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Eucratides I
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/28/21

Image
Eucratides I
King of Kings, Basileus
Rendering of Eucratides on a 20-stater gold coin, found in Bukhara and later acquired by Napoleon III. Now held at the Paris Cabinet des Médailles.
King of the Bactrian Empire
Reign: 171–145 BC
Successor: Eucratides II
Successor: Heliocles I
Born: c. 204 BCE, Ai-Khanum (modern day Takhar province, Afghanistan)
Died: 145 BCE (aged 59), Bactria
Spouse: Amastris
Issue : Agathoclea; Eukratides II; Heliokles I; Diodotus III(?)
Dynasty: Diodotid dynasty
Father: Heliokles
Mother: Laodice (daughter of Diodotus I)

Eucratides I (Koinē Greek: Εὐκρατίδης, Eúkratides) (reigned 172/171–145 BC), also known as Eucratides the Great,[1] was one of the most important Greco-Bactrian kings. Eucratides overthrew the Euthydemid dynasty of Bactria (possibly killing Demetrius) and restored the Diodotid dynasty of Diodotus I, allied to the Parthian Empire.[2] Eucratides fought against the easternmost Hellenistic and Indian rulers in India, holding territory in the Indus and as far as Barigaza until he was finally defeated by Menander and pushed back to Bactria. Eucratides minted a vast and prestigious coinage, suggesting a rule of considerable importance and prosperity. His son, Heliocles I was father of Heliocles II, who was the last Greek king to rule in Bactria, as Yuezhi and Saka nomads overran the country c.100 BCE.[3][4]

Biography

Early life


Eucratides was born c.204 BCE in the Hellenistic city of Ai-Khanoum, to “Heliocles” and “Laodice” as depicted on various finds of his coinage. Laodice was of the Diodotid dynasty, probably a daughter of Diodotus I and a sister of Diodotus II. She appears to have been spared from Euthydemus’ violent usurpation in 225 BCE and married a certain Heliocles, of whom nothing is known. It is also unclear as to whether Eucratides and his family held any positions of rank amongst the nobility during the reigns of Euthydemus and Demetrius, or whether he was treated as an ordinary Greek citizen.

Coup d'état

Eucratides came to the throne by overthrowing the Euthydemid dynasty in Bactria, possibly when its king, Demetrius was conquering northwestern India. The king whom Eucratides dethroned in Bactria was probably Antimachus I.

It is unclear whether Eucratides was a Diodotid Bactrian nobleman who raised a rebellion, or, according to the claims of some scholars,[5] a cousin of the Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes who was trying to regain the Bactrian territory. The Seleucid claim is highly unlikely and has been discredited by modern historians, and it is believed that Eucratides mother, Laodice was solely of the Diodotid dynasty. Justin explains that Eucratides acceded to the throne at about the same time as Mithridates, whose rule is accurately known to have started in 171 BC, thereby giving an approximate date for the accession of Eucratides:

"Around the same time, two great men started to rule: Mithridates among the Parthians, and Eucratides among the Bactrians" Justin XLI,6[6]


Some of the coins of Eucratides represent his parents, where his father is named Heliocles, and his mother, Laodice,[7] who is depicted wearing a royal diadem and therefore of royal descent. Narain and other modern authors propose that she was a daughter of Diodotus I.

Having become master of Bactria after de-throning the Euthydemid dynasty, Eucratides was faced with a Parthian invasion which began when Demetrius I was conquering India. Having taken Tapuria and Margiana from Demetrius in about 170 BCE, the powerful Mithridates I attempted to conquer Bactria itself but was checked by Eucratides who wisely reformed the Diodotid alliance with the Parthia, likely paying a sum of Indian war-Elephants.[8] Having secured his western borders, Eucratides then conquered parts of the India, campaigning as far south as Barigaza (modern day Bharuch), solidifying Greek presence in Northern India with the Indo-Greek Kingdom.[9] According to the single remaining source, Roman historian Justin, Eucratides defeated Demetrius of India, but the identity of this king is uncertain: he could be either Demetrius I, or Demetrius II, but more likely Menander I.

Eukratideion

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The "Eukratideion", gold coin of Eucratides I (obverse and reverse)

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Coin with flange visible. The largest gold coin of Antiquity was minted by Eucratides I: the 20-stater coin of Eucratides weighs 169.2 grams, and has a diameter of 58 millimeters. It was originally found in Bukhara, and later acquired by Napoleon III. Cabinet des Médailles, Paris.[10][11]

"Eucratides led many wars with great courage, and, while weakened by them, was put under siege by Demetrius, king of the Indians. He made numerous sorties, and managed to vanquish 60,000 enemies with 300 soldiers, and thus liberated after four months, he put India under his rule" Justin XLI,6[12]


Numismatic evidence suggests that Eucratides I was a contemporary of the Indo-Greek kings Apollodotus I, Apollodotus II and Diodotus III. In any case, Eucratides' advances into India are proved by his abundant bilingual coinage that are spread all over northern India and Pakistan.

Eucratides is most likely the founder of Eucratidia - a city of great wealth straddling the Oxus.

Death

Justin ends his account of Eucratides' life by claiming that the warlike king was murdered on his way back from India by his son, who hated Eucratides so much that he mutilated and dragged his dead body after his chariot. This may have been a misinterpretation by Justin, and the regicide could instead have been perpetrated by an Euthydemid prince, Demetrius II, the son and successor of Demetrius I. Justin appears to believe Eucratides was killed by his own son, Heliocles I, but this is unlikely as patricide was uncommon in the Hellenistic age.

"As Eucratides returned from India, he was killed on the way back by his son, who ran his chariot over the blood of the king, and ordered the corpse to be left without a sepulture" Justin XLI,6[13]


The murder of Eucratides probably brought about a civil war amongst the members of the dynasty. The successors to Eucratides were Eucratides II and Heliocles I (145–130 BC), who was the last Greek king to reign in Bactria. Once the Yuezhi tribes overpowered Heliocles, the Greco-Bactrians lost control of the provinces north of the Hindu Kush.

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Tetradrachm Eukratides I, obverse; NMAT RN474-1

Two other members of the dynasty were Plato of Bactria and probably Demetrius II, who in that case was not identical with the king Justin claimed was the enemy of Eucratides I.[14]

The rule of the Greco-Bactrians soon crumbled following these numerous wars:

"The Bactrians, involved in various wars, lost not only their rule but also their freedom, as, exhausted by their wars against the Sogdians, the Arachotes, the Dranges, the Arians and the Indians, they were finally crushed, as if drawn of all their blood, by an enemy weaker than them, the Parthians." Justin, XLI,6[13]


However, the rule of the Indo-Greeks over territories south of the Hindu Kush lasted for a further 150 years, ultimately collapsing under the pressure of the Yüeh-chih and Scythian (Saka) invasions in around 10 BC, with the last Indo-Greek ruler Strato II.

Eukratidia

Eucratides founded the city of Eukratidia (Εὐκρατιδία).

Sources

Full account of Justin on Eucratides:

"Almost at the same time that Mithridates ascended the throne among the Parthians, Eucratides began to reign among the Bactrians; both of them being great men. But the fortune of the Parthians, being the more successful, raised them, under this prince, to the highest degree of power; while the Bactrians, harassed with various wars, lost not only their dominions, but their liberty; for having suffered from contentions with the Sogdians, the Drangians, and the Indians, they were at last overcome, as if exhausted, by the weaker Parthians. Eucratides, however, carried on several wars with great spirit, and though much reduced by his losses in them, yet, when he was besieged by Demetrius king of the Indians, with a garrison of only three hundred soldiers, he repulsed, by continual sallies, a force of sixty thousand enemies. Having accordingly escaped, after a five months’ siege, he reduced India under his power. But as he was returning from the country, he was killed on his march by his son, with whom he had shared his throne, and who was so far from concealing the murder, that, as if he had killed an enemy, and not his father, he drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his body to be cast out unburied."

— Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, XLI 6.1-5, IIe CE.[15]


Modern

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The coinage of Eucratides has been used in the design of some Afghanistan banknotes between 1979-2002, and is now in the emblem of the Bank of Afghanistan.
Da Afghanistan Bank which is the central bank of Afghanistan, in its seal has a Eucratides I-era coin having the Greek text, "ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΟΥ" which means “Of the great king Eucratides.”


Coins

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The Gold 20-stater coin of Eucratides weighs 169.2 grams, and has a diameter of 58 millimeters. It was originally found in Bukhara, and later acquired by Napoleon III. Cabinet des Médailles, Paris.[16]

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Silver tetradrachm of King Eucratides I (171–145 BC). Obv: Bust of Eucratides, helmet decorated with a bull's horn and ear, within bead and reel border. Rev: Depiction of the Dioscuri, each holding palm in left hand, spear in righthand. Greek legend: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΟΥ (BASILEŌS MEGALOU EUKRATIDOU) "Of Great King Eucratides". Mint monogram below. Characteristics: Diameter 34 mm, weight 16.96 g, Attic standard.[17]

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Bilingual coin of Eucratides in the Indian standard (Greek on the obverse ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΟΥ "Of Great King Eucratides", Pali in the Kharoshthi script on the reverse)

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Coin of Eucratides with parents Heliokles and Laodike. Greek legends: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΜΕΓΑΣ ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΗΣ "Great King Eucratides" and ΗΛΙΟΚΛΕΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΛΑΟΔΙΚΗΣ "Son of Heliokles and Laodike".

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Coin of Eucratides, holding a spear

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Eukratides I, imitation by the Scythians of Merv

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Eucratides I, Scythian imitation, end of 2nd century BC

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Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kings, territories and chronology

See also

• History of Afghanistan
• Heliocles I

Notes

1. "Eucratides | king of Bactria". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2021-08-12.
2. Marcellinus, xxvii. 6.
3. Foundation, Encyclopaedia Iranica. "Welcome to Encyclopaedia Iranica". iranicaonline.org. Retrieved 2021-08-01.
4. Boyce 1986, pp. 460-580
5. Tarn
6. "Eodem ferme tempore, sicut in Parthis Mithridates, ita in Bactris Eucratides, magni uterque uiri regna ineunt." tml Justin XLI,6[permanent dead link]
7. Astin, A. E. (1990). The Cambridge Ancient History. Cambridge University Press. p. 401. ISBN 978-0-521-23448-1.
8. "Mithradates I (c. 171 - 138 B.C.)". http://www.parthia.com. Retrieved 2021-08-12.
9. "Indo-Greek kingdom | Asian history". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2021-08-12.
10. "Eucratides I". Oxford Reference. doi:10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095800416.
11. Hollis, Adrian S. (1996). "Laodice Mother of Eucratides of Bactria". Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 110: 161. ISSN 0084-5388.
12. Justin on Demetrius: "Multa tamen Eucratides bella magna uirtute gessit, quibus adtritus cum obsidionem Demetrii, regis Indorum, pateretur, cum CCC militibus LX milia hostium adsiduis eruptionibus uicit. Quinto itaque mense liberatus Indiam in potestatem redegit." Justin XLI,6
13. Justin XLI,6
14. "Demetrios II of Bactria and Hoards from Ai Khanoum" by L.M. Wilson (Oriental Numismatic Society newsletter nr 180)
15. Translation: John Selby Watson 1853
16. Homren, Wayne (23 November 2014). "The Biggest Ancient Coins". Vol. 17 no. 48. Numismatic Bibliomania Society. Retrieved 13 April 2018.
17. Monnaie, Eucratide I. (roi de Bactriane) Autorité émettrice de. [Monnaie : 20 Statères, Or, Incertain, Bactriane, Eucratide I].

References

• The Shape of Ancient Thought. Comparative studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies by Thomas McEvilley (Allworth Press and the School of Visual Arts, 2002) ISBN 1-58115-203-5
• Buddhism in Central Asia by B. N. Puri (Motilal Banarsidass Pub, January 1, 2000) ISBN 81-208-0372-8
• The Greeks in Bactria and India, W. W. Tarn, Cambridge University Press.

External links

• Coins of Eucratides
• More coins of Eucratides
• Catalogue of the Coins of Eucratides I
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Tue Dec 28, 2021 8:33 am

Mathura
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/28/21

The Shunga Empire was an ancient Indian dynasty from Magadha that controlled areas of the central and eastern Indian subcontinent from around 184 to 75 BCE. The dynasty was established by Pushyamitra Shunga, after taking the throne of the Maurya Empire....
 
Pushyamitra Shunga ruled for 36 years and was succeeded by his son Agnimitra. There were ten Shunga rulers. However, after the death of Agnimitra, the second king of the dynasty, the empire rapidly disintegrated: inscriptions and coins indicate that much of northern and central India consisted of small kingdoms and city-states that were independent of any Shunga hegemony....
 
Art, education, philosophy, and other forms of learning flowered during this period including small terracotta images, larger stone sculptures, and architectural monuments such as the stupa at Bharhut, and the renowned Great Stupa at Sanchi....
 
Artistry also progressed with the rise of the Mathura art style.... 
 
However, the city of Mathura further west never seems to have been under the direct control of the Shungas, as no archaeological evidence of a Shunga presence has ever been found in Mathura. On the contrary, according to the Yavanarajya inscription, Mathura was probably under the control of Indo-Greeks from some time between 180 BCE and 100 BCE, and remained so as late as 70 BCE.... 
The Yavanarajya inscription, states Sonya Rhie Quintanilla, mentions year 116 of the yavana hegemony (yavanarajya), attesting to the 2nd-century and 1st-century BCE Indo-Greek presence. This makes the inscription unique in that it mentions the Indo-Greeks, and it "may confirm" the numismatic and literary evidence which suggests that Mathura was under the ruler of the Indo-Greeks during the period between 185 BCE-85 BCE....

Quintanilla states that the nearly contemporaneous coinage of Menander I (165-135 BCE) and his successors found in the Mathura region, in combination with this inscription, suggests the hypothesis that there was a tributary style relationship between the Indo-Greek suzerains and the Mitra dynasty that ruled that region at the time.

-- Yavanarajya inscription, by Wikipedia
 
Meanwhile, Kabul and much of the Punjab passed into the hands of the Indo-Greeks...
 
-- Shunga Empire, by Wikipedia

The Western Satraps, or Western Kshatrapas (Brahmi: [x], Mahakṣatrapa, "Great Satraps") were Indo-Scythian (Saka) rulers of ancient India who ruled over the region of Sindh, Makran, Saurashtra and Malwa (in modern Sindh, Balochistan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh of India and Pakistan), between 35 and 405 CE. The Western Satraps were contemporaneous with the Kushans who ruled the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, and were possibly vassals of the Kushans...
 
They are called "Western Satraps" in modern historiography in order to differentiate them from the "Northern Satraps", who ruled in Punjab and Mathura until the 2nd century CE.

-- Western Satraps, by Wikipedia

The Northern Satraps ruled the area from Eastern Punjab to Mathura.

The Northern Satraps (Brahmi: [x], Kṣatrapa, "Satraps" or [x], Mahakṣatrapa, "Great Satraps"), or sometimes Satraps of Mathura, or Northern Sakas, are a dynasty of Indo-Scythian rulers who held sway over the area of Eastern Punjab and Mathura after the decline of the Indo-Greeks, from the end of the 1st century BCE to the 2nd century CE... They are thought to have replaced the last of the Indo-Greek kings in the Eastern Punjab, as well as the Mitra dynasty and the Datta dynasty of local Indian rulers in Mathura.

The Northern Satraps were probably displaced by, or became vassals of, the Kushans from the time of Vima Kadphises, who is known to have ruled in Mathura in 90–100 CE, and they are known to have acted as Satraps and Great Satraps in the Mathura region for his successor Kanishka (127–150 CE).


-- Northern Satraps, by Wikipedia


Country: India
State: Uttar Pradesh
District: Mathura

Mathura is a city and the administrative headquarters of Mathura district in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. It is located approximately 57.6 kilometres (35.8 mi) north of Agra, and 166 kilometres (103 mi) south-east of Delhi; about 14.5 kilometres (9.0 mi) from the town of Vrindavan, and 22 kilometres (14 mi) from Govardhan. In ancient times, Mathura was an economic hub, located at the junction of important caravan routes. The 2011 Census of India estimated the population of Mathura at 441,894.

In Hinduism, Mathura is birthplace of Krishna, which is located at the Krishna Janmasthan Temple Complex.[7] It is one of the Sapta Puri, the seven cities considered holy by Hindus. The Kesava Deo Temple was built in ancient times on the site of Krishna's birthplace (an underground prison). Mathura was the capital of the kingdom of Surasena, ruled by Kansa, the maternal uncle of Krishna. Janmashtami is grandly celebrated in Mathura every year.

Mathura has been chosen as one of the heritage cities for the Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana scheme of Government of India.[8]

History

See also: Mathura art

Mathura, which lies at the centre of the cultural region of Braj[5] has an ancient history and is also believed to be the homeland and birthplace of Krishna, who belonged to the Yadu dynasty. According to the Archaeological Survey of India plaque at the Mathura Museum,[9] the city is mentioned in the oldest Indian epic, the Ramayana. In the epic, the Ikshwaku prince Shatrughna slays a demon called Lavanasura and claims the land. Afterwards, the place came to be known as Madhuvan as it was thickly wooded, then Madhupura and later Mathura.[10] The most important pilgrimage site in Mathura was Katra ('market place'), now referred to as Krishna Janmasthan ('the birthplace of Krishna'). Excavations at the site revealed pottery and terracotta dating to the sixth century BCE, the remains of a large Buddhist complex, including a monastery called Yasha Vihara of the Gupta period, as well as Jain sculptures of the same era.[11][12]

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Statue of Kanishka I, 2nd century CE, Mathura Museum.

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Sculpture of woman from ancient Braj-Mathura ca. 2nd century CE.

Ancient history

Archaeological excavations at Mathura show the gradual growth of a village into an important city during the Vedic age. The earliest period belonged to the Painted Grey Ware culture (1100–500 BCE), followed by the Northern Black Polished Ware culture (700–200 BCE). Mathura derived its importance as a center of trade due to its location where the northern trade route of the Indo-Gangetic Plain met with the routes to Malwa (central India) and the west coast.[13] Archaeologists have discovered a fragment of Mathura red sandstone from Rakhigarhi - a site of Indus Valley civilization dated to 3rd millennium BCE - which was used as a grindstone; red sandstone was also a popular material for historic period sculptures.[14]

By the 6th century BCE Mathura became the capital of the Surasena Kingdom.[15] The city was later ruled by the Maurya empire (4th to 2nd centuries BCE). Megasthenes, writing in the early 3rd century BCE, mentions Mathura as a great city under the name Μέθορα (Méthora).[16] It seems it never was under the direct control of the following Shunga dynasty (2nd century BCE) as not a single archaeological remain of a Shunga presence were ever found in Mathura.[17]

The Indo-Greeks may have taken control, direct or indirect, of Mathura some time between 180 BCE and 100 BCE, and remained so as late as 70 BCE according to the Yavanarajya inscription,[17] which was found in Maghera, a town 17 kilometres (11 mi) from Mathura.[18] The opening of the 3 line text of this inscription in Brahmi script translates as: "In the 116th year of the Yavana kingdom..."[19][20] or '"In the 116th year of Yavana hegemony" ("Yavanarajya")[17] However, this also corresponds to the presence of the native Mitra dynasty of local rulers in Mathura, in approximately the same time frame (150 BCE—50 BCE), possibly pointing to a vassalage relationship with the Indo-Greeks.[17]

Indo-Scythians

After a period of local rule, Mathura was conquered by the Indo-Scythians during the 1st century BCE. The Indo-Scythian satraps of Mathura are sometimes called the "Northern Satraps", as opposed to the "Western Satraps" ruling in Gujarat and Malwa. However, Indo-Scythian control proved to be short lived, following the reign of the Indo-Scythian Mahakshatrapa ("Great Satrap") Rajuvula, c. 10–25 CE. The Mora Well inscription of Mahakshatrapa Rajuvula, of the early decades of the first century CE, found in a village seven miles from Mathura, stated that images pratima(h) of the blessed (bhagavatam) five Vrishni heroes, were installed in a stone shrine of a person called Tosa.[21] The heroes were identified from a passage in the Vayu Purana as Samkarsana, Vasudev, Pradyumna, Samba, and Aniruddha.[22] The English translation of the inscription read:-

. . . of the son of mahakṣatrapa Rāṃjūvula, svāmi . . . The images of the holy paṃcavīras of the Vṛṣṇis is... the stone shrine... whom the magnificent matchless stone house of Toṣā was erected and maintained... five objects of adoration made of stone, radiant, as it were with highest beauty...[23]


The Mathura inscription of the time of Mahakshatrapa Rajuvula's son, Mahakshatrapa Sodasa recorded erection of a torana (gateway), vedika (terrace) and chatuhsala (quadrangle) at the Mahasthana (great place) of Bhagavat Vasudeva.[24] Several male torsos representing the Vrisni heroes were also found in a shrine in Mora dating to the time of Mahakshatrapa Sodasa.[21]

Kushan Empire

During the rule of the great Kushanas, art and culture flourished in the region and reached new heights and is now famously known as the Mathura School of Art. The Kushans took control of Mathura some time after Mahakshatrapa Sodasa, although several of his successors ruled as Kushans vassals, such as the Indo-Scythian "Great Satrap" Kharapallana and the "Satrap" Vanaspara, both of whom paid allegiance to the Kushans in an inscription at Sarnath, dating to the 3rd year of the reign of the Kushan emperor Kanishka the Great c. 130 CE.[25] Mathuran art and culture reached its zenith under the Kushan dynasty which had Mathura as one of its capitals.[26] The preceding capitals of the Kushans included Kapisa (modern Bagram, Afghanistan), Purushapura (modern Peshawar, Pakistan) and Takshasila/Sirsukh/ (modern Taxila, Pakistan). Mathura ateliers were most active during the epoch of the great Kushan emperors Kanishka, Huvishka, Vasudeva whose reign represents the Golden Age of Mathura sculpture.[27] During 3rd century Nagas ruled Mathura after decline of Kushan Empire.[28]

Gupta Empire

In the reign of Chandragupta Vikramaditya, a magnificent temple of Vishnu was built at the site of Katra Keshavadeva.[27] Kalidasa, hailed as the greatest poet and dramatist in Sanskrit, in the fourth-fifth century CE mentioned the groves of Vrindavan and Govardhan hill as:

"...the king of Mathura, whose fame was acknowledged in song even by the devatas... At that moment, though still in Mathura, it appears as if Ganga has merged with Yamuna at the Sangam... In a Vrindavan garden which is superior even to Kubera's garden, known as Chaitra-ratha... You can, as well, during rains, look at the dancing peacocks, while sitting in a pleasant cave of the Goverdhan Mountain"[29]


Chinese Buddhist Monk Faxian mentions the city as a centre of Buddhism about 400 CE. He found the people were very well off, there were no taxes other than for those on farmers who tilled the royal land. He found that people did not kill animals, no one consumed wine, and did not eat onion or garlic. He found that engraved title deeds were issued to land owners. Visiting priests were provided with accommodation, beds, mats, food, drinks and clothes to perform scholarly works.[30][page needed]

Harsha Empire

Xuanzang, who visited the city in 634 CE, mentions it as Mot'ulo, recording that it contained twenty Buddhist monasteries and five Hindu temples.[31] Later, he went east to Thanesar, Jalandhar in the eastern Punjab, before climbing up to visit predominantly Theravada monasteries in the Kulu valley and turning southward again to Bairat and then Mathura, on the Yamuna river.[32]

Medieval History and Islamic Invasions

Early Middle Ages


The famous female Alvar saint, Andal visualized going to a pilgrimage which began at Mathura, then proceeded to Gokul, the Yamuna, the pool of Kaliya, Vrindavan, Govardhan, and finished at Dwarka.[33] The eleventh century Kashmiri poet, Bilhana visited Mathura and Vrindavan after leaving Kashmir en route to Karnataka.[34]

High Middle Ages

The city was sacked and many of its temples destroyed by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1018 CE.[31] The capture of Mathura by Maḥmūd Ibn Sebüktegīn is described by the historian al-Utbi (Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al Jabbaru-l 'Utbi) in his work Tarikh Yamini as follows:

The wall of the city was constructed of hard stone, and two gates opened upon the river flowing under the city, which were erected upon strong and lofty foundations, to protect them against the floods of the river and rains. On both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to which idol temples were attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets of iron, and all made of masonry work; and opposite to them were other buildings, supported on broad wooden pillars, to give them strength.

In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which can neither be described nor painted. The Sultan thus wrote respecting it :— “ If any should wish to construct a building equal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending an hundred thousand thousand red dinars, and it would occupy two hundred years, even though the most experienced and able workmen were employed.” Among the idols there were five made of red gold, each five yards high, fixed in the air without support. In the eyes of one of these idols there were two rubies, of such value, that if any one were to sell such as are like them, he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another, there was a sapphire purer than water, and more sparkling than crystal; the weight was four hundred and fifty miskals. The two feet of another idol weighed four thousand four hundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded by the bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two hundred, but they could not be weighed without breaking them to pieces and putting them into scales. The Sultan gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire, and levelled with the ground.[35]


The temple at Katra was sacked by Maḥmūd Ibn Sebüktegīn. A temple was built to replace it in 1150 CE. The Mathura prasasti (Eulogistic Inscription) dated Samvat (V.S.) 1207 (1150 CE), said to have been found in 1889 CE at the Keshava mound by Anton Fuhrer, German Indologist who worked with the Archaeological Survey of India, recorded the foundations of a temple dedicated to Vishnu at the Katra site:

Jajja, who carried the burden of the varga, together with a committee of trustees (goshtijana), built a large temple of Vishnu, brilliantly white and touching the clouds.


Jajja was a vassal of the Gahadavalas in charge of Mathura, and the committee mentioned in the prasasti could have been of an earlier Vaishnava temple.[36] The temple built by Jajja at Katra was destroyed by the forces of Qutubuddin Aibak, though Feroz Tughlaq (r. 1351–88 CE) was also said to have attacked it.[37] It was repaired and survived till the reign of Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489–1517 CE).

In the twelfth century, Bhatta Lakshmidhara, chief minister of the Gahadavala king Govindachandra (r. 1114–1155 CE), wrote the earliest surviving collection of verses in praise of the sacred sites of Mathura in his work Krtyakalpataru, which has been described as "the first re-statement of the theory of Tirtha-yatra (pilgrimage)".[38] In his Krtyakalpataru, Bhatta Lakshmidhara devoted an entire section (9) to Mathura.[39]

Later on the city was sacked again by Sikandar Lodi, who ruled the Sultanate of Delhi from 1489 to 1517 CE.[40][41] Sikandar Lodi earned the epithet of 'Butt Shikan', the 'Destroyer of Idols'. Ferishta recorded that Sikandar Lodi was a staunch Muslim, with a passion for vandalizing heathen temples:

He was firmly attached to the Mahomedan religion, and made a point of destroying all Hindu temples. In the city of Mathura he caused masjids and bazaars to be built opposite the bathing-stairs leading to the river, and ordered that no Hindus should be allowed to bathe there. He forbade the barbers to shave the beards and heads of the inhabitants, in order to prevent the Hindus following their usual practices at such pilgrimages.[42]


In Tarikh-i Daudi, of 'Abdu-lla (written during the time of Jahangir) said of Sikandar Lodi:

He was so zealous a Musulman that he utterly destroyed divers places of worship of the infidels, and left not a vestige remaining of them. He entirely ruined the shrines of Mathura, the mine of heathenism, and turned their principal Hindu places of worship into caravanserais and colleges. Their stone images were given to the butchers to serve them as meat-weights, and all the Hindus in Mathura were strictly prohibited from shaving their heads and beards, and performing their ablutions. He thus put an end to all the idolatrous rites of the infidels there; and no Hindu, if he wished to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber to do it. Every city thus conformed as he desired to the customs of Islam.[43]


Vallabhacharya and Chaitanya Mahaprabhu arrived in the Braj region, in search of sacred places that had been destroyed or lost. In Shrikrsnashrayah, that make up the Sodashagrantha, Vallabha said of his age:

The Malechchhas (non-Hindus in this context) have surrounded all the holy places with the result that they have become infected with evil. Besides, the holy people are full of sorrow. At such a time Krishna alone is my way.[44]


Late Middle Ages

The Portuguese, Father Antonio Monserrate (1536 CE-1600 CE), who was on a Jesuit mission at the Mughal Court during the times of Akbar, visited Mathura in 1580–82, and noted that all temples built at sites associated with the deeds of Krishna were in ruins:-

It (Mathura) used to be a great and well populated city, with splendid buildings and a great circuit of walls. The ruins plainly indicate how imposing its buildings were. For out of these forgotten ruins are dug up columns and very ancient statues, of skilful and cunning workmanship. Only one Hindu temple is left out of many; for the Musalmans have completely destroyed all except the pyramids. Huge crowds of pilgrims come from all over India to this temple, which is situated on the high bank of the Jomanis (Yamuna)...[45]


The Keshavadeva temple was rebuilt by the Bundela Rajah Vir Singh Deo at a cost of thirty-three lakh rupees when the gold was priced at around ₹ 10/- per tola.[46] And the grand structure of the temple in Mathura was regarded a "wonder of the age".[47]

The Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, built the Shahi-Eidgah Mosque during his rule, which is adjacent to Shri Krishna Janmabhoomi believed to be over a Hindu temple.[48] He also changed the city's name to Islamabad.[49] In 1669, Aurangzeb issued a general order for the demolition of Hindu schools and temples, in 1670, specifically ordered the destruction of the Keshavadeva temple. Saqi Mustaid Khan recorded:

On Thursday, 27th January/15 Ramzan (27 January 1670)... the Emperor as the promoter of justice and overthrower of mischief, as a knower of truth and destroyer of oppression as the zephyr of the garden of victory and the reviver of the faith of the Prophet, issued orders for the demolition of the temple situated in Mathura, famous as the Dehra of Kesho Rai. In a short time by the great exertions of his officers, the destruction of this strong foundation of infidelity was accomplished and on its site a lofty mosque was built by the expenditure of a large sum... Praised be the august God of the faith of Islam, that in the auspicious reign of this destroyer of infidelity and turbulence, such a wonderful and seemingly impossible work was successfully accomplished.

On seeing this instance of the strength of the emperor's faith and the grandeur of his devotion to God, the proud Rajas were stifled, and in amazement they stood like images facing the wall. The idols, large and small, set with costly jewels, which had been set up in the temple, were brought to Agra, and buried under the step of the mosque of the Begum Shahib in order to be continuously trodden upon. The name of Mathura was changed to Islamabad.[50]


The Muslim conquest resulted in the destruction of all Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu temples and monuments in and around Mathura. Buddhism, already in decline, never revived, and for the next four hundred years the Jains and Hindus were unable to erect any temples that were not sooner or later demolished.[51] Many of the sites that had been places of religious importance were abandoned and gradually sank beneath the earth. But some of them were not forgotten, owing to the persistence of oral tradition, the refashioning of a temple into a mosque, or the presence of humble shrines, some of which housed sculptural fragments of earlier buildings. Several of them have survived as places of significance in the modern pilgrimage circuit.[51]

The rebellion in Mathurá district seems to have gained ground. “ On the 14th Rajab, 1080, [28th November, 1669], his Majesty left Dihlí for Akbarábád, and almost daily enjoyed the pleasures of the chase. On the 21st Rajab, whilst hunting, he received the report of a rebellion having broken out at Mauza' Rewarah, Chandarkah, and Surkhrú. Hasan 'Ali Khán was ordered to attack the rebels at night, which he did, and the firing lasted till 12 o'clock the next day. The rebels, unable longer to withstand, thinking of the honour of their families, now fought with short arms, and many imperial soldiers and companions of Hasan ’Alí were killed. Three hundred rebels were sent to perdition, and two hundred and fifty, men and women, caught. Hasan ’Alí, in the afternoon, reported personally the result of the fight, and was ordered to leave the prisoners and the cattle in charge of Sayyid Zain ul-'Abidin, the jágirdár of the place. Çaf Shikan Khán also (who after ’Abdunnabí's death had been appointed Faujdár of Mathura) waited on the emperor, and was ordered to tell off two hundred troopers to guard the fields attached to the villages, and prevent soldiers from plundering and kidnapping children. Námdár Khán, Faujdár of Murádábád, also came to pay his respects. Çafshikan Khán was removed from his office, and Hasan 'Ali Khán was appointed Faujdár of Mathura, with a command of Three Thousand and Five Hundred, 2000 troopers, and received a dress of honour, a sword, and a horse. * * * On the 18th Sha'bán [1st January, 1670), his Majesty entered Agrah. Kokilá Ját, the wicked ringleader of the rebels of District*......, who had been the cause of ’Abdunnabí's death and who had plundered Parganah Sa'dábád, was at last caught by Hasan ’Alí Khán and his zealous peshkár, Shaikh Razíuddin, and he was now sent with the Shaikh to Agrah, where by order of his Majesty he was executed. Kokila's son and daughter were given to Jawahir Khán Nazir [a eunuch]. The girl was later married to Shah Quli, the well-known Chelah; and his son, who was called Fázil, became in time so excellent a Hafiz [one who knows the Qorán by heart], that his Majesty preferred him to all others and even chaunted passages to him. Shaikh Razíuddin, who had captured Kokila, belonged to a respectable family in Bhagalpur, Bihár, and was an excellent soldier, administrator, and companion; he was at the same time so learned, that he was ordered to assist in the compilation of the Fatáwá i 'Alamgiri [the great code of Muhammadan laws]. He received a daily allowance of three rupees.”+ (Haásir i ’Alamgiri, pp. 92 to 91.) Hasan ’Alí Khán retained his office from 1080 to Sha'bán 1087 (October, 1676), when Sulțán Qulí Khán was appointed Faujdír of Mathurá., Asiatic Society of Bengal, Proceedings[52]

Early Modern History

According the biographer of Raja Jai Singh, Atmaram, when Jai Singh was campaigning against the Jat Raja Churaman Singh, he bathed at Radha kund on the full moon of Kartik, went to Mathura in the month of Shravan in 1724, and performed the marriage of his daughter on Janmashtami. He then undertook a tour of the sacred forests of Braj, and, on his return to Mathura, founded religious establishments and celebrated Holi.[53]

Pilgrimage by the Family of Peshwa of Maratha Empire

During the period of the expansion of Maratha Empire, pilgrimage to the holy places in the north became quite frequent. Pilgrims required protection on the way and took advantage of the constant movement of troops that journeyed to and back from their homeland for military purposes. That is how the practice arose of ladies accompanying military expeditions. The mother of Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao, Kashitai performed her famous pilgrimage for four years in the north, visiting Mathura, Prayag, Ayodhya, Banaras, and other holy places.[54]

Religious heritage

Mathura is a holy city for Hinduism and is considered the heart of Brij Bhoomi, the land of Krishna.[55][56] The twin-city to Mathura is Vrindavan.

There are many places of historic and religious importance in Mathura and its neighbouring towns.[8]

Krishna Janmasthan Temple Complex is an important group of temples built around what is considered to be the birthplace of Krishna.[57][58] The temple complex contains Keshav Deva temple, Garbha Griha shrine, Bhagavata Bhavan and the Rangabhoomi where the final battle between Krishna and Kans took place.[59][7][9][57]

The Dwarkadheesh Temple is one of the largest temples in Mathura.[7] Vishram Ghat at the bank of river Yamuna is said to be the place were Krishna had rested after killing Kans.[7]

Other notable Hindu religious sites and heritage locations includes the Gita Mandir,[60] Govind Dev temple,[60] ISKCON temple,[7] Kusum Sarovar,[60] Naam yog Sadhna Mandir, Peepleshwar Mahadeo Temple[61][62] and Yum Yamuna Temple[61]

Kankali Tila brought forth many treasures of Jain art. The archaeological findings testifies the existence of two Jain temples and stupas. Numerous Jain sculptures, Ayagapattas (tablet of homage),[63] pillars, crossbeams and lintels were found during archaeological excavations. Some of the sculptures are provided with inscriptions that report on the contemporary society and organization of the Jain community.

Most sculptures could be dated from the 2nd century BC to the 12th century CE, thus representing a continuous period of about 14 centuries during which Jainism flourished at Mathura. These sculptures are now housed in the Lucknow State Museum and in the Mathura Museum.

Jama Mosque, Mathura is a notable site for Islam. It was completed by Abd-un-Nabi, governor of Aurangzeb in 1662.

The Mathura Museum is notable for archaeological artefacts, especially those from the Kushan and Gupta empires. It has sculptures associated with Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism.[9][64]

...

See also

• Brij Bhoomi
• Gokul
• Kankali Tila
• Nandgaon
• Goverdhan
• Sonkh

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• Mathura-The Cultural Heritage. Edited by Doris Meth Srinivasan, published in 1989 by AIIS/Manohar.
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• 1018: Mahmud Ghazni’s invasion of Mathura
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External links

• Entry on Mathura in the Dictionary on Pali Proper Names
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Chapter 3: Ashoka, Excerpt from India Discovered
by John Keay
Text copyright © John Keay 1981
Photographs copyright © Colour Library International Ltd. 1981

Image
Jehangir's palace in the Red Fort at Agra.

The trappings of government set up in Calcutta to cope with the sudden acquisition of Bengal included not only a judiciary but also a mint. It was as Assistant Assay-Master at this mint that James Prinsep arrived in India in 1819. The post was an undistinguished one; Prinsep, far from being a celebrity like Jones, could expect nothing better. He was barely 20 and, according to his obituarist, "wanting, perhaps, in the finish of classical scholarship which is conferred at the public schools and universities of England''. As a child, the last in a family of seven sons, his passion had been constructing highly intricate working models; "habits of exactness and minute attention to detail'' would remain his outstanding traits. He studied architecture under Pugin, transferred to the Royal Mint when his eyesight became strained, and thence to Calcutta. ''Well grounded in chemistry, mechanics and the useful sciences", he was not an obvious candidate for the mantle of Jones and the distinction of being India's most successful scholar.

In the quarter century. between Jones' death and Prinsep's arrival the British position in India had changed radically. The defeats of Tippu Sultan, ruler of Mysore, of the Marathas, and of the Gurkhas had left the British undisputed masters of as much of India as they cared to digest. Indeed the British raj had begun. The sovereignty of the East India Company was almost as much a political fiction as that of their nominal but now helpless overlord, the Moghul emperor. Both, though they lingered on for another 30 years, had become anachronisms.

From Calcutta a long arm of British territory now reached up the Ganges and the Jumna to Agra, Delhi and beyond. A thumb prodded the Himalayas between Nepal and Kashmir, while several stubby fingers probed into Punjab, Rajasthan and central India. In the west, Bombay had been expanding into the Maratha homeland; Broach and Baroda were under Britfsh control, and Poona, a centre of Hindu orthodoxy and the Maratha capital, was being transformned into the legendary watering place for Anglo-Indian bores. In the south, all that was not British territory was held by friendly feudatories; the French had been obliterated, Mysore settled, and the limits of territorial expansion already reached.

Visitors in search of the real India no longer had to hop around the coastline; they could now march boldly, and safely, across the middle. Bishop Heber of Calcutta (the appointment itself was a sign of the times; in Jones's day there had not been even a church in Calcutta) toured his diocese in the 1820s. The diocese was a big one -- the whole of India -- and ''Reginald Calcutta", as he signed himself, travelled the length of the Ganges to Dehra Dun in the Himalayas, then down through Delhi and Agra into Rajasthan, still largely independent, and came out at Poona and thence down to Bombay.

The acquisition of all this new territory brought the British into contact with the country's architectural heritage. Two centuries earlier Elizabethan envoys had marvelled at the cities of Moghul India ''of which the like is not to be found in all Christendom". The famous buildings of Agra, Fatehpur Sikri and Delhi, ''either of them much greater than London and more populous", they had described in detail. When, therefore, the first generation of British administrators arrived in upper India they showed genuine reverence for the architectural relics of Moghul power. Instead of the landscapes of Hodges and the Daniells their souvenirs of India would be detailed drawings of the Taj Mahal and the Red Fort. Their curiosity also extended to buildings sacred to the non-Mohammedan population; Khajuraho, Abu and many other sites were discovered between 1810 and 1830. The raw materials for a new investigation of India's past were accumulating. But it was another class of monuments, predating the Mohammedan invasions and with unmistakable signs of extreme antiquity, which would become Prinsep's speciality.

Image
The soaring temples of Khajuraho, then hidden in dense jungle, were among the many architectural wonders to be discovered in the early nineteenth century.

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Agra, too, only became familiar to the British following its capture in 1803. The marble lattice-work in the tomb of Shaikh Salim Chishti at Fatehpur Sikri was admired as much as that of the famous screens in the Taj Mahal.
 
The first of these monuments -- one could scarcely call them buildings -- to attract European attention were the cave temples in the vicinity of Bombay. The island of Elephanta in Bombay harbour had been known to the Portuguese and became the subject of one of the earliest archaeological reports received by Jones's new Asiatic Society.
The cave is about three-quarters of a mile from the beach; the path leading to it lies through a valley; the hills on either side beautifully clothed and, except when interrupted by the dove calling to her absent mate, a solemn stillness prevails; the mind is fitted for contemplating the approaching scene.

The approaching scene was not of some natural cave with a few prehistoric scratchings, but of a spacious pillared hall, with delicate sculptural details and colossal stone figures -- an architectural creation in all but name; for the whole thing was hacked, hewn, carved and sculpted out of solid rock.

North of Bombay, the island of Salsette boasted more groups of such caves. In 1806 Lord Valentia, a young Englishman whose greatest claim to fame must be the sheer weight of his travelogue (four quarto volumes of just on half a hundredweight), set out to explore them. He took with him Henry Salt, his companion and artist, to help clear a path through the jungle that surrounded the caves. Outside the Jogeshwar caves they hesitated before the fresh pug marks of a tiger; according to the villagers, tigers actually lived in the caves for part of the year.

Salt found that the other Salsette caves at Kanheri and Montpezir had also been recently occupied. To the Portuguese, the pillared nave and the trahsepts had spelt basilica; there was even a hole in the facade for a rose window. They had just smothered the fine, but pagan, carving in stucco and consecrated the place. Salt chipped away at the stucco and observed how well it had preserved the sculpture.

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'Few remains of antiquity have excited greater curiosity.' Some scholars thought these cave temples were Greek, others Egyptian. The mistake is partly explained by the fact their excavation extended over 800 years and their inspiration was both Jain, Hindu (as at cave 29, Ellora ...

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... and Buddhist (cave 3 at Kanheri.)

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As a progression from the nearby cave temples, the Kailasa temple at Ellora is also cut from solid rock but as a free-standing monument. It is estimated that 20,000 tons of rock had to be excavated. The sculptures clear revealed its inspiration as Hindu, but 'their size, air and general management give an expression of grandeur' which early visitors could only explain by attributing them to some far-flung colony of Greek settlers.

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Though these figures are by no means well proportioned, yet their air, size and general management give an expression of grandeur that the best sculptors have often failed in attaining; the laziness of attitude, the simplicity of drapery, the suitableness of their situation and the plainness of style in which they are executed . . . all contribute towards producing this effect.

He was getting quite a feeling for ancient art treasures. In Lord Valentia's train he would move on to Egypt, stay on there as British consul, and become so successful at appropriating and selling the art treasures of the Pharoahs that he rivalled the great tomb-robber Belzoni.

Meanwhile in India more rock-cut temples had come to light. The free-standing Kailasa temple at Ellora, cut into the rock from above like a gigantic intaglio, was discovered in the late 18th century. It was followed by the famous caves at Ajanta and Bagh. "Few remains of antiquity," wrote William Erskine in 1813, "have excited greater curiosity. History does not record any fact that can guide us in fixing the period of their execution, and many opposite opinions have been formed regarding the religion of the people by whom they were made." From the statuary at Elephanta and Ellora, particularly the figures with several heads and many arms, it was clear that these at least were Hindu.[???] But why were they in such remote locations and why had they been so long neglected? What, too, of the plainer caves like Kanheri and the largest of all, Karli in the Western Ghats? Lord Valentia was pretty sure that the sitting figure, surrounded by devotees, at Karli was ''the Boddh''; he had just come from Ceylon where Buddhism was still a living religion, though it appeared to be almost unknown in India.

Other critics who looked to the west for an explanation of anything they found admirable in Indian art, insisted that the excellence of the sculpture indicated the presence of a Greek, Phoenician or even Jewish colony in western India. Yet others looked to Africa: who but the builders of the pyramids could have achieved such monolithic wonders? These theories, were based on the idea that such monuments were exclusive to western India, which had a long history of maritime contacts with the West. They became less credible with the discovery of the so-called Seven Pagodas at Mahabalipuram near Madras. Here, a thousand miles away and on the other side of the Indian peninsula, were a group of temples cut not out of solid rock, but sculpted out of boulders. At first glance they looked like true buildings, a little rounded like old stone cottages, but well proportioned -- up to 55 feet long and 35 feet high -- with porches, pillars and statuary. It was only on closer inspection that one realised that each was a single gigantic stone sculpted into architecture. "Stupendous," declared William Chambers who twice visited the place in the 1770s (though his report had to wait for the Asiatic Society's first publication in 1789), ''of a style no longer in use, indeed closer to that of Egypt''.

Five years later, a further account of the boulder temples, or raths, was submitted by a man who had also seen Elephanta. To his mind there was no question that in style and technique the two were closely related. Had he also seen the intaglio temple of Ellora he might have been tempted to postulate some theory of architectural development; first the cave temple, then the free-standing excavation, and finally the boulder style, freed at last from solid rock. It was as if India's architecture had somehow evolved out of the earth's crust. Elsewhere, stone buildings have always evolved from wooden ones; but in India it was as if architecture was a development of sculpture. The distinctive characteristic of all truly Indian buildings is their sculptural quality. The great Hindu temples look like mountainous accumulations of figures and friezes; even the Taj Mahal, for all its purity of line, stays in the mind as a masterpiece of sculpture rather than of construction.

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The Seven Pagadoas of Mahabalipuram near Madras, when painted by Thomas Daniell in the late eighteenth century, were as much a curiosity as the cave temples. Each was cut from a single gigantic boulder. But when, and by whom? 'Of a style no longer in use, indeed closer to that of Egypt,' thought William Chambers in 1770.

There was yet one other type of ancient monument which had intrigued early visitors. Thomas Coryat, an English eccentric who turned up in Delhi in 1616, was probably the first to take notice of it. South of the Moghul city of Delhi (now Old Delhi) lay the abandoned tombs and forts of half a dozen earlier Delhis (now, confusingly, the site of New Delhi). The ruins stretched for ten miles, overgrown, inhabited by bats and monkeys. But in the middle of this jungle of crumbling masonry Coryat saw something that made him stop; it did not belong. A plain circular pillar, 40 feet high, stuck up through the remains of some dying palace and, in the evening light so proper to ruins, it shone. At a distance he took it for brass, closer up for marble; it is in fact polished sandstone. Of a weight later estimated at 27 tons, it is a single, finely tapered stone, another example of highly developed monolithic craftsmanship. But what intrigued Coryat was the discovery that it was inscribed. Of the two principal inscriptions one was in a script consisting of simple erect letters, a bit like pin-men, which Coryat was sure were Greek. The pillar must then, he thought, have been erected by Alexander the Great, probably "in token of his victorie" over the Indian king Porus in 326 BC.

Fifty years later another such pillar was discovered by John Marshall, an East India Company factor who has been called "the first Englishman who really studied Indian antiquities". He was certainly less inclined to jump to wild conclusions. His pillar was "nine yards nine inches high" [27' 9"] and boasted a remarkable capital: ''at the top of this pillar ... is placed a tyger engraven, the neatliest that I have seene in India''.
It was actually a lion. But perhaps the most interesting thing about this pillar was that it was in Bihar, a thousand miles from Delhi and many more from the rock-cut monuments around Bombay and Madras.

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Of all the country's monolithic monuments, none were more intriguing than the great pillars of northern India. John Marshall thought the lion capital of the pillar at Lauriya Nandangarh, Bihar, 'the neatliest that I have seene.' Other travellers were more interested in the inscriptions....

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They rightly believed that only the deciphering of the unknown script, first noticed on the Delhi pillar, would reveal their origin and purpose.

Writing similar to that found on the Delhi pillar was also found on some of the cave temples; and at Karli there was actually a small pillar outside the cave. Clearly all these monuments were somehow connected. But it was doubtful whether Alexander had ever reached Delhi, let alone Bihar. The existence of a similar pillar there put paid to Coryat's idea of their commemorating Alexander's victories, although the possibility that the letters were some corrupt form of Greek would linger on for many years.

With the foundation of the Asiatic Society there was at last a forum in which a concerted investigation into all these monuments could take place. Reports of more pillars and caves were soon trickling in. Jones himself was rightly convinced that the mystery of who created them, when and why, could be solved only if the inscriptions could be translated. Some ancient civilisation, some foreign conqueror perhaps, or some master craftsman, seemed to be crying out for recognition. Another breakthrough seemed imminent; and with it another chunk of India's lost history might be restored.

Thanks to Charles Wilkins, the man who preceded Jones as a Sanskritist, progress was at first encouraging. At one of the earliest meetings of the Society he reported on a new pillar, also in Bihar.
Sometime, in the month of November in the year 1780 I discovered in the vicinity of the Town of Buddal, near which the Company has a factory, and which at that time was under my charge, a decapitated monumental pillar which at a little distance had very much the appearance of the trunk of a coconut tree broken off in the middle. It stands in a swamp overgrown with weeds near a small temple .... Upon my getting close enough to the monument to examine it, I took its dimensions and made a drawing of it. ... At a few feet above the ground is an inscription, engrained in the stone, from which I took two reversed impressions with printer's ink. I have lately been so fortunate as to decipher the character.

Though very different from Devanagari, the modern script used for Sanskrit, it was clearly related to it and Wilkins was not surprised to discover that the language was in fact Sanskrit. To historians the translation was a disappointment; the Buddal pillar told them nothing of interest. But the deciphering was an important development. Nowadays it is recognised that the modern Devanagari script has passed through three distinct stages; first the pin-men script that Coryat thought was Greek (Ashoka Brahmi); second a more ornate, chunky script (Gupta Brahmi); and third, a more curved and rounded script (Kutila) from which springs the washing-on-the-line script of Devanagari. The Buddal pillar was Kutila, and once Wilkins had established that it had some connection with Devanagari, the possibility of working backwards to the earlier scripts was dimly perceived.[???!!!]
Brahmi Parent systems: Proto-Sinaitic script?; Phoenician alphabet?; Aramaic alphabet?...

Among the inscriptions of Ashoka c. 3rd-century BCE written in the Brahmi script a few numerals were found, which have come to be called the Brahmi numerals. The numerals are additive and multiplicative and, therefore, not place value; it is not known if their underlying system of numeration has a connection to the Brahmi script. But in the second half of the first millennium CE, some inscriptions in India and Southeast Asia written in scripts derived from the Brahmi did include numerals that are decimal place value, and constitute the earliest existing material examples of the Hindu–Arabic numeral system, now in use throughout the world. The underlying system of numeration, however, was older, as the earliest attested orally transmitted example dates to the middle of the 3rd century CE in a Sanskrit prose adaptation of a lost Greek work on astrology....

A list of eighteen ancient scripts is found in the texts of Jainism, such as the Pannavana Sutra (2nd century BCE) and the Samavayanga Sutra (3rd century BCE).[35][36] These Jaina script lists include Brahmi at number 1 and Kharoṣṭhi at number 4 but also Javanaliya (probably Greek)...

Most scholars believe that Brahmi was likely derived from or influenced by a Semitic script model, with Aramaic being a leading candidate. However, the issue is not settled due to the lack of direct evidence and unexplained differences between Aramaic, Kharoṣṭhī, and Brahmi. Though Brahmi and the Kharoṣṭhī script share some general features, the differences between the Kharosthi and Brahmi scripts are "much greater than their similarities," and "the overall differences between the two render a direct linear development connection unlikely", states Richard Salomon...

According to Salomon, the evidence of Kharosthi script's use is found primarily in Buddhist records and those of Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythian, Indo-Parthian and Kushana dynasty era....

Falk sees the basic writing system of Brahmi as being derived from the Kharoṣṭhī script, itself a derivative of Aramaic.... Falk [sees] Greek as ... a significant source for Brahmi... Falk also dated the origin of Kharoṣṭhī to no earlier than 325 BCE, based on a proposed connection to the Greek conquest....we have no specimen of the script before the time of Ashoka, nor any direct evidence of intermediate stages in its development...

As of 2018, Harry Falk refined his view by affirming that Brahmi was developed from scratch in a rational way at the time of Ashoka, by consciously combining the advantages of the pre-existing Greek script and northern Kharosthi script. Greek-style letter types were selected for their "broad, upright and symmetrical form", and writing from left to right was also adopted for its convenience. On the other hand, the Kharosthi treatment of vowels was retained, with its inherent vowel "a", derived from Aramaic, and stroke additions to represent other vowel signs. In addition, a new system of combining consonants vertically to represent complex sounds was also developed.

-- Brahmi script, by Wikipedia

The Kandahar Bilingual Rock Inscription, (also Kandahar Edict of Ashoka, sometimes "Chehel Zina Edict"), is a famous bilingual edict in Greek and Aramaic, proclaimed and carved in stone by the Indian Maurya Empire ruler Ashoka (r.269-233 BCE) around 260 BCE. It is the very first known inscription of Ashoka, written in year 10 of his reign (260 BCE), preceding all other inscriptions, including his early Minor Rock Edicts, his Barabar caves inscriptions or his Major Rock Edicts. This first inscription was written in Classical Greek and Aramaic exclusively. It was discovered in 1958, during some excavation works below a 1m high layer of rubble, and is known as KAI 279.

-- Aramaic Inscription of Laghman [Ashokan Inscriptions], by Wikipedia

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The boulder-cut temples, or raths, of Mahabalipuram would remain a mystery until their inscriptions could be read. But their varying styles were soon seen as a clue to later architectural forms....

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The nearby Shore Temple was clearly a development from ...

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... the Dharmaraja rath.

As if to illustrate this, Wilkins next surprised his colleagues by teasing some sense out of an inscription written in Gupta Brahmi. It came from a cave near Gaya which had been known for some time though never visited; a Mr Hodgekis, who tried, "was assassinated on his way to it''. Encouraged by Warren Hastings, John Harrington, the secretary of the Asiatic Society, was more successful and found the cave hidden behind a tree near the top of a hill. The character of the inscription, according to Wilkins, was ''undoubtedly the most ancient of any that have hitherto come under my inspection. But though the writing is not modern, the language is pure Sanskrit.'' Wilkins, tantalising as ever about how he made his breakthrough, apparently divined that the inscription was in verse. It was the discovery of the metre that somehow helped him to the successful decipherment. But again, there was little in this new translation to satisfy the historian's thirst for facts.

A far more promising approach to the problem, indeed a short cut, seemed to be heralded in a letter to Jones from Lieutenant Francis Wilford, a surveyor and an enthusiastic student of all things oriental, who was based at Benares. Jones had been sent copies of inscriptions found at Ellora and written in Ashoka Brahmi, the still undeciphered pin-men. He had probably sent them to Wilford because Benares, the holy city of the hindus, was the most likely place to find a Brahmin who might be able to read them. In 1793 Wilford announced that he had found just such a man.

I have the honour to return to you the facsimile of several inscriptions with an explanation of them. I despaired at first of ever being able to decipher them ... However, after many fruitless attempts on our part, we were so fortunate as to find at last an ancient sage, who gave us the key, and produced a book in Sanskrit, containing a great many ancient alphabets formerly in use in different parts of India. This was really a fortunate discovery, which hereafter may be of great service to us.

According to the ancient sage, most of Wilford's inscriptions related to the wanderings of the five heroic Pandava brothers from the Mahabharata. At the unspecified time in question they were under an obligation not to converse with the rest of mankind; so their friends devised a method of communicating with them by writing short and obscure sentences on rocks and stones in the wilderness and in characters previously agreed upon betwixt them". The sage happened to have the key to these characters in his code book; obligingly he transcribed them into Devanagari Sanskrit and then translated them.

To be fair to Wilford, he was a bit suspicious about this ingenious explanation of how the inscriptions got there. But he had no doubts that the deciphering and translation were genuine. ''Our having been able to decipher them is a great point in my opinion, as it may hereafter lead to further discoveries, that may ultimately crown our labours with success.'' Above all, he had now located the code book, ''a most fortunate circumstance''.

Poor Wilford was the laughing stock of the Benares Brahmins for a whole decade. They had already fobbed him off with Sanskrit texts, later proved spurious, on the source of the Nile and the origin of Mecca. After the code book there was a geographical treatise on The Sacred Isles of the West, which included early Hindu reference to the British Isles. The Brahmins, to whom Sanskrit had so long remained a sacred prerogative, were getting their own back. One wonders how much Wilford paid his "ancient sage".

Jones was already a little suspicious of Wilford's sources, but on the code book, which was as much a fabrication as the translations supposedly based on it, he reserved judgement until he might see it. He never did. In fact it was never heard of again. But in spite of these disappointments Jones continued to believe that in time this oldest script would be deciphered. He had been sent a copy of the writings on the Delhi pillar and told a correspondent that they ''drive me to despair; you are right, I doubt not, in thinking them foreign; I believe them to be Ethiopian and to have been imported a thousand years before Christ". It was not one of his more inspired guesses and at the time of his death the mystery of the inscriptions and of the monoliths was as dark as ever.


And so it remained until the labours of James Prinsep. Jones had given oriental studies a strongly literary bias and his successors continued to concentrate on Sanskrit manuscripts. Archaeological studies were ignored in consequence, and so were inscriptions. Wilkins' few translations had led nowhere and the most intriguing of the scripts remained undeciphered. Indeed even the translation of the Gupta Brahmi script from the cave at Gaya was forgotten in the general waning of interest; it would have to be deciphered all over again.

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The burning ghats of Benares.

During his first twelve years in India Prinsep confined his attention to scientific matters. He was sent to Benares to set up a second mint and while there redesigned the city's sewers. He also contributed a few articles to the Asiatic Society's journal (''Descriptions of a Pluviometer and Evaporameter", ''Note on the Magic Mirrors of Japan", etc).

But in 1830 he was recalled to Calcutta as assistant to the Assay-Master, Horace Hayman Wilson, who was also secretary of the Asiatic Society and an eminent Sanskrit scholar. At the time Wilson was puzzling over the significance of various ancient coins that had recently been found in Rajasthan and the Punjab. Prinsep helped to catalogue and describe them, and it was in attempting to decipher their legends that his interest in the whole question of ancient inscriptions was aroused. Although his ignorance of Sanskrit was undoubtedly a handicap, here, in the deciphering of scripts, was a field in which his quite exceptional talent for minute and methodical study could be deployed to brilliant advantage.

Since Jones' day another pillar like that at Delhi had been found at Allahabad; in addition to a Persian inscription of the Moghul period, it displayed a long inscription in each of the two older scripts (Ashoka Brahmi and Gupta Brahmi). A report had also been received of a rock in Orissa covered with the same two scripts. In 1833 Prinsep prevailed on a Lieutenant Burt, one of several enthusiastic engineers and surveyors, to take an exact impression of the Allahabad pillar inscription.

The facsimiles reached Prinsep in early 1834. With an eminent Sanskritist, the Rev W. H. Mill, he soon resolved the problem of the Gupta Brahmi. This was the script that Wilkins had deciphered nearly 50 years before, though his achievement had since been forgotten. The same thing was not likely to happen again; for this time the inscription had something to tell. Evidently it had been engraved on the instructions of a king called Samudragupta. It recorded his extensive conquests and it mentioned that he was the son of Chandragupta. The temptation to assume that this Chandragupta was the same as Jones' Chandragupta, the Sandracottus of the Greeks, was almost irresistible. But not quite. For one thing Jones' Chandragupta had not, according to the Sanskrit king lists, been succeeded by a Samudragupta; they did, however, mention several other Chandraguptas. But if Prinsep and Mill were disappointed at having to deny themselves the simplest and most satisfying of identifications, there would be compensation. They had raised the veil on a dynasty now known as the Imperial Guptas. According to the Allahabad inscriptions Samudragupta had ''violently uprooted'' nine kings and annexed their kingdoms. His rule stretched right across northern India and deep into the Deccan. Politically, here was an empire to rival that of Jones' Chandragupta. But, more important, the Gupta period, about AD 320-460, would soon come to be recognised as the golden age of classical Indian culture. To this period belong many of the frescoes of Ajanta, the finest of the Sarnath and Mathura sculptures, and the plays and poems of Kalidasa, ''the Indian Shakespeare".


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The wall paintings in the cave temples at Ajanta vividly evoke the sophisticated courtly life of India under the Guptas. Dating mainly from the fifth and sixth-centuries AD they constitute one of the greatest picture galleries to survive from the ancient world.

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But at the time Prinsep and Mill knew no more about these Guptas than what the pillar told them -- and much of that they were inclined to regard as royal hyperbole and therefore unreliable. Prinsep, anyway, was more interested in the scripts than in their historical interpretation. Unlike Jones, he did not indulge in grand theories. He was not a classical scholar, not even a Sanskritist, but a pragmatic, dedicated scientist.

In between experimenting with rust-proof treatments for the new steamboats to be employed on the Ganges, he wrestled next with the Ashoka Brahmi pin-men on the Allahabad column. Coryat's idea that it was some kind of Greek was back in fashion. One scholar claimed to have identified no less than seven letters of the Greek alphabet and another had actually read a Greek name written in this script on an ancient coin. Prinsep was sceptical. The Greek name was only Greek if read upside down. [???!!!] Turn it round and the pinmen letters were just like those on the pillars.

But as yet he had no solution of his own. ''It would require an accurate acquaintance with many of the languages of the East, as well as perfect leisure and abstraction from other pursuits to engage upon the recovery of this lost language.'' He guessed that it must be Sanskrit and thought the script looked simpler than the Egyptian hieroglyphs. It was still beyond him, though, and he could only hope that someone else in India would take up the challenge ''before the indefatigable students of Bonn and Berlin''.

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Thomas Coryat in 1616 had surmised that the characters on the monolithic pillar at Delhi were Greek and that it must therefore be a victory column erected by Alexander the Great. This Greek theory survived until the 1830s when James Prinsep at last set about their decipherment.

No one reacted directly to this appeal, but in far away Kathmandu the solitary British resident at the Court of Nepal, Brian Houghton Hodgson, read his copy of the Society's journal and immediately dashed off a pained note. No man made more contributions to the discovery of India than Hodgson, or researched in so many different fields. From his outpost in the Himalayas he deluged the Asiatic Society with so many reports that it is hardly surprising some were mislaid. This was a case in point. "Eight or ten years ago" (so some time in the mid 1820s), he had sent in details of two more inscribed pillars. Prinsep could not find them. But Hodgson also disclosed that he had now found yet a third. It was at Bettiah (Lauriya Nandangarh) in northern Bihar and, like the others, very close to the Nepalese frontier. Could they then have been erected as boundary markers?

More intriguing was the facsimile of the inscription on this pillar which Hodgson thoughtfully enclosed. It was Ashoka Brahmi and Prinsep placed it alongside his copies of the Delhi and Allahabad inscriptions. Again he started to look for clues, concentrating this time on separating the shapes of the individual consonants from the vowels which were in the form of little marks festooning them. Darting from one facsimile to the other to verify these, he suddenly experienced that shiver down the spine that comes with the unexpected revelation. "Upon carefully comparing them, [the three inscriptions] with a view to finding any other words that might be common to them ... I was led to a most important discovery; namely that all three inscriptions were identically the same.''

Any surprise that he had not noticed this before must be tempered by the fact that the inscriptions, all of 2,000 years old, were far from perfect. Many letters had been worn away and in one case much of the original inscription had been obliterated by a later one written on top of it. The copies from which Prinsep worked also left much to be desired. Apart from the errors inevitable when someone tried to copy a considerable chunk of writing in totally unfamiliar characters, one copyist working his way round the pillar had managed to transpose the first and second halves of every line.

By correlating all three versions it was now possible to obtain a near perfect fair copy.
At the same time even the cautious Prinsep could not resist offering a few conjectures ''on the origin and nature of these singular columns, erected at places so distant from each other and all bearing the same inscription''.
Whether they mark the conquests of some victorious raja; -- whether they are, as it were, the boundary pillars of his dominions; -- or whether they are of a religious nature ... can only be satisfactorily solved by the discovery of the language.

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It was Prinsep's discovery that the inscription on the Lauriya Nandangarh (Bihar) pillar was identical to those on the Delhi and Allahabad pillars which sparked such excitement. Suddenly the possibility that they were all the work of some forgotten but mighty sovereign became a probability.

Clearly this people, this kingdom, this religion, was of significance to the whole of north India. It was altogether too big a subject to be left to chance. Prinsep, well placed now as Secretary of the Asiatic Society to assess the various materials (Wilson had retired to England), resolved to undertake the translation himself. In 1834 he tried the obvious line of relating this script to that of the Gupta Brahmi which he had just deciphered. For each, he drew up a table showing the frequency with which individual letters occurred, the idea being that those which occurred approximately the same number of times in each script might be the same letters.[???!!!] It was worth a try, but obviously would work only if both were in the same language and dealt with the same sort of subject. They did not, in fact they were not even in the same language, and Prinsep soon gave up this approach.[???!!!]

Next he tried relating the individual letters from each of the two scripts which had a similar conformation. This was more encouraging. He tentatively identified a handful of consonants and heard from a correspondent in Bombay, who was working on the cave temple inscriptions, that he too had identified these and five others. Armed with these few identifications, he attempted a translation, hoping that the sense might reveal the rest. But some of his letters were wrongly identified, and anyway he was still barking up the wrong tree in imagining that the language was pure Sanskrit. The attempt was a dismal failure. Discouraged, but far from defeated, Prinsep returned to the drawing board.

For the next four years he pushed himself physically and mentally towards the brink. Outside his office Calcutta was changing. The Governor-General had a new residence modelled on Kedleston Hall, but considerably grander: the dining-room could seat 200 and over 500 sometimes attended the Government House balls. Society was less boorish than in Jones' day. The hookah had gone out and so had most of the ''sooty bibis''; the memsahibs were taking over. But the only innovation Prinsep would have been aware of was the flapping punkah, or fan, above his desk. Now the Assay-Master, he spent all day at the mint and all evening with his coins and inscriptions or conferring with his pandits. By seven in the morning he was back at his desk. There is no record, as with Jones, of an early morning walk or ride, no mention of leisure. Instead he lived vicariously, through the endeavours and successes of his correspondents.

Jones, as president and founder of the Asiatic Society, and the most respected scholar of his age, had both inspired and dominated his fellows. Prinsep was just the opposite. He was the secretary of the Society, not the President, a plain Mr with few pretensions other than his total dedication. But this in itself was enough. His enthusiasm communicated itself to others and was irresistible. When he asked for coins and inscriptions they came flooding in from every corner of India. Painstakingly he acknowledged, translated and commented upon them. By 1837 he had an army of enthusiasts -- officers, engineers, explorers, political agents and administrators -- informally collecting for him. Colonel Stacy at Chitor, Udaipur and Delhi, Lieutenant A. Connolly at Jaipur, Captain Wade at Ludhiana, Captain Cautley at Sahranpur, Lieutenant Cunningham at Benares, Colonel Smith at Patna, Mr Tregear at Jaunpur, Dr Swiney in Upper India .... the list was long.

It was from one of these correspondents, Captain Edward Smith, an engineer at Allahabad, that in 1837 there came the vital clue to the mysterious script. On Prinsep's suggestion, Smith had made the long journey into Central India to visit an archaeological site of exceptional interest at Sanchi near Bhopal. Prinsep wanted accurate drawings of its sculptural wonders and facsimiles of an inscription in Gupta Brahmi which had not yet been translated. Smith obliged with both of these and, noticing some further very short inscriptions on the stone railings round the main shrine, took copies of them just for good measure.
These apparently trivial fragments of rude writing [wrote Prinsep] have led to even more important results than the other inscriptions. They have instructed us in the alphabet and language of these ancient pillars and rock inscriptions which have been the wonder of the learned since the days of Sir William Jones, and I am already nearly prepared to render the Society an account of the writing on the lat [pillar] at Delhi. With no little satisfaction that, as I was the first to analyse these unknown symbols ... so I should now be rewarded with the completion of a discovery I then despaired of accomplishing for want of a competent knowledge of the Sanskrit language.

Typically, Prinsep then launched into a long discussion of the sculpture and other inscriptions, keeping his audience and readers on tenterhooks for another 10 pages. But to Lieutenant Alexander Cunningham, his protege in Benares, he had already announced the discovery in a letter.
23 May 1837.

My dear Cunningham, Hors de department de mes etudes! [Out of my department studies!] [a reference to a Mohammedan coin that Cunningham had sent him]. No, but I can read the Delhi No. 1 which is of more importance; the Sanchi inscriptions have enlightened me. Each line is engraved on a separate pillar or railing. Then thought I, they must be the gifts of private individuals where names will be recorded. All end in danam [in the original characters] -- that must mean 'gift' or 'given'.[???!!!] Let's see ...

Table 1. John Marshall's phasing at Sanchi.
Phase / Date range / Monuments / Inscriptions / Sculptures

I / 3rd century BC / Stupa 1: brick core; Pillar 10; Temple 40 (apsidal); Temple 18 (apsidal) / Ashokan inscription (c. 269-232 BC) / Elephant capital from Temple 40 (?)

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Sanchi Pillar 10

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Sanchi Temple 40

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Sanchi Temple 18

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Elephant capital from East Gate of Stupa 1

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Elephant capital from Sankissa, one of the Pillars of Ashoka, 3rd century BCE

II / 2nd-1st century BC / Stupas 2, 3, 4; Stupa 1: casing and railings; Temples 18 and 40 (enlargements); Building 8 (platformed monastery) / Donative inscriptions on Stupa 1, 2, and 3 railings; reliquary inscriptions from Stupas 2 and 3. / Pillar by Stupa 2; Pillar 25.

III / 1st-3rd century AD / Stupa 1: gateway carvings. / Southern gateway inscription of Shatakarni (c. AD 25)

IV / 4th-6th century AD / Temples 17 and 19; Stupas 28 and 29. / Inscription of Chandragupta II (Gupta year 131, or AD 450-1) / Stupa 1 pradaksinapatha Buddha images; Pillar 25 and crowning Vajrapani image; two Padmapani to the north Stupa 1; Naga, Nagini, and yaksa sculptures. Various others now in the SAM.  

V / 7th-8th century AD / Stupas 4, 5, 11, 12, 13, 14, and 16. Temples 18 and 40 (additions); Temples 20, 22 and 31. Monastery complex beneath Building 43; Monasteries 36, 37 and 38, and other newly excavated structures in the southern area; Monastery 51 (?); / -- / --

VI / 9th-12th century AD / Eastern platform, surmounting monasteries (46 and 47), and temple (45), and boundary wall; Building 43. / Building 43 inscription (mid' to late 9th century AD). / Buddha and Bodhisattva images from Temple 45. Numerous other images in SAM.

-- Sanchi as an archaeological area, by Julia Shaw, 2013

He proved his point by immediately translating four such lines, and then turned to the first line of the famous pillar inscriptions: Devam piya piyadasi raja hevam aha, "the most-particularly-loved-of-the-gods raja declareth thus". He was not quite right; the r should have been l, laja not raja. But he was near enough. Danam giving him the d, the n and the m, all very common and hitherto unidentified, had been just enough to tip the balance.
Progress resumed in 1834 with the publication of proper facsimiles of the inscriptions on the Allahabad pillar of Ashoka, notably containing Edicts of Ashoka as well as inscriptions by the Gupta Empire ruler Samudragupta.

James Prinsep, an archaeologist, philologist, and official of the East India Company, started to analyse the inscriptions and made deductions on the general characteristics of the early Brahmi script essentially relying on statistical methods.[136] This method, published in March 1834, allowed him to classify the characters found in inscriptions, and to clarify the structure of Brahmi as being composed of consonantal characters with vocalic "inflections". He was able to correctly guess four out of five vocalic inflections, but the value of consonants remained unknown. Although this statistical method was modern and innovative, the actual decipherment of the script would have to wait until after the discovery of bilingual inscriptions, a few years later.

The same year, in 1834, some attempts by Rev. J. Stevenson were made to identify intermediate early Brahmi characters from the Karla Caves (circa 1st century CE) based on their similarities with the Gupta script of the Samudragupta inscription of the Allahabad pillar (4th century CE) which had just been published, but this led to a mix of good (about 1/3) and bad guesses, which did not permit proper decipherment of the Brahmi.

The next major step towards deciphering the ancient Brahmi script of the 3rd-2nd centuries BCE was made in 1836 by Norwegian scholar Christian Lassen, who used a bilingual Greek-Brahmi coin of Indo-Greek king Agathocles and similarities with the Pali script to correctly and securely identify several Brahmi letters. The matching legends on the bilingual coins of Agathocles were:
Greek legend: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ / ΑΓΑΘΟΚΛΕΟΥΣ (Basileōs Agathokleous, "of King Agathocles") Brahmi legend:[x] (Rajane Agathukleyesa, "King Agathocles").

James Prinsep was then able to complete the decipherment of the Brahmi script. After acknowledging Lassen's first decipherment, Prinsep used a bilingual coin of Indo-Greek king Pantaleon to decipher a few more letters. James Prinsep then analysed a large number of donatory inscriptions on the reliefs in Sanchi, and noted that most of them ended with the same two Brahmi characters: "[x]". Prinsep guessed correctly that they stood for "danam", the Sanskrit word for "gift" or "donation", which permitted to further increase the number of known letters. With the help of Ratna Pâla, a Singhalese Pali scholar and linguist, Prinsep then completed the full decipherment of the Brahmi script. In a series of results that he published in March 1838 Prinsep was able to translate the inscriptions on a large number of rock edicts found around India, and provide, according to Richard Salomon, a "virtually perfect" rendering of the full Brahmi alphabet.

-- Brahmi script, by Wikipedia

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The chance discovery of some short inscriptions on the stone railings at Sanchi provided Prinsep with the vital clues that led to the deciphering of the pillar inscriptions. These in turn revealed the existence of India's first classical era, the importance of Buddhism, and the towering personality of Ashoka (c.273-232 BC).

With the help of a distinguished pandit he immediately set about the long pillar inscriptions. It was June, the most unbearable month of the Calcutta year; to concentrate the mind even for a minute is a major achievement. By now the Governor-General and the rest of Calcutta society were in the habit of taking themselves off to the cool heights of Simla at such a time. Prinsep stayed at his desk. The deciphering was going well but he had at last acknowledged the unexpected difficulty of the language not being Sanskrit.[???] As Hodgson had suggested, it was closer to Pali, the sacred language of Tibet, or in other words it was one of the Prakrit languages, vernacular derivations of the classical Sanskrit. This made it difficult to pin down the precise meaning of many phrases. Prinsep also had, himself, to engrave all the plates for the script that would illustrate his account. Nevertheless, in the incredibly short space of six weeks, his translation was ready and he announced it to the Society. As usual he treated them to a long preamble on the discoveries that had led up to it and on the difficulties it still presented. But, unlike other inscriptions, these had one remarkable feature in their favour. There was an almost un-Indian frankness about the language, no exaggeration, no hyperbole, no long lists of royal qualities. Instead there was a bold and disarming directness:[???!!!]
Thus spake King Devanampiya Piyadasi. In the twenty-seventh year of my annointment I have caused this religious edict to be published in writing. I acknowledge and confess the faults that have been cherished in my heart ...

The king had obviously undergone a religious conversion and, from the nature of the sentiments expressed, it was clearly Buddhism that he had adopted. The purpose of his edicts was to promote this new religion, to encourage right thinking and right behaviour, to discourage killing, to protect animals and birds, and to ordain certain days as holy days and certain men as religious administrators. The inscriptions ended in the same style as they had begun.
In the twenty-seventh year of my reign I have caused this edict to be written; so sayeth Devanampiya; ''Let stone pillars be prepared and let this edict of religion be engraven thereon, that it may endure into the remotest ages."

Something about both the language and the contents was immediately familiar: it was Old Testament. Even Prinsep could not resist the obvious analogy -- "we might easily cite a more ancient and venerable example of thus fixing the law on tablets of stone". Perhaps it was just out of reverence that he called them edicts rather than commandments. But the message was clear enough. Here was an Indian king uncannily imitating Moses[???!!!], indeed going one better; as well as using tablets of stone, he had created these magnificent pillars to bear his message through the ages.

But who was this king? "Devanampiya Piyadasi" could be a proper name but it was not one that appeared in any of the Sanskrit king lists. Equally it could be a royal epithet, "Beloved of the Gods and of gracious mien''. At first Prinsep thought the former. In Ceylon a Mr George Turnour had been working on the Buddhist histories preserved there and ad just sent in a translation that mentioned a king Piyadasi who was the first Ceylon king to adopt Buddhism. This fitted well; but what was a king of Ceylon doing scattering inscriptions all over northern India? One of the edicts actually claimed that the king had planted trees along the highways, dug wells, erected traveller's rest houses etc. How could a Sinhalese king be planting trees along the Ganges?

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After Prinsep's discoveries other Ashoka columns came to light. This one at Sanchi had been broken up for use as rollers in a gigantic sugar-cane press. Another was apparently used as a road roller.

A few weeks later Turnour himself came up with the answer. Studying another Buddhist work he discovered that Piyadasi was also the normal epithet of a great Indian sovereign, a contemporary of the Ceylon Piyadasi, and that this king was otherwise known as Ashoka. It was further stated that Ashoka was the grandson of Chandragupta and that he was consecrated 218 years after the Buddha's enlightenment.


Suddenly it all began to make sense. Ashoka was already known from the Sanskrit king lists as a descendant of Chandragupta Maurya (Sandracottus) and, from Himalayan Buddhist sources, as a legendary patron of early Buddhism. Now his historicity was dramatically established. Thanks to the inscriptions, from being just a doubtful name, more was suddenly known about Ashoka than about any other Indian sovereign before AD 1100. As heir to Chandragupta it was not surprising that his pillars and inscriptions were so widely scattered. The Mauryan empire was clearly one of the greatest ever known in India, and here was its noblest scion speaking of his life and work through the mists of 2,000 years. It was one of the most exciting moments in the whole story of archaeological discovery.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Chapter 4: Black and Time-Stained Rocks
by John Keay
Text copyright © John Keay 1981
Photographs copyright © Colour Library International Ltd. 1981

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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VI.--”Interpretation” Highlights, from "VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith."
by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c.
1837

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[George Turnour] Thanks for the lift!
[James Prinsep] Think nothing of it!
[Pandit Kamalakanta] Whatever you say, Babu!
[Lauriya Nandangarh Pillar] Aye!
[Feroz Shah Pillar] Aye!
[Lauriya Areraj Pillar] Aye!
[Allahabad Pillar] Aye!
"When legends are consulted, Pillars Will Agree", by Tara and Charles Carreon


James Prinsep is a legend, a man whose linguistic achievements were unprecedented, because he assayed to do what no one had ever done before -- ignore all the impediments to decoding the numerous stone carvings of unknown scripts that had frustrated others. Those impediments were that no one knew who had written which carvings, when they had written them, in what alphabet they had written, and what language they had used (since ancient Indian scripts encode a variety of languages using a single phonetic system). His efforts were unusually strenuous, if entirely wrong-headed in a number of ways, and continued for years, until they were crowned with a "success" he would not allow to elude him. Today, his "interpretations," which he later claimed were "translations," are celebrated as miraculous, precisely because no one can repeat them. As the picture above illustrates, Prinsep carried the fantasies of George Turnour's Dipavamsa from the pages of Ceylonese dynastic fiction across a tightrope of daring assumptions, claiming to draw from the tumbled stones of India, proof that it had once been ruled by Ashoka, whose name until then had been among the most minor kings of India’s Puranic dynastic history. The evidence of Prinsep’s own writing shows how he and Turnour determined the meanings to be applied to pillar inscriptions, and that Turnour was the dominant partner in the interpretive project, being more than willing to impute Buddhist hagiographic language to the epigraphs. Although Turnour’s “identification” of Devanampriya Priyadarsi as Ashoka took Prinsep by surprise, because Turnour had previously published the Mahavamsa, that identified Devanampriya Priyadarsi as a Ceylonese ruler, Prinsep quickly adapted, and ceded the point to Turnour in the pages of his own Asiatic Journal.

With the assistance of compliant Brahminical "scholars" who knew no better than Prinsep himself the language they were claiming to decipher, and the bizarre imputation of Indian historical significance to the Ceylonese Dipavamsa (and ignoring Turnour’s contrary statements in the Mahavamsa that both Turnour and Prinsep had previously embraced), the pair hijacked Indian history for Ashoka and his imaginary father, "Chandragupta Maurya." So that these imaginary rulers would not be without material achievements, they transferred to them the achievements of Alexander's Diadochi, who ruled the mountain kingdoms of Swat and Gandhara that now are occupied by Northwestern India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Being the works of the Diadochi, who integrated both Persian and Greek linguistic abilities within their domain, the alleged "Ashokan" rock pillars and edicts are scribed in Kharosthi (an Aramaic-derivative that reads right to left), or an unknown script that has been dubbed "Brahmi" (a script that reads left to right, and has a likely Greek origin). Unaware of the nature of these scripts, Prinsep (who had no personal linguistic ability) directed his men to compare them all with Sanskrit and Pali (assuming a Buddhist origin). Further, even if the script, be it Brahmi or Kharoshthi, was decoded by Prinsep, these were only alphabets, and he had no dictionary, nor did he know which language these scripts had been used to encode. He did not know where words ended and began. And he claimed the amazing ability to know just when it was okay to change one symbol to another, changing word lengths, spellings and meanings just as needed to solve his Buddhist crossword puzzle.

Prinsep, in his energetic, creative ignorance, crammed all epigraphic evidence into the Procrustean mold of the Dipavamsa's Ashokan fantasy, extracting the image of a "Buddhist ruler" from numerous fragments that he conveniently combined into a single message which he later claimed, without evidence, appears in the same form on all pillars -- an insupportable conjecture that the entire world of Indic studies appears to have swallowed whole. Prinsep further ignored the already-established fact that all of the coins in this region were minted by the Diadochi, and all of the archaeological finds in this area conclusively establish a continuity of Persian rule followed by Greek rule, followed by Sakan rule, followed by Kushan rule, leaving no room for mythical Mauryan rule during the disputed period of 350 BC through 185 BC.

Whatever might be said of Prinsep, he was not shy about his claimed achievements. The method he used to "interpret" the pillar inscriptions was a one-off achievement that he declared successful only because he met his own preconceived goals of proving that Ashoka was responsible for the carvings on various of the pillars. He did not develop a methodology that anyone has applied to decipher epigraphs elsewhere. Because his conclusions were so convenient to the political demands of the moment, when the British East India Company was eagerly defining the future of India by defining its past, they have never been scrutinized. And thus the absurd hubris inherent in the title above-quoted, that the pillar inscriptions themselves "agree" with his conclusions, has never been remarked upon. Until now.


"Interpretation" Highlights:

The difficulties with which I have had to contend… the orthography is sadly vitiated [the spelling is spoiled]… the language differs essentially from every existing written idiom… a degree of license is therefore requisite in selecting the Sanskrit equivalent of each word, upon which to base the interpretation — a license dangerous in the use unless restrained within wholesome rules; for a skilful pandit will easily find a word to answer any purpose if allowed to insert a letter or alter a vowel ad libitum…. some substitutions authorized by analogy to the Pali… have for their adoption the only excuse, that nothing better offers…

[F]rom the incompleteness of the lines on the right hand the context cannot thoroughly be explained… We might translate the whole of the first line [x] … and other insulated words can be recognized but without coherence…. The general object of Devanampiya's series of edicts is, according to my reading, to proclaim his renunciation of his former faith, and his adoption of the Buddhist persuasion… He addresses to his disciples, or devotees, (for so I have been obliged to translate rajaka, as the Sanskrit [x], though I would have preferred rajaka, ministers, had the first a been long … the chief drift of the writing seems directed to enhance the merits of the author…

It is a curious fact that… the name of the author of that religion is nowhere distinctly or directly introduced as Buddha, Gotama, Shakya muni, &c…. the expression Sukatam kachhati, which I have supposed to be intended for sugatam gachhati, may be thought to contain one of Buddha's names as Sugato… but the error in spelling makes the reading doubtful… In another place I have rendered a final expression …'shall give praise to Agni' — a deity we are hardly at liberty to pronounce connected with the Buddhist worship…

It is only by the general tenor of the dogmas inculcated, that we can pronounce it to relate to the Buddhist religion…. The sacred name constantly employed…. is Dhamma (or dharma), 'virtue;'… Buddhism was at that time only sectarianism; a dissent from a vast proportion of the existing sophistry and metaphysics of the Brahmanical schools, without an absolute relinquishment of belief in their gods, or of conformity in their usages, and with adherence still to the milder qualities of the religion… The very term Devanampiya, 'beloved of the gods,' shews the retention of the Hindu pantheon generally… The word [dhamma] is here evidently used in its simple sense of "the law, virtue, or religion"… though … there is no worship offered to it, no godhead claimed for it….

The word dhamma is in the document before us generally coupled with another word, vadhi… The most obvious interpretation of the word vadhi is found in the Sanskrit vriddhi, increase… 'the increase of virtue,' 'the expansion of the law,' in allusion to the rapid proselytism which it sought and obtained…. Against this interpretation, if it be urged that the dental dh is in other cases used for the Sanskrit dh, as in the word dharmma itself; in vadha, murder; bandha, bound, &c., such objection may be met by [x]… It is hardly possible to imagine that two expressions so strikingly similar in orthography as dhammavadhi and dhammavatti or vadai, yet of such opposite meaning, should be applied to the same thing. One must be wrong, and I should have had no question which to prefer…

I requested my pandit Kamalakanta to look into … this expression 'wheel of the law'… the actual employment of the term dharma vriddhi was wanting… the pandit met with many instances of the word vriddhi occurring in connection with bodhi, which as applied to the Buddhist faith was nearly synonymous with dharma… the growth of knowledge, or metaphorically the growth of the bodhi or sacred fig tree…. Daya is written taya: idavala, ajavala, and samaguni, samagini: in fact the whole volume is so full of errors of transcription that it was with difficulty Kamalakanta could manage to restore the correct reading…. This passage is corrupt and consequently obscure, but it teaches plainly that dharmavriddhi of our inscription may always be understood, like bodhivridhi, in the general acceptation of 'the Buddhist religion.' Proselytism, turning the wheel, or publishing the doctrines, whichever is preferred, was evidently a main object of the Buddhist system, and it is pointed at continually in the pillar inscription….

[ B]rahmans, the arch-opponents of the faith, are also named, under the disguise of the corrupt spelling babhana… I have said that the founder of the faith is not named. Neither is the ordinary title of the priesthood, bhikhu or bhichhu, to be found…

The words mahamata, (written sometimes mata) and dhamma mahamata, seem used for priests, 'the wise men, the very learned in religion.'… The same epithet is found in conjunction with bhikhu in the interesting passage quoted by Mr. Turnour… But it is possible that this expression has been misunderstood by the pandit… Mr. Hodgson's epitome, above alluded to, gives us another mode of interpretation perhaps more consonant with the spirit of the system… the great mother of Buddha — the universal mother, omniscience, illusion, maya, &c. — and as such may be more correctly supposed to pervade than mahamata the priests…

[T]here is no allusion to the vihara by name, nor to the chaitya, or temple: no hint of images of Buddha's person, nor of relics preserved in costly monuments. The spreading fig tree and the great dhatris, perhaps in memory of those under which his doctrines were delivered, are the only objects to be held sacred…

The edict prohibiting the killing of particular animals is perhaps one of the most curious of the whole…. Many of the names in the list are now unknown, and are perhaps irrecoverable, being the vernacular rather than the classical appellations…. I have pointed out such endeavours as have been made by the pandits to identify them… Others of the names in the enumeration of birds not to be eaten will remind the reader of the injunctions of Moses to the Jews on the same subject. The list in the 11th chapter of Leviticus comprises 'the eagle, the ossifrage, the ospray, the vulture and kite: every raven after his kind, the owl, night hawk, cuckoo and hawk; the little owl, cormorant and great owl: the swan, pelican, and gier-eagle; the stork, heron, lapwing and bat… The verse immediately following the catalogue of birds, "All fowls that creep upon all four shall be an abomination unto you," presents a curious coincidence with the expression of our tablet… which comes after … the tame dove….

But the edict by no means seems to interdict the use of animal food… It restricts the prohibition to particular days of fast… The sheep, goat, and pig seem to have been the staple of animal food at the period… but merit is ascribed to the abstaining from animal food altogether…. Ratna Paula tells me no similar rules are to be found in the Pali works of Ceylon, nor are the particular days set apart for fasting or upavasun in the inscription, exactly in accordance with modern Buddhistic practice… All the days inserted are, however, of great weight in the Hindu calendar of festivals… the two lunar days mentioned in the south tablet, tishya (or pushya) and punarvasu, though now disregarded, are known from the Lalitu Vistara to have been strictly attended to by the early priests… proving that the luni-solar system of the brahmans was the same as we see it now, three centuries before our era, and not the modern invention Bentley and some others have pretended….

(If I have read the passage aright) opposition was contemplated as conversion should proceed… royal benevolence was exercised in a way to conciliate the Nanapasandas, the Gentiles of every persuasion, by the planting of trees along the roadsides, by the digging of wells, by the establishment of bazars and serais, at convenient distances. Where are they all? On what road are we now to search for these venerable relics… [that] would enable us to confirm the assumed date of our monuments? The lat of Feroz is the only one which alludes to this circumstance, and we know not whence that was taken to be set up in its present situation by the emperor Feroz in the 14th century… This cannot be determined without a careful re-examination of the ruinous building surrounding the pillar… The chambers described by Captain Hoare as a menagerie and aviary may have been so adapted from their original purpose as cells for the monastic priesthood… The difficulties and probably cost of its transport, which, judging from the inability of the present Government to afford the expense even of setting the Allahabad pillar upright on its pedestal, must have fallen heavily on the coffers of the Ceylon monarch!...

The Allahabad version is cut off after the 3 first letters of the 19th line… The Mathia and Radhia lats contain it entire, adding only iti at the conclusion, and after Sache Sochaye in the 12th line…. The second part of the Allahabad inscription begins to be legible at the 12th letter of the 14th line. The whole is to be found on the Radhia pillar… The termination at Mathia differs in having inserted after the 3rd letter of the 20th line the words [x]… The word Ajakanani at the end of the 7th line seems accidently to have been omitted in the Feroz lat. It is supplied from the Radhia and Mathia pillars. The Allahabad version is erased from the 3rd letter of the 6th line…. The Mathia and Radhia inscriptions terminate with the tenth line. The remainder of this inscription and the following running round the Column are peculiar to the Delhi monument….

Translation of the Inscription of the North compartment….

The whole of the northern tablet, although composed of words individually easy of translation, presents more difficulties in a way of a satisfactory interpretation than any of the others. This first sentence particularly was unintelligible to Ratna Paula, who for Dusampati would have substituted Dasabala, 'the tea (elephant) powered,' a name of Buddha. The pandit's reading seems more to the purpose… The sense of this passage, although at first sight obvious enough, recedes as the construction is grammatically examined. I originally supposed that Annata was meant for Ananta, the anuswara being placed by accident on the left, and had adopted the nearest literal approach to the text in Sanskrit for the translation… but in this it was necessary to omit two long vowels, in parikhaya and sususaya to place them in the third case. By making them of the fifth case, (in Sanskrit the nyabalope panchami), and by reading Anyata, every letter can be exactly preserved with the sense given in the present translation… the most doubtful words are usritena and chaksho; the latter Ratna Paula would break into cha-kho, 'and certainly' (kho for khalu); the former may be replaced by 'by perseverance,' but this is hardly an improvement. It is also a question whether Dhamma kama is to be applied in a good sense as 'intense desire of virtue,' or in a bad, as 'dominion of the sensual passions.'… This sentence is equally simple in appearance, though ambiguous in meaning from the same cause; kamata is however here applied in the good sense with dharma…. Either 'having obtained devout meditation,' or, which is nearer the text [x], from 'abstinence from passion,' the participle termination twa from the prefixing of pra, becomes yap, or is changed to [x]… mahamata, supremely wise, may be made nearer to the text, where the third a is long, by reading mahamatra, being the holiest act of brahmanical reverence, accompanied by the closing of every corporeal orifice… This passage is somewhat obscure, but it is tolerably made out by attention to the cases of the pronouns and the four times repeated Dharma in the third case… but the aspirated d and the separation of ya would favor the reading, 'this is the true path, or rule,' &c. In either case there are errors in the genders of the pronouns…. Apasinavai… alluding either to the words [x], or the non-omission of deeds just mentioned, or to what follows…. But I prefer the more simple acts, in the neuter like the preceding kiyam: the Sanskrit kriya is however feminine…. [x] may also be read, of the same signification, purity from passion or vice. Chakhuradan is explained in Wilson's Dictionary as 'the ceremony of anointing the eyes of the image at the time of consecration', but it is also allegorically used for any instruction, or opening of the eyes derived from a spiritual teacher…. A very easy sentence; the construction is as that of the Latin ablative absolute, 'many kindnesses being done of me, towards the poor,' &c…. This is also equally clear: aprana may here allude to vegetable life, or to that which doth not draw breath; benevolence to inanimate things. For [x] also grain, food, may be intended. A better sense for apana may be obtained by reading pleasing and conciliatory demeanour…. If ye and se are here preferred, the verbs must be plural, otherwise ya and sa are required. In this, the only method of reading the text, there is a corrupt substitution of k for g twice: but other instances of the same substitution occur elsewhere…. In the translation I have supposed iyam to be ayam, in the neuter, and have taken dekhati, as allied to the vernacular dekhna, which in Sanskrit changes in this tense to drishyate or, is seen…. this is called Asinava, a word of unknown meaning. The pandits would read adinava, transgressions, but the word is repeated more than once with the same spelling, and must therefore be retained…. An obscure passage, chakho (written chukho) being neuter does not agree with esa m., overruling this as an error, we may make dekhiya, is precisely the modern Hindi subjunctive, 'may or shall it see.'… The ti does not exist on the Feroz lat though it is retained on the others. Asinava gamini is the former unknown term, which seems here to mean the nine asa or petty offences…. Some of these agree with the nine kinds of subordinate crimes enumerated in Sanscrit works, which are as follows: ignorance, deceit, envy, inebriety, lust, hypocrisy, hate, covetousness, and avarice….

Translation of the West inscription….

Had the a been long the preferable reading would have been rajaka, assemblies of princes or rulers, quasi courtiers or rulers…. [x] is the pandit’s reading, making rajaka in the vocative, 'oh devotees who are come in many souls, in hundreds of thousands of people', but in this reading janasi, which is found alike in all the texts, must be placed in the 7th case plural, … (Pali janasi ayata), 'having come into this knowledge', is, I think, preferable, and is accordingly adopted…. If the i be long, the word would signify, 'without fear, fearless.'… 'circumambulations must be practised', or 'pious acts,' will be closer to the original. To the termination evu the other lats add ti in this and the following instances. The former agrees with the vernacular hove, 'let be,' the latter with the Sanskrit 'is to be.'… 'shall they become prosperous or unfortunate,' according to the pandit; but a nearer approach to the construction of the text may be formed, 'shall know good or bad fortune.'… It is best to regard [x] as a compound of dharma and ayatam, length, endurance, — or (from ayat), 'the coming.' The word viyo is unknown to either the Sanskrit or the Pali scholar, they suppose it to be a term of applause attached to 'they shall say,' as in the modern Hindvi tumko bhala kahengi, they shall say 'well' to you, they shall applaud you. To praise, may be the root of the expression. It also something resembles the Io of the Greeks, which however like eheu, is used as an expression of lamentation, and this meaning accords also with the word viyo in Clough's Singhalese Dictionary. — Viyo, viyov, viyoga, 'lamentation, separation, absence.' Viyo-dhamma is translated 'perishable things' by Mr. Turnour in a passage from the Pitakattayan… perhaps the 'some little' given of the inhabitants of the village, and preserved shall be on account of worship,' (or they shall give trifling presents to make puja?)… This passage is rather obscure in its application to the preceding; the pandit reads 'the devotees also speak,' but the letter p is uncertain, and I would prefer, ‘shall receive, and having proceeded my devotees shall obtain the sacred offering of chandan’; [x] being read by the pandit as sandal-wood, an unctuous preparation of which is applied to the forehead in pujas, but the aspirated ch makes this interpretation dubious: chhandani are solitary private (occupations) or desires…. An unknown letter in the word chayanti or chapanti leaves this sentence in the same uncertainty. Adopting the former we have, 'by which my devotees (may) accumulate for the purpose of the worship, to pay the expenses of the worship from the accumulated nazars and offerings.'… A new subject here commences, 'moreover let my people frequent the great myrobalan trees (which also the Hindus prize very highly and desire to die under) in the night.' Thus reads the pandit, but the last word is [x], not yatu; and it may be an adverb implying, 'occasionally', or prohibiting altogether. Viyataye may also mean 'for the learned,' viyata in Pali being a scholar, in which case I should understand [x] as the name of some third tree (like the nyctanthes tristis or the white water-lily which opens its petals (or smiles at night) so as to connect the dhatri with the asvattha, or holy fig-tree, thus, 'the dhatri, nisijati and asvatha shall be for the learned.'… The same expression here recurs: 'my people accumulates (or plants?) the auspicious, or the great myrobalan'; perhaps 'caresses' is to be preferred in both places…. A new enjoinder, [x] or, following the Bakra and Mathia texts, may mean, 'the pleasure of drink (vinous liquor) is to be eschewed,’ but for this sense the words should be inverted, as [x]. The exact translation as it stands is, 'pleasure, as wine must be abandoned,' a common native turn of expression, — 'do this (as soon) take poison.'… A curiously introduced parenthesis, 'much to be desired is such glory!’... something is wanting to make the next word intelligible, avaite, &c., as if 'but they shall not be put to death by me.'… 'of men deserving of imprisonment or execution, pilgrimage (is) the punishment (awarded)?' This, the only interpretation consonant with the scrupulous care of life among the Buddhists, is supported by the genitive case of munisanam, yet a closer adherence to the letter of the text may be found in 'the adjudged punishment.' If by [x] pilgrimage be intended, 'banishment,' there is no such disproportion being the punishment awarded as might be at first supposed. It is in the eyes of natives the heaviest infliction…. The general meaning of this sentence can easily be gathered, but its construction is in some parts doubtful, the words [x] follow the same idiom as above, the three days of (or for) the highway robbers or murderers; my, generally placed before the verb or participle (as me kate passim) inclines me to read yote as [x] or [x], though usually written vute … Dine natikavakani is transcribed by the pandit 'among the poor people, blasphemies, or atheistical words,' but this does not connect with the next word ni ripayihanti, where we recognize the 3rd plural of the future tense of root to hurt or injure with the prohibitive ‘not’ prefixed. Perhaps it should be understood 'neither among the poor or the rich shall any whatever (criminals) be tortured (or maimed).' … Here are two other propositions coupled together; tanam I think should be beating, and destroying; jivitayetaram might thus be cruelty to living things. But I adopt this correction only because I see not how otherwise sense can be made…. [x] must be the vernacular corruption of 'they shall pay a fine, or give an alms.'… A doubtful passage for which I venture thus: 'It is my desire thus that the cherishing of these workers of opposition shall be for the (benefit) of the worship,' meaning that the fines shall be brought to credit in the vihara treasury?... The wind-up is almost pure Sanskrit …

Translation of the Inscription on the Southern compartment….

The words iyam dhamma lipi likhapita are here to be understood; otherwise the abstaining from animal food, and the preservation of animal life prescribed below must be limited to the year specified, and must be regarded as an edict of penance obligatory on the prince himself for that particular period…. In Sanskrit this sentence will run [x]. The Radhia and Mathia versions have avadhyani, the y being subjoined… the last is not to be found in dictionaries, but I render it 'owl,' on the authority of Kamalakant, who says rightly that this bird may alone challenge the title of bull-faced!… The nearest Sanskrit ornithological synonyme to gera a is the giddh or vulture, which I have accordingly adopted…. Amba kapilika is unknown as a bird. The name may be compounded of the Sanskrit words mother, and a tree bearing seed like pepper (pothos officinalis), perhaps therefore some spotted bird may have received the epithet…. The next two names are equally unknown, but the former may represent the dandi kak, or raven of Bengal, and the latter in this case may be safely interpreted the common crow, 'the thing of no value,' as the word imports… The next word vedaveyake may be easily Sanskritized as ‘disbelieving the Vedas,’ but such a bird is unknown at the present day…. The ganga puputaka seems to designate a bird which arrived in the valley of the Ganges at the time of the swelling of its waters, or in the rains; as such it may be the 'adjutant,' a bird rarely seen up the country but at that season…. The sankujamava, and the two names following it in the enumeration, are no longer known. The epithet karhatasayake might be applied to the chikor, quasi, sleeping with its head on one side, a habit ascribed in fable to this bird according to the pandit, or it might be rendered the Numidian crane. The panasasesimala may derive its name from feeding on the panasa or jak fruit…. I feel strongly inclined to translate these three in a general way as the perchers, the waders, or web-footed, and those that assort in pairs. The first epithet might also apply to the common fowls in the sense of capon. The mention of the wild and tame pigeon immediately after the above list obliges us to regard all included between the known names at the commencement, and these winding up the list, as birds, or nearly allied to the feathered race; otherwise panasasesimare might easily be broken into a monkey and the gangetic porpoise; and in the same way rekapade might be aptly translated ‘frog;’ sandak, sadaka, or salaka, the porcupine…. The sense requires that a new paragraph should begin with this word although from the final e of the preceding list they might seem all to be classed together in the locative case. As a noun of number, savechatupade may remain singular; in Sanskrit the sentence would run [x]; ye should equally govern a plural verb in the text, where perhaps the anuswara is omitted accidentally in eti and chakhadiyati…. This paragraph as translated in the text would run in Sanskrit with very slight modification [x]. But the expression is awkward from the repetition, (particularly in the original) of the participle kakate with its gerund kataviye. Another very plausible reading occurs to the pandit, making asanmasike vadhi kakate represent the three holy months of the Buddhist as of the brahmanical year, in the months of Aswina, Bhadra, and Karkata (or Kartik), to which these prohibitions would particularly apply; but there are two strong objections to this reading, 1st, that the order of the months is inverted, Kartik, the first in order being found last in the enumeration; and 2nd, the gerund kataviye would be left without specification of the act prohibited. Neither of these is however an insuperable objection, as the act had been just before set forth, and the months may be placed in the order of their sanctity…. This passage varies little from the Sanskrit [x], from the root ‘to hurt, or injure.’ I was led to this root from the impossibility of placing the letter [x] of the inscription in any other place in our alphabet than as [x]. In the Girnar inscription the ordinary r is rendered by [x], which is not to be found in the lats of Delhi, Allahabad, &c., where r is always expressed by l, or a curved form of r, nearly similar in figure. Adding the vowel mark i, we have precisely [x] to express the short sharp ri, in which the burring sound of the r is not convertible so easily into the more liquid sound of l. The aspirated letter ph must necessarily be represented by simple p; at least the corresponding aspirate has not yet been met with on the stone…. The Sanskrit version of this passage hardly differs from the Magadhi, [x]. The termination differs only from the circumstance of the Sanskrit masculine or feminine being replaced by the neuter in the vernacular, as in the Pali language. The contrast, "whether useless, or whether for amusement," does not sound to us so striking as 'whether for use or for amusement,' might have done; but the meaning of the injunction is that even the uselessness of the object shall not be an excuse for depriving it of life…. Jivenajive might admit of three interpretations: 'alive or not alive', jiva najive, i.e., either living or dead, but this is at [x], Sanskrit not to be nurtured. Again [x] is one name for a pheasant, or chakor. But the most obvious and most accordant interpretation is 'that which liveth by life,' to wit a carnivorous animal, which a strict Buddhist could not countenance with consistency…. We now come to the specification of those days wherein peculiar observance of the foregoing rules is enjoined. [X] seems to embrace the whole year, 'in the three four-monthly periods, or seasons;' the expression tisayam punnamasiyam might admit of translation as 'the third full moon,' but a closer agreement with the Sanskrit is adopted in the text by making the [x], which in fact on the stone is separated from the rest, an expletive, quasi 'the evening of the full moon' generally, and this agrees with the Hindu practice; see Sir William Jones' note on the calendar (As. Res. III. 263) where a syamapuja is noted for the 15th or full moon of Aswina (Kartika), a day set apart for bathing and libations to Yama, the judge of departed spirits. It will be remarked that the numbers tinni, chawudasam, pannadasam, are almost as near to the modern Hindi words tin, chauda, pandara, as to the genuine Pali, tini (neuter), chuddasa and pannarasa, three, 14th and 15th. The patipad, Sanskrit [x], is the first day after the full; the Hindus keep particularly the pratipat of the month Kartika (dyuta pratipat) when games of chance are allowed. Dhavaye I have translated 'current', Sanskrit [x], although this word has rather the signification of 'running' in an active sense…. The anuposatham, or rather uposatha, is a religious observance peculiar to the Buddhists; a fast, hardly expresses enough; it requires an abstinence from the five forbidden acts to the laity, or the 8 and 10 obligatory on the upasikas, disciples, and Samaneras, (priests.) 1, destroying life; 2, stealing; 3, fornication; 4, falsehood; 5, intoxication; 6, eating at unpermitted times; 7, dancing, singing and music; 8, exalted seats; 9, the use of flowers and perfumes; 10, the touch of the precious metals. The affix machhe, is equivalent to the Sanskrit [x], or the Pali majjhe, 'midst,' for in our alphabet the jh is always found replaced by chh; had it been separated in the text from anuposatham, it might have been construed with the ensuing words, 'fish unkilled are not to be exposed for sale’ (during the days specified). As it stands, however, avadhya must refer either to 'things unkilled,' or the things whose slaughter is above interdicted must not be sold. The Buddhist scriptures count among the uposatha divasani, or fast days, the panchami, atthami, chatuddasi and pannaras,i or full moon of every month. The first of these is not alluded to in our text, and the pratipat is perhaps included in the 15th day which begins with the evening of the full and reaches into the day after…. The interdiction is here extended to snakes and alligators, the most noxious and destructive reptiles; at least nagavansi, and kevatabhogasi, Sanskrit [x], 'the generation of nagas, and the feeders on fish,' admit of no better explanation…. athamipakhaye, Sanskrit [x], means the eighth day of each paksha or half-month, but perhaps it alludes particularly to the goshthashtami of Kartika, when according to the Bhima parakrama, 'cows are to be fed, caressed and attended in their pastures; and the Hindus are to walk round them with ceremony, keeping them always to the right-hand’… As punavasune, is one of the nakshatras or lunar asterisms, (the 7th,) the preceding word tisaye must be similarly understood as the asterism Pausha. For the reverence paid to this lunar day see the preliminary remarks. Otherwise, it might be rendered trinsye (tithi) on the 30th or full moon, as pannadasa the 15th is employed for the amavasi, or new moon; but against this reading it may be urged that the vowel i should be long (as in the Hindi tisain), and again the enumeration of the days in the luni-solar calendar is never carried beyond the 15th, for as the lunar month contains only 28-1/2 solar days, there would be great trouble in adopting the second period of 15 tithis, or lunar days, to them continuously without an adjustment on the day of change…. Sans. [x], 'cattle shall not be looked at,' or regarded with a view to employment. Were the word simply no-rakhitaviye it would imply that they were not to be 'kept' for labour on such days…. 'On the tishya and punarvasu days of the nakshatric system' must here be understood; as the term 'of every four months,’ and every four half-months would otherwise be unintelligible. The division of the Zodiac into 28 asterisms, each representing one day's travel of the moon in her course, is the most ancient system known, and peculiar to the Hindus. From the motion of the earth it will follow that the moon will be in the same stellar mansions on different days of her proper month at different times of the year, hence the impossibility of fixing their date otherwise than is here done. Although the nakshatras days do not seem now to be particularly observed, yet they are constantly alluded to in the narration of the first acts of the priests. See observations on this head in the preface. We find the word rakhane now introduced, so that it was purposely reserved for application to the beasts of burthen in the climax of the prohibitory law, 'horses and oxen shall not be tied up in the stall on these days!' The termination in e in this and the former instances is curious. It is the 7th case used like the Latin ablative absolute, even with the gerund…. 'Moreover by me having reigned for twenty-seven years, at this present time, five and twenty liberations from imprisonment (are) made.' The verb 'are' or 'shall be' being understood. It is perhaps ambiguous whether 'in this interval' applies to the duration of the 27th year, or to the time previously transpired, yavat signifying both 'until, up to,' and 'as long as, when.'…

Translation of the Inscription on the Eastern compartment….

The omission of the demonstrative pronoun iyam, this, which in the other tablets is united to dhammalipi, requires a different turn to the sentence, such as I have ventured to adopt in the translation: ‘In the 12th year of his reign the raja had published an edict, which he now in the 27th considered in the light of a sin.’ His conversion to Buddhism then must have been effected in the interval, and we may thus venture a correction of 20 years in the date assigned to Piatissa's succession in Mr. Turnour's table, where he is made to come to the throne on the very year set down for the deputation of Mahinda and the priests from Asoka's court to convert the Ceylon court…. I have placed the stop here because the following word, setam, seemed to divide the sentence, 'an edict was promulgated in the 12th year for the good of my subjects, so this having destroyed, or cancelled, I’… Apahata (is) abandoned: viz. the former dhammalipi setam (neuter) is perhaps used for sa-iyam (feminine) so, that; or supplying the word [x] it may run in the neuter [x] and continuing (Pali tam-tam) [x] this (being) as it were a sin according to dharma vardhi (my new religion, so), the expression being connected by tatpurusha samasa…. The text has petavakhati, which may be either read hitavakhati, S. [x], ‘a description for the benefit’, or hetu vakhati, S. [x], ‘description for the sake,' to wit of mankind. Pati vekhami (vakhami), S. [x], ‘I now formally renounce,’ — the affix prati gives the sense of recantation from a former opinion… Sanskrit, [x], ‘among lords, companions, and lieges.’ The last word may also be read, ‘among the sincere or faithful (adherents)’…. Hemeva, for imanva or imaneva, Sanskrit, [x], nikaya, an assembly, may signify the congregations at each of the principal viharas or monasteries…. The construction of this passage is not quite grammatical: echa must he read evamcha; then in Sanskrit [x], 'this (is) for the following after (or obedience) of the soul (myself) as connected with my faith or desire of salvation;' the word upagamane in what is called the nimitta saptami case. I have given what appears the obvious sense. The inscriptions at Allahabad, Mathia and Bakra all end with this sentence, and there is an evident recommencement in the Feroz tablets as if the remainder had been superadded at a later period…. I am by no means confident that the precise sense has been apprehended in the following curious paragraph. The word katham, ‘how’, implies a question asked, to which the answer is accordingly found immediately following, and a second question is proposed with the same preliminary ‘thus spake the raja,’ and solved in like manner, each term rising in logical force so as to produce a climax, that by conversion of the poor the rich would be worked upon, and by their example even kings' sons would be converted, thus shewing the necessity and advantage of continual preaching. For atikata, my pandit reads atikranta, making the whole line; [x]? ataran 3rd. per. pl. 1st. pret. from [x], ‘went to heaven,’ 'as ancient princes went to heaven under these expectations (departed in the faith), how shall religion increase among men through the same hopes?'… The first syllable of this word should perhaps be read no, nochajanne, though differently formed from the usual vowel o; nor will the meaning in such case be obvious. By adopting the pandit's modification, nichajanne, 'vile born,' we have a contrast with the sujanne, ‘well born’ of the next sentence: thus [x]; but though the tha of the word vadhitha belongs only to the second person plural and requires the noun to be placed in the objective case, 'you increase religion,' I incline to read it as a corruption of the future tense vadhisati, or the potential vadheyat…. The letter h in esa mahurtta (an hour, 15th of the day or night) being rather doubtful, I at first took it for a p and translated, 'as my sons and relations'. But it was remarked that only for the anuswara, thrice repeated, the word antikantan would be precisely the same as atikata, above rendered by atikranta. The same meaning would be obtained again by making putha the Sanskrit [x], ‘pure, virtuous’, 'my virtuous ancestors;' but on the whole muhurtha is to be preferred as being nearest to the original…. The verb is here written vadheyati, the ti being perhaps the intensitive or expletive [x] or [x] added to the vadheya of the preceding sentence…. 'what (may not be effected) towards the convincing and converting of the upper classes?' The word anupatipajaya however, from former analogy, will be better rendered by the Sanskrit anupratipadye, which will then require [x] to agree with sujane…. This sentence is unintelligible from the imperfection of two of the letters. The pandit would read [x], but this appears overstrained and without meaning. The last two words ‘dharm shall increase’ point out a meaning, that as (religion and conversion?) go on, virtue itself shall be increased. Adya may perhaps be read Aja…. 'at this time I have ordered sermons to be preached (or to my sons? or virtuous sermons), and I have established religious ordinances.'… 'so that among men there shall be conformity and obedience.' It may be read, 'which the people having heard (shall obey),’ and I have preferred this latter reading because it gives a nominative to the verb…. The anomalous letter of the penultimate word seems to be a compound of gni and anuswara, which would make the reading agnim namisati 'and shall give praise unto Agni,' but no reason can be assigned for employing such a Mithraic name for the deity in a Buddhist document. A facsimile alone from the pillar can solve this difficulty, for we have here no other text to collate with the Feroz lat inscription. It is probably the same word which is illegible in the 19th line. The only other name beginning with a which can well be substituted is Aja, a name of Brahma, Vishnu, or Siva, or in general terms, 'God.' Perhaps Aja, 'illusion personified as Sakti—(Maya),’ may have more of a Buddhistic acceptation….

Inscription round the shaft of Feroz's Pillar. Translation of Inscription round the column….

The only word suitable here is opposition; Ratna Paula would read wisdom. There is no such word as [x] with a cerebral dh. The more proselytism succeeded, the greater opposition it would necessarily meet…. Savapitini should doubtless be savapitani, 'caused to be heard.'… Anusathini (subauditur valhyani), ‘ordinances’, would be the more correct expression, ‘ordered, commanded’…. Yataya papi bahune anasin ayata. The first three letters are inserted in dots on the transcript in the society's possession; it is consequently doubtful how to restore the passage; a nominative plural masculine is required to agree with ayata and govern vadisanti, thus [x]. The meaning of paliye or paliyo is very doubtful: it resembles or contrasts with the viyo of a former part of the inscription. The pandit would have 'on all sides', viz. that they should become missionaries after their own conversion…. Perhaps, 'they shall employ others in speaking' (or preaching)…. The word vadatha being in the second person plural, the rajaka beginning the sentence must be in the vocative, 'oh disciples.' But even this requires a correction from vadatha to vadatha. Ayata and anapita are equivalent to the Sanskrit [x] and [x], ‘having come and being admitted by me,’ — or [x], ‘to them is commanded’, which is best because it leads to the imperative conjunction vadatha…. 'religious establishments are made,' or perhaps pillars, made neuter according to the idiom of the Pali dialect?... the very learned in religion are made, i.e. wise priests appointed. The succeeding word is erased, and it is unnecessary to fill it up, as the sense is complete without. From the last line of the inscription, where thambani occurs, the missing letter may perhaps be read dh, dhara…. Abavadikya of the small or printed text is in the large facsimile ambavabhikya, which leads us to the otherwise hazardous reading of 'mangoe trees;' the word ropapita (applied just before to the planting of trees) confirms this satisfactory substitution…. Several letters are here lost, but it is easy to supply them conjecturally having the two first syllables, nisi and the participle kalapita, ‘and houses to put up for the night in are caused to be built;’ apanani are taverns or places for drinking. Space for one letter follows [x], probably tata tata, Sanskrit [x], ‘here and there’…. literally, 'for the entertainment of beast and man.' The five following letters are missing, which may be supplied by [x], or some similar word…. This neat sentence will run thus in Sanskrit, altering one or two vowels only, [x]. In this the only alteration made are yatha for ya; and rajibhi from rajihi (natural to the Pali dialect,) the third case of raji, ‘a line or descent.’ The application of nama indefinitely is quite idiomatical. The ta may be inserted after hi, but it will read without, 'this people as they take pleasure under my dynasty on account of the various profit and well-being by means of entertainment in my town (or country), (tatha must be here understood) so let them take cognizance of (or partake in) this the fame (or laudable effect) of my religion.' Purihi rajihi may also be understood as in ‘town and country,’ in the translation…. The large facsimile corrects the vowels, te for ta, vidhesu for vidhasu, &c. of the printed transcript; mata is the same in both, but in other places we find mata. The passage may run [x]; the word 'among unbelievers' cannot well be admitted here; 'with kindnesses and favors' may be the word intended, which though feminine in Sanskrit is here used in the neuter. For vayapata, R. P. would read, ‘obtaining age, or growing old’; in the latter case the sense will be that the 'wise unto salvation' growing old in the manifold riches of my condescension and in the favors of the ascetics and the laity growing old — they in the sanghat (sanghatasi for sangha te) or places of assembly made by me — shall attain old age? But mahamata will be much more intelligible if rendered ‘tenets or doctrines’, in lieu of ‘teachers.’ (See preliminary remarks.) Should sanghat be a right reading, it gives us the aspirated g, which is exactly the form that would be deduced from the more modern alphabets; but if an h, the sense will be the same. From the subsequent repetition of the proposition ime vyapata hahanti, with so many nouns of person in the locative case, it seems preferable to take arthesu and pasandesu in the same sense, which may be done by reading the former either as, ‘among the afflicted or frightened, or the rich.’ The verb variously written papanti, hohanti, hahanti, &c. may be [x] rather than [x]; in the yanluk tense, 'shall be occasionally.' [X] here also and further on has the meaning of 'on account of.'… We have here undoubtedly the vernacular word for brahman babhanesu for among brahmans (those without trade), and laity (those following occupations)… The pandit would read, 'do ye enter in or go amongst' (or stedfastly pursue their object), meaning the mahamatas among the people; but this is inconsistent with the te te which require, 'among these several parties respectively, these my several wise men and holy men shall find their way.' The double expression throughout is peculiar, as is the addition after the verb of 'and among all other classes of the Gentiles.' … Here the word [x] is substituted for [x], meaning 'the finished practitioners in religious ceremonial'; for Kamakha read kamaka, or kamatha, [x]; but if mahamata be made 'doctrines', kamaka must be rendered ceremonial…. Devinam S. [x], 'among the whole of my queens', in contradistinction to ni (?) rodhanasi, which may mean 'concubines’… 'with the utmost respect and reverence,' there is evidently a letter wanting after a, which is supplied by a d… The pandit here also enables me to supply a hiatus of several letters: ‘patita (yantu) let them (the priests) thus discreetly or respectfully make their efforts (at conversion)’, — yatanam, exertion pratita, respectful. ...... hida cheva disasu, 'in heart and abroad, within and without;' the application is dubious. I prefer [x] 'with the eyes,' cha dalakanam. The pandit suggests [x] from wife (whence may be formed [x] possessively) of inferior wives, women, but I find 'a son' in Wilson's dictionary, and necessarily prefer a word exactly agreeing with the text…. 'of other queens and princes;' danavisagesu is here put in the plural, which makes it doubtful whether the former should not also be so…. These two words in the 4th case must be connected with the preceding sentence, for the purpose of religious abstraction, apadanam, 'restraining the organs of sense,' has however the second a long. [X] (fem.) is a nazar or present, a calamity; 'for the due ascertainment of dharma,' for a regular religious instruction?... Iyam, feminine, agreeing with pratipatti, the worthier of the two as in Latin…. Of these three coupled qualities the two first are known from the north tablet. The third in the large facsimile reads mandave sadhame, which may be rendered 'among the squalid-clothed, the outcasts (lokasa) of the world.' But though agreeing letter for letter, the sense is unsatisfactory, and I have preferred a translation on the supposition that the derivation of the words is from madhava, sweet, bland, and sadhu, honest. Sadhu is also a term of salutation used to those who have attained arahat-hood…. 'rendering service to father and mother, and the same to spiritual guides;' the next word vaya mahalakanam, is interpreted by R. P. as, 'the very aged'; there is no corresponding Sanskrit word; [x] may be the bald-headed, from forehead. A great man is called barra kapal, from a notion that a man's destiny is written on his forehead; thus, in the Naishadha, when the swan bringing a message from Damoyanti is caught by Nala raja, it laments: "Why, oh Creator! with thy lotus hand, who makest the tender and the cold wife, hast you written on my forehead the burning letter which says, thou shalt be separated from thy mate?"… Duwehi for two-fold, viz.: first 'ia form', the second, niritiya for nrite, dancing according to the pandit; but I would prefer dwihi akarehi (in the Pali 3rd case plural), 'by two signs or tokens;' viz. by voluntary practice of its observances, and secondly 'by freedom from violence, security against persecution.' The Sanskrit would be [x] in the dual…. The half effaced word cannot well be explained; the second is 'let it be reverenced', or 'let reverence be,' probably the word is repeated here as before…. The final sentence I did not quite understand when writing my first notice, having supposed silathabhani to represent the Sanskrit silasthapana. After careful reconsideration with the pandit, we recognize the Pali as rather the exact equivalent for silastambha, a stone pillar (made neuter); the sentence may therefore thus be transcribed [x]. The translation is given in the text, Adhara, a receptacle, a stone intended to contain a record. The words silathabhani and siladhalakani, however, being in the plural and neuter, require kataviyani, also neuter, which may be effected by altering the next word ena to ani; ena being superfluous though admissible as a duplication of esa…. shall proclaim it on all sides (?)… address on all sides (or address comfortably?)… and (resting-places?) for the night… Let the priests deeply versed in the faith (or let my doctrines?) penetrate… I have observed the ordinances myself as the apple of my eye (?)…

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James Prinsep's references to George Turnour in “Interpretation” article:

1. I have said that the founder of the faith is not named. Neither is the ordinary title of the priesthood, bhikhu or bhichhu to be found, though the word is so frequently met with among the Bhilsa danams. The words mahamata, (written sometimes mata) and dhamma mahamata seem used for priests 'the wise men, the very learned in religion.' — The same epithet is found in conjunction with bhikhu in the interesting passage quoted by Mr. Turnour in the preceding article on the Pitakattayan, (see page 506.)

2. But I must now close these desultory remarks, in the hope of hereafter rendering them more worthy of the object by future study and research; and proceed to lay before the Society, first a correct version of the inscription in its own character, and then in Roman letters which I have preferred to Nagari, because the Pali language has been already made familiar to that type by MM. Bournouf and Lassen, as well as by Mr. Turnour's great edition of the Mahavansa, now just issued from the press.

3. 7 / viyo vadisanti 9. [It is best to regard [x] as a compound of dharma and ayatam, length, endurance, — or (from ayat), 'the coming.' The word viyo is unknown to either the Sanskrit or the Pali scholar, they suppose it to be a term of applause attached to [x] 'they shall say,' as in the modern Hindvi tumko bhala kahengi, they shall say 'well' to you, they shall applaud you. [x] to praise, may be the root of the expression. It also something resembles the Io of the Greeks, which however like eheu is used as an expression of lamentation; and this meaning accords also with the word viyo in Clough's Singhalese Dictionary. — Viyo, viyov, viyoga, 'lamentation, separation, absence.' Viyo-dhamma is translated 'perishable things' by Mr. Turnour, in a passage from the Pitakattayan. See p. 523.]

4. 2 / vasa abhisitename, dhammalipi likhapita 1 [The omission of the demonstrative pronoun iyam, this, which in the other tablets is united to dhammalipi, requires a different turn to the sentence, such as I have ventured to adopt in the translation: In the 12th year of his reign the raja had published an edict, which he now in the 27th considered in the light of a sin. His conversion to Buddhism then must have been effected in the interval, and we may thus venture a correction of 20 years in the date assigned to Piatissa's succession in Mr. Turnour's table, where he is made to come to the throne on the very year set down for the deputation of Mahinda and the priests from Asoka's court to convert the Ceylon court.]
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Fri Dec 31, 2021 7:58 am

"Editor" James Prinsep's notes to "Further notes on the inscriptions on the columns at Delhi, Allahabad, Betiah, &c.
by the Hon'ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service*
The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, Jul-Dec
1837



[James Prinsep: We consider it a duty to insert this paper, just received, in the same volume with our version of the inscription, adding a note or two in defence of the latter where we consider it still capable of holding its ground against such superior odds!]

George Turnour: The thorough investigation of this subject is of such paramount importance and deep interest, and as (if I have rightly read the concluding sentence of "the fifth inscription round the shaft of Feroz's pillar," which appears for the first time in the July journal,) we have yet five more similar columns to discover in India, I venture to suggest that you should publish my translation also, together with the text in the ancient character, transposed literatim from my romanized version.

[James Prinsep: (Re 10 pillars) We know of five, therefore three remain — the Bhittri may be a fragment of one; that at Bakrabad, and one near Ghazeepore are without inscriptions.

(Re publishing Turnour’s translation of Feroz’s pillar) To this we must demur: we have examined the greater part from perfect facsimiles, and cannot therefore consent to publish a version which we know to deviate materially from the original text.]


George Turnour: The substantive "patipadaye," however, which you convert into a verb, does not, I am confident, in the Pali language, admit of the rendering "I acknowledge and confess" in the sense of renunciation.

[James Prinsep: The objection to consider patipadaye as a verb does not seem very consistent with the three examples given, all of which are verbs — patipajjamati (the double jj of which represents the Sanskrit dy not d) S. pratipadyama iti or in atmani pada amahe; — and twice, patipajjitubanti (S. Pratipadyatavyam iti). Pada is certainly the root of all; which with the prefix pati (S. prati) takes the neuter sense of 'to follow after (or observe);' while by lengthening the a, pada, it has the active or causal sense of to make observance, to declare, ('padyate, he goes, padayati or padayate, he makes to go,) the only alteration I bespoke was palate to palatam, to agree with dosam — but as the anuswara is very doubtful in the Allahabad copy, I incline to read (Sanskritice hidayatapalatah dosahpatipadaye, 'I declare (what was) the sin cherished in my heart' — with a view of course to renunciation. The substitution of u for o has many examples: — but I never pretended that the reading of this passage was satisfactory.]

George Turnour: The following example is also taken from the Parinibbanan sutan in the Dighanikayo, containing the discourses of Buddho delivered while reclining on his deathbed, under the sal trees at Kusinara. The interrogator Anando was his first cousin, and favorite disciple. “Kathan Mayan, Bhante, Matugame patipajjamati*?”

[James Prinsep: By permutation d becomes jj, (rather dy.]

George Turnour: It is evident, therefore, that the substantive "patipadaye" signifies "observance and adherence" and cannot be admitted to bear any signification which implies "renunciation." It is almost immaterial whether the next word be the adjective "annata" or the adjective "ananta" — I prefer the latter. But "agaya," cannot possibly be the substantive "aghan" "sin," in the accusative case plural.

[James Prinsep: My critic has here been misled by my looseness of translation— had he followed my Sanskrit, he would have seen that aghaya was never intended as an accusative plural of agham: I must parse and construe the whole, premising that the texts differ in regard to the final a of the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th words, which in some copies of the Delhi inscription are long, while on the Allahabad facsimile they are all short. In the former case (the one I previously adopted) the reading is (Sanskritice.)

adj. fem. s. 5.
Anyata-aghaya
subs. fem. s. 5.
dharmakamataya,
sub. nt. s. 4
aghaya,
sub. fem. s. 5.
parikshaya,
ditto
aghaya
ditto,
susrusaya
3rd case
aghena
sub. s. 3
bhayena,
sub. s. 3
aghena utsahena,
pro. 1
esa —
sub. s. 1
chakshuh,
pro. 6
mama
verb pot. s. 3.
anustheyat

"from the all-else-sinful religion-desire, from examination to sin, from desire to listen to sin (sc. to hear it preached of) by sin-fear, by sin-enormity, — thus may the eye of me be confirmed."

In this translation I have preserved every case as in the Sanskrit, and I think it will be found that the same meaning is expressed in my first translation.

If the short a be preferred, the 5th case, kamataya and parikshaya, both feminine substantives must be changed to the 3rd, Sans. kamatayai and parikshayai (in Pali, kamataya and parikhaya) — and the sense will be only changed to "by the all-else-sinful desire of religion, — by the scrutiny into the nature of sin, &c. That kamata (not kama) is the feminine noun employed (formed like devata from deva) is certain: because the nominative case is afterwards introduced 'dharma-preksha, dharma kamata cha, &c. Mr. Turnour converts these into plural personal nouns, "the observers of dharma, the delighters in dharma" — but such an interpretation is both inconsistent with the singular verb (varddhisati), and with the expression suve suve (svayam svayam) 'each of itself '— I therefore see no reason to give up any part of my interpretation of the opening sentence of the inscription.]


George Turnour: The absence of the aspirate would not be a serious objection, but "aghan*" is a neuter noun of the 12th declension. The accusative plural would be "agani or age" and not "agaya," which I read "agaya" the dative singular.

[James Prinsep: Aghan is said to be sometimes masculine, agho which makes aghe in the accusative plural.]

George Turnour: It would be unreasonable to multiply quotations which I could readily do, for pronouncing that Piyadaso, Piyadasino or Piyadasi, according as metrical exigencies required the appellation to be written, was the name of Dhanmasoko before he usurped the Indian empire; and it is of this monarch that the amplest details are found in Pali annals.

[James Prinsep: Piyadassino is the genitive case of Piyadasi]

George Turnour: The five short insulated lines at the foot of the Allahabad pillar, having reference to this second empress, is, by its position in the column, a signal evidence of the authenticity, and mutual corroboration of these inscriptions and the Pali annals. As Dhanmasoko married her in the 34th year of his reign, she could not have been noticed in the body of the inscriptions which were recorded on the 27th. I fear we do not yet possess a correct transcript of these five lines*.

[James Prinsep: See page 966 which had not reached the author when the above was written.

The five short lines in the old character that follow the Dharmalipi at a short distance below (see Capt. Burt's lithograph) were the next object of my inspection, I have represented what remains of them faithfully in fig. 1, of PI. LVI. which will be seen to differ considerably from Lieut. Burt's copy of the same. The reading is now complete and satisfactory in lines 1, 2, and 5. The 3rd and 4th lines are slightly effaced on the right hand. We can also now construe them intelligibly, though in truth the subject seems of a trivial nature to be so gravely set forth.
Devanampiyasa vachanena savata mahamata
Vataviya: Eheta dutiyaye deviye rane
Ambavadika va alameva danam: Ehevapati. . .
Kichhiganiya titiye deviye senani sava. . .
Dutiyaye deviyeti ti valamatu karuvakiye

'By the mandate of Devanampiya, at all times the great truth (Mahamata* [See page 574. In Sanskrit [x] (or perhaps rather [x] by his desiring, wishing) [x] (fit or proper to be said,) meaning perhaps that this object had been provided for by pecuniary endowment.]) is appointed to be spoken. These also, (namely) mango-trees and other things are the gift of the second princess (his) queen. [[x].] And these for. . . of Kichhigani the third princess, the general (daughter's . . . ?) Of the second lady thus let the act redound with triple force [[x], corresponding as nearly as the construction of the two languages will allow.].

Unable to complete the sentence regarding the third queen, it is impossible to guess why the second was to enjoy so engrossing a share of the credit of their joint munificence, unless she did the whole in the name and on the behalf of them all! — It will be interesting to inquire whether by any good chance the name of queen Kichhigani is to be found in the preserved records of Asoka's reign, which are so circumstantial in many particulars. It is evident the Buddhist monarch enjoyed a plurality of wives after his conversion, and that they shared in his religious zeal.

As for the interlineation, it may be dismissed with a very few words. Instead of being a paraphrase or translation of the ancient text as from its situation had been conjectured, it is merely a series of unconnected scribblings of various dates, cut in most likely by the attendants on the pillar as a pretext for exacting a few rupees from visitors,—and while it was in a recumbent position. In the specimen of a line or two in plate LVI. the date Samvat 1413 is seen along with the names of Gopala putra, Dhanara Singh and others undecipherable. In plate LV. also may be seen a Bengali name with Nagari date 1464 and a bottle-looking symbol; and another below [x] Samvat 1661 Dhamaraja. These may be taken as samples of the rest which it would be quite waste of time to examine.

It is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs of its being re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording the latter event. Thus, that it was overthrown, sometime after its first erection as a Silasthambha or religious monument by order of the great Asoka in the third century before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names (of visitors ?) in a character intermediate between No. 1. and No. 2. in which the m, b, &c. retain the old form, as in the Gujerat grants dated in the third century of the Samvat. Of these I have selected all I can find on the pillar:—they are easily read as far as they go. Thus No. 7, under the old inscription in Plate LVI. is [x] narasa. It was read as Baku tate in the former copy. No. 8 is nearly effaced: No. 9 may be Malavadi ro lithakandar (?) prathama dharah. The first depositor of something ? No. 10, is a name of little repute: [x] ganikakasya, 'of the patron of harlots.' No. 11 is clearly [x] Narayana. No. 12,[x] Chandra Bhat. No. 13 appears to be halachha seramal. And No. 14 is not legible though decidedly in the same type.

Now it would have been exceedingly inconvenient if not impossible to have cut the name, No. 10, up and down at right angles to the other writing while the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the case since the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unreadable position.

This epoch seems to have been prolific of such brief records: it had become the fashion apparently to use seals and mottos; for almost all (certainly all the most perfect) yet discovered have legends in this very character. One in possession of Mr. B. Elliott of Patna, has the legend lithographed as fig. 15, which may be read [x] Sri Lokanavasya, quasi 'the boatman of the world.' General Ventura has also brought down with him some beautiful specimens of seals of the same age, which I shall take an early opportunity of engraving and describing.

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Selections From the Allahabad Column

But to return from this digression. The pillar was re-erected as 'Samudra gupta's arm' in the fourth or fifth century, and there it probably remained until overthrown again by the idol-breaking zeal of the Musalmans: for we find no writings on it of the Pala or Sarnath type, (i.e. the tenth century), but a quantity appear with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, (A.D. 1363) down to 1660, odd: and it is remarkable that these occupy one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. There it lay, then, until the death of the Emperor Akber; immediately after which it was once more set up to commemorate the accession (and the genealogical descent) of his son Jehangir.

A few detached and ill executed Nagari names, with Samvat dates of 1800, odd, shew that even since it was laid on the ground again by general Garstin, the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity has been at work, and will only end with the approaching re-establishment of the pillar in its perpendicular pride under the auspices of the British government.

-- VII. Note on the Facsimiles of the various Inscriptions on the ancient column at Allahabad, retaken by Captain Edward Smith, Engineers, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c. &c., The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, July to December, 1837.]


George Turnour: I have not had time to examine the fifth inscription round the Delhi column carefully, and I apprehend that the transcript is not altogether perfect yet. The last line and half of this inscription, I should be disposed to read thus:
"Dewananpiya delivered this (injunction). Thereafter eight stone columns have been erected in different quarters like the inscriptions on Dhanmo established at Wesali. By this means this (inscription) will be perpetuated forever."

If this reading be correct*, as I have said before, we have still five more of these columns to discover in India.

[James Prinsep: This reading involves so many alterations of the text that I must demur to it
, especially as on re-examination I find it possible to improve my own reading so as to render it (in my own opinion at least) quite unobjectionable. The correction I allude to is in the reading of atha, which from the greater experience I have now gained of the equivalents of particular letters, I am inclined to read as the Sanskrit verb astat (Pial atha). — The whole sentence Sanskritized will be found to differ in nothing from the Pali — except in that stambha is masculine in the former and neuter in the latter: — and that the verb kataviya is required to agree with it. Iyam dharmalipi ata astat, sila-stambha (ni)va siladharika(ni)va tatah kartaviya (ni), ena (or yena) esha chirasthiti syat. "In order that this religious edict may stand (remain), stone pillars and stone slabs (or receptacles) shall be accordingly prepared;— by which the same may endure unto remote ages." Atha might certainly be read as ashto eight, but the construction of the sentence is thereby much impaired, and further it is unlikely that any definite number should be fixed upon, without a parallel specification of the places where they should be erected.]

George Turnour: The Inscription fronting West….
9. rodhanani paticharisanti; tepi chakkena wiyowadisanti ye na me rajjaka


[James Prinsep: The letter chh is read as r throughout; and the letter u as ru.]

George Turnour: 20. wadhati: wiwidhadanmacharane; sayame danasan wibhagoti."

[James Prinsep: By comparing this version with that published in July [VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called the lat of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia [Lauriya-Araraj (Radiah)] and Mattiah [Lauriya-Nandangarh (Mathia)] pillar, or lat, inscriptions which agree therewith, by James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c., The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, Part II, July to December, 1837], it will be seen to what extent the license of altering letters has been exercised. The author has however since relinquished the change of the Raja's name, in consequence of his happy discovery of Piyadasi's identity.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Mon Jan 03, 2022 5:54 am

Is Sanskrit really the best language for computer programming?
by techzoworld
April 24, 2018
https://techzoworld.wordpress.com/2018/ ... ogramming/

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Image

I spend a lot of time on the internet searching for interesting things to learn. The search isn’t specific and neither is the inflow of information. I take what I get. Sadly some of it is utter nonsense. I happened upon a few articles recently that suggest Sanskrit, the ancient nigh dead Indian language, is good for computer programming and that NASA uses it to program artificial intelligence. A peek at the headlines triggered my bullshit alarm -– we should all have one -– but, in those moments of curiosity, I perused their contents. They were so very devoid of rationality, I had to search for a fun little activity to take my mind off it. Betteridge’s law of headlines did the trick. Betteridge’s law: If the headline to an article is a question, the answer is always no.

What it’s all about

There was a paper by Rick Briggs, a NASA researcher, published in the spring issue of Artificial Intelligence magazine in 1985 (Volume 6 Number 1), entitled ‘Knowledge Representation in Sanskrit and Artificial Intelligence’. It can be found here on AAAI’s website. Noteworthy: ‘Rick Briggs’ at best is a pseudonym. There are absolutely no other works in related fields attributed to this name. Another less likely plausible inference is that Rick Briggs just doesn’t exist -– there are no publicly available records of him ever having worked for RIACS, NASA. That, however, in no way impacts the merit of his arguments.

It begins with Briggs describing the then current state of events surrounding artificial intelligence. It had been quite an undertaking to design unambiguous representations of natural languages for the purpose of computer processing. Natural languages -– the way humans communicate with each other -– had not been easy to parse and transform into information that a machine could understand. Even if they could overcome that barrier, there was the issue of ambiguity -– statements could mean different unrelated things, depending on the context. A human who spoke the language wouldn’t find it hard to understand what was actually meant, but computers would. It led to the belief that there might not be a way to effectively exchange information with machines without the help of an artificial language.

Briggs, in his paper, challenged that belief by drawing attention to the fact that there has existed at least one natural language which could, in theory, be used as an artificial language. It had a logical structure that mapped on to certain knowledge representation schemes perfectly. That language, of course, was Sanskrit.


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The contents

The paper provides a whole lot of compelling arguments that show it is indeed possible for a natural language to work as an artificial one. That’s it. It does not at all claim that Sanskrit has to be that language. Sure, it uses Sanskrit as a case study, but that’s all there is to it. A quick read of the 8 page piece should make that clear.

If you’ve haven’t time for that, or are unable to comprehend the piece (likelier, but we’ll pretend it’s the former), here’s a gist of the points he tried to make. I’ve used my natural intelligence to summarise it. It’s not chronological but exhaustive.

1. A perfect natural language must have these characteristics.
• A statement should be easy to break down into a semantic net or an array of semantic data. (He referred to the array as series of triplets.)
• It should be easy to compile a natural language statement from the data array. It should be human readable and comprehensible.
• The statements coming out should be about the same as the ones going in. It shouldn’t sound weird, nor should it lose or gain information.
• Deviations if any should be minimum.

2. Sanskrit, as it turns out, does all of that. It has an extremely logical structure. It’s grammar rules allow a kind of precision unmatched by other languages. It has a near unchanging syntax.

3. The computer readable data representation of a Sanskrit statement can be obtained by simply placing the individual words of the sentence in an array. This is aided by the fact that word order simply makes no difference in Sanskrit.

4. That very sentence can be reconstructed by putting together the contents of the array.

5. The language is extremely concise. It has perhaps the highest information to word count ratio. There are no redundancies.

Brilliant stuff, isn’t it? The following is an excerpt from the last paragraph of Briggs’ work.

It is interesting to speculate as to why the Indians found it worthwhile to pursue studies into unambiguous coding of natural language into semantic elements. It is tempting to think of them as computer scientists without the hardware, but a possible explanation is that a search for clear, unambiguous understanding is inherent in the human being.


Make a note. The conclusion of the paper was that humans are capable of using an extremely precise unambiguous language. That should save you some back and forth when we debunk baseless claims.

A few truths

Sanskrit is a brilliant language. I’m not kidding and neither am I being sarcastic. It really is the most precise language in existence, with Latin being a close second. However, it isn’t a perfect language and it isn’t natural either.

Sanskrit’s efficiency

Sanskrit makes use of declensions in nearly every part of speech. This means the ends of words, every single one of them, change depending on the part of speech they’re supposed to be. Even proper nouns aren’t exempt. The ends of people’s names change in a sentence depending on whether they’re the subject or the object. This is a bit of a problem for people whose names don’t end in a vowel as there is no provision for that in Sanskrit.

The rules of inflections are precise. Just by knowing the ends of a word, one could know its role in a sentence. This makes word order a non issue. A three word sentence could be written six different ways and a four word sentence in twenty four. None of the permutations would alter their meaning.

Because of the use of declensions, a lot of information is packed in fewer words. This makes transmission of information extremely efficient in speech. Sanskrit is not the only language that can do this though. Latin, an equally dead language, also allowed word order independent sentences in a similar way. Latin too had quite a complicated set of grammar rules. It, like Sanskrit, isn’t spoken very much because humans naturally tend to deviate toward simplicity.


Storage issues

Despite the arguably best verbal efficiency, there are a few issues with the language in actual knowledge representation. Sanskrit has a glyph based script rather than the alphabet based script as with Latin and its derivatives.

Latin alphabets take one byte of space each. Sanskrit written in the current character set for the Devanagari script is however not an efficient way of storing information. Here’s a list of why that is.


• Vowels or consonant glyphs with the inherent vowel takes up 2 bytes of space each.
• The combination of a consonant glyph and a different vowel takes 4 bytes.
• A consonant with a suppressed vowel is 4 bytes.
• A double consonant glyph is 6 bytes.
• A double consonant glyph combined with a vowel is 8 bytes.

Latin script, on the other hand, is consistent. You spend exactly the same number of bytes in conveying a message as the number of letters it contains. My name, ‘Denver’, takes up 6 characters, 6 keystrokes and 6 bytes in the Latin script. The crude and borderline terrible Devanagari transliteration, ‘डेन्वर्’, takes 3 glyphs (in some renditions, it might look like four -– in that case, the two in the middle are a single glyph), 7 careful keystrokes and 14 bytes.

If the character set were redone to start with Devanagari characters rather than the Latin ones, they could reduce space consumption to about a half. Unfortunately, that would mean I’ll be spending a byte more to write my name in the wrong script and still have it screw up the pronunciation. Sanskrit is phonemically precise in that the pronunciation of words don’t deviate. It does not have a universal phonology. A native speaker of a Sanskrit derived language will find it hard to sound in other languages.


Sanskrit’s naturalness

The fact is that Sanskrit, unlike other languages, hasn’t had a natural evolution. Nearly everything about Sanskrit, as is known today, was codified sometime around the year 500 BCE by one person, Panini, who was bent on making it as precise and concise as was humanly possible. Sanskrit didn’t simply happen to have the required characteristics of an artificial language by coincidence. It’s there by design. It is indeed the work of a primitive computer scientist without the hardware. This is not to say Panini intended for his language to be used with machines. At best, his work caught the eye of a pattern seeking human in need of an answer to a difficult, perhaps unsolvable problem -– it was bound to happen sooner or later.

The Sanskrit of today, the one reportedly spoken by a few tens of thousands, is about the same as that codified two and a half millennia ago. The language doesn’t evolve, it can’t evolve. Unlike natural languages, speakers of Sanskrit cannot be classified as proficient or eloquent as its precision does not allow gradations. You either speak the language or you don’t; there is no grey. Even artificial languages do not suffer that restriction.

Sanskrit was never widely spoken. During the past two and a half millennia, Sanskrit scholarship was an exclusive club. None other than the Brahmins were allowed to use it. That all literary works in Sanskrit was made accessible only to the Brahmins, spelt its doom. The thing about languages is that, like living organisms, languages too evolve by natural selection.

Natural languages thrive by fitting the need of the era. The flexible of the lot flourish organically forcing the less prominent ones to wither away. Sanskrit’s resistance to change was the reason of its demise. This is essentially why every attempt to revive the language will fail, no exceptions.


The argument of "brahmanical fantasy" has been used in other areas as well. Cf. Mill's statement on the Brahmins above. Also, in connection with the Dhatupatha, a list of some two thousand verbal roots of which more than half have not been met with in Sanskrit literature, it has been suggested that it was "concocted" by the Indian grammarians (Whitney 1884; reprinted in Staal 1992: 142). In fact, the Indian pandits have been accused of inventing the Sanskrit language (Dugald Stewart and Christoph Meiners, quoted in Rosane Rocher 1983: 78).

-- Chapter 4: Law Books in an Oral Culture: The Indian Dharmasastras, Excerpt from "Studies in Hindu Law and Dharmaśastra", by Ludo Rocher


The actual point

The paper does not at all contain any claim, mention or indication that Sanskrit can be used as a programming language. In fact, the one and only instance of the word ‘program’ was in an example sentence meant to illustrate semantic nets. (The subject was a programmer.) Every single use of the word ‘code’ or variations thereof have been used to describe sentence construction rules or grammatical syntax. Notice that in my systematic summarisation of Briggs’ piece, the word ‘program’ doesn’t appear once.

The question Briggs tried to answer was whether it was possible for one to create a perfect language for knowledge representation. If a computer scientist were to codify a new language humans could use just as well as a machine, what would the end result look like? He then shows how Sanskrit manages to fulfil all of those requirements
. To him, it was astonishing to find that someone who lived a long while ago could accomplish such a feat of brilliance; the entire piece is a recurring acknowledgement of that fact.

Even after all of that, he never once suggested that Sanskrit should be used for knowledge representation. He insisted however that if anyone attempted to create such a language, they would do well to follow a similar pattern of processes as Panini did with Sanskrit.

Not entirely right

Briggs did get a few things wrong in his piece. I wouldn’t say he meant to mislead; his work shows his genuine appreciation for Sanskrit. There are, however, a few fallacies he seemed to have overlooked.

A precise language, by definition, wouldn’t allow the many stylistic devices that make natural languages worth using. A language like that wouldn’t allow metaphors, innuendos, synecdoches, litotes, hyperboles, puns and personification -– they’re all inherently ambiguous. Sanskrit however is capable of all of those, its literature being a glaring proof of it. Without exactly those seven, the totality of Sanskrit works would see their volume reduced to about a quarter. On the other hand, owing to word order independence, devices like hypallages, anastrophes, hyperbatons and general inversions are baked into every statement made in the language; they thus don’t really stand out.

The degree of precision that Sanskrit affords its speakers prevents verbosity i.e. purposefully lengthening prose for effect. Attempts at verbosity leads to a redundant prose. Translating to Sanskrit from any other language would thus lead to loss of data. This data isn’t particularly useful in the context of the prose, but having it allows one to deduce information about the author -– things like their personality and state of mind while writing. A language that attains precision does so at the expense of creativity. This clearly doesn’t happen with Sanskrit considering the abundance of Sanskrit works.

Here’s the thing though. People who praise Sanskrit for its precision are the same people who suggest that works in the language need interpretation by scholars. They’re the same people who bend their scriptures to make them appear to reference newly discovered scientific facts. They say Sanskrit doesn’t need disambiguation [the act or process of distinguishing between similar things, meanings, names, etc., in order to make the meaning or interpretation more clear] while failing at translating all of the “ancient knowledge” trapped in their literature.


So what happened?

All of what we’ve discussed until now comes from a single paper in a magazine issue published a little under 30 years ago. Every single hoax about Sanskrit as programming language can be traced back to it. From the hundreds of internet articles parroting the supposed “findings” of the NASA researcher, through the thousands of derivative works attempting to explain the efficacy of Sanskrit as a computer language in their own ways, to Indian politicians claiming that knowing Sanskrit is an obligatory prerequisite for computer literacy, all of that, everything goes back to that one paper. If I wasn’t already clear (or you skipped the above sections), the paper suggests nothing of the sort.

Of course, that doesn’t in and of itself mean anything. It is possible that the paper just gets quoted a lot for having kickstarted all of that research into Sanskrit. The logical next question is, is there any research at all? So, I dedicated about two hours of my info-binging time to look up research related to Sanskrit. Almost all of the publicly accessible real academic research on the language is about its literature, its cultural impact and decoding its complex grammatical rules –- yes, that’s still a work in progress apparently. Every research that relates to both, the language and computation, are conducted under dedicated Sanskrit research academies based in India. I’m not saying research done in India is any less worthy than elsewhere. However, there is none to back the claims about Sanskrit gaining a foothold in modern computing.

So, how’s artificial intelligence been doing all those years since 1985? Well, good… pretty good actually. For instance, the most popular search engine, Google, does extremely well in guessing what it is you mean when you enter your search terms –- that is indeed an example of AI if you’re wondering. Facebook’s graph search is a semantic search engine meant to answer natural language queries pertaining to interactions on the social network. Bing’s contextual search is capable of answering your follow up queries almost as if it were a conversation. Shazam and SoundHound can tell you what song is playing around you. Genius -– a feature of Apple’s iTunes can create a playlist of songs similar to the selected one and is known to get better at predicting what a user might like. Oh Siri! How could I forget about that? Siri, Google’s voice search and Microsoft’s Cortana -– they’re AI too you know.

Besides, give it some hard thought for a moment. Let’s assume Briggs did suggest that Sanskrit must be used as an artificial language. It raises a few questions. Foremost, what exactly will that accomplish? Sure, a native Sanskrit speaker will not be disappointed when a computer understands everything they say. Would anyone on this planet be willing to learn Sanskrit just to clearly communicate their ideas to a machine? Of course not. If a fifth of the world or even a fiftieth spoke the language, it would make some sense. A fiftieth is still ten thousand times larger than the self-reported Sanskrit speaking population. See, when nearly all programs are written in English, there is little incentive for programmers to pursue exotic languages. Again, this does not mean a Sanskrit parser can never be created. It can, but the efforts will have to come from those who actually care about it. (In a Venn diagram that would be the intersection of the sets ‘people who have learnt or will learn Sanskrit’ and ‘people who have learnt or will learn programming and not just for an IT job’.)

Let’s look at that a bit differently. Sanskrit is the second official language in the Indian state of Uttarakhand. It had a population of a little over 10 million as in the 2011 census. The number of people who declared Sanskrit as their native language in the 2001 census was a bit over 14 thousand. Assuming by some miracle that number doubled in ten years and every native speaker of the language moved to Uttarakhand, it’s still a huge undertaking to make special provisions for what seems to be fewer than 0.3% of the state’s people. Yes, that can be explained by misplaced pride, extreme nationalism and a hint of idiocy. That’s some inconsistent minority appeasement, especially considering Garhwali and Kumaoni, two of the state’s most spoken languages after Hindi, do not get the same treatment despite each of them having over a hundred times more speakers than those of Sanskrit.

Another important question: Why not focus our efforts on writing AI that understands normal humans speech rather than structured speech? Yes, that will make coding a natural language parser much more difficult, but that’s a problem to solve, not to ignore. Suggesting the use of Sanskrit as an AI language is like spelling the letters in ‘nirvana’, in a spelling bee, instead of ‘liberation’ because the latter is harder. Teaching the world that language to simplify the work of developers of natural language parsers -– that would be reinventing the wheel.

Great! I’ve spent a lot of energy arguing against Sanskrit for natural language processing. How are AI researchers planning to solve that problem? Have they moved in a different direction or was all of this “Sanskrit bashing” a pointless exercise? I’m so glad you asked and yes, they have. Instead of dissecting every statement into its constituent words, natural language parsers use a statistics intensive approach to guess their actual meaning. Inputs are compared with massive databases of previously parsed information. Based on the context, the interpretation engine would determine the one that was most probably meant. This means words don’t necessarily need to each be separately analysed. The system will also have a parallel rating component that would evaluate whether it output the right thing. Over a large enough duration, by collecting and consolidating the information gained from a lot of users, the system would get better at understanding natural languages.

I would argue that English is in fact the best language to test the scope of natural language parsing simply because the evolution of English isn’t regulated by an academy like many others. It’s free to change and vary depending on the culture that speaks it. English linguists are almost exclusively descriptivists -– they don’t police one’s speech as long as everyone understands what they’ve meant. It constantly borrows words from other languages for their own use. When new non-existent words become mainstream, they embrace rather than despise. It thrives by adaptation. An AI system that adapts itself to the evolving language rather than requiring people to speak with precision -– that’s intelligence.

Here’s the best part. The approach taken by current implementations of AI ensures that natural language parsing isn’t limited to human-machine interactions [in] the English language. With some minor tweaks, the same algorithms can be adapted to every other language. This will eventually make it completely unnecessary to learn English to use an AI implementation. Ooh! Sanskrit just got out of the question altogether.
You’re still free to learn it, but if you’re doing it to save your future robot a few computation cycles, you probably need to steer clear of them as natural intelligence seems to elude you. You might have to urge software engineers, fluent in your favourite language, to contribute to the tweaking.

The hoaxes

Now that we’ve got our facts straight, let’s begin the much awaited hoax debunking. It’s going to be a bit tougher than usual; most of the Sanskrit bullshit found online are rearrangements of the same content. It’s the content that will be decimated here.

The eerily familiar intro

The extraordinary thing about Sanskrit is that it offers direct accessibility to anyone to that elevated plane where the two — mathematics and music, brain and heart, analytical and intuitive, scientific and spiritual — become one.




THE FALSIFICATION

• Adaptation: It might seem a bit off topic, but take a moment to appreciate what just happened here. Those of you with even the most rudimentary capacity for critical thinking have adapted themselves to be able to intuitively call bullshit on an article from its very first sentence. The analytical and the intuitive have unified and Sanskrit didn’t play any role in it.
This is clearly woo. Music, while being a subjective experience, is already entirely mathematical. One surely cannot be expected to believe Sanskrit would improve upon that.
• The brain and the heart always work together. You can’t have one working without the other. Of course, if you’re someone who believes thoughts and feelings originate in the heart, you probably need to be united with a biology textbook.
• Spirituality is subjective. The spirituality of one is different from the the spirituality of everyone else, regardless of the degree of similarity of their thoughts. It cannot be defined, hence science doesn’t deal with it. Again, Sanskrit cannot do anything to change that fact.

Extreme bullshitting

In 1985, NASA scientist Rick Briggs had invited 1,000 Sanskrit scholars from India for working at NASA. But scholars refused to allow the language to be put to foreign use.


THE FALSIFICATION

• There is absolutely no evidence to back the claim that Rick Briggs had consulted Sanskrit experts. It’s a fabrication. Widening the search parameters, none seem interested in the idea of Sanskrit for AI at all.
• Crazy arrogant Indians: It’s all fiction, but let’s reiterate the narrative. A thousand Indians would’ve got to work at NASA. All they had to do was explain Sanskrit grammar to those at NASA and thus contribute to the advancement of AI. They didn’t need to satisfy any other prerequisite as is necessary for anyone who aspires to work at NASA. Their only job was to explain their fantastic language. Every single one of them declines the offer because they did not want the language to be put to foreign use.
• You idiot! You got to work at NASA for an otherwise utterly useless skill and you declined. One bullet point isn’t enough to ridicule you. [!!!]


Americans know Sanskrit

After the refusal of the Indian Sanskrit scholars to help them acquire command over the language, US has urged its young generation to learn Sanskrit.


After the refusal of Indian experts to offer any help in understanding the scientific concept of the language, American kids were imparted Sanskrit lessons since their childhood.


THE FALSIFICATION

The funny thing is while the two sentences mean the exact same thing, you’ll find them both in some renditions of the hoax. That’s super redundant. Maybe they need Sanskrit after all. [!!!]
• Sanskrit isn’t scientific. It’s a convention. Calling it a scientific language, whatever that means, is akin to calling the SI system of measurement scientific.
Idiotic narrative: Sanskrit experts refuse to help the US. The US decides to teach Sanskrit to its children. Won’t they need Sanskrit experts for that too? The US ain’t India; they don’t just create experts out of thin air like they do in India. They need credibility. [!!!]
• American kids aren’t imparted the lessons. However, they are allowed to learn Sanskrit for credit by whatever means they can.

More lies

Very soon the traditional Indian language Sanskrit will be a part of the space, with the United States of America (USA) mulling to use it as computer language at NASA.


According to Rick Briggs, Sanskrit is such a language in which a message can be sent by the computer in the least number of words.


THE FALSIFICATION

• Not a computer language: There is no such thing happening at NASA.
• No such claim is made. It’s true, might I add in a very narrow range of circumstances, but nowhere in Briggs’ piece does he mention this property of the language.
Least word count? Yes, but Sanskrit words are often cascades of shorter words. It isn’t unique to Sanskrit. The German language can do that too. Extremely long words can be created in Sanskrit just by lining them up one after another and omitting the spaces in between. That doesn’t in and of itself provide any real benefit.
Computers don’t care about word count. A long word is going to take up more storage space or transmission time than a shorter word. Character count is the only thing that matters.

• Not really concise: Sanskrit nuts relish in its ability to create new words using Sanskrit’s own prescribed framework instead of borrowing words from other languages. However, since those new words are always going to be cascades of smaller words, I fail to see how any computer would benefit from using Sanskrit.
Actually, computers do not even need to communicate with each other in natural languages. They only need do so when interacting with people. They talk among themselves pretty well, transmitting predefined codes to one another. In fact, I can literally instruct a computer to note that a variable equals an entire Sanskrit sentence and make them transmit that back and forth instead of the Sanskrit directly. No AI scientist is stupid enough to suggest Sanskrit would reduce an already minimal transmission load.

Clear hogwash

The NASA website also confirms its Mission Sanskrit and describes it as the best language for computers. The website clearly mentions that NASA has spent a large sum of time and money on the project during the last two decades.


THE FALSIFICATION

Search engines exist. Did they honestly think one wouldn’t do a simple search for ‘Mission Sanskrit’ in a new tab before sharing a nonsense piece of news like that? Oh, right, Indians! Spoke too soon!
• But seriously, here’s a list of all the things I did looking for this mysterious mission.
A general search. Yields thousands upon thousands of blog posts and Hindu propagandist website articles claiming that Mission Sanskrit is a real thing. Nothing at all from NASA.
• A site specific search on Google. (site:nasa.gov mission sanskrit) Returns results truly from NASA’s website. The results are either about their undertaken missions in general or missions with Sanskrit names. The first page is filled with results like ‘ABC means XYZ in [ancient] Sanskrit’.
• NASA’s own search, provided by Bing. There was no Mission Sanskrit. I learnt a lot though. Did you know there is a crater on the moon named after Kalidasa, a Sanskrit writer? There were 25 results to that search. I checked every single one of them and none point to a Mission Sanskrit.
I visited every single NASA mission page in search for Mission Sanskrit, just to be thorough. They have a handy index of all their missions.
• I made an enquiry via email to NASA about the whole thing. They sent me back a generic reply, but it said that the best source of information on anything that NASA was up to could be found on, well, NASA’s website. A more specific research could be done using their library site. So, I searched on their headquarters library and still nothing.
• I concluded that Mission Sanskrit is a hoax.
• NASA isn’t working on Sanskrit. Never has, never will.


Barking mad

The scientists believe that Sanskrit is also helpful in speech therapy besides helping in mathematics and science. It also improves concentration. The alphabets used in the language are scientific and their correct pronunciation improves the tone of speech. It encourages imagination and improves memory retention also.


THE FALSIFICATION

• Complementary bullshit: There’s not much bullshit that can be created out of thin air in this topic of discussion. Hence, they’ve brought forth a different but related bullshit to satisfy your bullshit needs of the day.
• The speech therapy part has some merit to it. There are papers in medical journals, of course by Indians, that suggest Sanskrit is useful for speech therapy. But that’s only limited to native speakers of languages that strictly follow the phonological structure of Sanskrit. It’s utterly useless to people speaking Latin derived languages or any other language for that matter. Sanskrit is limited to 8 vowels, 2 diphthongs and 33 consonant sounds. If you can do those well, you can do Sanskrit. You cannot master sounds outside its purview with Sanskrit speech therapy as they do not map on to every sound made in other languages.
Mathematics and science?! Nope. Absolutely false, yet presented as if it were an accepted fact. The only “evidence” provided for it, is a claim made by a Hindu propagandist Facebook page who add that Sanskrit was a compulsory language in a London based school -– untrue, they have a choice. They also claim that the school teaches Sanskrit to simplify mathematics and science while the school itself only ever acknowledges the speech therapy thing. A look at the videos from the school show they aren’t really even pronouncing the Sanskrit correctly as would be clear to any Indian the moment they watch it.
• Fabrications: The improvements in concentration, the tone of speech, imagination and memory retention are not supported by scientific studies. People will still believe it. That’s more to do with the stupidity of the average human than the efficacy of Sanskrit.


Tall claim

A report in Forbes magazine in 1987 said that Sanskrit is the most precise language and hence suitable language for computer software.


THE FALSIFICATION

There exists no such report. Forbes does not seem like a publication that sustain archives of its decades old releases. There is no way to verify it using the official source. No one has ever published a scan of the page that says anything like that. We have nothing but assertions. The simplest explanation: Forbes never claimed anything about Sanskrit as a language for computer software.
• Forbes is a business magazine. Even if they did publish a report like that, what makes it valid? Was it a science writer who wrote the piece? Regardless, it’s a Forbes article. Why does it even make it to the discussion?
A search for the article only reveals how powerful the internet is. Despite not having an original source and being likely false, searching for Forbes articles on Sanskrit returns over two hundred thousand results not one of which comes from Forbes’ website.

Generations of bullshit

A report by NASA scientists says the creation of 6th and 7th generation super computers is based on Sanskrit language. This will probably lead to revolutionize language all over the world for learning Sanskrit.


America is going to creating a 6th and 7th generation super computers based on the Sanskrit language for the use of super computers to their maximum extent. Project deadline is 2025 (6th generation) 2034 (7th generation) after this there will be a language revolution all over the world to learn Sanskrit.


THE FALSIFICATION

• You’re probably getting tired of reading that all of it is false over and over, but it’s true. I mean, the fact that it’s false is true. Just to be clear, Sanskrit will play no role in 6th and 7th generation supercomputers.
• 6th and 7th generation computing haven’t been defined. The 5th generation computers are those with artificial intelligence. We are currently using a combination of the 4th and 5th generation systems -– 4th for all your precise computations and 5th for the occasional AI application. Generations after that are not even in question as the problem of artificial intelligence hasn’t been adequately solved yet. In fact, there is no telling until perhaps the 2040s, which is when the technological singularity is predicted to occur.
• Computing generations know no deadlines. There are no strict descriptions of the generations either. It’s just made up on the fly. There is no consortium that decides the specifications of a computing generation before there is a need of one. That’s how computing has always been -– we see restructuring of clutter far more often than properly planned and executed conventions.

Ahh, the pain!

The idea of using a natural language for computer programming is to make it easier for people to talk to computers in their native tongue and spare them the pain of learning a computer friendly language like assembly/C/Java.


The level of competence of the hoax creators is baffling. If they could only understand how stupid they were, they’d be surprised how they managed to get patriots to share their piece far and wide.
• No, that’s not the idea of natural languages for computer programming. In fact, natural languages are out of the question altogether because a system like that will have to have prior encoded knowledge of the whole language rather than that assigned in compile time. A system without moving members would be dumbfounded trying to enact the statement, ‘Move 5 metres north’. There would be a lot of subroutines that the language would theoretically allow but be wasted for want of functionality.
• Learn Sanskrit to talk better with computers is essentially what they’re trying to say. Isn’t that a stupid proposition, especially since the whole premise of this discussion is flawed? I mean are they honestly expecting people to learn a new language just so they could communicate with their computers better?
Maybe they are. I can’t even tell the difference between the real and the ridiculous anymore.
• For the last time, there has been no research that suggests Sanskrit would do well as a programming language.

Conclusion

Let me make one thing absolutely clear. I do not hate Sanskrit. I am a descriptivist and I can vouch for those who say there exist features of Sanskrit that cannot be matched or have no parallels in other languages, including those derived from it. But, it’s not a perfect language. It’s not a complete language. It’s certainly not the mother of all languages. It’s not divine.

Sanskrit’s grammar comes close to certain knowledge representation schemes used in computers but it’s a language to learn from, not a language to use. It also has nothing to do with computer programming. NASA hasn’t had nor will have anything to do with the Sanskrit, except perhaps naming a few of their missions with words from the language.

In my somewhat arrogant but educated opinion, Sanskrit as a spoken language is worse than useless today. It’s extremely difficult to learn as is, and it’s not spoken widely. As I’ve said before, every attempt at enforcing Sanskrit education will fail for the same reason it has always failed -– it’s not a natural language.


And that’s it. Let me know if there’s anything I’ve missed in this article. Be sure to share it with your friends and your enemies (especially your enemies). If there are any factual errors in this piece, let me know that too. Are there articles popping up in your social feeds lately that are in need of some quality debunking? Throw them my way.

Think!

***************************

Clarify NASA's stance on Sanskrit.
by Denver Dias
change.org
https://www.change.org/p/nasa-nasa-clea ... n-sanskrit

"Sanskrit is a scientific language."

"Sanskrit is the best language for computer programming."

"NASA to use Sanskrit as a programming language."

"NASA to echo Sanskrit in space."

"The NASA website also confirms it's Mission Sanskrit..."

Those are article titles and snippets often listed when one looks up "Sanskrit" on their favourite search engine. They're flooded with websites that posit without any scope of plausible deniability that NASA is very involved in Sanskrit studies. They make claims that the US actively urges their young to learn Sanskrit and that American kids were imparted Sanskrit lessons after "Sanskrit experts refused to offer help in the scientific concept of the language" apparently.

Of all the claims, the most baffling one is that NASA had been working on a project called "Mission Sanskrit" because the people at NASA are supposedly of the opinion that Sanskrit is the best language for computer programming. This is something that could be fact checked in under a minute and found to be false but that doesn't seem to be happening.

Sure, the internet is filled with hoaxes and I think most people will agree with me in that the best way to catch a hoax is to be tricked into believing in them once or twice and learning to see the pattern in what eventually becomes a series of obvious falsehoods. However, in this particular case, for most people who were conned into believing in the prowess of this ancient nigh dead language, this is not just a matter of discovering they were wrong about it. People have a strong sense of belongingness with Sanskrit and they will uncritically assimilate anything good that is said about the language. This is not helped by the fact that it appears to them that an organisation, known for its great strides in the fields of aeronautics and astronautics, seems to support those claims.

This would not have been a serious problem if the hoax remained confined in the minds of the believers, who would all individually, in their own private moments of curiosity, come to find out the truth about it sooner or later. But these lies have repeated so many times, that people can no longer realistically come to nip it in the bud. It has turned into a feedback loop with the source being a figurative echo chamber of websites that simply affirm without linking to their sources of that supposed information.

This has got so severe, we have politicians claiming that Sanskrit is necessary for computer literacy, NASA plans on using Sanskrit for their computers, and that the US and UK teach their children Sanskrit. We often hear about Sanskrit learning being made a mandatory subject for some bizarre reason.

A more recent bout of utter idiocy comes in the form of Smriti Irani requesting IITs - the most sought after institutes for engineering in India - to teach Sanskrit because of some misguided notion that it might help uncover scientific discoveries documented in Sanskrit literature.

There, of course, have been articles by rational thinkers, here and there, who have attempted to right this wrong by showing that the claims about Sanskrit just don't hold up to scrutiny. They often get dismissed by the believers with many of them accusing the writers of racism, anti-nationalism, jealousy and hatred of Sanskrit and India. They could repeatedly mention that there is no evidence NASA has ever pursued anything with regard to Sanskrit, with no tangible effect other than seeing their articles shared among the reasonable ones in the crowd. There is only one way I see out of this mess and that is for NASA to make a statement about this matter and put it to rest once and for all.

I know NASA has a lot on its plate and it isn't the best use of their time to take a break from innovating in order to clarify that the outrageous claims made about them are hoaxes. I, however, do not want people believing that this organisation is pursuing obvious dead ends. I believe it is the brightest of the bright that get to work there and at this point I cannot stand propaganda being pushed in their name. NASA has the final say in whether or not the claims about them are true and I think they should make the real truth about them known.

NASA, please make a statement about your stance on Sanskrit and whether or not it is or has been actively pursued by your organisation.

Petition closed.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Mon Jan 03, 2022 7:56 am

Pidgin [Sanscrit as Orientalist Pidgin]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 1/3/22

A pidgin[1][2][3] /ˈpɪdʒɪn/, or pidgin language, is a grammatically simplified means of communication that develops between two or more groups that do not have a language in common: typically, its vocabulary and grammar are limited and often drawn from several languages. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside (but where there is no common language between the groups). Linguists do not typically consider pidgins as full or complete languages.

Fundamentally, a pidgin is a simplified means of linguistic communication, as it is constructed impromptu, or by convention, between individuals or groups of people. A pidgin is not the native language of any speech community, but is instead learned as a second language.[4][5]

A pidgin may be built from words, sounds, or body language from a multitude of languages as well as onomatopoeia. As the lexicon of any pidgin will be limited to core vocabulary, words with only a specific meaning in the lexifier language may acquire a completely new (or additional) meaning in the pidgin.

Pidgins have historically been considered a form of patois, unsophisticated simplified versions of their lexifiers, and as such usually have low prestige with respect to other languages.[6] However, not all simplified or "unsophisticated" forms of a language are pidgins. Each pidgin has its own norms of usage which must be learned for proficiency in the pidgin.[7]

A pidgin differs from a creole, which is the first language of a speech community of native speakers that at one point arose from a pidgin. Unlike pidgins, creoles have fully developed vocabulary and patterned grammar. Most linguists believe that a creole develops through a process of nativization of a pidgin when children of acquired pidgin-speakers learn and use it as their native language.

Etymology

Pidgin derives from a Chinese pronunciation[8] of the English word business, and all attestations from the first half of the nineteenth century given in the third edition of the Oxford English Dictionary mean "business; an action, occupation, or affair" (the earliest being from 1807). The term pidgin English ("business English"), first attested in 1855, shows the term in transition to referring to language, and by the 1860s the term pidgin alone could refer to Pidgin English. The term was coming to be used in the more general linguistic sense represented by this article by the 1870s.[9][10]

A popular false etymology for pidgin is English pigeon, a bird sometimes used for carrying brief written messages, especially in times prior to modern telecommunications.[9][11]

Terminology

The word pidgin, formerly also spelled pigion,[10] used to refer originally to Chinese Pidgin English, but was later generalized to refer to any pidgin.[12] Pidgin may also be used as the specific name for local pidgins or creoles, in places where they are spoken. For example, the name of the creole language Tok Pisin derives from the English words talk pidgin. Its speakers usually refer to it simply as "pidgin" when speaking English.[13][14] Likewise, Hawaiian Creole English is commonly referred to by its speakers as "Pidgin".

The term jargon has also been used to refer to pidgins, and is found in the names of some pidgins, such as Chinook Jargon. In this context, linguists today use jargon to denote a particularly rudimentary type of pidgin;[15] however, this usage is rather rare, and the term jargon most often refers to the words particular to a given profession.

Pidgins may start out as or become trade languages, such as Tok Pisin. Trade languages can eventually evolve into fully developed languages in their own right such as Swahili, distinct from the languages they were originally influenced by. Trade languages and pidgins can also influence an established language's vernacular, especially amongst people who are directly involved in a trade where that pidgin is commonly used, which can alternatively result in a regional dialect being developed.

Common traits

Pidgins are usually less morphologically complex but more syntactically rigid than other languages, and usually have fewer morphosyntactic irregularities than other languages.

Characteristics shared by most pidgins:

• Typologically most closely resemble isolating languages
• Uncomplicated clausal structure (e.g., no embedded clauses, etc.)
• Reduction or elimination of syllable codas
• Reduction of consonant clusters or breaking them with epenthesis
• Elimination of aspiration or sound changes
• Monophthongization is common, employment of as few basic vowels as possible, such as [a, e, i, o, u]
• Lack of morphophonemic variation
• Lack of tones, such as those found in Niger-Congo, Austroasiatic and Sino-Tibetan language families and in various families of the indigenous languages of the Americas
• Lack of grammatical tense; use of separate words to indicate tense, usually preceding the verb
• Lack of conjugation, declension or agreement
• Lack of grammatical gender or number, commonly supplanted by reduplication to represent plurals and superlatives, and other parts of speech that represent the concept being increased and clear indication of the gender or animated objects.
• Lack of clear parts of speech or word categorization; common use and derivation of new vocabulary through conversion, e.g. nominalization, verbification, adjectivization etc.

Development

The initial development of a pidgin usually requires:

• prolonged, regular contact between the different language communities
• a need to communicate between them
• an absence of (or absence of widespread proficiency in) a widespread, accessible interlanguage

Keith Whinnom (in Hymes (1971)) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others.

Linguists sometimes posit that pidgins can become creole languages when a generation of children learn a pidgin as their first language,[16] a process that regularizes speaker-dependent variation in grammar. Creoles can then replace the existing mix of languages to become the native language of a community (such as the Chavacano language in the Philippines, Krio in Sierra Leone, and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea). However, not all pidgins become creole languages; a pidgin may die out before this phase would occur (e.g. the Mediterranean Lingua Franca).

Other scholars, such as Salikoko Mufwene, argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European slaves, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily basilectalized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary.[17]

Examples

The following pidgins have Wikipedia articles or sections in articles. Many of these languages are commonly referred to by their speakers as "Pidgin".

• List of English-based pidgins
• Algonquian–Basque pidgin
• Arafundi-Enga Pidgin
• Bamboo English
• Barikanchi Pidgin
• Basque–Icelandic pidgin
• Bimbashi Arabic
• Bislama (creolized)
• Borgarmålet
• Bozal Spanish
• Broken Oghibbeway
• Broken Slavey and Loucheux Jargon
• Camtho
• Cameroonian Pidgin English (creolized)
• Cocoliche
• Chinook Jargon
• Duvle-Wano Pidgin
• Eskimo Trade Jargon
• Ewondo Populaire
• Fanagalo (Pidgin Zulu)
• Français Tirailleur
• Haflong Hindi
• International Sign
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• Bilingual pun
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• Creole language
• Hiri Motu
• Konglish
• Lingua franca
• Macaronic language
• Mixed language
• Spanglish

Notes

1. Muysken, Pieter; Smith, Norval (2008). "The study of pidgin and creole languages" (PDF). In Arends, Jacques; Muijsken, Pieter; Smith, Norval (eds.). Pidgins and Creoles: An Introduction. John Benjamins. pp. 3–14.
2. Özüorçun, Fatma (2014). "Language varieties: Pidgins and creoles" (PDF).
3. Bickerton, Derek (1976). "Pidgin and creole studies". Annual Review of Anthropology. 5: 169–93. doi:10.1146/annurev.an.05.100176.001125. JSTOR 2949309.
4. See Todd (1990:3)
5. See Thomason & Kaufman (1988:169)
6. Bakker (1994:27)
7. Bakker (1994:26)
8. "Pinyin: pí qīn yǔ" Chinese English Pinyin Dictionary, Yabla, https://chinese.yabla.com/chinese-engli ... 6%E8%AF%AD
9. Jump up to:a b "pidgin, n." OED Online, Oxford University Press, January 2018, http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/143533. Accessed 23 January 2018.
10. Jump up to:a b Online Etymology Dictionary
11. Crystal, David (1997), "Pidgin", The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (2nd ed.), Cambridge University Press
12. Bakker (1994:25)
13. Smith, Geoff P. Growing Up with Tok Pisin: Contact, creolization, and change in Papua New Guinea's national language. London: Battlebridge. 2002. p. 4.
14. Thus the published court reports of Papua New Guinea refer to Tok Pisin as "Pidgin": see for example Schubert v The State [1979] PNGLR 66.
15. Bakker (1994:25–26)
16. For example: Campbell, John Howland; Schopf, J. William, eds. (1994). Creative Evolution. Life Science Series. Contributor: University of California, Los Angeles. IGPP Center for the Study of Evolution and the Origin of Life. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 81. ISBN 9780867209617. Retrieved 2014-04-20. [...] the children of pidgin-speaking parents face a big problem, because pidgins are so rudimentary and inexpressive, poorly capable of expressing the nuances of a full range of human emotions and life situations. The first generation of such children spontaneously develops a pidgin into a more complex language termed a creole. [...] [T]he evolution of a pidgin into a creole is unconscious and spontaneous.
17. "Salikoko Mufwene: "Pidgin and Creole Languages"". Humanities.uchicago.edu. Archived from the original on 2013-06-03. Retrieved 2010-04-24.

References

• Bakker, Peter (1994), "Pidgins", in Arends, Jacques; Muijsken, Pieter; Smith, Norval (eds.), Pidgins and Creoles: An Introduction, John Benjamins, pp. 26–39
• Hymes, Dell (1971), Pidginization and Creolization of Languages, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-07833-4
• McWhorter, John (2002), The Power of Babel: The Natural History of Language, Random House Group, ISBN 0-06-052085-X
• Sebba, Mark (1997), Contact Languages: Pidgins and Creoles, MacMillan, ISBN 0-333-63024-6
• Thomason, Sarah G.; Kaufman, Terrence (1988), Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-07893-4
• Todd, Loreto (1990), Pidgins and Creoles, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-05311-0
Further reading[edit]
• Holm, John (2000), An Introduction to Pidgins and Creoles, Cambridge University Press

External links

• Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures (APiCS)
• Language Varieties Web Site
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Part 1 of 4

XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus
by Captain Francis Wilford
Asiatic Researches, Vol. V, P. 241
1799


52. Sandrocottus. It was Sir William Jones, the Founder and President of the Society instituted in Bengal for inquiry into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences and Literature of Asia, who died on 27th April 1794, that suggested for the first time an identification to the notice of scholars. In his 'Tenth Anniversary Discourse' delivered by him on 28th February 1793 on "Asiatic History, Civil and Natural," referred to the so-called discovery by him of the identity of Candragupta, the Founder of the Maurya Dynasty of the Kings Magadha, with Sandrocottus of the Greek writers of Alexander's adventures, thus:

"The Jurisprudence of the Hindus and Arabs being the field, which I have chosen for my peculiar toil, you cannot expect, that I should greatly enlarge your collection of historical knowledge, but I may be able to offer you some occasional tribute, and I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay, which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra, (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for, though it could not have been Prayaga where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks, nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erranaboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be "Yamuna", but this only difficulty was removed when I found in a Classical Sanskrit book near two thousand years old, that Hiranyabahu or golden-armed, which the Greeks changed to Erranaboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself, though Megasthenes from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately.1 [Asiatic Researches, IV. 10-11.] This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandrocottus, the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes, and was no other than that very Sandrocottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator, so that we have solved another problem to which we before alluded, and may in round numbers consider the twelve and three hundredth years before Christ as two certain epochs between Rama who conquered Silan a few centuries after the flood, and Vicramaditya who died at Ujjayini fifty-seven years before the beginning of our era."


53. The passage regarding Candragupta's date is found in Justinius, Epitoma Pompet Trogi, xv 4 and Mr. McCrindle translated it as follows:2 [Mendelsohn's edition (Leipzig, 1879), I. 426.]

"[Seleucus] carried on many wars in the East after the division of the Macedonian kingdom between himself and the other successor of Alexander, first seizing Babylonia, and then reducing the Bactrians, his power being increased by the first success. Thereafter he passed into India, which had, since Alexander's death, killed his prefects, thinking that the yoke of slavery had been shaken off from its neck. The author of its freedom had been Sandrocottus, but when victory was gained he had changed the name of freedom to that of bondage. For, after he had ascended the throne, he himself oppressed with servitude the very people which he had rescued from foreign dominion. Though of humble birth, he was impelled by innate majesty to assume royal power. When king Nandrus,1 [McCrindle's translation, 114.] whom he had offended by his boldness, ordered him to be killed, he had resorted to speedy flight. Sandrocottus, having thus gained the crown, held India at the time when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness. Seleucus came to an agreement with him, and, after settling affairs in the East, engaged in the war against Antigonus."


The same transactions are referred to by Appianus:

"[Seleucus] crossed the Indus and waged war on Androcottus king of the Indians who dwelt about it, until he made friends and entered into relations of marriage with him."


According to Strabo, Seleucus ceded to Chandragupta a tract of land to the west of the Indus and received in exchange five hundred elephants.2 [V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed., p 150 f, Krom, Hermes 44, 154 ff.]

The inference drawn is this: Seleucus I Nikator of Syria (BC 312- 280), "arrived in Cappadocia in the autumn of 302 [the year preceding the battle of Ipsos]. The march from India to there must have required at least two summers. Consequently, the peace with Chandragupta has to be placed about the summer of 304, or at the latest in the next winter."3 [Beloch's Gricch, Gesch, 8, 1, 146, n 3.] We know from various sources that Megasthenes became the ambassador of Seleucus at Chandragupta's court.4 [Schwanbeck, Megasthenes Indica (Bonn. 1876), p 19, C. Muller Fragmenta Historcorum Graecorum, vol 11 (Paris 1848), p. 898, McCrindle, IA, VI, 115.]

It follows from these statements that Chandragupta ascended the throne between Alexander's death (BC 323) and the treaty with Seleucus (BC 304)."

54. Earlier in the same discourse Sir William had mentioned his authorities for the statement that Candragupta became sovereign of upper Hindusthan, with his Capital at Pataliputra. "A most beautiful poem," said he "by Somadeva, comprising a long chain of instructive and agreeable stories, begins with the famed revolution at Pataliputra by the murder of king Nanda with his eight sons, and the usurpation of Chandragupta, and the same revolution is the subject of a tragedy in Sanskrit entitled 'The Coronation of Chandra.'"1 [Ibid 6.] Thus he claimed to have identified Palibothra with Pataliputra and Sandrokottus with Candragupta, and to have determined 300 BC "in round numbers" as a certain epoch between two others which he called the conquest of Silan by Rama: "1200 BC," and the death of Vikramaditya at Ujjain in 57 BC.

In the Discourse referred to, Sir William barely stated his discovery, adding "that his proofs must be reserved" for a subsequent essay, but he died before that essay could appear.


55. The theme was taken immediately by Col. [Captain Francis] Wilford in Volume V of the Asiatic Researches. Wilford entered into a long and fanciful disquisition on Palibothra, and rejected Sir William's identification of it with Pataliputra, but he accepted the identification of Sandrocottus with Candragupta in the following words: —"Sir William Jones from a poem written by Somadeva and a tragedy called the Coronation of Chandra or Chandragupta discovered that he really was the Indian king mentioned by the historians of Alexander under the name of Sandrocottus. These poems I have not been able to procure, but I have found another dramatic piece entitled Mudra-Rachasa,1 [This spelling shows that Wilford saw not the Sanskrit drama but some vernacular visions of it.] which is divided into two parts, the first may be called the Coronation of Chandra."2 [Asiatic Researches, V, 262. Wilford wrongly names the author of the drama as Amanta (or Ananta).]

[Horace Hayman] Wilson further amended the incorrect authorities relied on by Sir William Jones, and said in his Preface to Mudra-Rakshasa3 [Theatre of the Hindus, Vol. II.] that by Sir William's "a beautiful poem by Somadeva" was "doubtless meant the large collection of tales by Somabhatta the Vrihat-katha."4 [Wilson again is not quite correct in his Bibiography. Somadeva's large collection of tales is entitled Kathasarit sagara and is an adaptation into Sanskrit verse of an original work in the Paisaci language called Brihat Katha, composed by one Gunadhya.]

56. Max Muller then elaborated the discovery of this identity in his Ancient Sanskrit Literature. To him this identity was a settled incontrovertible fact. On the path of further research, he examined the chronology of the Buddhists according to the Northern or the Chinese and the Southern or the Ceylonese traditions, and summed this up:

"Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date of Chandragupta. Chandragupta was the grand-father of Asoka, and the contemporary of Selukus Nikator. Now, according to the Chinese chronology, Asoka would have lived, to waive the minor differences, 850 or 750 BC, according to Ceylonese Chronology, 315 B.C. Either of these dates is impossible because it does not agree with the chronology of Greece."


'Everything in Indian Chronology depends upon the date of Chandragupta' is the declaration. How is that date to be fixed? The Puranic accounts were of course beneath notice. The Buddhist chronologies were conflicting, and must be ignored. The Greek synchronism comes to his rescue: "There is but one means by which the history of India can be connected with that of Greece, and its chronology must be reduced to its proper limits," that is, by the clue afforded by "the name of Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus, the Sanskrit Chandragupta."

From classical writers — Justin, Arrian, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch — a formidable array, all of whom however borrowed their account from practically the same sources — he puts together the various statements concerning Sandrocottus, and tries to show that they all tally with the statements made by Indian writers about the Maurya king Candragupta. "The resemblance of this name," says he, "with the name of Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus was first, I believe, pointed out by Sir William Jones. [Captain Francis] Wilford, [Horace Hayman] Wilson, and Professor [Christian] Lassen have afterwards added further evidence in confirmation of Sir W. Jones's conjecture, and although other scholars, and particularly M. Troyer in his edition of the Rajatarangini, have raised objections, we shall see that the evidence in favour of the identity of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus or Sandrocyptus is such as to admit of no reasonable doubt." Max Muller only repeats that the Greek accounts of Sandrocottus and the Indian accounts of Chandragupta agree in the main, both speaking of a usurper who either was base-born himself or else overthrew a base-born predecessor, and that this essential agreement would hold whether the various names used by Greek writers — Xandrames, Andramas, Aggraman, Sandrocottus and Sandrocyptus — should be made to refer to two kings, the overthrown and the overthrower, or all to one, namely the overthrower himself, though personally he is inclined to the view that the first three variations refer to the overthrown, and the last two to the overthrower. He explains away the difficulty in identifying the sites of Palibothra and Pataliputra geographically by "a change in the bed of the river Sone." He passes over the apparent differences in detail between the Greek statements on the one hand and the Hindu and Buddhist versions on the other quite summarily, declaring that Buddhist fables were invented to exalt, and the Brahmanic fables to lower Chandragupta's descent! Lastly with respect to chronology the Brahmanic is altogether ignored, and the Buddhist is "reduced to its proper limits," that is, pulled down to fit in with Greek chronology.


-- History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, by Kavyavinoda, Sahityaratnakara M. Krishnamachariar, M.A., M.I., Ph.D., Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of London (Of the Madras Judicial Service), Assisted by His Son M. Srinivasachariar, B.A., B.L., Advocate, Madras, 1937

It may not here be out of place to offer a few observations on the identification of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus. It is the only point on which we can rest with anything like confidence in the history of the Hindus, and is therefore of vital importance in all our attempts to reduce the reigns of their kings to a rational and consistent chronology. It is well worthy, therefore, of careful examination; and it is the more deserving of scrutiny, as it has been discredited by rather hasty verification and very erroneous details.

Sir William Jones first discovered the resemblance of the names, and concluded Chandragupta to be one with Sandrocottus (As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11). He was, however, imperfectly acquainted with his authorities, as he cites "a beautiful poem” by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra, for the history of this prince. By the first is no doubt intended the large collection of tales by Somabhatta, the Vrihat-Katha, in which the story of Nanda's murder occurs: the second is, in all probability, the play that follows, and which begins after Chandragupta’s elevation to the throne. In the fifth volume of the Researches the subject was resumed by the late Colonel Wilford, and the story of Chandragupta is there told at considerable length, and with some accessions which can scarcely be considered authentic. He states also that the Mudra-Rakshasa consists of two parts, of which one may be called the coronation of Chandragupta, and the second his reconciliation with Rakshasa, the minister of his father. The latter is accurately enough described, but it may be doubted whether the former exists.

Colonel Wilford was right also in observing that the story is briefly related in the Vishnu-Purana and Bhagavata, and in the Vrihat-Katha; but when he adds, that it is told also in a lexicon called the Kamandaki he has been led into error. The Kamandaki is a work on Niti, or Polity, and does not contain the story of Nanda and Chandragupta. The author merely alludes to it in an honorific verse, which he addresses to Chanakya as the founder of political science, the Machiavel of India.

The birth of Nanda and of Chandragupta, and the circumstances of Nanda’s death, as given in Colonel Wilford’s account, are not alluded to in the play, the Mudra-Rakshasa, from which the whole is professedly taken, but they agree generally with the Vrihat-Katha and with popular versions of the story. From some of these, perhaps, the king of Vikatpalli, Chandra-Dasa, may have been derived, but he looks very like an amplification of Justin's account of the youthful adventures of Sandrocottus. The proceedings of Chandragupta and Chanakya upon Nanda's death correspond tolerably well with what we learn from the drama, but the manner in which the catastrophe is brought about (p. 268), is strangely misrepresented. The account was no doubt compiled for the translator by his pandit, and it is, therefore, but indifferent authority.

It does not appear that Colonel Wilford had investigated the drama himself, even when he published his second account of the story of Chandragupta (As. Res. vol. ix. p. 93 [p. 94-100]), for he continues to quote the Mudra-Rakshasa for various matters which it does not contain. Of these, the adventures of the king of Vikatpalli, and the employment of the Greek troops, are alone of any consequence, as they would mislead us into a supposition, that a much greater resemblance exists between the Grecian and Hindu histories than is actually the case.

Discarding, therefore, these accounts, and laying aside the marvellous part of the story, I shall endeavour, from the Vishnu and Bhagavata-Puranas, from a popular version of the narrative as it runs in the south of India, from the Vrihat-Katha, [For the gratification of those who may wish to see the story as it occurs in these original sources, translations are subjoined; and it is rather important to add, that in no other Purana has the story been found, although most of the principal works of this class have been carefully examined.] and from the play, to give what appear to be the genuine circumstances of Chandragupta's elevation to the throne of Palibothra.


-- Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, Translated from Original Sanskrit in Two Volumes, by Horace Hayman Wilson, Volume II, 1871

The accession of Chandragupta to the throne, and more particularly the famous expiation of Chanacya, after the massacre of the Sumalyas, is a famous era in the Chronology of the Hindus; and both may be easily ascertained from the Puranas, and also from the historians of Alexander. In the year 328 B.C. that conqueror defeated Porus; and as he advanced* [Diodor. Sic. lib. XVII. c. 91. Arrian also, &c.] the son of the brother of that prince, a petty king in the eastern parts of the Panjab, fled at his approach, and went to the king of the Gangaridae, who was at that time king Nanda of the Puranas. In the Mudra-rachasa, a dramatic poem, and by no means a rare book, notice is taken of this circumstance. There was, says the author, a petty king of Vicatpalli, beyond the Vindhyan mountains, called Chandra-dasa, who, having been deprived of his kingdom by the Yavanas, or Greeks, left his native country, and assuming the garb of a penitent, with the name of Suvidha, came to the metropolis of the emperor Nanda, who had been dangerously ill for some time. He seemingly recovered; but his mind and intellects were strangely affected. It was supposed that he was really dead, but that his body was re-animated by the soul of some enchanter, who had left his own body in the charge of a trusty friend. Search was made immediately, and they found the body of the unfortunate dethroned king, lying as if dead, and watched by two disciples, on the banks of the Ganges. They concluded that he was the enchanter, burned his body, and flung his two guardians into the Ganges. Perhaps the unfortunate man was sick, and in a state of lethargy, or otherwise intoxicated. Then the prince's minister assassinated the old king soon after, and placed one of his sons upon the throne, but retained the whole power in his own hands. This, however, did not last long; for the young king, disliking his own situation, and having been informed that the minister was the murderer of his royal father, had him apprehended, and put to a most cruel death. After this, the young king shared the imperial power with seven of his brothers; but Chandragupta was excluded, being born of a base woman. They agreed, however, to give him a handsome allowance, which he refused with indignation; and from that moment his eight brothers resolved upon his destruction. Chandragupta fled to distant countries; but was at last seemingly reconciled to them, and lived in the metropolis: at least it appears that he did so; for he is represented as being in, or near, the imperial palace, at the time of the revolution, which took place, twelve years after, Porus's relation made his escape to Palibothra, in the year 328, B.C. and in the latter end of it. Nanua was then assassinated in that year; and in the following, or 327, B. C. Alexander encamped on the banks of the Hyphasis. It was then that Chandragupta visited that conqueror's camp; and, by his loquacity and freedom of speech, so much offended him, that he would have put Chandragupta to death, if he had not made a precipitate retreat, according to Justin* [Lib. xv. c, 4.]. The eight brothers ruled conjointly twelve years, or till 315 years B.C. when Chandragupta was raised to the throne, by the intrigues of a wicked and revengeful priest called Chanacya. It was Chandragupta and Chanacya, who put the imperial family to death; and it was Chandragupta who was said to be the spurious offspring of a barber, because his mother, who was certainly of a low tribe, was called Mura, and her son of course Maurya, in a derivative from; which last signifies also the offspring of a barber: and it seems that Chandragupta went by that name, particularly in the west; for be is known to Arabian writers by the name of Mur, according to the Nubian geographer, who says that he was defeated and killed by Alexander; for these authors supposed that this conqueror crossed the Ganges: and it is also the opinion of some ancient historians in the west.

In the Cumarica-chanda, it is said, that it was the wicked Chanacya who caused the eight royal brothers to be murdered; and it is added, that Chanacya, after his paroxism of revengeful rage was over, was exceedingly troubled in his mind, and so much stung with remorse for his crime, and the effusion of human blood, which took place in consequence of it, that he withdrew to the Sucla-Tirtha, a famous place of worship near the sea on the bank of the Narmada, and seven coss to the west of Baroche, to get himself purified. There, having gone through a most severe course of religious austerities and expiatory ceremonies, he was directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails, which, if they turned black, would be to him a sure sign of the remission of his sins; the blackness of which would attach itself to the sails. It happened so, and he joyfully sent the boat adrift, with his sins, into the sea.

This ceremony, or another very similar to it, (for the expense of a boat would be too great), is performed to this day at the Sucla-Tirtha; but, instead of a boat, they use a common earthen pot, in which they light a lamp, and send it adrift with the accumulated load of their sins.

In the 63d section of the Agni-purana, this expiation is represented in a different manner. One day, says the author, as the gods, with holy men, were assembled in the presence of Indra, the sovereign lord of heaven, and as they were conversing on various subjects, some took notice of the abominable conduct of Chanacya, of the atrocity and heinousness of his crimes. Great was the concern and affliction of the celestial court on the occasion; and the heavenly monarch observed, that it was hardly possible that they should ever be expiated.

One of the assembly took the liberty to ask him, as it was still possible, what mode of expiation was requisite in the present case? and Indra answered, the Carshagni. There was present a crow, who, from her friendly disposition, was surnamed Mitra Caca: she flew immediately to Chanacya, and imparted the welcome news to him. He had applied in vain to the most learned divines; but they uniformly answered him, that his crime was of such a nature, that no mode of expiation for it could be found in the ritual. Chanacya immediately performed the Carshagni, and went to heaven. But the friendly crow was punished for her indiscretion: she was thenceforth, with all her tribe, forbidden to ascend to heaven; and they were doomed on earth to live upon carrion.

The Carshagni consists in covering the whole body with a thick coat of cow-dung, which, when dry, is set on fire. This mode of expiation, in desperate cases, was unknown before; but was occasionally performed afterwards, and particularly by the famous Sancaracharya. It seems that Chandragupta, after he was firmly seated on the imperial throne, accompanied Chanacya to the Suclatirtha, in order to get himself purified also.

This happened, according to the Cumarica-chanda, after 300 and 10 and 3000 years of the Cali-yuga were elapsed, which would place this event 210 years after Christ. The fondness of the Hindus for quaint and obscure expressions, is the cause of many mistakes. But the ruling epocha of this paragraph is the following: "After three thousand and one hundred years of the Cali-yuga are elapsed (or in 3101) will appear king Saca (or Salivahana) to remove wretchedness from the world. The first year of Christ answers to 3101 of the Cali-yuga, and we may thus correct the above passage: "Of the Caliyuga, 3100 save 300 and 10 years being elapsed (or 2790), then will Chanacya go to the Suclatirtha."

This is also confirmed in the 63d and last section of the Agni-purana, in which the expiation of Chanacya is placed 312 years before the first year of the reign of Saca or Salivahana, but not of his era. This places this famous expiation 310, or 312 years before Christ, either three or five years after the massacre of the imperial family.

My Pandit, who is a native of that country, informs me, that Chanacya's crimes, repentance, and atonement, are the subject of many pretty legendary tales, in verse, current in the country; part of some he repeated to me.

Soon after, Chandragupta made himself master of the greatest part of India, and drove the Greeks out of the Punjab. Tradition says, that he built a city in the Deccan, which he called after his own name. It was lately found by the industrious and active Major Mackenzie, who says that it was situated a little below Sri-Salam, or Purwutum, on the bank of the Crishna; but nothing of it remains, except the ruins. This accounts for the inhabitants of the Deccan being so well acquainted with the history of Chandragupta. The authors of the Mudra- Rakshasa, and its commentary, were natives of that country.

In the mean time, Seleucus, ill brooking the loss of his possessions in India, resolved to wage war, in order to recover them, and accordingly entered India at the head of an army; but finding Chandragupta ready to receive him, and being at the same time uneasy at the increasing power of Antigonus and his son, he made peace with the emperor of India, relinquished his conquests, and renounced every claim to them. Chandragupta made him a present of 50 elephants; and, in order to cement their friendship more strongly, an alliance by marriage took place between them, according to Strabo, who does not say in what manner it was effected. It is not likely, however, that Seleucus should marry an Indian princess; besides, Chandragupta, who was very young when he visited Alexander's camp, could have no marriageable daughter at that time. It is more probable, that Seleucus gave him his natural daughter, born in Persia. From that time, I suppose, Chandragupta had constantly a large body of Grecian troops in his service, as mentioned in the Mudra-Racshasa.

It appears, that this affinity between Seleucus and Chandragupta took place in the year 302 B.C. at least the treaty of peace was concluded in that year. Chandragupta reigned four-and-twenty years; and of course died 292 years before our era.

-- Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology, by Captain Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 9, 1809. pgs. 94-100.

The accompanying genealogical table is faithfully extracted from the Vishnu purana, the Bhagavat, and other puranas, without the least alteration whatever. I have collected numerous MSS. and with the assistance of some learned Pundits of Benares, who are fully satisfied of the authenticity of this table, I exhibit it as the only genuine chronological record of Indian history that has hitherto come to my knowledge. It gives the utmost extent of the chronology of the Hindus; and as a certain number of years only can be allowed to a generation, it overthrows at once their monstrous system, which I have rejected as absolutely repugnant to the course of nature, and human reason.

Indeed their systems of geography, chronology, and history, are all equally monstrous and absurd.
The circumference of the earth is said to be 500,000,000 yojanas, or 2,456,000,000 British miles: the mountains are asserted to be 100 yojanas, or 491 British miles high. Hence the mountains to the south of Benares are said, in the puranas, to have kept the holy city in total darkness, till Matra-deva, growing angry at their insolence, they humbled themselves to the ground, and their highest peak now is not more than 500 feet high. In Europe similar notions once prevailed; for we are told that the Cimmerians were kept in continual darkness by the interposition of immensely high mountains. In the Calica purana, it is said that the mountains have sunk considerably, so that the highest is not above one yojana, or five miles high.

When the Puranas speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally extravagant. According to them, King Yudhishthir reigned seven and twenty thousand years; king Nanda, of whom I shall speak more fully hereafter, is said to have possessed in his treasury above 1,584,000,000 pounds sterling, in gold coin alone: the value of the silver and copper coin, and jewels, exceeded all calculation; and his army consisted of 100,000,000 men. These accounts, geographical, chronological, and historical, as absurd and inconsistent with reason, must be rejected. This monstrous system seems to derive its origin from the ancient period of 12,000 natural years, which was admitted by the Persians, the Etruscans, and, I believe, also by the Celtic tribes; for we read of a learned nation in Spain, which boasted of having written histories of above six thousand years.

The hindus still make use of a period of 12,000 divine years, after which a periodical renovation of the world takes place. It is difficult to fix the time when the Hindus, forsaking the paths of historical truth, launched into the mazes of extravagance and fable. Megasthenes, who had repeatedly visited the court of Chandra Gupta [No, Sandrocottus], and of course had an opportunity of conversing with the best informed persons in India, is silent as to this monstrous system of the Hindus: on the contrary, it appears, from what he says, that in his time they did not carry back their antiquities much beyond six thousand, or even five thousand years, as we read in some MSS. He adds also, according to Clemens of Alexandria, that the Hindus and the Jews were the only people, who had a true idea of the creation of the world, and the beginning of things.

Fragm. XLII.

Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 305 D (ed. Colon. 1688).


That the Jewish race is by far the oldest of all these, and that their philosophy, which has been committed to writing, preceded the philosophy of the Greeks, Philo the Pythagorean shows by many arguments, as does also Aristoboulos the Peripatetic, and many others whose names I need not waste time in enumerating. Megasthenes, the author of a work on India, who lived with Seleukos Nikator, writes most clearly on this point, and his words are these: — "All that has been said regarding nature by the ancients is asserted also by philosophers out of Greece, on the one part in India by the Brachmanes, and on the other in Syria by the people called the Jews."

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., Principal of the Government College, Patna, Member of the General Council of the University of Edinburgh, Fellow of the University of Calcutta, With Introduction, Notes and Map of Ancient India, Reprinted (with additions) from the "Indian Antiquary," 1876-77, 1877


There was then an obvious affinity between the chronological system of the Jews and the Hindus. We are well acquainted with the pretensions of the Egyptians and Chaldeans to antiquity. This they never attempted to conceal. It is natural to suppose, that the Hindus were equally vain: they are so now; and there is hardly a Hindu who is not persuaded of, and who will not reason upon, the supposed antiquity of his nation. Megasthenes, who was acquainted with the antiquities of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Jews, whilst in India, made inquiries into the history of the Hindus, and their antiquity: and it is natural to suppose that they would boast of it as well as the Egyptians or Chaldeans, and as much then as they do now. Surely they did not invent fables to conceal them from the multitude, for whom, on the contrary, these fables were framed.

At all events, long before the ninth century the chronological system of the Hindus was as complete, or rather, perfectly the same as it is now; for Albumazar, who was contemporary with the famous Almamun, and lived at his court at Balac or Balkh, had made the Hindu antiquities his particular study. He was also a famous astronomer and astrologer, and had made enquiries respecting the conjunctions of the planets, the time of the creation of the world, and its duration, for astrological purposes; and he says, that the Hindus reckoned from the Flood to the Hejira [Muhammad's departure from Mecca to Medina in AD 622.] 720,634,442,715 days, or 3725 years.* [See Bailly's Astron. Anc. p. 30. and Mr. Davis's Essay in the second volume of the Asiatick Researches, p. 274.]

Here is a mistake, which probably originates with the transcriber or translator, but it may be easily rectified. The first number, though somewhat corrupted, is obviously meant for the number of days from the creation to the Hejira; and the 3725 years are reckoned from the beginning of the Cali-yug to the Hejira. It was then the opinion of Albumazar, about the middle of the ninth century, that the aera of the Cali-yug coincided with that of the Flood. He had, perhaps, data which no longer exist, as well as Abul-Fazil in the time of Akbar. Indeed, I am sometimes tempted to believe, from some particular passages in the Puranas, which are related in the true historical style, that the Hindus have destroyed, or at least designedly consigned to oblivion, all genuine records, as militating against their favourite system. In this manner the Romans destroyed the books of Numa, and consigned to oblivion the historical books of the Etrurians, and I suspect also those of the Turdktani in Spain.

Albumazar, also spelled Albumasar, orAbū Maʿshar, (born Aug. 10, 787, Balkh, Khorāsān [now in Afghanistan]—died March 9, 886, al-Wāsit, Iraq), leading astrologer of the Muslim world, who is known primarily for his theory that the world, created when the seven planets were in conjunction in the first degree of Aries, will come to an end at a like conjunction in the last degree of Pisces.

Albumazar’s reputation as an astrologer was immense, both among his contemporaries and in later times. He was the archetype of the knavish astrologer in the play Lo astrologo (1606) by the Italian philosopher and scientist Giambattista della Porta. This play was the basis for Albumazar by Thomas Tomkis [No, John Tomkis], which was revived by the English poet John Dryden in 1668. Albumazar’s principal works include Kitāb al-Madkhal al-Kabīr ʿalā ʿilm aḥkām al-nujūm (“Great Introduction to the Science of Astrology”), Kitāb al-qirānāt (“Book of Conjunctions”), and Kitāb taḥāwīl sinī al-ʿālam (“Book of Revolutions of the World-Years”).

-- Albumazar, by Britannica


ALBUMAZAR.

Alb. Come, brave mercurials, sublim'd in cheating;
My dear companions, fellow-soldiers
I' th' watchful exercise of thievery:
Shame not at your so large profession,
No more than I at deep astrology;
For in the days of old, Good morrow, thief,
As welcome was received, as now your worship.
The Spartans held it lawful, and the Arabians;
So grew Arabia felix, Sparta valiant...

Your patron, Mercury, in his mysterious character
Holds all the marks of the other wanderers,
And with his subtle influence works in all,
Filling their stories full of robberies.
Most trades and callings must participate
Of yours, though smoothly gilt with th' honest title
Of merchant, lawyer, or such like—the learned
Only excepted, and he's therefore poor.

Har. And yet he steals, one author from another.
This poet is that poet's plagiary.
And he a third's, till they end all in Homer.

Alb. And Homer filch'd all from an Egyptian priestess,
The world's a theatre of theft. Great rivers
Rob smaller brooks, and them the ocean;
And in this world of ours, this microcosm,
Guts from the stomach steal, and what they spare,
The meseraics filch, and lay't i' the liver:
Where, lest it should be found, turn'd to red nectar,
'Tis by a thousand thievish veins convey'd,
And hid in flesh, nerves, bones, muscles, and sinews:
In tendons, skin, and hair; so that, the property
Thus alter'd, the theft can never be discover'd.
Now all these pilf'ries, couch'd and compos'd in order,
Frame thee and me. Man's a quick mass of thievery.

Ron. Most philosophical Albumazar!

Har. I thought these parts had lent and borrowed mutual.

Alb. Say, they do so: 'tis done with full intention
Ne'er to restore, and that's flat robbery.
Therefore go on: follow your virtuous laws,
Your cardinal virtue, great necessity;
Wait on her close with all occasions;
Be watchful, have as many eyes as heaven,
And ears as harvest: be resolv'd and impudent:
Believe none, trust none; for in this city
(As in a fought field, crows and carcases)
No dwellers are but cheaters and cheatees.


Ron. If all the houses in the town were prisons,
The chambers cages, all the settles stocks,
The broad-gates, gallowses, and the whole people
Justices, juries, constables, keepers, and hangmen,
I'd practise, spite of all; and leave behind me
A fruitful seminary of our profession,
And call them by the name of Albumazarians...

Alb. Why, bravely spoken:
Fitting such generous spirits! I'll make way
To your great virtue with a deep resemblance
Of high astrology. Harpax and Ronca,
List to our project: I have new-lodg'd a prey
Hard by, that (taken) is, so fat and rich,
'Twill make us leave off trading, and fall to purchase...

'Tis a rich gentleman, as old as foolish;
The poor remnant of whose brain, that age had left him,
The doting love of a young girl hath dried:
And, which concerns us most, he gives firm credit
To necromancy and astrology...

Pandolfo is the man...

Then Furbo sings this song.
Bear up thy learned brow, Albumazar;
Live long, of all the world admir'd,
For art profound and skill retir'd,
To cheating by the height of star:
Hence, gipsies, hence; hence, rogues of baser strain,
That hazard life for little gain:
Stand off and, wonder, gape and gaze afar
At the rare skill of great Albumazar...

Ron. Sir, you must know my master's heavenly brain,
Pregnant with mysteries of metaphysics,
Grows to an embryo of rare contemplation
Which, at full time brought forth, excels by far
The armed fruit of Vulcan's midwif'ry,
That leap'd from Jupiter's mighty cranium...

With a wind-instrument my master made,
In five days you may breathe ten languages,
As perfect as the devil or himself...

The great Albumazar, by wondrous art,
In imitation of this perspicil,
Hath fram'd an instrument that magnifies
Objects of hearing, as this doth of seeing;
That you may know each whisper from Prester John
Against the wind, as fresh as 'twere delivered
Through a trunk or Gloucester's list'ning wall...

Ron. Sir, this is called an autocousticon.

Pan. Autocousticon!
Why, 'tis a pair of ass's ears, and large ones.

Ron. True; for in such a form the great Albumazar
Hath fram'd it purposely, as fitt'st receivers
Of sounds, as spectacles like eyes for sight....

Cri. What 'strologer?

Pan. The learned man I told thee,
The high Almanac of Germany; an Indian
Far beyond Trebisond and Tripoli,
Close by the world's end: a rare conjuror
And great astrologer. His name, pray, sir?

Ron. Albumazarro Meteoroscopico.

Cri. A name of force to hang him without trial.

Pan. As he excels in science, so in title.
He tells of lost plate, horses, and stray'd cattle
Directly, as he had stol'n them all himself.

Cri. Or he or some of his confederates....

Alb. Ronca, the bunch of planets new found out,
Hanging at the end of my best perspicil,
Send them to Galileo at Padua:
Let him bestow them where he please. But the stars,
Lately discover'd 'twixt the horns of Aries,
Are as a present for Pandolfo's marriage,
And hence styl'd Sidera Pandolfaea....

My almanac, made for the meridian
And height of Japan, give't th' East India Company;

There may they smell the price of cloves and pepper,
Monkeys and china dishes, five years ensuing.
And know the success of the voyage of Magores;
For, in the volume of the firmament,
We children of the stars read things to come,
As clearly as poor mortals stories pass'd
In Speed or Holinshed. The perpetual motion
With a true 'larum in't, to run twelve hours
'Fore Mahomet's return, deliver it safe
To a Turkey factor: bid him with care present it
From me to the house of Ottoman...

Pan. Why stare you?
Are you not well?

Alb. I wander 'twixt the poles
And heavenly hinges, 'mongst excentricals,
Centres, concentrics, circles, and epicycles,
To hunt out an aspect fit for your business....

Now, then, declining from Theourgia,
Artenosaria Pharmacia rejecting
Necro-puro-geo-hydro-cheiro-coscinomancy,
With other vain and superstitious sciences,
We'll anchor at the art prestigiatory,
That represents one figure for another,
With smooth deceit abusing th' eyes of mortals....

And, since the moon's the only planet changing,
For from the Neomenia in seven days
To the Dicotima, in seven more to the Panselinum,
And in as much from Plenilunium
Thorough Dicotima to Neomenia,
'Tis she must help us in this operation...

Why, here's a noble prize, worth vent'ring for.
Is not this braver than sneak all night in danger,
Picking of locks, or hooking clothes at windows?
Here's plate, and gold, and cloth, and meat, and wine,
All rich and eas'ly got....

Trin. Give me a looking-glass
To read your skill in these new lineaments.

Alb. I'd rather give you poison; for a glass,
By secret power of cross reflections
And optic virtue, spoils the wond'rous work
Of transformation; and in a moment turns you,
Spite of my skill, to Trincalo as before.
We read that Apuleius was by a rose
Chang'd from an ass to man
: so by a mirror
You'll lose this noble lustre, and turn ass.
I humbly take my leave; but still remember
T' avoid the devil and a looking-glass.
Newborn Antonio, I kiss your hands....

How? not a single share of this great prize,
That have deserv'd the whole? was't not my plot
And pains, and you mere instruments and porters?
Shall I have nothing?

Ron. No, not a silver spoon.

Fur. Nor cover of a trencher-salt.

Har. Nor table-napkin.

Alb. Friends, we have kept an honest truth and faith
Long time amongst us: break not the sacred league,
By raising civil theft: turn not your fury
'Gainst your own bowels. Rob your careful master!
Are you not asham'd?

Ron. 'Tis our profession,
As yours astrology. "And in the days of old,
Good morrow, thief, as welcome was receiv'd,
As now Your worship." 'Tis your own instruction.

Fur. "The Spartans held it lawful, and th' Arabians,
So grew Arabia happy, Sparta valiant."

Har. "The world's a theatre of theft: great rivers
Rob smaller brooks; and them the ocean."

Alb. Have not I wean'd you up from petty larceny,
Dangerous and poor, and nurs'd you to full strength
Of safe and gainful theft? by rules of art
And principles of cheating made you as free
From taking as you went invisible;
And do ye thus requite me? this the reward
For all my watchful care?

Ron. We are your scholars,
Made by your help and our own aptness able
To instruct others. 'Tis the trade we live by.
You that are servant to divine astrology,
Do something worth her livery: cast figures,
Make almanacs for all meridians.

Fur. Sell perspicils and instruments of hearing:
Turn clowns to gentlemen; buzzards to falcons,
'ur-dogs to greyhounds; kitchen-maids to ladies.

Har. Discover more new stars and unknown planets:
Vent them by dozens, style them by the names
Of men that buy such ware. Take lawful courses,
Rather than beg.

Alb. Not keep your honest promise?

Ron. "Believe none, credit none: for in this city
No dwellers are but cheaters and cheatees."

Alb. You promis'd me the greatest share.

Ron. Our promise!
If honest men by obligations
And instruments of law are hardly constrain'd
T' observe their word, can we, that make profession
Of lawless courses, do't?

Alb. Amongst ourselves!
Falcons, that tyrannise o'er weaker fowl,
Hold peace with their own feathers.

Har. But when they counter
Upon one quarry, break that league, as we do.

Alb. At least restore the ten pound in gold I lent you.

Ron. "'Twas lent in an ill second, worser third,
And luckless fourth:" 'tis lost, Albumazar.

Fur. Saturn was in ascension, Mercury
Was then combust, when you delivered it.
'Twill never be restor'd.

Ron. "Hali, Abenezra,
Hiarcha, Brachman, Budda Babylonicus,"
And all the Chaldees and the Cabalists,
Affirm that sad aspect threats loss of debts.

Har. Frame by your azimuth Almicantarath,
An engine like a mace, whose quality
Of strange retractive virtue may recall
Desperate debts, and with that undo serjeants.

Alb. Was ever man thus baited by's own whelps?
Give me a slender portion, for a stock
To begin trade again.

Ron. 'Tis an ill course,
And full of fears. This treasure hath enrich'd us,
And given us means to purchase and live quiet
Of th' fruit of dangers past. When I us'd robbing,
All blocks before me look'd like constables,
And posts appear'd in shape of gallowses;
Therefore, good tutor, take your pupil's counsel:
'Tis better beg than steal; live in poor clothes
Than hang in satin.

Alb. Villains, I'll be reveng'd,
And reveal all the business to a justice!

Ron. Do, if thou long'st to see thy own anatomy.

Alb. This treachery persuades me to turn honest.

Fur. Search your nativity; see if the Fortunates
And Luminaries be in a good aspect,
And thank us for thy life. Had we done well,
We had cut thy throat ere this.

Alb. Albumazar,
Trust not these rogues: hence, and revenge.


-- Albumazar, by John Tomkis


The Puranas are certainly a modern compilation from valuable materials, which I am afraid no longer exist: an astronomical observation of the heliacal rising of Canopus, mentioned in two of the Puranas, puts this beyond doubt. It is declared there, that certain religious rites are to be performed on the 27th of Bhadra, when Canopus, disengaged from the rays of the sun, becomes visible. It rises now on the 18th of the same months. The 18th and 27th of Bhadra answer this year to the 29th of August and 7th of September. I had not leisure enough to consult the two Puranas above mentioned on this subject. But as violent disputes have obtained among the learned Pandits, some insisting that these religious rites ought to be performed on the 27th of Bhadra, as directed in the Puranas, whilst others insist, it should be at the time of the udaya, or appearance of Canopus; a great deal of paper has been wasted on this subject, and from what has been written upon it, I have extracted the above observations. As I am not much used to astronomical calculations, I leave to others better qualified than I am to ascertain from these data the time in which the Puranas were written.

Newly discovered Puranas manuscripts from the medieval centuries has attracted scholarly attention and the conclusion that the Puranic literature has gone through slow redaction and text corruption over time, as well as sudden deletion of numerous chapters and its replacement with new content to an extent that the currently circulating Puranas are entirely different from those that existed before 11th century, or 16th century.

For example, a newly discovered palm-leaf manuscript of Skanda Purana in Nepal has been dated to be from 810 CE, but is entirely different from versions of Skanda Purana that have been circulating in South Asia since the colonial era. Further discoveries of four more manuscripts, each different, suggest that document has gone through major redactions twice, first likely before the 12th century, and the second very large change sometime in the 15th-16th century for unknown reasons. The different versions of manuscripts of Skanda Purana suggest that "minor" redactions, interpolations and corruption of the ideas in the text over time.

Rocher states that the date of the composition of each Purana remains a contested issue. Dimmitt and van Buitenen state that each of the Puranas manuscripts is encyclopedic in style, and it is difficult to ascertain when, where, why and by whom these were written.

Many of the extant manuscripts were written on palm leaf or copied during the British India colonial era, some in the 19th century. The scholarship on various Puranas, has suffered from frequent forgeries, states Ludo Rocher, where liberties in the transmission of Puranas were normal and those who copied older manuscripts replaced words or added new content to fit the theory that the colonial scholars were keen on publishing.

-- Puranas, by Wikipedia
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Part 2 of 4

We learn from Manetho [Manethon], that the Egyptian chronology enumerated fourteen dynasties, the particulars of which he omitted as unworthy of notice.

Similarities with Berossos

Most of the ancient witnesses group Manetho together with Berossos, and treat the pair as similar in intent, and it is not a coincidence that those who preserved the bulk of their writing are largely the same (Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, and Syncellus). Certainly, both wrote about the same time, and both adopted the historiographical approach of the Greek historians Herodotus and Hesiod, who preceded them. While the subjects of their history are different, the form is similar, using chronological royal genealogies as the structure for the narratives. Both extend their histories far into the mythic past, to give the deities rule over the earliest ancestral histories.

Syncellus goes so far as to insinuate that the two copied each other:
If one carefully examines the underlying chronological lists of events, one will have full confidence that the design of both is false, as both Berossos and Manetho, as I have said before, want to glorify each his own nation, Berossos the Chaldean, Manetho the Egyptian. One can only stand in amazement that they were not ashamed to place the beginning of their incredible story in each in one and the same year.

While this does seem an incredible coincidence, the reliability of the report is unclear. The reasoning for presuming they started their histories in the same year involved some considerable contortions. Berossos dated the period before the Flood to 120 saroi (3,600 year periods), giving an estimate of 432,000 years before the Flood. This was unacceptable to later Christian commentators, so it was presumed he meant solar days. 432,000 divided by 365 days gives a rough figure of 1,183½ years before the Flood. For Manetho, even more numeric contortions ensued. With no flood mentioned, they presumed that Manetho's first era describing the deities represented the ante-diluvian age. Secondly, they took the spurious Book of Sothis for a chronological count. Six dynasties of deities totalled 11,985 years, while the nine dynasties with demigods came to 858 years. Again, this was too long for the Biblical account, so two different units of conversion were used. The 11,985 years were considered to be months of 29½ days each (a conversion used in antiquity, for example by Diodorus Siculus), which comes out to 969 years. The latter period, however, was divided into seasons, or quarters of a year, and reduces to 214½ years (another conversion attested to by Diodorus). The sum of these comes out to 1,183½ years, equal to that of Berossos.
[L]ong before the ninth century the chronological system of the Hindus was as complete, or rather, perfectly the same as it is now; for Albumazar, who was contemporary with the famous Almamun, and lived at his court at Balac or Balkh, had made the Hindu antiquities his particular study. He was also a famous astronomer and astrologer, and had made enquiries respecting the conjunctions of the planets, the time of the creation of the world, and its duration, for astrological purposes; and he says, that the Hindus reckoned from the Flood to the Hejira [Muhammad's departure from Mecca to Medina in AD 622.] 720,634,442,715 days, or 3725 years.

Here is a mistake, which probably originates with the transcriber or translator, but it may be easily rectified. The first number, though somewhat corrupted, is obviously meant for the number of days from the creation to the Hejira; and the 3725 years are reckoned from the beginning of the Cali-yug to the Hejira. It was then the opinion of Albumazar, about the middle of the ninth century, that the aera of the Cali-yug coincided with that of the Flood. He had, perhaps, data which no longer exist...


Each period consists of 12,000 years, which the Hindus call divine. The Persians are not unacquainted with these renovations of the world, and periods of 12,000 years; for the bird Simurgh is introduced, telling Caherman that she had lived to see the earth seven times filled with creatures, and seven times a perfect void, (it should be six times a perfect void, for we are in the seventh period,) and that she had already seen twelve great periods of 7000 years. This is obviously wrong; it should be seven great periods of 12,000 years.

-- On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Vol. V, P. 241, 1799

Syncellus rejected both Manetho's and Berossos' incredible time-spans, as well as the efforts of other commentators to harmonise their numbers with the Bible. Ironically as we see, he also blamed them for the synchronicity concocted by later writers.

-- Manetho, by Wikipedia

In his system of chronology, accordingly, we have a series of rulers, Hebrew, Hindu, Chaldean, Persian, Chinese, and Egyptian, who reigned before the flood; in other words, the antediluvian patriarchs, in the two lines of descent from Seth and Cain, are represented as the first sovereigns of those several divisions of the east: and in this way, it will be granted that he contrives to dispose of the fourteen dynasties of ancient kings, mentioned in the Old Chronicle, by Manethon and by Berosus, which have so grievously perplexed all modern settlers of dates. From Syncellus downwards, all the compilers of chronological tables have been thrown out of their reckoning by the length of Manethon's catalogue; and we believe they have all adopted the same methods for combating the difficulties thereby presented, namely, either to reject the first fourteen dynasties, or reigns, as altogether fabulous, or, admitting them to have some ground in historical fact, to set them down as contemporary governments. Now, as Noah was the eighth from Adam, it is very plausibly inferred in the work before us, that there were six chiefs or rulers in each of the two lines of Adam's sons, making between them, including our first parent and Noah, the very fourteen reigns in question (for reign and dynasty here are admitted to be synonymous), and thereby giving an intelligible import to the otherwise unmeaning list of aboriginal kings found in the most ancient records. There may perhaps be a little imagination in the matter; but it is astonishing how successfully the author contrives to make the Hindu, Chaldean, Chinese, and Egyptian annals coincide, in their earliest details of names and sovereignties: and it is still more remarkable that both the Hindu and Chaldean historians mention in regard to the eighth king in their list, that he with his family was miraculously saved from the general destruction of the deluge by means of a ship or ark.

-- ART. V. [Book Review of:] A Key to the Chronology of the Hindus; in a Series of Letters, in which an Attempt is made to facilitate the Progress of Christianity in Hindustan, by proving that the protracted Numbers of all Oriental Nations, when reduced, agree with the Dates given in the Hebrew Text of the Bible. 2 vols. 8vo. Rivingtons. 1820. [by Anonymous, 1820], by F. and C. Rivington (Firm), The British Critic, Volumes 13-14, Editors: 1793-1813, Robert Nares, William Beloe; 1814-1825, T.F. Middleton, W.R. Lyall, and others. 1820, originally published 1792


In the same manner the Hindu chronology presents us with a series of fourteen Dynasties, equally repugnant to nature and reason; six of these are elapsed, we are in the seventh, which began with the Flood, and seven more we are taught to expect. These fourteen Dynasties are hardly ever noticed by the Hindus in their legendary tales, or historical poems. The rulers of these Dynasties are called MENUS [Manus]: and from them their respective Dynasty, antara, or period, is called a Manwantara. Every Dynasty ends with a total destruction of the human race, except the Menu or ruler of the next period, who makes his escape in a boat, with the seven Rishis. The same events take place; the same persons, though sometimes under different names, re-appear.

Thus the history of one Dynasty serves for all the rest. In reality, history, according to the Hindus themselves, begins with the Flood, or the seventh Menu.

BOOK THE FOURTH.

1 WE have reached this earth's place of sacrificing, the place wherein all Deities delighted. Crossing by Rik, by Sâman, and by Yajus, may we rejoice in food and growth of riches. Gracious to me be these Celestial Waters! Protect me, Plant. O Knife, forbear to harm him.

2 The Mother Floods shall make us bright and shining, cleansers of holy oil, with oil shall cleanse us. For, Goddesses, they bear off all defilement. I rise up from them purified and brightened. The form of Consecration and of Fervour art thou. I put thee on, the kind and blissful, maintaining an agreeable appearance.

BOOK THE EIGHTH.

24 The waters, face of Agni, have I entered, O Waters’ Child, repelling evil spirits. Offer the fuel in each home, O Agni. Let thy tongue dart —All-hail!—to meet the butter.
25 Thy heart is in the flood, within the waters. With thee let plants and waters be commingled, That, Lord of Sacrifice, we may adore thee with singing praise and telling forth our homage. All-hail!
26 This, O celestial Waters, is your offspring. Support him dearly loved and gently nurtured.
28 Let, still unborn, the ten-month calf move with the following after-birth. Even as the-wind is moving, as the gathered flood of ocean moves, So may this ten-month calf come forth together with the after-birth.
42 Smell thou the vat. Let Soma drops pass into thee, O Mighty One. Return again with store of sap. Pour for us wealth in thousands thou with full broad streams and floods of milk. Let riches come again to me.

BOOK THE TENTH.

3 Swift at your work are ye, givers of kingship. Do ye— All-hail!—bestow on me the kingdom. Swift at your work are ye, givers of kingship. Do ye on So-and-So bestow the kingdom. Endowed with strength are ye, givers of kingship, etc. O’erflowing floods are ye, etc. The Waters’ Lord art thou, giver of kingship. Do thou, etc. The Waters’ Child art thou, etc.

BOOK THE TWELFTH.

14 The Hamsa homed in light, the Vasu in mid-air, the Priest beside the altar, Guest within the house, Dweller in noblest place, mid men, in truth, in sky, born of flood, kine, truth, mountain, he is holy Law. The Great.
36 Agni, thy home is in the floods: into the plants thou forcest way, And as their child art born anew.

37 Thou art the offspring of the plants, thou art the offspring of the trees: The offspring thou of all that is, thou, Agni, art the Waters’ Child,
9 O Agni, to the flood of heaven thou mountest, thou tallest hither Gods, the thought-inspirers. The waters, those beyond the light of Sûrya, and those that are beneath it here, approach thee.
50 May the Purîshya Agnis in accord with those that spring from floods, May they, benevolent, accept the sacrifice, full, wholesome draughts.


BOOK THE SIXTEENTH.

64 Homage to Rudras, those whose home is sky, whose arrows floods of rain. To them ten eastward, southward ten, ten to the south, ten to the north, ten to the region uppermost! To them be homage! May they spare and guard us. Within their jaws we lay the man who hates us and whom we abhor.

BOOK THE SEVENTEENTH.

6 Descend upon the earth, the reed, the rivers: thou art the gall, O Agni, of the waters. With them come hither, female Frog, and render this sacrifice of ours bright-hued, successful.
7 This is the place where waters meet; here is the gathering of the flood. Let thy shaft burn others than us: be thou cleanser, propitious unto us.
87 Drink in the middle of the flood, O Agni, this breast stored full of sap, teeming with water. Welcome this fountain redolent of sweetness. O Courser, enter those thy watery dwelling.
99 The universe depends upon thy power and might within the sea, within the heart, within all life. May we attain that sweetly-flavoured wave of thine, brought, at this gathering, o’er the surface of the floods.

BOOK THE EIGHTEENTH.

55 Attached thou standest at the head of all the world. Thy heart is in the sea, thy life is in the floods. Give water: cleave the reservoir. Help us with rain sent from the sky, Parjanya, firmament, or earth.

BOOK THE NINETEENTH.

74 The Hamsa throned in light drank up by metre Soma from the floods. By Law, etc.
94 Sarasvatî, as Consort of the Asvins, bears in her womb the nobly fashioned Infant. King Varuna with waters’ wealthy essence begetting Indra in the floods for glory.

BOOK THE TWENTIETH.

18 Waters, Inviolable ones, etc. Said to be repeated from VI. 22. O ever-moving Cleansing Bath, etc. Repeated from III. 48.
19 Thy heart is in the flood, etc. Repeated from VIII. 25. To us let Waters, etc. Repeated from VI. 22.
20 As one unfastened from a stake, or cleansed by bathing after toil, As butter which the sieve hath purged, let water clean me from my sin.
85 Sarasvatî, the mighty flood, she with her light illuminates, she brightens every pious thought.


BOOK THE TWENTY-SECOND.

25 Hail to waters! Hail to floods! Hail to water! Hail to standing waters! Hail to flowing waters! Hail to trickling waters! Hail to well waters! Hail to spring waters! Hail to the foaming sea! Hail to the ocean! Hail to the deep!

BOOK THE TWENTY-THIRD.

7 When, swift as wind, the Horse has reached the form that Indra loves, the flood, Again, O singer, by this path bring thou our Courser hitherward.
48 Brahma is lustre like the Sea. Heaven is a flood to match the Sea. Indra is vaster than the Earth. Beyond all measure is the Cow.
63 The Strong, the Self-existent One, the First, within the mighty flood, Laid down the timely embryo from which Prajâpati was born.

BOOK THE TWENTY-SEVENTH

26 What time the mighty waters came containing the universal germ, producing Agni, Thence sprang the Gods’ one spirit into being. What God shall we adore with our oblation?
26 Who in his might surveyed the floods enclosing productive force and generating Worship, He who is God mid Gods, and none beside him—What God shall we adore with our oblation?

BOOK THE TWENTY-NINTH.

52 Lord of the Wood, be firm and strong in body: be, bearing us, a brave victorious hero. Show forth thy strength, compact with straps of leather, and let thy rider win all spoils of battle.
53 Its mighty strength was borrowed from the heaven and earth its conquering force was brought from sovrans of the wood. Honour with holy gifts the Car like Indra's bolt, the Car bound round with straps, the vigour of the floods.

BOOK THE THIRTY-THIRD.

59 When Saramâ had found the mountain's fissure, that vast and ancient place she plundered thoroughly. In the floods’ van she led them forth, light-footed: she who well knew came first unto their lowing.

BOOK THE THIRTY-FIFTH.

9 Prosper for thee the regions and the waters, and let the seas for thee be most propitious. Auspicious unto thee be Air. Prosper all Quarters well for thee!
10 On flows the stony flood: hold fast each other, keep yourselves up, my friends, and pass the river. Here let us leave the powers that brought no profit, and cross the flood to Powers that are auspicious.

BOOK THE THIRTY-EIGHTH.

7 Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the sea. Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the flood. Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the unconquerable. Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the irresistible. Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the protection-seeker. Thee with Svâhâ to Vâta the non-destructive.

-- The Texts of the White Yajurveda, translated With a Popular Commentary by Ralph T.H. Griffith, 1899

Each period consists of 12,000 years, which the Hindus call divine. The Persians are not unacquainted with these renovations of the world, and periods of 12,000 years; for the bird Simurgh is introduced, telling Caherman that she had lived to see the earth seven times filled with creatures, and seven times a perfect void, (it should be six times a perfect void, for we are in the seventh period,) and that she had already seen twelve great periods of 7000 years. This is obviously wrong; it should be seven great periods of 12,000 years.

The antediluvian history, being considered by the Hindus in different points of view, is related in various ways, having little connection with each other.[???!!!] We are told first that Brahma created ten Bramadicas or children of Brahma, who were to be the progenitors of the moveable and immoveable parts of the creation, by which they understand animals and vegetables. Their names are Manichi, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Critu, Dacsha, Vasishtha, Burigu, and Narada. These sprang immediately from Brahma, and produced the Gods, the Daityas, good and bad genii, animals, and plants of all sorts. The Puranics are not agreed as to the number of Brahmadicas. In the Bhagavat it is declared that they were ten; but in other puranas they reckon nine; whilst in the Scanda-purana it is declared that there were only seven Brahmadicas, whose names are Marichi, Atri, Angirasa, Pulastya, Pulaha, Crita, and Vosishta; nor are there wanting authorities to reduce them to three, namely, the three sons of Swayambhuva, who was Brahma himself in a human shape.

It is declared, that the seven MENUS, who have made their appearance, sprang from the Brahmadicas: their names are, Swayambhuva, Swarochisha, Uttama, Tamasa, Raivata, Chacshusha, and Satyavrata or Noah.

The seven Rishis sprang immediately from Brahma, and their names are, Casyapa, Atri, Vosishta, Visvametra, Gautama, Jamadagni, and Bharadwaja. These holy penitents, by their salutary counsels, and the example of their austerities, discover the path of rectitude and virtue to mankind. It is remarked of Atri, that he was both a Brahmadica and a Rishi; and, perhaps, the seven Menus, the seven Brahmadicas, with the seven Rishis, are the same, and make only seven individual persons. The seven Brahmadicas were prajapatis or lords of the prajas or creatures. From them mankind were born, and they are probably the same with the seven Menus, who, when far advanced in years, withdrew from the world, and became Rishis or holy penitents, as, according to the Puranas, was the general practice of mankind in former ages. These seven grand ancestors of the human race were first Brahmadicas or children of Brahma, and created for the purpose of replenishing the earth with inhabitants; having fulfilled their mission they became sovereigns of the universe, or Menus; and in their old age they withdrew to solitary places to prepare for death, and become Rishis. Swayambhuva, or the son of the self-existing, was the first Menu, and the father of mankind: his consort's name was Satarupa. In the second Veda [Yajur Veda], the Supreme Being is introduced thus speaking: "From me Brahma was born: he is above all; he is pitama, or the father of all men; he is Aja and Swayambhu, or self-existing."

"0" references to "From me Brahma"; "11" references to "Brahma"

BOOK THE THIRTEENTH

3 Eastward at first was Brahma generated. Vena o’erspread the bright Ones from the summit, Disclosed his deepest nearest revelations, womb of existent and of non-existent.

BOOK THE EIGHTEENTH.

29 May life succeed through sacrifice. May life-breath thrive by sacrifice. May the eye thrive by sacrifice. May the ear thrive by sacrifice. May the voice thrive by sacrifice. May the mind thrive by sacrifice. May the self thrive by sacrifice. May Brahma thrive by sacrifice. May light succeed by sacrifice. May heaven succeed by sacrifice. May the hymn thrive by sacrifice. May sacrifice thrive by sacrifice; And laud and sacrificial text, and verse of praise and Sâma chant, The Brihat and Rathantara.

76 Home-hider Agni, Indra, and Brahma, and bright Brihaspati— May the All Gods, one-minded, guard our sacrifice in happy place.

BOOK THE NINETEENTH.

31 So far the type of sacrifice was formed by Brahma, and the Gods. All this he gains, when juice is shed, in the Santrâmanî sacrifice.

75 Prajâpati by Brahma drank the essence from the foaming food, the princely power, milk, Soma juice. By Law, etc.

BOOK THE TWENTY-FIRST.

16 The Doors divine, the mighty Regions, Brahma, God Brihaspati, The metre Pankti, here a bull in his fourth year, give power and life.

BOOK THE TWENTY-THIRD.

14 The car is fitted with the rein, the steed is fitted with the rein. Fitted in waters, water-born, is Brahmâ following Soma's lead.

48 Brahma is lustre like the Sea. Heaven is a flood to match the Sea.

BOOK THE THIRTY-SECOND.

1 AGNI is That; the Sun is That; Vâyu and Chandramâs are That. The Bright is That; Brahma is That, those Waters, that Prajâpati.

BOOK THE THIRTY-SIXTH.

17 Sky alleviation, Air alleviation, Earth alleviation, Plants alleviation, Trees alleviation, All-Gods alleviation, Brahma alleviation, Universe alleviation, just Alleviation alleviation—may that alleviation come to me!

BOOK THE FORTIETH.

17 The Real's face is hidden by a vessel formed of golden light. The Spirit yonder in the Sun, the Spirit dwelling there am I. OM! Heaven! Brahma!

-- The Texts of the White Yajurveda, translated With a Popular Commentary by Ralph T.H. Griffith, 1899

From him proceeded Swayambhuva, who is the first Menu: they call him Adima (or the first, or Protogonus:) he is the first of men, and Paramapurusha, or the first male.

"0" references to "Swayabhuva"; "0" references to Menu; "2" references to Manu.

BOOK THE ELEVENTH.

66 Intention, Agni. Motive, Hail! Mind, Wisdom, Agni, Motive, Hail! Thought, Knowledge, Agni, Motive, Hail! Rule of Speech, Agni, Motive, Hail! To Manu Lord of creatures, Hail! To Agni dear to all men, Hail!

BOOK THE THIRTY-SEVENTH.

12 Unconquerable, eastward, in Agni's overlordship, give me life. Rich in sons, southward, in Indra's overlordship give me offspring. Fair-seated, westward, in God. Savitar's overlordship, give me sight. Range of hearing, northward, in Dhâtar's overlordship, give me increase of wealth. Arrangement, upward, in Brihaspati's overlordship, give me energy. From all destructive spirits guard us. Thou art Manu's mare.

-- The Texts of the White Yajurveda, translated With a Popular Commentary by Ralph T.H. Griffith, 1899


His help-meet Pricriti is called also Satarupa: she is Adima (2) [Adima is the feminine gender from Adima or Adimas.] or the first: she is Visva-jenni, or the mother of the world: she is Iva, or like I, the female energy of nature, or she is a form of, or descended from I: she is Para or the greatest: both are like, Maha-deva and his Sacti (the female energy of nature) whose names are also Isa and Isi.

Swayambhuva is Brahma in a human shape, or the first Brahma: for Brahma is man individually, and also collectively, mankind; hence Brahma is said to be born and to die every day, as there are men springing to life, and dying ever day. Collectively he dies every hundred years, this being the utmost limits of life in the Cali-yug, according to the Puranas: at the end of the world, Brahma or mankind is said to die also, at the end of a hundred divine years. Swayambhuva, in the present calpa, is Vishnu in the character of Brahma-rupi Javardana, or the Vishnu with the countenance of Brahma. To understand this it is necessary to premise, that it has been revealed to the Hindus, that, from the beginning to the end of things, when the whole creation will be annihilated and absorbed into the Supreme Being, there will be five great calpas, or periods. We are now in the middle of the fourth calpa, fifty years of Brahma being elapsed; and of the remainder the first calpa is begun. These five great calpas include 500 years of Brahma, at the end of which nothing will remain but the self-existing.

BOOK THE SECOND.

20 O Agni of unweakened strength, far-reaching, protect me from the lightning-flash, protect me from bondage. from defect in sacrificing, from food injurious to health protect
me. Make thou the food that feeds us free from poison in the home good to sit in. Svâhâ! Vât! Hail to the Lord of close embracements, Agni! Hail to Sarasvatî enriched with glory!
21 Veda art thou, whereby, O godlike Veda, thou hast become for Deities their Veda: thereby mayst thou become for me a Veda. O Deities, ye knowers of the Pathway, walk on the pathway having known the Pathway. God, Lord of Spirit, hail! bestow upon the Wind this sacrifice.
22 Blest be the Grass with sacred food and butter. Let Indra be united with the Âdityas, the Vasus, Maruts, and the Visvedevas. Let Svâhâ-offerings rise to heavenly ether.
23 Who liberates thee from the yoke? He frees thee. For whom? For him he looses thee. For plenty. Thou art the Râkshasas’ allotted portion.
24 We have combined with lustre, vigour, bodies; we have united with the blessèd spirit. May Tvashtar, bounteous giver, grant us riches, and clear each fault and blemish from the body.
25 By Jagatî metre in the sky strode Vishnu. Therefrom excluded is the man who hates us and whom we detest. By Trishtup metre in the air strode Vishnu. Therefrom, etc. By Gâyatrî upon the earth strode Vishnu. Therefrom, etc. From this food From this resting-place excluded. We have reached heaven. We have combined with lustre.
26 Thou, noblest ray of light, art Self-existent. Giver art thou of splendour. Give me splendour. I move along the path that Sûrya travels.

BOOK THE FIFTH

6 O Agni, Guardian of the Vow, O Guardian of the Vow, in thee Whatever form there is of thine, may that same form be here on me: and thee be every form of mine. O Lord of Vows, let our vows be united. May Dîkshâ's Lord allow my Consecration, may holy Fervour's Lord approve my Fervour.
7 May every stalk of thine wax full and strengthen for Indra Ekadhanavid, God Soma! May Indra grow in strength for thee: for Indra mayest thou grow strong. Increase us friends with strength and mental vigour. May all prosperity be thine, God Soma. May I attain the
solemn Soma-pressing. May longed-for wealth come forth for strength and fortune. Let there be truth for those whose speech is truthful. To Heaven and Earth be adoration offered.
8 That noblest body which is thine, O Agni, laid in the lowest deep, encased in iron, hath chased the awful word, the word of terror. Svâhâ! That noblest . . . . . . encased in silver, etc. Svâhâ. That noblest . . . . with gold around it, etc. Svâhâ! ...
24 Self-ruler art thou, conquering foes. Ruler for ever art thou, killing enemies. Men's ruler art thou, slaying fiends. All ruler, killing foes, art thou.

BOOK THE SEVENTH.

1 FLOW for Vâchaspati, cleansed by hands from the two off-shoots of the Bull. Flow pure, a Deity thyself, for Deities whose share thou art.
2 Sweeten the freshening draughts we drink. Soma, whatever name thou hast, Unconquerable, giving life, To that thy Soma, Soma! Hail!
3 Self-made art thou from all the Powers that are in heaven and on the earth. May the Mind win thee, thee, All-hail! for Sûrya, O thou nobly-born. Thee for the Deities who sip light-atoms. Truly fulfilled, O Plant divine, be that for which I pray to thee. With ruin falling from above may So-and-So be smitten, crash! Thee for out-breathing, thee for breath diffused!
4 Taken upon a base art thou. Hold in, Rich Lord! be Soma's guard. Be thou protector of our wealth: win strengthening food by sacrifice.
5 The heaven and spacious earth I lay within thee, I lay within thee middle air's wide region. Accordant with the Gods lower and higher, Rich Lord, rejoice thee in the Antaryâma. O Self-made art thou . . . . . light-atoms (verse 3 repeated). Thee for the upward breath.
7 O Vâyu, drinker of the pure, be near us: a thousand teams are thine, All-bounteous Giver. To thee the rapture-giving juice is offered, whose first draught, God, thou takest as thy portion.

BOOK THE TENTH.

4 With sun-bright skins are ye, givers, etc. Brilliant as Suns are ye, etc. Bringers of joy are ye, etc. Dwellers in cloud are ye, etc. Desirable are ye, etc. Most powerful are ye, etc. Endowed with might are ye, etc. Man-nourishing are ye, etc. All-nourishing are ye, etc. Self-ruling Waters are ye, giving kingship. On So-and-So do ye bestow the kingdom. Together with the sweet let sweet ones mingle, obtaining for the Kshatriya mighty power. Rest in your place inviolate and potent, bestowing on the Kshatriya mighty power.

BOOK THE THIRTEENTH

24 The Far-Refulgent held the light. The Self-Refulgent held the light. Thee, luminous, may Prajâpati settle upon the back of Earth. Give, to all breathing, all the light, to out-breath, to diffusive breath. Thy Sovran [Sovereign] Lord is Agni. With that Deity, as with Angiras, lie firmly settled in thy place.

BOOK THE SEVENTEENTH.

13 Worshipful Gods of Gods who merit worship, those who sit down beside their yearly portion, Let them who eat not sacrificial presents drink in this rite
of honey and of butter.
14 Those Gods who have attained to Godhead over Gods, they who have led the way in this our holy work, Without whose aid no body whatsoever moves, not on heaven's heights are they, nor on the face of earth.
15 Giver of breath, of out-breath, breath diffusive, giver of lustre, giving room and freedom, Let thy shot missiles burn others than us: be thou cleanser, propitious unto us.
16 May Agni with his sharpened blaze cast down each fierce devouring fiend. May Agni win us wealth by war.
17 He who sate down as Hotar priest, the Rishi, our Father offering, up all things existent. He, seeking with his wish a great possession, came among men on earth as archetypal.
18 What was the place whereon he took his station? What was it that upheld him? What the manner, Whence Visvakarman, seeing all, producing the earth, with mighty power disclosed the heavens?
19 He who hath eyes on all sides round about him, a mouth on all sides, arms and feet on all sides, He the sole God, producing earth and heaven, weldeth them with his arms as wings together.
20 What was the tree, what wood in sooth produced it, from which they fashioned out the earth and heaven? Ye thoughtful men, inquire within your spirit whereon he stood when he established all things.

21 Thine highest, lowest sacrificial natures, and these thy midmost here, O Visvakarman, Teach thou thy friends at sacrifice, O Blessèd, and come thyself, exalted, to our worship.
22 Bring those, thyself exalted with oblation, O Visvakarman, Earth and Heaven to worship. Let enemies around us live in folly: here let us have a rich and liberal patron.
23, 24. = VIII. 45, 46.
25 The Father of the eye, the Wise in spirit, created both these worlds submerged in fatness. Then when the eastern ends were firmly fastened, the heavens and the earth were far extended.
26 Mighty in mind and power is Visvakarman, Maker, Disposer, and most lofty Presence. Their offerings joy in rich juice where they value One, only One beyond the Seven Rishis.
27 Father who made us, he who, as Disposer, knoweth all races and all things existing, Even he alone, the Deities’ name-giver,—him other beings seek for information....

58 Savitar, golden-hued, hath lifted eastward, bright with the sunbeams, his eternal lustre, He at whose furtherance wise Pûshan marches surveying all existence like a herdsman.
59 He sits, the measurer, in the midst of heaven, filling the two world-halves and air's mid-region. He looks upon the rich far-spreading pastures between the eastern and the western limit.
60 Steer, Sea, Red Bird with strong wings, he hath entered the dwelling-place of the Primeval Father. A gay-hued Stone set in the midst of heaven, he hath gone forth and guards the air's two limits....

71 O Agni, thousand-eyed and hundred-headed, thy breaths are hundred, thy through-breaths a thousand. Thou art the Lord of thousandfold possessions. To thee; for strength, may we present oblation....
85 Self-Powerful, Voracious-One, Kin-to-the-Sun, The House-holder, Play-Lover, Mighty, Conqueror. Fierce, Terrible, The Resonant, The Roaring. Victorious, Assailant, and Dispeller, All-Hail!


BOOK THE NINETEENTH.

60 For those who, burnt with fire or not cremated, joy in their portion in the midst of heaven, May the Self-Ruler form the world of spirits and this their body as his pleasure wills it.

BOOK THE TWENTIETH.

6 My tongue be bliss, my voice be might, my mind be wrath, my rage self-lord! Joys be my fingers, and delight my members, conquering strength my friend!

BOOK THE TWENTY-THIRD.

63 The Strong, the Self-existent One, the First, within the mighty flood, Laid down the timely embryo from which Prajâpati was born.

BOOK THE TWENTY-SEVENTH

33 Come thou with one, and ten, O Self-Existent! with two unto the sacrifice, and twenty. Three are the teams and thirty which convey thee. O Vâyu, in this place unyoke thy coursers.

BOOK THE FORTIETH. [???!!!]

1 ENVELOPED by the Lord must be This All—each thing that moves on earth. With that renounced enjoy thyself. Covet no wealth of any man.
2 One, only doing Karma here, should wish to live a hundred years. No way is there for thee but this. So Karma cleaveth not to man.
3 Aye, to the Asuras belong those worlds enwrapt in blinding gloom. To them, when life on earth is done, depart the men who kill the Self.
4 Motionless, one, swifter than Mind—the Devas failed to o’ertake it speeding on before them. It, standing still, outstrips the others running. Herein Both Mâtarisvan stablish Action.
5 It moveth; it is motionless. It is far distant; it is near. It is within This All; and it surrounds This All externally.
6 The man who in his Self beholds all creatures and all things that be, And in all beings sees his Self, thence doubts no longer, ponders not.
7 When, in the man who clearly knows, Self hath become all things that are, What wilderment, what grief is there in him who sees the One alone?
8 He hath attained unto the Bright, Bodiless, Woundless, Sinewless, the Pure which evil hath not pierced. Far-sighted, wise, encompassing, the self-existent hath prescribed aims, as propriety demands, unto the everlasting Years.


-- The Texts of the White Yajurveda, translated With a Popular Commentary by Ralph T.H. Griffith, 1899


Every calpa, except the first, is preceded by a renovation of the world, and a general flood; whilst the flood that precedes every Manwantara is in great measure, a partial one, some few high peaks and some privileged places, as Benares, being excepted; the peaks remaining above the waters, and Benares and other privileged places being surrounded by the waters as with a circular wall.

These five calpas have five deities, who rule by turns, and from whom the calpas are denominated. These five deities are, Devi, Surya or the Sun, Ganesa, Vishnu, and Iswara. Brahma has no peculiar calpa: he is intimate to every one of them. Every deity, in his own period, is Calsva-rupi or Chronus. We are now under the reign of the fourth Chronus. The Western mythologists mention several ruling deities of that name. Calsva-rupi signifies he who has the countenance of Cala, Chronus, or Time. This is now the calpa of Vishnu, who, to create, thought on Brahma, and became Brahma-rupi-Janardana. He preserves and fosters the whole creation in his own character; and will ultimately destroy it through Iswara or Rudra. The calpa of Vishnu is called also the Pudma or Lotos period. It is declared in the puranas that all animals and plants are the Ling or Phallus of the Calsva-rupi deity; and that at the end of his own calpa he is deprived of his Ling by his successor, who attracts the whole creation to himself, to swallow it up or devour it, according to the Western mythologists; and at the end of his calpa he disgorges the whole creation. Such is the origin of Chronus devouring his own offspring; of Jupiter disgorging it through a potion administered to him by Metis; and of Chronus castrating his own father. According to this, Swayambhuva is conjointly and individually, Brahma, Vishnu, and Isa or Maha-deva. To Swayambhuva were born three daughters, Acuti, Deva-sruti, and Visruti or Prasuti. Brahma created three great Rajapatis, to be their husbands; Cardama, Dacsha, (the same who was also a Brahmadica and Ruchi. Cardama is acknowledged to be a form of Siva, or Siva himself: and Dacsha to be Brahma; hence he is often called Dacsha Brahma; and we may reasonably conclude that the benevolent Ruchi was equally a form of Vishnu. It is said in the vedas, as I am assured by learned pundits, that these three gods sprang in a mortal shape from the body of Adima; that Dacsha Brahma issued mystically from his navel, Vishnu from his left, and Siva from his right side. It is declared in the puranas, that Iswara cut off one of the heads of Brahma, who being immortal was only maimed. The same mystical rancour was manifest when they assumed a mortal shape, as appears from the following relation: The pious Dacsha desiring to perform sacrifice, invited gods and men to assist at it, but did not ask Siva on account of his bad conduct and licentious life. The wife of Siva, who was the daughter of Dacsha, could not brook this neglect, and determined to go: her husband expostulated with her, but to no purpose. When she arrived, her father took no notice of her, which enraged her so much, that after having spoiled the sacrifice, she jumped into the sacred fire, and expired in the flames. Siva hearing of her misfortune, went to Dacsha; and, reproaching him for his unnatural conduct towards his own daughter, cut off his head. Dacsha had no male offspring, but many daughters, whose alliance was eagerly fought for by the most distinguished characters. It is asserted in the puranas that from Cardama, Dacsha, and Ruchi, the earth was filled with inhabitants: yet in the same we are told, that Brahma, being disappointed, found it necessary to give two sons to Adima, from whom, at last, the earth was filled with inhabitants. These two sons were Privavrata and Uttanapada, who appear to be the same with Cardama and Ruchi. Here the antediluvian history assumes a different shape; and the puranics, abandoning their idle tales, of the seven Menus and renovations of the world, between the time of Swayambhuva, and the flood of Satyavrata, presents us with something more consistent with reason and historical truth; but which at once overthrows their extravagant fabrick. Peiyavrata was the first born of Adima; and the particulars recorded of his progeny have no small affinity with the generations exhibited by Sanchoniatho, as will appear from the following comparative Table:  

I. Adima, and Adima or Iva . / I. Protogonus, synonimous with Adim: Aion or Aeon from Iva or Ivam, in the second case.

II. Priyavrata. He married Barhismati, the daughter of Visvacarma, the chief engineer of the Gods. / II. Genus, Genea.

III. Agnidhra and his seven brothers, whose names signify fire and flame. By one wife he had three sons: they became Menus; and were named, Uttama, Tamasa, and Raivata. By another wife, Agnidhra had nine sons, who gave their names to the mountainous tracts of Nabhi. / III. Phos, Phur, Phlon; that is, light, fire, and flame.

IV. Cimpurusha, Harivarsha, Ilavarta, Ramanaca, Curu, Bhadrasva, Cetumala, and Hiranmaya. / IV. They began sons of vast bulk, whose names were given to the mountains on which they seized, viz. Cassius, Libanus, Anti-Libanus, Brathys.

V. Rishabaha, son of Nabahi. / V. Memrumus, Hypsuranius, and Usous.

VI. Bharata, who gave his name to the country of Bharata-varsha. / VI. Agreaes, Haliaeus.

VII. Sumarti, Dhumra-Cetu, whose name signifies a fiery meteor. / VII. Chrysaor.

VIII. Devajita, 9, Pratihara, 10. Pratihata, said by some to be brothers. the names of the two last imply beating, hammering, &c. / VIII. Technites, Geinus, Autochton.

IX. Aja and Bhumana. Then follows a list of sixteen names, supposed by some to be so many generations in a direct line; by others, this is denied: but as nothing is recorded of them, they are omitted. / IX. Agrowerus, or Adgrotes. Aja in Sanscrit, is synonimous nearly with Autochton, and Bhumana answers to Agrowerus and Agrotes.


The posterity of Adima or Adim (for the letter A in this name has exactly the sound of the French e in the word j'aime) through Uttanapada, is as follows:

I. Adim and Iva. Iva sounds exactly like Eve, pronounced as a dissyllable E-ve.

II. Uttanapada. He had two wives, Suruchi and Suruti: by the first he had Uttama, and by the second Dhruva. Uttanapada was exceedingly fond of Suruchi, which gave rise to the following circumstances. Whilst he was caressing Uttama his son Dhruva went to him and was repulsed. Dhruva burst into tears, and complained to his mother, who advised him to withdraw into the deserts. He followed her advice, and retired into a forest on the banks of the Jumna, where he gave himself up to the contemplation of the Supreme Being, and the performance of religious austerities. After many years the Supreme Being appeared to him, and commanded him to put an end to his austerities and return to his father, who had relented. He went accordingly  to his father, who received him with joy, and resigned the kingdom to him. Dhruva, like Enoch in Scripture is commended for his extraordinary piety, and the salutary precepts he gave to mankind. He did not taste death, but was translated to heaven, where he shines in the polar star. Here Enoch and Enos are confounded together. Uttama, whose education had been neglected, gave himself up to pleasure and dissipation. Whilst hunting he happened to quarrel with the Cuveras, and was killed in the fray. Dhruva, at the head of a numerous army, took the field to revenge the death of his brother: many had fallen on both sides, when Swayambhuva or Adim interposed, and a lasting peace was concluded between the contending parties.  

III. Dhruva. He had by his first wife two sons, Vatsara and Calmavatsara; by Ila he had a son called Utcala, and a daughter.

IV. Vatsara, by his wife Swacatai had six sons, the eldest of whom was called Pushparna.

V. Pushparna had by his wife Dosha three sons, and by Nadwala, Chacshusha, who became a Menu.

VI. Chachusha had twelve sons, the eldest of whom was called Ulmaca.

VII. Ulmaca had six sons, the eldest of whom was Anga.

VIII. Anga had an only son called Vena.

IX. Vena, being an impious and tyrannical prince, was cursed by the Brahmens; in consequence of which curse he died without leaving issue. To remedy this evil they opened his left arm, and with a stick churned the humours till they at last produced a son, who proved as wicked as his father, and was of course set aside: then opening the right arm, they churned till they produced a beautiful boy, who proved to be a form of Vishnu under the name of Prithu.

X. Prithu. Gods and men came to make obeisance to him, and celebrate his appearance on earth. He married a form of the goddess Lacshmi. In his time, the earth having refused to give her wonted supplies to mankind, Prithu began to beat and wound her. The earth, assuming the shape of a cow, went to the high grounds of Meru, and there laid her complaint before the supreme court, who rejected it; as she acknowledged, that she had refused the common necessaries of life, not only to mankind in general, but to Prithu himself, whose wife she was in a human shape. Prithu and Ins descendants were allowed to beat and wound her in case of noncompliance with the decree of the supreme court. The earth submitted reluctantly, and since that time mankind are continually beating and wounding her, with ploughs, harrows, hoes, and other instruments of husbandry. We are told also, in more plain language, that Prithu cut down whole forests, levelled the earth, planted orchards, and sowed fields with all sorts of useful seeds. From her husband Prithu, the earth was denominated Prithwi.

Prithu was a religious prince, fond of agriculture, and became a husbandman; which is to be understood by his quarrel with the earth. This induces me to think, that he is the same with Satyavrata, or Noah, whose mortal father is not mentioned in the puranas, at least my Pundits have not been able to find it. His heavenly father was the Sun; and Satyavrata is declared also to be an incarnation of Vishnu. Here I must observe, that at night, and in the west, the Sun is Vishnu: he is Brahma in the east, and in the morning; from noon to evening he is Siva.

XI. Prithu had five children, Vijitasva, who became sovereign over his four brothers, and had the middle part of the kingdom to his own share; Huryacsha ruled over Prachi, or the east, and built the town of Rajgriha, now Rajmehal; Dhumracesha, who ruled in the south, as Vrica did in the west, and Dravinasa in the north.


In 1145, Otto von Freising also heard of "a certain John, king and priest, who lived in the extreme east beyond Armenia and Persia." He reportedly was of the race of the very Magi who had come to worship the infant Christ at Bethlehem (p. 174)....

The lands described by Eldad, Prester John, Mandeville, and Holwell share some characteristics that invite exploration. The first concerns the fact that all are associated with "India" and the vicinity of earthly paradise. In the Genesis account (2.8 ff.) God, immediately after having formed Adam from the dust of the ground, "planted a garden eastward of Eden" and put Adam there. He equipped this garden with trees "pleasant to the sight, and good for food," as well as the tree of life at the center of the garden and the tree of knowledge of good and evil....

The location of the "garden in Eden" (gan b'Eden), from which Adam was eventually expelled, is specified in Genesis 2.8 as miqedem, which has both a spatial ("away to the East") and a temporal ("from before the beginning") connotation. Accordingly, the translators of the Septuagint, the Vedus Latina, and the English Authorized Version rendered it by words denoting "eastward" (Gr. kata anatolas, Lat. in oriente), while the Vulgate prefers "a principio" and thus the temporal connotation (Scafi 2006:35). But the association of the earthly paradise and enigmatic land of Havilah with the Orient, and in particular with India, was boosted by Flavius Josephus and a number of Church fathers who identified it with the Ganges valley (p. 35) where, nota bene, Holwell located his paradisiacal Bisnapore....

Christopher COLUMBUS (1451-1506), a man who was very familiar with maps and had once made a living of their trade, also thought that he approached the earthly paradise on his third voyage. While he cruised near the estuary of the Orinoco in Venezuela, he firmly believed he had finally reached the mouth of a paradise river....

Since Columbus knew that the earth is round and that he was far away from Africa and Mesopotamia, he apparently thought that he was in the "Indies" and noted the unanimity of "St Isidor, Bede, Strabo, the Master of Scholastic History [Petrus Comestor], St Ambrose and Scotus and all learned theologians" that "the earthly Paradise is in the East" (p. 221). Columbus clearly imagined himself near the Ganges and the Indian Paradise.

-- Holwell's Religion of Paradise, Excerpt from The Birth of Orientalism, by Urs App

Greek scholars often mentioned that Sandrocottus was the king of the country called as Prasii (Prachi or Prachya). Pracha or Prachi means eastern country. During the Nanda and Mauryan era, Magadha kings were ruling almost entire India. Mauryan Empire was never referred in Indian sources as only Prachya desa or eastern country. Prachya desa was generally referred to Gupta Empire because Northern Saka Ksatrapas and Western Saka Ksatrapas were well established in North and West India. Megasthenes mentioned that Sandrocottus is the greatest king of the Indians and Poros is still greater than Sandrocottus which means a kingdom in the North-western region is still independent and enjoying at least equal status with the kingdom of Sandrocottus.

-- Who was Sandrocottus: Samudragupta or Chandragupta Maurya? The Chronology of Ancient India, Victim of Concoctions and Distortions, by Vedveer Arya

XII. Visitaswa had by one of his wives three sons, called Pavaca, Pavamana, and Suchi, all names of fire. He became Antardhana at pleasure, that is to say, he appeared and disappeared whenever he chose; and he withdrew his soul from his body at pleasure. He was born again of his own wife, and of himself, under the name of Havirdhana. Havirdhana married Havirdhani, by whom he had six children, known by the general appellation of Prachina-barhi.

XIII. Varishada, the eldest of them, married Satadruti the daughter of Ocaeanus, and had by her two sons called the Prachetas.

XIV. The famous Dacsha before mentioned, was born again one of them. His brothers, bidding adieu to the world, withdrew to forests in distant countries towards the west, where they beheld the translation of Dhruva into heaven. And here ends the line of Uttanapada, which I now exhibit at one view, with some variations.

I. Swayambhuva or Adim.

II. Uttanapada, who was probably the same with Ruchi.

III. Dhruva, eminent for his piety.

IV. Vatsara.

V. Pushparna, called also Ripunjaya.

VI. Chacshusha, Menu.

VII. Ulmaca or Uru.

VIII. Anga.

IX. Venu.

X. Prithu, supposed to be Noah.

XI. Vigitasva.  

XII. Havirdhana. / Swayambhuva dies.

XIII. Varishada.

XIV. The ten Prachetas. Dhruva is translated into heaven.


By supposing Prithu to be Noah, and Dhruva to be Enos, this account agrees remarkably well with the computation of the Samaritan Pentateuch. Enos lived 433 years after the birth of Noah, and, of course, the great-grand-children of the latter could be witnesses of the translation of Dhruva into heaven. Swayambhuva or Adam lived 223 years after the birth of Noah, according to the computation of the Samaritan Pentateuch [The Samaritan Pentateuch, also known as the Samaritan Torah, is a text of the first five books of the Hebrew Bible, written in the Samaritan script and used as sacred scripture by the Samaritans. Some six thousand differences exist between the Samaritan and the Masoretic Text.]; and it is said of Prithu, that the earth having assumed the shape of a cow, he made use of this grand ancestor Swayambhuva as a calf to milk her. Perhaps the old fire took delight in superintending the fields and orchards, and attending the dairies of his beloved Prithu.

The only material difficulty in supposing Prithu to be the same with Noah, respects his offspring to the fourth generation before the flood. But, when we consider that Noah was 500 years old when Japheth and his two sons were born, it is hardly credible that he should have had no children till that advanced age. The puranics insist, that Satyavrata had many before the Flood, but that they perished with the rest of mankind, and that Sharma or Shama, Charma, and Jyapati, were born after the Flood: but they appear to have no other proof of this, than that they are not mentioned among those who escaped with Noah in the ark. I shall now give a table of the seven Menus compared with the two lines descended from Adim and Iva.  

Image

Swayambhuva or Adima.

I. Menu.

2. Priyavrata. / 2. Uttanapada.

3. Agnidhra, supposed the same with Swarochisa. / 3. Dhruva.

II. Menu. / Uttama.

4. Nabhi. / 4. Vatsara

III. Menu / Tamasa

5. Risshabha / 5. Pushparna.

6. Bharata / 6. Cshacshusha.

7. Sumati. / 7. Ulmaca

IV. Menu / Raivata

V. Menu / Cshacshusha

8. Devajita / 8. Anga.

9. Aja / 9. Vena.

VI. Menu / Noah's Flood

Satyavrata / 10. Prithu.

VII. Menu
 
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