of Manchester. The University Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-0719003820.
36. Boer, Roland (2009). "Conclusion: What If? Calvin and the Spirit of Revolution. Bible". Political Grace. The Revolutionary Theology of John Calvin. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press. p. 120. ISBN 978-0-664-23393-8.
37. Halteman Finger, Reta (2007). "Reactions to Style and Redaction Criticism". Of Widows and Meals. Communal Meals in the Book of Acts. Cambridge, UK: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-8028-3053-1.
38. Ellicott, Charles John; Plumptre, Edward Hayes (1910). "III. The Church in Jerusalem. I. Christian Communism". The Acts of the Apostles. London: Cassell.
39. Montero, Roman A. (2017). All Things in Common The Economic Practices of the Early Christians. Foster, Edgar G. Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 9781532607912. OCLC 994706026.
40. See, e.g., Strube 2016a; Cyranka 2016; Braude 1989.
41. "Socialism & the Vatican". Time. Vol. 70 no. 2. 8 July 1957. p. 19. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
42. ... islam.html
43. Knight, Nika (2 August 2016). "Pope Francis: Capitalism is 'Terrorism Against All of Humanity'". Common Dreams. Retrieved 8 September 2018.
44. Skojec, Steve (11 November 2016). "Pope: "It is the Communists Who Think Like Christians"". OnePeterFive. Retrieved 8 September 2018.
45. "Social Christianity". Virtual Museum of Protestantism. Fondation pasteur Eugène Bersier. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
46. "La relance du christianisme social" [The Revival of Social Christianity]. France Culture (in French). Radio France. 2010. Archived from the original on 26 August 2014. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
47. Chalamet 2013.
48. Wells, Paul (May 1988). "L'Église C'est Moi: The French Churches and the 'Me' Generation". Third Way. Vol. 11 no. 5. London: Hymns Ancient & Modern. pp. 14–16. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
49. "Accueil" [Welcome]. ...Se réclamant du christianisme social (in French). Retrieved 5 June 2016.
50. "Prim but Punchy". The Economist. Vol. 346 no. 8064. 16 April 1998. p. 48. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
51. "Professor Roland Boer". University of Newcastle. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
52. Oudshoorn, Dan (24 December 2010). "An Interview with Roland Boer (On Marxism and Theology)". On Journeying with those in Exile. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
53. Llwyd 2015, p. 3.
54. Llwyd 2015, p. 4.
55. Davies et al. 2008.
56. Llwyd 2015, p. 5.
57. Llwyd 2015, p. 7.
58. Llwyd 2015, p. 6.
59. Reed 2015.
60. Moore, Johnnie. "Was Jesus a Socialist or a Capitalist?". Fox News Radio. Archived from the original on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
61. Fischer, Bryan (15 October 2015). "Jesus Was Not a Socialist". The Stand. American Family Association. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
62. One Lost Sheep, 1889
63. Gustafson, Barry (2012) [1996]. "Archer, John Kendrick". Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Ministry for Culture and Heritage. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
64. "Grand Lodge of BC and Yukon profile of Bellamy". Retrieved 1 November 2012.
65. Sydney Higgins (1984). The Benn Inheritance: The Story of a Radical Family. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-78524-8. Quoted in Brown, Rob (27 September 1984). "Vital key to the real Tony Benn". The Glasgow Herald. p. 8. Retrieved 4 May 2016.
66. Webber, Christopher L. (1959). "William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856–1926): Priest and Socialist". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28 (1): 9–39. ISSN 2377-5289. JSTOR 42972716.
67. "Sergei Bulgakov » News from different disciplines". 2009. Retrieved 9 December 2011.
68. Lustig, Robin (20 October 2005). "Hugo Chavez: Charming provocateur". BBC News. Retrieved 16 March2019.
69. "Paperbacks in Review" (PDF). New York Times. 17 January 1960. Retrieved 26 January 2014.
70. Southwell, F. R.; Barry, F. R.; Gray, Donald (2004). "Dearmer, Percy (1867–1936)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/32763.
71. Thomas, Lewis, ed. (1982). The Making of a Socialist: The Recollections of T.C. Douglas. Edmonton: The University of Alberta Press. ISBN 978-0-88864-070-3.
72. "Socialist labels for Barry Gardiner and Jeremy Corbyn". BBC News. 14 May 2019. Retrieved 8 June2019.
73. "Can We Please Relax About 'Socialism'?". The New York Times. 27 April 2019. Retrieved 22 July 2019.
74. Gustafson, Barry (2013) [1998]. "Nash, Walter". Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Ministry for Culture and Heritage. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
75. Maiden, Samantha; Edwards, Verity (15 December 2006). "Rudd Backtracks on Socialism". The Australian Financial Review. Archived from the original on 6 September 2007.
76. Rudd, Kevin (October 2006). "Faith in Politics". The Monthly. No. 17. Retrieved 4 June 2016. A Christian perspective, informed by a social gospel or Christian socialist tradition, should not be rejected contemptuously by secular politicians as if these views are an unwelcome intrusion into the political sphere.
77. Gordon, Michael; Grattan, Michelle (14 December 2006). "Rudd Rejects Socialism". The Age. Retrieved 4 June2016.
78. Du Boulay 1988, p. 236.


Berman, David R. (2007). Radicalism in the Mountain West, 1890–1920: Socialists, Populists, Miners, and Wobblies. Boulder, Colorado: University Press of Colorado. ISBN 978-0-87081-884-4.
Braude, Ann (1989). Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women's Rights in Nineteenth-Century America. Boston, Massachusetts: Beacon Press. ISBN 978-0-8070-7500-5.
Chalamet, Christophe (2013). Revivalism and Social Christianity: The Prophetic Faith of Henri Nick and André Trocmé. Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications. ISBN 978-1-61097-858-3.
Cort, John C. (1988). Christian Socialism: An Informal History. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books. ISBN 978-0-88344-574-7.
Cyranka, Daniel (2016). "Religious Revolutionaries and Spiritualism in Germany Around 1848". Aries. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. 16 (1): 13–38. doi:10.1163/15700593-01601002. ISSN 1570-0593.
Davies, John; Jenkins, Nigel; Baines, Menna; Lynch, Peredur I., eds. (2008). The Welsh Academy Encyclopaedia of Wales. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. ISBN 978-0-7083-1953-6.
Leech, Kenneth (2000). "Socialism". In Hastings, Adrian; Mason, Alistair; Pyper, Hugh (eds.). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 676–678. ISBN 978-0-19-860024-4. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
Llwyd, Rhys (2015). "Plaid Cymru, Welsh Nationalism and Christianity: A Historical Perspective" (PDF). Ethics in Brief. Cambridge, England: Kirby Laing Institute for Christian Ethics. 2015 Election Series (5). Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
Montero, Roman A. (2017). All Things in Common: The Economic Practices of the Early Christians. Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock. ISBN 978-1-5326-0791-2.
Norman, Edward (1987). The Victorian Christian Socialists. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press (published 2002). doi:10.1017/CBO9780511560743. ISBN 978-0-521-53051-4.
Reed, Lawrence (2015). Rendering unto Caesar: Was Jesus a Socialist?. Atlanta, Georgia: Foundation for Economic Education. ISBN 978-1-57246-037-9.
Ruskin, John (1872). "Unto this Last": Four Essays on the First Principles of Political Economy. New York: John Wiley & Son. Retrieved 3 June 2016.
Strube, Julian (2016a). "Socialist Religion and the Emergence of Occultism: A Genealogical Approach to Socialism and Secularization in 19th-Century France". Religion. 46 (3): 359–388. doi:10.1080/0048721X.2016.1146926. ISSN 1096-1151.
——— (2016b). Sozialismus, Katholizismus und Okkultismus im Frankreich des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Genealogie der Schriften von Eliphas Lévi [Socialism, Catholicism, and Occultism in Nineteenth-Century France: The Genealogy of the Writings of Eliphas Lévi]. Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten (in German). 69. Berlin: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-047654-5.

Further reading

Bissett, Jim (1999). Agrarian Socialism in America: Marx, Jefferson, and Jesus in the Oklahoma Countryside, 1904–1920. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-3148-1.
Bliss, William D. P., ed. (1897). "Christian Socialism". The Encyclopedia of Social Reform. New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company. pp. 251–260. LCCN 02014652. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
Boyer, John W. (1995). Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897–1918. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-06960-9.
Hopkins, Charles Howard (1940). The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism, 1865–1915. Yale Studies in Religious Education. 14. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Kingsley, Charles (1898). The Works of Charles Kingsley. 2. Philadelphia: John B. Morris & Company. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
Kingsley, Frances Eliza Grenfell, ed. (1885) [1877]. Charles Kingsley: His Letters and Memories of His Life. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
Leno, John Bedford (1892). The Aftermath with Autobiography of the Author. London: Reeves & Turner.
Maurice, Frederick, ed. (1885) [1884]. The Life of Frederick Denison Maurice: Chiefly Told in His Own Letters. 2 (4th ed.). London: Macmillan and Co. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
Phillips, Paul T. (1996). A Kingdom on Earth: Anglo-American Social Christianity, 1880–1940. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-271-01580-4.
Simkin, John (2014) [1997]. "Christian Socialists". Spartacus Educational. Retrieved 8 August 2018.
Spargo, John (1909). "Christian Socialism in America". American Journal of Sociology. 15 (1): 16–20. doi:10.1086/211752. ISSN 0002-9602. JSTOR 2762617. Zenodo: 1431287.
Woodworth, Arthur V. (1903). Christian Socialism in England. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Company.
Young, Shawn David (2010). "From Hippies to Jesus Freaks: Christian Radicalism in Chicago's Inner-City". Journal of Religion and Popular Culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 22 (2): 1–28. doi:10.3138/jrpc.22.2.003. Archived from the original on 21 February 2013. Retrieved 3 June 2016.
Du Boulay, Shirley (1988). Tutu: Voice of the Voiceless. London: Hodder and Stoughton. ISBN 9780340416143.
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Apr 15, 2020 12:49 am

Vida Dutton Scudder
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

Scudder, c. 1890

Julia Vida Dutton Scudder (1861–1954) was an American educator, writer, and welfare activist in the social gospel movement.

Early life

She was born in Madurai, India, on December 15, 1861, the only child of David Coit Scudder (of the Scudder family of missionaries in India) and Harriet Louise (Dutton) Scudder. After her father, a Congregationalist missionary, was accidentally drowned in 1862, she and her mother returned to the family home in Boston. Apart from travel in Europe, she attended private secondary schools in Boston, and was graduated from the Boston Girl's Latin School in 1880. Scudder then entered Smith College, where she received her BA degree in 1884.[1]

In 1885 she and Clara French were the first American women admitted to the graduate program at Oxford, where she was influenced by York Powell and John Ruskin. While in England she was also influenced by Leo Tolstoi and by George Bernard Shaw and Fabian socialism. Scudder and French returned to Boston in 1886.[1][2]

Academic career and social activism

Scudder taught English literature from 1887 at Wellesley College, where she became an associate professor in 1892 and full professor in 1910.[2][3]

She was one of the founders, in 1887, of the College Settlements Association, along with Helena Dudley, Katharine Coman, Katharine Lee Bates, and other women.[4] She and Emily Greene Balch were also involved with the establishment of the CSA's third settlement house venture, Denison House in Boston.[5] Scudder was its primary administrator from 1893 to 1913.[1]

by Vassar Newspaper Archives
October 1, 1915

The College Settlements Association was formed in 1890 by a group of women interested in social settlement work. It aims "to bring all college women within the scope of a common purpose and a common work." The Association directs settlements in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Baltimore. It has branches in twelve of the leading colleges for women.

The Consumers' League is a national organization existing for the purpose of bettering the conditions of the workers by concerted, intelligent action on the part of the consumers. It is interested in labor legislation as well as in giving every buyer a sense of individual responsibility. It urges every one to ask for goods with the Consumers' League's label and to shop early in the day and early in the Christmas season. "

"Among college organizations few have so strong a claim upon the attention and support of the students of Vassar College" as the College Settlements Association and the Consumers' League, "which more than any of the other organizations bring us into touch with the outside world, both because of (their) intercollegiate character and their unselfish interests."


1891: The chapter was organized. Rent was paid for a destitute family for two months and it was supplied with clothing. During the spring and fall wild flowers were sent weekly to the Settlement in New York. In December two hundred dolls and some toys were sent there. College Subscription $58.00

1892: The chapter was formed into sixteen clubs which met weekly to sew or paste scrap books. The financial report is missing.

1893: Clothing, flowers, and dolls were sent to New York as usual. Miss Katharine B. Davis addressed the Association. College Subscription $198-33; Alumnae Subscription 365.86

1894: It was difficult to have meetings in the interests of the College Settlements Association, but the chapter made baby dresses for the Settlement in New York and sent flowers. College Subscription $166.68; Alumna Subscription 382.00

1895: Two addresses were given at the college. Clothing, dolls and flowers were sent to New York. Several students assisted at the work at the summer home of the large Association. College Subscription $163.25; Alumnae Subscription 359.66

1896: Topics about the Settlements were used for English papers. Dolls, candy, and curtains were sent to New York. Five addresses were given. The membership increased by 45 per cent. College Subscription, $235.75; Alumnae Subscription 721.00

1897: A new constitution was adopted which brought the faculty into closer relations with the chapter. Christmas gifts and flowers were sent to New York. Three addresses were given. College Subscription $200.00; Alumnae Subscription 532.50

1898: The usual gifts were sent to New York. Two addresses were given. One hundred children from the Settlement in New York were entertained at the college. College Subscription $288.75; Alumnae Subscription 418.92

1899: Students visited the Settlement in New York and sent flowers there. One hundred children were entertained as before. College Subscription $377.50; Alumnae Subscription 441.65

1900: Healthy growth of the chapter was reported. New interest as a result of a visit from Miss Dudley of Denison House. College Subscription $362.50; Alumnae Subscription 459.30

1901: A small number of children were entertained. Christmas gifts were sent to New York. Professor Mills gave one talk on the Settlement Movement. College Subscription $382.05; Alumnae Subscription, 517.15

1902: Miss Williams of the Rivington Street Settlement gave an address. At Christmas a box was sent to the Settlement in New York. In the spring one hundred children were given a picnic at the college. "Especial interest in the chapter was aroused by plans for the erection of a club house for the maids of the college, which is to be under the chapter control, and by the organization, under the direction of members of the chapter, of over twenty classes among the maids. College Subscription $244.00; Alumnae Subscription 508.05

1903: Increased interest, especially in the Freshman class, was marked. Two addresses were given. The usual number of children from New York and one hundred children from Poughkeepsie were entertained. Members of the chapter conducted twenty-five classes among the maids. Work among children in Poughkeepsie was planned for the next year. College Subscription $259.35; Alumnae Subscription 662.70

1904: A thorough canvass of the college resulted in 340 members. One address and the usual activities took place. Arlington Hall was rented twice a week for work among the boys and girls of the village. College Subscription $262.80;Alumnae Subscription 459.50

1905: Miss Williams addressed the chapter. A pamphlet was printed, describing the work of the large association and of the chapter at college, and distributed to all the students. 355 members were enrolled. The usual picnic was given. Work with boys in Arlington was abandoned but classes for the girls were held once a week. College Subscription $200.00; Alumnae Subscription 406.50

1906: Two addresses by outside speakers were given. The chapter gave a tea to the faculty at which Professor Mills spoke. The usual activities were carried on. The chapter had charge of the library for the maids. College Subscription $221.00; Alumnae Subscription 607.50

1907: There were 266 members. At one meeting members of the chapter told their personal experiences at College Settlements. A small reading group was successful. $50 was given toward furnishing the Maids' Club House. Other activities were as usual. College Subscription $218.00; Alumnae Subscription 531.00

1908: Work among the maids was the chief activity; the Christian Association turned over to the chapter the religious work among the maids. The usual picnic was held. College Subscription $334.05; Alumnae Subscription 440.50

1909: Diminished subscriptions made it seem advisable to omit the spring picnic. More interest was lost than money gained. College Subscription $250.00; Alumnae Subscription 629.00

1910: Interest was waning. College Subscription $240.92; Alumnae Subscription 456.60

1911: The work among the maids had passed from the hands of the chapter entirely. The only remaining work seemed to be the collecting of dues. Lack of interest caused the chapter to disorganize. College Subscription $456.25; Alumnae Subscription 419.00

1913: The society reorganized late in the year. Members of the faculty and students joined it. Alumnae Subscription $490.50

1914: Two addresses were given. College Subscription $79.00; Alumnae Subscription 405.90

1915: Two addresses were given. College Subscription $140.00; Alumnae Subscription (not reported yet).


1900: After a lecture on the Consumers' League by Mrs. Florence Kelley, the Vassar branch was organized. The aim of the branch was to interest students in the work of the national organization by distributing literature and by personal interviews.

1901: The Consumers' League was consolidated with the Marshall Club, a club for the study of economic questions. The same officers served for both.

1902 to 1904: Lecture on the work of the League and other philanthropic endeavors were given every year before the League and the Marshall Club.

1905 to 1907: Apparently the branch of the League went out of existence because of the students' lack of interest.

1907: The Vassar branch of the Consumers' League was reorganized. Members were urged to do their Christmas shopping early, to refuse to receive packages delivered after ten in the evening, and to ask for underwear with the label of the League.

1908: In the June number of the Miscellany there appeared a statement of the aims of the Consumers' League and their White List. Lectures and discussions about the work of the League were held. Members of the Vassar branch investigated the Poughkeepsie stores and interviewed the managers. Dr. Taylor forbade this work.

1909: The names and addresses of the members of the graduating class were sent by the Vassar branch to the Leagues in their various cities.

1910: The League held an exhibit of pictures of sweat-shop conditions, of articles made under those conditions, and of articles bearing the label of the League. Several lectures were given. Miss Violet Pike told of her experiences in the Shirtwaist Makers' strike. The addresses of the Seniors were sent to the secretaries in their home cities and the class was canvassed for membership.

1911: The dues of the branch were determined at twenty-five cents, fifteen cents to be spent for lectures and ten cents to be sent to the National League.

1912: A delegate was sent from Vassar to the national convention of the League.

1913: The membership of the League was doubled. An unsuccessful attempt was made by a group to study the conditions of women in industry. The usual lecture by Mrs. Kelley was given.

1914: An exhibit of pictures of sweatshop conditions and of goods made tinder those conditions and of goods bearing the label was held.

1915: The dues were collected as usual.

Facts collected by Helen Noyes, 1916

College Settlement Association
by The Cornell Daily Sun, Volume XIII, Number 116, May 2, 1893

A movement is on foot to perfect an organization of the Cornell members of the College Settlement Association. At a meeting held in Barnes Hall last week, plans were discussed with a view to enlarge the membership and to bring to the attention of students and others the object and extent as well as the needs of this association. The purpose of this association is to form settlements among the poor and illiterate classes of a community, usually in a large city. A house is rented in the vicinity or in the midst of the people whom it is sought to elevate to a better condition. At this house women who have been students at some college or university, and who may be employed in this particular town or city may take up a residence and during the time not devoted to their regular profession or business, endeavor in various ways to raise the moral and intellectual standard of the community about them.

Settlements of this kind have been established in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, and other places. The results have strongly demonstrated the practicability of the scheme. Organizations for the purpose of extending the establishment of these settlements exist at Wellesley, Vassar, Bryn Mawr and other leading women's colleges throughout the country. There are about fifteen members of this association at Cornell. The membership fee is five dollars a year. It is intended when the organization is perfected to include the men as well as the women students of the University and all others who will interest themselves in the work of this association.

The College Settlements Association: Breaching Gender and Class in Cities [Excerpt]
by Joyce E. Williams and Vicky M. MacLean
January 1, 2015

At the same time that Hull House was beginning work in Chicago and the Neighborhood Guild in New York, a group of young women near Boston, associated with Smith and Wellesley colleges for women, were founding settlements in the Northeast. From an organization known as the College Settlements Association (CSA) formed in 1890, three social settlements emerged: the College Settlement in New York (also known as the Rivington Street Settlement) in 1889, College Settlement in Philadelphia, and Denison House in Boston, both opening their doors in 1892 although in the case of Philadelphia, the CSA assumed responsibility for on-going work. In 1910, the CSA added a preexisting settlement in Baltimore. The CSA was the product of women’s college graduates and the settlements were continuously supported, managed and staffed by DSA and a network of women’s colleges. In the beginning, the CSA was little more than the dream of a group of Smith alumnae who met in Northampton, Massachusetts in 1887 for a reunion: Vida Scudder, Jean Fine, and Helen Rand. This trio was shortly joined by other women associated with Smith or Wellesley: Katherine Corman, Katherine Lee Bates, Cornelia Warren, Jane Robbins, and Helena Dudley. An undated and anonymous note in the archives of the SEttlements Collection reads as follows,

Vida Scudder, Clara French, Helen Rand, all of ’84, and Jean Fine of ’83, when in college being much interested in settlement work planned later to open a settlement under the auspices of the women’s colleges. Thinking it might be possible to open a settlement in ’87 Miss Scudder and Miss French went to Oxford for a year’s study. Miss French died and the other three lost their courage for the time being. However, they did form an organization of women’s colleges and opened the first college settlement at Rivington Street in New York with Miss Helen Rand in charge. The following year a settlement was opened in Philadelphia in December 1892. Another house was established at 93 Tyler Street, Boston, known as Denison House after Edward Denison of England.

Scudder, recently returned from study with John Ruskin at Oxford and newly appointed to the faculty of Wellesley, was apparently the moving force in the group whose primary motivation seemed to be to break the restrictive bonds of gender and class. According to Scudder the young women founders knew nothing of Hull House or other efforts in the social settlement movement in the United States although they were familiar with the movement in England. In her autobiography, Scudder wrote of their beginning, “We followed the all-too-frequent American method; we began with an Organization, then we established centers, then we sought for people to carry out our ideas. We had splendid women among our organizers and our early residents but we had no Janes Addams’ (1937:136). Scudder credited Katharine Bates as being the one to “outline the form in which our Eastern movement crystallized, a ‘College Settlements Association,’ with a governing board composed of delegates from the several women’s colleges” (1937:110). This proposed organization was to be supported and controlled by college women and was later formalized in a simple thirteen-article constitution. The stated aims of the CSA were to further the education of college women and to reduce the distance between the classes, both to be accomplished in the real world of the college settlement (sc 1890, First Annual Report: B2, F1). Over the course of its history, the CSA established or came to manage four settlements, and their public presentation of settlements as women’s work impacted the movement as a whole.

Membership in the CSA was both of an individual and organizational (colleges and universities) type, but governance we female-centered. The Constitution was at first written that “any woman” could become a member by paying an annual fee of five dollars; this was amended, in their first year of operation, to read “any person” (SC 1890, First Annual Report: B2, F1). Every college with at lealst 20 members would be entitled to two representatives on an Electoral Board, one elected by CSA members who were graduates or former students of member schools and the other elected by undergraduate members. “Two women” were also to be elected to the board to represent non-collegiate members. Interestingly, this latter provision states specifically women whereas this stipulation is not attached to other representatives. Theoretically it was possible for males to end up in governing positions since coeducational institutions could become members as could “any person” who paid the five dollar annual fee. However, the fact that most collegiate support came from, and was recruited from, women’s colleges meant that by default this was to be a female-led organization. The Constitution also stipulated that “The majority of the residents in a Settlement at any one time shall always be College women.” Decision-making power was vested in the Electoral Board with two year terms, half the members being elected each year.

When French died in 1888, Scudder joined the Society of the Companions of the Holy Cross, a group of Episcopal women dedicated to intercessionary prayer and social reconciliation. Also in 1888, she joined the Society of Christian Socialists, which, under William Dwight Porter Bliss, established the Church of the Carpenter in Boston and published The Dawn.[1][2]

In 1893 Scudder was a delegate to the convention of the Boston Central Labor Union.[3] Later, she helped organize the Federal Labor Union, a group of professional people who associated themselves with the American Federation of Labor.[1]

Having received a leave of absence from Wellesley for 1894–1896, Scudder spent a year in Italy and France studying modern Italian and French literature.[2]

In 1903 Scudder helped organize the Women's Trade Union League. The same year she became director of the Circolo Italo-Americano at Denison House.[1]

Moving farther to the left, in 1911 she co-founded the Episcopal Church Socialist League and joined the Socialist Party. Scudder attempted to reconcile the conflicting doctrines of Marxism and Christianity. She became controversial in 1912 when she supported striking textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, and spoke at a strike meeting, but Wellesley resisted calls for her dismissal as a professor.[3] In Scudder's famous speech, she declared,

I would rather never again wear a thread of woolen than know my garments had been woven at the cost of such misery as I have seen and known past the shadow of a doubt to have existed in this town. ... If the wages are of necessity below the standard to maintain man and woman in decency and in health, then the woolen industry has not a present right to exist in Massachusetts.[6][7]

In 1913 Scudder ended her association with Denison House and moved to Wellesley, Massachusetts, with her elderly mother, who died in 1920.[1]

Unlike Eugene Victor Debs and other Socialist leaders, Scudder supported President Woodrow Wilson's decision to intervene in the First World War in 1917. In 1919 she founded the Church League for Industrial Democracy.

From 1919 until her death, Scudder lived with Florence Converse[8] In Wellesley they resided at 45 Leighton Road.[9] She lived with Helena Dudley, her closest friend, from 1922 until Dudley's death in 1932.[10][11]

At Wellesley College the poet Katherine Lee Bates developed an intimate partnership with fellow poet Katharine Coman, the professor of economics and dean of the college. They jointly wrote English History as Taught by English Poets.[12] Their "Boston Marriage" of living together for twenty-five years ended in Coman's cancer death at age 57. Bates, in her agony, published Yellow Clover: A Book of Remembrance[13] celebrating their love, common labor in education and literature and their involvement in social reform with their colleague Vida Scudder.[14]

In the 1920s Scudder embraced pacifism. She joined the Fellowship of Reconciliation in 1923, the same year she gave a series of lectures before the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom in Prague.

Later life

Scudder retired from Wellesley in 1927 and received the title of professor emeritus.[3][9] She became the first dean of the Summer School of Christian Ethics in 1930 at Wellesley. In 1931 she lectured weekly at the New School for Social Research in New York. Having studied the Franciscans extensively after her retirement for Wellesley, she published The Franciscan Adventure, in 1931 which established her as one of the leading Franciscan scholars of her time.[15]

She published an autobiography, On Journey, in London in 1937, and a collection of essays, The Privilege of Age, in New York in 1939.

Scudder had received the degree of LHD from Smith College in 1922. From Nashotah House, an Episcopal seminary in Nashotah, Wisconsin, she received an LLD degree in 1942.[9]

Vida Dutton Scudder died at Wellesley, Massachusetts, on October 9 or 10, 1954, and is buried alongside Florence Converse at Newton Cemetery, Newton, Massachusetts.[16]


Scudder is honored with a feast day on the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church (USA) on October 10.


• How the Rain Sprites Were Freed. Boston: D. Lothrop, 1883.
• Poems by George Macdonald, 1887 (edited with Clara French).[1][2]
• Mitsu-Yu-Nissi; or, The Japanese Wedding. Chicago: T.S. Denison 1887.
• Macaulay's Essay on Lord Clive. Boston: Sibley and Ducker, 1889 (edited).
• An Introduction to the Writings of John Ruskin. Boston: Leach, Shewell and Sanborn, 1890 edited.
• Topical Outlines for the Study of Modern English Literature. Boston: Frank Wood, 1892.
• Shelley's Prometheus Unbound, 1892 (edited).
• The Witness of Denial. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1895.
• The Life of the Spirit in the Modern English Poets. Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1895.[17]
• Socialism and Spiritual Progress: A Speculation. Boston: Church Social Union, 1896.
• Social Ideals in English Letters. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1898 (enlarged edition, 1923).[18]
• Christian Simplicity. Boston: Christian Social Union, 1898.
• Introduction to the Study of English Literature, 1901 [19]
• A Listener in Babel: Being a Series of Imaginary Conversations held at the Close of the Last Century and Reported by Vida D. Scudder. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1903.
• Saint Catherine of Siena as Seen in Her Letters. London: J.M. Dent, 1905; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1905 (edited and translated).
• The Disciple of a Saint, Being the Imaginary Biography of Raniero di Landoccio dei Pagliaresi. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1907 (reissued in 1921 and 1927).[20]
• Works of John Woolman, 1910 (edited for Everyman's Library).
• Bede's History of England, 1911 (edited for Everyman's Library).
• Socialism and Character. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1912.[21]
• English Poems, 1915 (edited for Lake English Classics).
• The Church and the Hour: Reflections of A Socialist Churchwoman. New York, E.P. Dutton, 1917.
• Le Morte D'Arthur of Sir Thomas Malory and Its Sources, 1917 (edited and translated).
• Social Teachings of the Christian Year: Lectures Delivered at the Cambridge Conference, 1918. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1921.
• Brother John: A Tale of the First Franciscans. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1927.
• The Franciscan Adventure: A Study in the First Hundred Years of the Order of St. Francis of Assisi. London and Toronto: J.M. Dent, 1931; New York: E.P. Dutton, 1931.
• The Christian Attitude Toward Private Property. Milwaukee: Morehouse, 1934.
• On Journey. London: J.M. Dent and Sons, 1937.
• The Privilege of Age: Essays Secular and Spiritual. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1939.
• Father Huntington, Founder of the Order of the Holy Cross. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1940.
• Letters to Her Companions, by Emily Malbone Morgan. Edited by Vida Dutton Scudder, with a biographical sketch by Emily Sophie Brown. Privately printed, 1944.
• My Quest for Reality. Wellesley: Published by the Author, 1952.


1. Dictionary of American Biography (1977) Supplement 5, p. 616., Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
2. The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography (1902) James T. White & Company, New York, Reprint of 1891 edition.
3. The Illustrated Columbia Encyclopedia (1963) 3rd ed. Vol. 18, p. 5575., Columbia University Press, New York.
4. Davis, Allen F. (1984). Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement 1890–1914 (Second ed.). New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. p. 11. ISBN 0-8135-1072-4.
5. Barbuto, Domenica M. (1999). American Settlement Houses and Progressive Reform: An Encyclopedia of the American Settlement House Movement. Phoenix, Arizona: The Oryx Press. p. 53. ISBN 1-57356-146-0.
6. Vorse, Mary Heaton. "Lawrence Strike".
7. Tarbell, Ida M. (1912). "A Woman and Her Raiment". American Magazine. 74-75: 475.
8. Lillian Faderman (1991) Odd Girls and Twilight Lovers, A History of Lesbian Life in Twentieth-Century America pp. 23–24., Penguin Books Ltd, London.
9. Who Was Who in America (1960) Marquis Who's Who, Inc., Chicago.
10. Davis, Allen F. (1971). "Dudley, Helena Stuart". In James, Edward T. (ed.). Notable American Women, 1607–1950: A Biographical Dictionary, Volume 2. Harvard University Press. p. 527. ISBN 9780674627345.
11. "Helena S. Dudley". Bryn Mawr Alumnae Bulletin. XII (8): 23. November 1932.
12. Bates, Katherine Lee, compiler with Katharine Coman, English History Told by English Poets, Macmillan, New York, NY, 1902, reprinted, Books for Libraries Press (Freeport, NY), 1969
13. Yellow Clover: A Book of Remembrance, Dutton, New York, NY, 1922
14. Herbert F. Vetter, "Katharine Lee Bates 1859–1929", Poets of Cambridge, US, retrieved 2011-10-26
15. "Scudder, Vida Dutton". Episcopal Church. 2012-05-22. Retrieved 2018-10-24.
16. Lillian Faderman, Odd Girls and Twilight Lovers: A History of Lesbian Life in Twentieth-Century America, Penguin Books Ltd, 1991, pages 23-24. ISBN 0-231-07488-3
17. The Life of the Spirit in the Modern English Poets - Vida Dutton Scudder - Google Boeken. Retrieved 2013-12-02.
18. Social Ideals in English Letters - Vida Dutton Scudder - Google Boeken. 2000-01-01. Retrieved 2013-12-02.
19. Introduction to the Study of English Literature - Vida Dutton Scudder - Google Boeken. Retrieved 2013-12-02.
20. The Disciple of a Saint: Being the Imaginary Biography of Raniero Di ... - Vida Dutton Scudder - Google Boeken. Retrieved 2013-12-02.
21. Socialism and Character - Vida Dutton Scudder - Google Boeken. 2008-02-29. Retrieved 2013-12-02.

Further reading

• Peter J. Frederick, Knights of the Golden Rule: The Intellectual As Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1976.

External links

• Biography
• Works by Vida Dutton Scudder at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Vida Dutton Scudder at Internet Archive
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Apr 15, 2020 1:59 am

William Dwight Porter Bliss
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20

The Reverend William Dwight Porter Bliss
Born: August 20, 1856, Constantinople, Turkey
Died: October 8, 1926 (aged 70), New York City, New York, US
Nationality: American
Alma mater: Amherst College; Hartford Theological Seminary
Religion: Christianity (Congregationalist · Anglican)
Church: Episcopal Church (United States)
Ordained: c. 1882 (Congregationalist); 1886 (Episcopal deacon); 1887 (Episcopal priest)

William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856–1926) was an American Episcopal priest and one of the most famous and influential Christian Socialists at the turn of 20th century. As a devout churchman, organizer, public speaker and an editor of numerous publications for over 40 years, Bliss became a central figure for the entire Christian socialist movement.[1]

Early life

William Dwight Porter Bliss was born in Constantinople, Turkey, on August 20, 1856, the son of Edwin Elisha Bliss and Isabella Holmes (Porter) Bliss, who were Christian missionaries there.[2] He was educated at Phillips Academy, Andover, Amherst College, and the Hartford Theological Seminary in Hartford, Connecticut.[3]

Religious and social influences

Hartford Theological Seminary was where Bliss first learned about religion in relation to social problems. The most notable influencers during his time of theological study being Henry George and articles in the Christian Union.[4] His immediate work after seminary also greatly impacted the trajectory of his future career as a socialist preacher who engaged in activism. Following his graduation from Hartford Theological Seminary in 1882,[5] Bliss was ordained a Congregationalist minister where he was forced to deal with, first hand, the serious labor problems that faced working-class people in America. After witnessing the effects that working unbearably long hours had on family life, the limited amount of food, and the harsh conditions working-class people faced in Boston, Bliss was convinced that the church had a direct duty to improve such terrible conditions.[4] According to Bliss, every person was a part of the kingdom of God regardless of religion and therefore should be treated as such.[4]

During this same time, Bliss also become interested in the writings of people such as Charles Kingsley, Frederick Denison Maurice, Edward Bellamy, the English Christian socialist, and most notably George E. McNeil. While all these writers were important to Bliss’s foundational understanding of Christianity's role in social and economic life, it was George E. McNeil who had the greatest impact.[6] According to Bliss “McNeil was the one man living from whom in spirit as well as economic wisdom he had learned the most”.[6]

These thinkers along with Bliss’s experiences helping working-class folk eventually led him to christian socialism, a movement which sought to apply socialism principles to the teachings of Christ in order to address modern social difficulties, caused, by industrialization and urbanization.[7]

His radical views on Christianity eventually pushed him to leave Congregationalism to join the Episcopal Church on October 25, 1885.[8] On June 16, 1886, he was ordained a deacon in the Episcopal Church, and became a priest on June 8, 1887.[9] He then served at Grace Church in Boston from 1887 until 1890, and finally, he helped organize an inner-city ministry, the Church of the Carpenter, where he served for four years.

Bliss’s thoughts on Christian Socialism

Once Bliss adopted the ideas of Christian Socialism he began to create a very clear distinct understanding of what it meant. While Bliss recognized that the label Christian Socialism on its surface seemed to be a paradox, he believed that "christianity and socialism were not only compatible, but that socialism was the natural economic expression of christian life."[10][11] He sought to rid socialism of its philosophical materialism because he believed Christianity was the most effective way to bring socialism to fruition in America.[10] As Bliss mentioned in a speech, his socialist radicalism was grounded not in Marx but in the teachings of Jesus Christ more than anything else.[4] Despite this understanding of Christianity, Bliss originally believed that Christians did not necessarily have to pick a particular political party or organization in order to be genuine socialist.[12] He did argue ,however, that if Christians were to truly live according to the Gospel and the words of Jesus, they would intuitively advocate for a socialist society in America. Moreover, the socialist aspect of Christian Socialism for Bliss was not hampered by the word Christian preceding it. He defined socialism as “that mode of social life which, based upon the recognition of the natural brotherhood and unity of mankind would have land and capital owned by the community collectively, and operated cooperatively for the good of all.[13] He was not interested in merely implementing more state intervention or cooperatives. He, like the scientific socialist, believed that in order to create a just society, where the children of God were all treated with dignity and respect, it would require a complete overhaul of the economic system. Reform was merely a halfway measure for Bliss. Therefore for Bliss, Christian socialism was a fundamentally socialist ideology rooted in Christian principles. He hated the idea that people who tried to apply Christianity to social problems would even try to apply the label Christian Socialism to their work.[14]

Scholarly dispute

Bliss’s understanding of Christian Socialism and its fit with “genuine political socialism” is a point of contention, however, for many radical Marxist historians. Although his ideas were distinctively separate from and more radical than the popular social gospel thinkers[10] who merely wanted progressive reform, many scholars still do not want to label Bliss’s ideology to be socialist because it lacked real radicalism.[15] Despite condemning capitalism as a dangerous plutocracy founded on economic individualism and his demands for an entirely new political economic order, many historians still find Bliss to be too moderate for socialist standards because of his wiliness to work with progressive reform centered institutions.[13][16] These scholars argue that Bliss and other Christian socialists of the day offered watered-down versions of socialism due to their practical goals, respect for unions and the insentience on gradualism.[17] Bliss’s willingness to work with the Knights of labor, the populist and other less radical political affiliations push critics to assert that Bliss was not only comfortable with simply achieving small piecemeal reform but that he thought this was the most effective way to achieve a socialist society.[18]

There has been some push back on the idea that Bliss was too moderate to be classified within the socialist movement of the Gilded Age. Richard Dressner, in particular, argues that scholars who have labeled Bliss as a moderate have limited the scope of their analysis to the first few decades of his work and have not considered the entire trajectory of his work as a preacher and activist.[19] Most notably, his years with the Christian Socialist Fellowship. According to Dressner, not only was Bliss pushing socialist principles from the pulpit, he was also trying to destigmatize the anti-religious nature of the socialist party itself.[10] During his time with the Fellowship, Bliss along with many of the other Christian socialists moved away from their gradualist perspective and pushed for more immediate political change by writing approvingly not just of workers demanding improved conditions, but of labor strikes that became violent in order to achieve their radical ends.[12] Furthermore, once elected to the executive committee of the Christian Socialist Fellowship, Bliss approved of the fellowship's full endorsement of the socialist party and even advocated Christians to vote the socialist party ticket.[20] Dresser argues that to suggest that Bliss was merely lukewarm to socialism is to not understand the complexity of Bliss.[21] Although early on he frequently worked with moderate progressive reformers, as the times and circumstances changed, Bliss saw his view of Christian socialism directly in line with even the most radical socialist of the day.

Political career

Bliss had a lengthy and diverse political career while serving as a minister in the Episcopal church.

For one his first political projects, Bliss helped found the American branch of the leftist-leaning Christian Social Union[22] to condemn capitalism and push Christianity to take on a socialist agenda (1884 to 1887).[23]

Bliss also served as member of the Knights of Labor, beginning in 1886, advocating more moderate reform he believed would be a necessary foundation in order to achieve his socialist vision for America.[24]

In 1887 Bliss ran for Lieutenant Governorship of Massachusetts as a candidate of the Labor Party, but lost the election. Shortly after his political campaign for lieutenant Governor, Bliss founded the Society of Christian Socialists (SCS) in 1889.[25] During that same time he also helped to create a Christian socialist newspaper called The Dawn, which he later bought in 1891 in order to bring a more socialist message to the paper.[26] Much like his more general philosophy in regards to Christian Socialism, the goal of these projects were to the show that “the aim of socialism is embraced in the aim of christianity” and that the” teachings of Jesus Christ lead directly to some specific form of socialism”.[26]

During these years Bliss also edited and compiled many publications, including the Encyclopedia of Social Reform beginning in 1897.[27] This was the definitive reference work on social movements published during the Progressive Era. Not only did it describe social movements, The Encyclopedia of Social Reform further articulated Bliss’s belief that the church and organized religion were viable vehicles of social and economic revolution in America.[27]

Following his time with the Society of Christian Socialists and The Dawn, Bliss took on a job as an investigator for the Bureau of Labor from 1907 to 1909 to highlight and eventually improve working conditions for laborers.[28]

Bliss and the Christian Socialist Fellowship

Bliss played an integral role within the Christian Socialist Fellowship. As the Fellowship convention, Bliss was elected to the Committee on Constitution, and his entire speech was included in the Christian Socialist Report of the conference.[21]

After 1910 he accepted a position within the Committee on Literature to write a series of Sunday school lessons through a socialist lens.[21] That same year he also became one of the contributing editors to the newspaper of the fellowship called the Christian Socialist and eventually was elected as the General Treasurer of the fellowship in 1911.[21]

Final public service years

In 1914, Bliss traveled to Switzerland to work with the YMCA, and served as a pastor and YMCA worker in that country until 1921. During the First World War, Bliss ministered to French and Belgian soldiers interned in Switzerland.[9]

Death and legacy

After the war, Bliss returned to the United States and preached in New York City until his death in that city on October 8, 1926.[29] Bliss is honored together with Richard Theodore Ely with a feast day on the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church (USA) on October 8.


• Socialism in the Church of England. Boston. 1888.
• What Is Christian Socialism?. Boston: Society of Christian Socialists. 1890.
• The Communism of John Ruskin. Editor. Boston. 1891.
• What Christian Socialism Is. Boston: Office of the Dawn. 1894.
• Objections to Christian Socialism. Boston: Office of the Dawn. 1894.
• The Social Faith of the Catholic Church: Or, the Lesson of Fellowship in Unity; A Sermon for Trinity Sunday. Boston: Office of the Dawn. 1894.
• "What Is Socialism?" Roslindale, Massachusetts: The Dawn. 1894. OCLC 152425588.
• A Handbook of Socialism. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 1895.
• Arbitration and Conciliation in Industrial Disputes. Boston: Church Social Union. 1895.
• American Trade Unions. Boston: Church Social Union. 1896.
• The Encyclopedia of Social Reform. Editor. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. 1897.
• What to Do: A Programme of Christian Socialism. San Francisco: Rembaugh. [1890s].
• A Plea for the Union of the Reform Forces with the Democratic Party. New York: Commercial Printing House. c. 1900.
• "What Is Done for the Unemployed in European Countries". Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor. Vol. 16 no. 76. 1908. pp. 741–934.
• The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. Edited with Binder, Rudolph Michael; Gaston, Edward Page. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. 1908.

See also

• William Reed Huntington



1. Burns, David (2013). The Life and Death of the radical historical Jesus. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 64.
2. Armentrout, Donald (2000). "Bliss, William Dwight Porter". In Carey, Patrick W.; Leinhanrd Joseph T. Biographical Dictionary of Christian Theologians. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. p. 76.
3. Eisenach, Eldon J. (2000). "Bliss, William Dwight Porter". In Djupe, Paul A.; Olson, Laura R. Encyclopedia of American Religion and Politics. New York: Facts on File. p. 49.
4. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Books inc. pp. 102–103.
5. Webber, Christopher (1959). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856-1926): Priest and Socialist"". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28: 13 – via JSTOR.
6. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Book Inc. p. 104.
7. Webber, Christopher (1959). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856-1926): Priest and Socialist"". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28: 35 – via JSTOR.
8. Webber, Christopher (1959). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856-1926): Priest and Socialist"". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28: 14 – via JSTOR.
9. Armentrout, Donald, Boak, Robert (2000). An Episcopal Dictionary of the Church. New York: Church Publishing. p. 51.
10. Dorn, Jacob (1998). Socialism and Christianity in Early 20th Century America. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 2–3.
11. Dressner, Richard (1978). "William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism". Church History. 47: 75 – via JSTOR.
12. Dressner, Richard (1978). "William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism". Church History. 47: 71–72 – via JSTOR.
13. Dressner, Richard (1978). "William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism". Church History. 47: 70.
14. Dressner, Richard (1978). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism"". Church History. 47: 69.
15. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Book inc. pp. 26–27.
16. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Book inc. p. 98.
17. Dombrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism. New York: Octagon p. 4.
18. Dobrowksi, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Book inc. p. 23.
19. Dressner, Richard (1978). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism"". Church History. 47: 66–67 – via JSTOR.
20. Dorn, Jacob (1998). Socialism and Christianity in Early 20th Century America. Westwood, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 2–3.
21. Dressner, Richard (1978). "William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism". Church History. 47: 78–80 – via JSTOR.
22. Dorn, Jacob (1998). Socialism and Christianity in Early 20th Century America. Westport Connecticut: Greenwood. p. 104.
23. Armentrout & Slocum 2000, p. 92.[verification needed]
24. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism In America. New York: Octogon Books inc. p. 96.
25. Dorn, Jacob (1998). Socialism and Christianity in Early 20th Century America. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. p. 5.
26. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Book inc. p. 108.
27. Bliss, William D. P. (1897). The encyclopedia of social reform. New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company. pp. i.
28. Dobrowski, James (1966). The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon. p. 97.
29. Webber, Christopher (1959). ""William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856–1926): Priest and Socialist"". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28: 33.


Armentrout, Donald S. (2000). "Bliss, William Dwight Porter". In Carey, Patrick W.; Lienhard, Joseph T. (eds.). Biographical Dictionary of Christian Theologians. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 76–77. ISBN 978-0-313-29649-9.
Armentrout, Donald S.; Slocum, Robert Boak, eds. (2000). An Episcopal Dictionary of the Church. New York: Church Publishing. ISBN 978-0-89869-701-8. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Burns, David (2013). The Life and Death of the Radical Historical Jesus. New York: Oxford University Press.
Dombrowski, James (1966). The early days of Christian Socialism in America. New York: Octagon Books inc.
Dorn, Jacob (1998). Socialism and Christianity in Early 20th Century America. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press.
Dressner, Richard B. (1978). "William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism". Church History. 47 (1): 66–82. doi:10.2307/3164615. ISSN 1755-2613. JSTOR 3164615.
Eisenach, Eldon J. (2003). "Bliss, William Dwight Porter". In Djupe, Paul A.; Olson, Laura R. (eds.). Encyclopedia of American Religion and Politics. New York: Facts on File. pp. 49–50. ISBN 978-1-4381-3020-0.
Phillips, Paul T. (1996). A Kingdom on Earth: Anglo-American Social Christianity, 1880–1940. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-271-04383-8.
Webber, Christopher L. (1959). "William Dwight Porter Bliss (1856–1926): Priest and Socialist". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 28 (1): 9–39. ISSN 2377-5289. JSTOR 42972716.
Woolverton, John F. (2005). Robert H. Gardiner and the Reunification of Worldwide Christianity in the Progressive Era. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press.

Further reading

Frederick, Peter J. (1976). Knights of the Golden Rule: The Intellectual as Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky.
Markwell, Bernard Kent (1991). The Anglican Left: Radical Social Reformers in the Church of England and the Protestant Episcopal Church, 1846–1954. New York: Carlson Publishing. ISBN 978-0-926019-26-3.
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Apr 15, 2020 2:21 am

Charles Kingsley
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/14/20
To some of those who joined the [Fabian] Society in its early days Christian Socialism opened the way of salvation. The "Christian Socialist" [No. 1, June, 1883, monthly, 1d.; continued until 1891.] was established by a band of persons some of whom were not Socialist and others not Christian. It claimed to be the spiritual child of the Christian Socialist movement of 1848-52, which again was Socialist only on its critical side, and constructively was merely Co-operative Production by voluntary associations of workmen. Under the guidance of the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam its policy of the revived movement was Land Reform, particularly on the lines of the Single Tax. The introductory article boldly claims the name of Socialist, as used by [Frederick Denison] Maurice and [Charles] Kingsley: the July number contains a long article by Henry George. In September a formal report is given of the work of the Democratic Federation. In November Christianity and Socialism are said to be convertible terms, and in January, 1884, the clerical view of usury is set forth in an article on the morality of interest. In March Mr. H.H. Champion explains "surplus value," and in April we find a sympathetic review of the "Historic Basis of Socialism." In April, 1885, appears a long and full report of a lecture by Bernard Shaw to the Liberal and Social Union. The greater part of the paper is filled with Land Nationalisation, Irish affairs—the land agitation in Ireland was then at its height—and the propaganda of Henry George: whilst much space is devoted to the religious aspect of the social problem. Sydney Olivier, before he joined the Fabian Society, was one of the managing group, and amongst others concerned in it were the Rev. C.L. Marson and the Rev. W.E. Moll. At a later period a Christian Socialist Society was formed; but our concern here is with the factors which contributed to the Fabian Society at its start, and it is not necessary to touch on other periods of the movement.

-- The History of the Fabian Society, by Edward R. Pease

The Reverend Charles Kingsley
Born: 12 June 1819, Holne, Devon, England
Died: 23 January 1875 (aged 55), Eversley, Hampshire, England
Occupation: Clergyman, historian, novelist
Nationality: English
Alma mater: King's College London; Magdalene College, Cambridge
Period: 19th century
Genre: Social Christianity
Literary movement: Christian socialism
Spouse: Frances Eliza Grenfell

Charles Kingsley (12 June 1819 – 23 January 1875) was a broad church priest of the Church of England, a university professor, social reformer, historian and novelist. He is particularly associated with Christian socialism, the working men's college, and forming labour cooperatives that failed but led to the working reforms of the progressive era. He was a friend and correspondent with Charles Darwin.[1] He was also the uncle of traveller and scientist Mary Kingsley.

Life and character

Caricature by Adriano Cecioni published in Vanity Fair in 1872.

Kingsley was born in Holne, Devon, the elder of two sons of the Reverend Charles Kingsley and his wife Mary Lucas Kingsley. His brother Henry Kingsley and his sister Charlotte Chanter also became writers. He spent his childhood in Clovelly, Devon, where his father was Curate 1826–1832 and Rector 1832–1836,[2] and at Barnack, Northamptonshire and was educated at Bristol Grammar School and Helston Grammar School[3] before studying at King's College London, and the University of Cambridge. Charles entered Magdalene College, Cambridge, in 1838, and graduated in 1842.[4] He chose to pursue a ministry in the church. From 1844, he was rector of Eversley in Hampshire. In 1859 he was appointed chaplain to Queen Victoria.[5][6] In 1860, he was appointed Regius Professor of Modern History at the University of Cambridge.[5][6] In 1861 he became a private tutor to the Prince of Wales.[5]

In 1869 Kingsley resigned his Cambridge professorship and from 1870 to 1873 was a canon of Chester Cathedral. While in Chester he founded the Chester Society for Natural Science, Literature and Art, which played an important part in the establishment of the Grosvenor Museum.[7] In 1872 he accepted the Presidency of the Birmingham and Midland Institute and became its 19th President.[8] In 1873 he was made a canon of Westminster Abbey.[5] Kingsley died in 1875 and was buried in St Mary's Churchyard, Eversley, Hampshire.

Kingsley sat on the 1866 Edward Eyre Defence Committee along with Thomas Carlyle, John Ruskin, Charles Dickens, John Tyndall, and Alfred Tennyson, where he supported Jamaican Governor Edward Eyre's brutal suppression of the Morant Bay Rebellion against the Jamaica Committee.

One of his daughters, Mary St Leger Kingsley, became known as a novelist under the pseudonym "Lucas Malet".[6] Kingsley's life, written by his widow in 1877, was entitled Charles Kingsley, his Letters and Memories of his Life.[6]

Kingsley received letters from Thomas Huxley in 1860 and later in 1863, discussing Huxley's early ideas on agnosticism.

Influences and works

Kingsley's interest in history is shown in several of his writings, including The Heroes (1856), a children's book about Greek mythology, and several historical novels, of which the best known are Hypatia (1853), Hereward the Wake (1865) and Westward Ho! (1855).


He was sympathetic to the idea of evolution and was one of the first to welcome Charles Darwin's book On the Origin of Species. He had been sent an advance review copy and in his response of 18 November 1859 (four days before the book went on sale) stated that he had "long since, from watching the crossing of domesticated animals and plants, learnt to disbelieve the dogma of the permanence of species."[9] Darwin added an edited version of Kingsley's closing remarks to the next edition of his book, stating, "A celebrated author and divine has written to me that 'he has gradually learnt to see that it is just as noble a conception of the Deity to believe that He created a few original forms capable of self-development into other and needful forms, as to believe that He required a fresh act of creation to supply the voids caused by the action of His laws.'"[10] When a heated dispute lasting three years developed over human evolution, Kingsley gently satirised the debate, known as the Great Hippocampus Question, as the "Great Hippopotamus Question".

Kingsley's concern for social reform is illustrated in his classic, The Water-Babies, A Fairy Tale for a Land Baby (1863), a tale about a boy chimney sweep, which retained its popularity well into the 20th century. The story mentions the main protagonists in the scientific debate over human origins, rearranging his earlier satire as the "great hippopotamus test". The book won a Lewis Carroll Shelf Award in 1963.

Kingsley's chief asset as a novelist lay in his descriptive faculties: the descriptions of South American scenery in Westward Ho!, of the Egyptian desert in Hypatia, and of the North Devon scenery in Two Years Ago. American scenery is even more vividly and truthfully described when he had seen it only in his imagination than in his work At Last, written after he had visited the tropics. His sympathy with children taught him how to gain their interest. His version of the old Greek stories entitled The Heroes, and Water-babies and Madam How and Lady Why, in which he deals with popular natural history, take high rank among books for children.[6] Kingsley was influenced by Frederick Denison Maurice, and was close to many Victorian thinkers and writers, including the Scottish writer George MacDonald.

Kingsley was highly critical of Roman Catholicism and his argument in print with John Henry Newman, accusing him of untruthfulness and deceit, prompted the latter to write his Apologia Pro Vita Sua.[11] Kingsley was accused of racism towards the Roman Catholic Irish poor[11] and wrote in a letter to his wife from Ireland in 1860, "I am haunted by the human chimpanzees I saw along that hundred miles of horrible country [Ireland]... to see white chimpanzees is dreadful; if they were black one would not see it so much, but their skins, except where tanned by exposure, are as white as ours."
[12] Kingsley also wrote poetry and political articles, as well as several volumes of sermons.

Kingsley coined the term pteridomania in his 1855 book Glaucus, or the Wonders of the Shore.[13]

Racial views


Kingsley was a fervent Anglo-Saxonist,[14] and was considered an important proponent of the ideology, particularly in the 1840s.[15] He proposed that the English people were "essentially a Teutonic race, blood-kin to the Germans, Dutch, Scandinavians".[16] Kingsley suggested that there was a "strong Norse element in Teutonism and Anglo-Saxonism".

Mixing mythology and Christianity, he blended Protestantism of the day with the Old Norse religion, saying that the Church of England was "wonderfully and mysteriously fitted for the souls of a free Norse-Saxon race". He believed the ancestors of Anglo-Saxons, Norse and Germanic peoples had physically fought beside the god Odin, and that the British monarchy of his time was genetically descended from him.[17]

Disgust with the Irish

Kingsley held bigoted views of Irish people, and described them in rabid and virulent terms.[18][19] Visiting County Sligo, Ireland, he wrote a letter to his wife from Markree Castle in 1860: "I am haunted by the human chimpanzees I saw along that hundred miles of horrible country... to see white chimpanzees is dreadful; if they were black one would not see it so much, but their skins, except where tanned by exposure, are as white as ours."[20]


A statue of Charles Kingsley at Bideford, Devon (UK)

Charles Kingsley's novel Westward Ho! led to the founding of a village by the same name (the only place name in England with an exclamation mark) and inspired the construction of the Bideford, Westward Ho! and Appledore Railway. A hotel in Westward Ho! was named after and opened by him.

A hotel which was opened in 1897 in Bloomsbury, London, and named after Kingsley was founded by teetotallers, who admired Kingsley for his political views and his ideas on social reform. It still exists as The Kingsley by Thistle.[21]

In 1905 the composer Cyril Rootham wrote a musical setting of Kingsley's poem Andromeda. This was performed at the Bristol Music Festival in 1908. Like Kingsley, Rootham had been educated at Bristol Grammar School.

Published works

• Yeast, a novel (1848)
• Saint's Tragedy (1848), a drama
• Alton Locke, a novel (1849)
• Twenty-five Village Sermons (1849)
• Cheap Clothes and Nasty (1850)
• Phaeton, or Loose Thoughts for Loose Thinkers (1852)
• Sermons on National Subjects (1st series, 1852)
• Hypatia, a novel (1853)
• Glaucus, or the Wonders of the Shore(1855)
• Sermons on National Subjects (2nd series, 1854)
• Alexandria and her Schools (1854)
• Westward Ho!, a novel (1855)
• Sermons for the Times (1855)
• The Heroes, Greek fairy tales (1856)
• Two Years Ago, a novel (1857)
• Andromeda and other Poems (1858)
• The Good News of God, sermons (1859)
• Miscellanies (1859)
• Limits of Exact Science applied to History(Inaugural lectures, 1860)
• Town and Country Sermons (1861)
• Sermons on the Pentateuch (1863)
• The Water-Babies, A Fairy Tale for a Land Baby (1863)
• The Roman and the Teuton (1864)
• David and other Sermons (1866)
• Hereward the Wake: "Last of the English", a novel (London: Macmillan, 1866)
• The Ancient Régime (Lectures at the Royal Institution, 1867)
• Water of Life and other Sermons (1867)
• The Hermits (1869)
• Madam How and Lady Why (1869)
• At Last: a Christmas in the West Indies(1871)
• Town Geology (1872)
• Discipline and other Sermons (1872)
• Prose Idylls (1873)
• Plays and Puritans (1873)
• Health and Education (1874)
• Westminster Sermons (1874)
• Lectures delivered in America (1875)[6]



1. Hale, Piers J. (2011). "Darwin's Other Bulldog: Charles Kingsley and the Popularisation of Evolution in Victorian England"(PDF). Science & Education. 21 (7): 977–1013. doi:10.1007/s11191-011-9414-8. ISSN 0926-7220. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016.
2. William Griggs, A Guide to All Saints Church, Clovelly, first published 1980, Revised Version 2010, p. 7.
3. Vance, Norman. "Kingsley, Charles (1819–1875)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/15617. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
4. "Kingsley, Charles (KNGY838C)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
5. Krueger, Christine L. (2014). Encyclopedia of British Writers, 19th and 20th Centuries. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-0870-4.
6. Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Kingsley, Charles". Encyclopædia Britannica. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 817.
7. "Information Sheet: Charles Kingsley". Cheshire West and Chester. Archived from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 19 April 2010.
8. Presidents of the BMI, BMI, nd (c.2005)
9. Darwin 1887, p. 287.
10. Darwin 1860, p. 481.
11. Donoghue, Denis (17 October 2013). "The Water-Babies: A Fairy Tale for a Land-Baby, by Charles Kingsley. The classic children's story is 150 years old". The Irish Times. Retrieved 25 September 2016.
12. Davis, Wes (11 March 2007). "When English Eyes Are Smiling". NYT. Retrieved 25 September 2016.
13. Boyd, Peter D. A. (1993). "Pteridomania – the Victorian passion for ferns".
14. Frankel, Robert (2007). Observing America: The Commentary of British Visitors to the United States, 1890–1950 (Studies in American Thought and Culture). University of Wisconsin Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0299218805. By midcentury such other eminent figures as Thomas Arnold and Charles Kingsley were also exalting the Anglo-Saxon race. An essential feature of Anglo-Saxonism was the recognition of the race's Teutonic origins.
15. Miller, Brook (2011). America and the British Imaginary in Turn-of-the-Twentieth-Century Literature. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230103764.
16. Longley, Edna (2001). Poetry and Posterity. Bloodaxe Books. ISBN 978-1852244354.
17. Horsman, Reginald (1976). Origins of Racial Anglo-Saxonism in Great Britain before 1850 (Journal of the History of Ideas – Vol. 37, No. 3 ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 76.
18. McCourt, John (2015). Writing the Frontier: Anthony Trollope between Britain and Ireland. Oxford University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-0198729600.
19. McCourt, John (2015). Representing Race: Racisms, Ethnicity and the Media. SAGE Publishing. p. 3. ISBN 978-0761969129.
20. Michie, Elsie B. (1976). "The Simianization of the Irish". Outside the Pale: Cultural Exclusion, Gender Difference, and the Victorian Woman Writer (Reading Women Writing). Cornell University Press. pp. 49. ISBN 978-0801480850.
21. "The Kingsley". Retrieved 21 February 2019.


• Darwin, Charles (1860), On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life, London: John Murray 2nd edition. Retrieved on 20 July 2007
• Darwin, Charles (1887), Darwin, F (ed.), The life and letters of Charles Darwin, including an autobiographical chapter, London: John Murray (The Autobiography of Charles Darwin) Retrieved on 20 July 2007
• Dawson, William James (1905). "Charles Kingsley". In Dawson, William James (ed.). The Makers of English Fiction. F.H. Revell Company.
• Kingsley, Charles (1877). Kingsley, Frances Eliza Grenfell (ed.). Charles Kingsley: His Letters and Memories of His Life. New York: Scribner, Armstrong.

Further reading

• Stephen, Leslie (1892). "Kingsley, Charles" . Dictionary of National Biography. 31. pp. 175–181.
• Anonymous (1873). Illustrated by Frederick Waddy. "Canon Kingsley". Cartoon portraits and biographical sketches of men of the day. London: Tinsley Brothers. pp. 90–92 – via Wikisource.

External links

• Works by Charles Kingsley at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Charles Kingsley at Internet Archive
• Works by Charles Kingsley at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Famous Quotes by Charles Kingsley
• A painted bollard based on a water fairy unveiled in Whitchurch, Hampshire (photo within article)
• Charles Kingsley at the Internet Speculative Fiction Database
• Index entry for Charles Kingsley at Poets' Corner
• Charles Kingsley collection, 1851-1871 at Pitts Theology Library, Candler School of Theology
Site Admin
Posts: 33700
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am


Return to Articles & Essays

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 4 guests