Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

This is a broad, catch-all category of works that fit best here and not elsewhere. If you haven't found it someplace else, you might want to look here.

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Fri Feb 18, 2022 5:47 am

Heavy metals rock termite mounds
by Keirissa Lawson, Tilly Brooks
CSIROscope
March 2, 2020

BOOK II.

Fragm. XXV.

Strab. XV. i. 35. 36,— p. 702.

Of the city Pataliputra.

According to Megasthenes the mean breadth (of the Ganges) is 100 stadia, and its least depth 20 fathoms. At the meeting of this river and another is situated Palibothra, a city eighty stadia in length and fifteen in breadth. It is of the shape of a parallelogram, and is girded with a wooden wall, pierced with loopholes for the discharge of arrows. It has a ditch in front for defence and for receiving the sewage of the city. The people in whose country this city is situated is the most distinguished in all India, and is called the Prasii. The king, in addition to his family name, must adopt the surname of Palibothros, as Sandrakottos, for instance, did, to whom Megasthenes was sent on an embassy. (This custom also prevails among the Parthians, for all are called Arsakai, though each has his own peculiar name, as Orodes, Phraates, or some other.)

Then follow these words: —

"All the country beyond the Hupanis is allowed to be very fertile, but little is accurately known regarding it. Partly from ignorance and the remoteness of its situation, everything about it is exaggerated or represented as marvellous: for instance, there are the stories of the gold-digging ants, of animals and men of peculiar shapes, and possessing wonderful faculties; as the Seres, who, they say, are so long-lived that they attain an age beyond that of two hundred years.

"They mention also an aristocratical form of government consisting of five thousand councillors, each of whom furnishes the state with an elephant."

According to Megasthenes the largest tigers are found in the country of the Prasii, &c. (Cf. Fragm. XII.)...

Fragm. XXXIX.

Strab. XV. 1. 44,— p. 706.

Of Gold-digging Ants.

Megasthenes gives the following account of those ants. Among the Derdai, a great tribe of Indians, who inhabit the mountains on the eastern borders, there is an elevated plateau about 3,000 stadia in circuit. Beneath the surface there are mines of gold, and here accordingly are found the ants which dig for that metal. They are not inferior in size to wild foxes. They run with amazing speed, and live by the produce of the chase. The time when they dig is winter.

They throw up heaps of earth, as moles do, at the mouth of the mines. The gold-dust has to be subjected to a little boiling. The people of the neighbourhood, coming secretly with beasts of burden, carry this off. If they came openly the ants would attack them, and pursue them if they fled, and would destroy both them and their cattle. So, to effect the robbery without being observed, they lay down in several different places pieces of the flesh of wild beasts, and when the ants are by this device dispersed they carry off the gold-dust. This they sell to any trader they meet with while it is still in the state of ore, for the art of fusing metals is unknown to them....

But the tiger the Indians regard as a much more powerful animal than the elephant. Nearchos tells us that he had seen the skin of a tiger, though the tiger itself he had not seen. The Indians, however, informed him that the tiger equals in size the largest horse, but that for swiftness and strength no other animal can be compared with it: for that the tiger, when it encounters the elephant, leaps up upon the head of the elephant and strangles it with ease; but that those animals which we ourselves see and call tigers are but jackals with spotted skins and larger than other jackals.

In the same way with regard to ants also, Nearchos says that he had not himself seen a specimen of the sort which other writers declared to exist in India, though he had seen many skins of them which had been brought into the Makedonian camp. But Megasthenes avers that the tradition about the ants is strictly true, -- that they are gold-diggers, not for the sake of the gold itself, but because by instinct they burrow holes in the earth to lie in, just as the tiny ants of our own country dig little holes for themselves, only those in India being larger than foxes make their burrows proportionately larger. But the ground is impregnated with gold, and the Indians thence obtain their gold. Now Megasthenes writes what he had heard from hearsay, and as I have no exacter information to give I willingly dismiss the subject of the ant.

[Notes: See Ind. Ant. vol. IV. pp. 225 seqq. whom cogent arguments are adduced to prove that the 'gold-digging ants' were originally neither, as the ancients supposed, real ants, nor, as so many eminent men of learning have supposed, larger animals mistaken for ants on account of their appearance and subterranean habits, but Tibetan miners, whose mode of life and dress was in the remotest antiquity exactly what they are at the present day.
Tibet contains considerable deposits of gold, but modern methods of mining are unknown. Since ancient times they have been scooping out the soil in the Changthang with gazelle horns. An Englishman once told me that it would probably pay to treat by modern methods soil that has already been sieved by the Tibetans. Many provinces must today pay their taxes in gold-dust. But there is no more digging than is absolutely necessary, for fear of disturbing the earth-gods and attracting reprisals, and thus once more progress is retarded.

Many of the great rivers of Asia have their source in Tibet and carry down with them the gold from the mountains. But not till the rivers have reached neighbouring countries is their gold exploited. Washing for gold is only practised in a few parts of Tibet where it is particularly profitable. There are rivers in Eastern Tibet where the stream has scooped out bath-shaped cavities. Gold-dust collects in these places by itself and one has only to go and get it from time to time. As a rule the district governor takes possession of these natural gold-washings for the Government.

I always wondered why no one had thought of exploiting these treasures for personal profit. When you swim under water in any of the streams round Lhasa, you can see the gold-dust glimmering in the sunlight. But as in so many other parts of the country this natural wealth remains unexploited, mainly because the Tibetans consider this comparatively easy work too laborious for them.

-- Seven Years in Tibet, by Heinrich Harrer

"The miners of Thok-Jalung, in spite of the cold, prefer working in winter; and the number of their tents, which in summer amounts to three hundred, rises to nearly six hundred in winter. They prefer the winter, as the frozen soil then stands well, and is not likely to trouble them much by falling in."— Id.

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877

It was my intention to have described the western boundary of Anugangam [Ganges: Wiki] in the same manner as I have described the others, but I find it impossible, at least for the present. A description of the country on both sides of the said boundary would certainly prove very interesting, but the chief difficulty is that the natives of these countries insist that the Setlej formerly ran into the Caggar, or Drishadvati, and formed a large river called in Sanscrit Dhutpapa, and by Megasthenes Tutapus. This is also my opinion, but I am not sufficiently prepared at present to lay an account of it before the society.

As the Caggar, or some river falling into it, is supposed by our ancient writers to have been also the boundary of the excursions of the gold making ants toward the east, I shall give an account of them, as possibly I may not have hereafter an opportunity of resuming the subject; the legends are certainly puerile and absurd, but as they occupy a prominent place in the writings of the naturalists and geographers of classical antiquity, they may be regarded as worthy of our attention, and it may at least be considered as a not uninteresting enquiry to endeavour to ascertain their source.

Our ancient authors in the west mention certain ants in India, which were possessed of much gold in desert places amongst mountains, and which they watched constantly with the utmost care. Some even asserted that these ants were of the size of a fox, or of a Hyrcanian dog, and Pliny gives them horns and wings.

These gold making ants are not absolutely unknown in India, but the ant in the shape and of the size of a Hyrcanian dog was known only on the borders of India and in Persia. The gold making ants of the Hindus are truly ants, and of that sort called Termites. To those, however, birds are generally substituted in India; they are mentioned in the institutes of Menu* [P. 353.] and there called Hemacaras, or gold makers. They are represented as of a vast size, living in the mountains to the N.W. of India, and whose dung, mixing with a sort of sand peculiar to that country, the mixture becomes gold. The learned here made the same observation to me as they did to Ctesias formerly, that these birds, having no occasion for gold, did not care for it, and of course did not watch it; but that the people, whose business it was to search for gold, were always in imminent danger from the wild and ferocious animals which infested the country. This was also the opinion of St. Jerome in one of his epistles to Rusticus.

These birds are called Hemacaras, or gold makers; but Garuda, or the eagle, is styled Swarna-chura, or he who steals gold, in common with the tribes of magpies and crows who will carry away gold, silver, and any thing bright and shining.

Garuda is often represented somewhat like a griffin with the head, and wings of an eagle, the body and legs of a man, but with the talons of the eagle. He is often painted upon the walls of houses, and generally about the size of a man. This is really the griffin of the Hindus, but he is never even suspected of purloining the gold of the Hemacara birds.

The large ant of the size of a fox, or of a Hyrcanian dog, is the Yuz of the Persians, in Sanscrit Chittraca-Vyaghra, or spotted tyger in Hindi Chitta, which denomination has some affinity with Cheunta, or Chyonta, a large ant. This has been, in my opinion, the cause of this ridiculous and foolish mistake of some of our ancient writers. The Yuz is thus described in the Ayin Acberi.
(3) "This animal, who is remarkable for his provident and circumspect conduct, is an inhabitant of the wilds, and has three different places of resort. They feed in one place, rest in another, and sport in another, which is their most frequent resort. This is generally under the shade of a tree, the circuit of which they keep very clean, and enclose it with their dung. Their dung, in the Hindovee language, is called Akhir.”

Abul-Fazil, it is true, does not say positively that their dung, mixing with sand, becomes gold, and probably he did not believe it. However, when he says that this dung was called Akhir in Hindi, it implies the transmutation of the mixture into gold. Akhir is for Chir in the spoken dialects, from the Sanscrit Cshira; from this are derived the Arabic words Acsir, and El-acsir-Elixir is water, milk also, and a liquid in general. To effect this transmutation of bodies the Hindus have two powerful agents, one liquid called emphatically Cshir, or the water. The other is solid, and is called Mani, or the jewel; and this is our philosopher’s stone, generally called Spars a-mani, the jewel of wealth; Hiranya-mani, the golden jewel. There are really lumps of gold dust, consolidated together by some unknown substance, which was probably supposed to be the indurated dung of large birds.

I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for though it could not have been Prayaga, where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja, which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks; nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erannoboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be the Yamuna; but this only difficulty was removed, when I found in a classical Sanscrit book, near 2000 years old, that Hiranyabahu, or golden armed, which the Greeks changed into Erannoboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself; though Megasthenes, from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately. This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandracottus the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes; and was no other than that very Sandracottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator...

-- Discourse X. Delivered February 28, 1793, P. 192, Excerpt from "Discourses Delivered Before the Asiatic Society: And Miscellaneous Papers, on The Religion, Poetry, Literature, Etc. of the Nations of India", by Sir William Jones

Scholar-Shit!

These are to be met with in the N.W. of India, where gold dust is to be found. They contain much gold, it is said, and are sold by the weight.

In Sanscrit these lumps are called Swarna-macshicas, because they are supposed to be the work of certain Macshicas, or flies, called by us flying ants, because in the latter end of the rains they spring up from the ground in the evening, flying about in vast numbers, so as to fill up every room in which there are candles lighted, to the great annoyance of the people in them. These flies are one of the three orders of termites, apparently of a very different, though really of the same, species. This third order consists of winged and perfect insects, which alone are capable of propagation. These never work, nor fight, and of course if they can be said to make gold it must be through the agency of their own offspring, the labourers, or working termites, which in countries abounding with gold dust are supposed to swallow some of this dust and to void it, either along with their excrements, or to throw it up again at the mouth. According to the Geographical Comment on the Maha-Bharata, the Suvarna-Macshica mountains are on the banks of the Vitasta. There are also Macshicas producing silver, brass, &c. I never saw any, but Mr. Wilson informs me that they are only pyrites, and indeed, according to Pliny, there were gold and silver and copper pyrites. Alchemists, who see gold everywhere, pretended formerly that there was really gold and silver in them, though not easily extracted. If so, it must have been accidentally. These were called Pyrites auriferi, argentei, and Chalco-pyrites. The pyrites argentei are called, in a more modern language, Marcassita-argentea.

These gold making birds, flies, and spotted tygers, are by the Hindus confined to the N.W. parts of India; and the Yuz, according to the Ayin Acberi, begins to be seen about forty Cos beyond Agra. Elian is of that opinion also, when he says that the gold making ants never went beyond the river Campylis, and Ctesias, I believe, with MEGASTHENES likewise, places them in that part of India. The Campylis, now Cambali, is a considerable stream, four miles to the west of Ambala toward Sirhind, and it falls into the Drishadvati, now the Caggar, which is the common boundary of the east and north-west divisions of India, according to a curious passage from the commentaries on the Vedas, and kindly communicated to me by Mr. Colebrooke, our late President.


Image
Plate IX  

-- VII. On the ancient Geography of India, by Lieut. Col. F. Wilford


On January 29 we find Max Muller writing to Burnouf to inquire about the Prix Volney, a prize founded by Volney for the best work on language, written in any language during the year, and sent in for competition. He asks if his paper on the relation of Bengali to the other Indian languages, read before the British Association, was of sufficient importance to have any chance of winning the prize. Burnouf had noticed the little article very favourably in the Journal Asiatique. Max Muller ends his letter thus: —
'The printing of the Rig-veda goes on very slowly, and yet I give up nearly all the day to it, and often the night also. Ninety sheets are printed, up to half of the sixth Adhyaya, but I have undertaken a little too much, and I find I have not much time to study for myself, and arrange in some sort the results of my researches, I shall have to be content with presenting only the materials to the learned world, and all I wish is that they may find the text of my edition correct according to the MSS., and that others who are more worthy, and more skilful than I am for discoveries in the highest philology, may draw the inferences. In any case the mines of the Rig-veda are not the mines of California; the grains of gold are not to be found so near the surface that the pipilakas1 [Gold-finding ants in the Mahabharata.] can find them without any effort. It is for me to act as miner and for others to sift the ore; for it is given to few persons to do both, as you have done for the Zend-Avesta.'

-- The Life and Letters of The Right Honourable Friedrich Max Muller, In Two Volumes, With Portraits and Other Illustrations, Edited by His Wife [Georgina Adelaide Grenfell Muller], 1902


Zinc isotopes found in manganese crust samples of soils and termite mounds are helping mineral explorers find hidden deposits of critical metals below the surface.

Image
The blue shimmer of manganese crust on this termite mound in the southern Pilbara region of WA [Western Australia], contains zinc isotopes.

Metallic blue manganese crusts are showing up on termite mounds in the Pilbara region of WA [Western Australia]. It looks like the mound has bling growing on it. So why are these termite mounds shining? Our researchers found the blue-grey shading may be secret signposts, revealing the presence of base metals. It’s more than a home improvement for this termite colony.

I saw the sign(post)

The hunt is on globally to find critical metals like nickel and cobalt, to not only build electric vehicles, but also batteries to store renewable energy. Finding new deposits of these metals is crucial to meet this rising demand. Our researchers found that the manganese crusts on termite mounds and in soils, could reveal the presence of these metals beneath the surface.

Has anyone seen my metal detector?

While we might not fit the image of your average metal detectorist, we do have some super-fly high-tech kit! Our latest exploration toolkit takes a 21st century twist, it’s sub-atomic! Our scientists recently used techniques which can examine the heart of an atom.

Isotopes are variations of the same element which differ in the number of a sub-atomic particles called a neutron, that are contained in the atom. We discovered heavy isotopes of zinc were binding to samples of manganese crusts found on termite mounds, and also in soil. This created an ‘anomalous’ signal which acts as a signpost for metal deposits hidden underground.

Image
The manganese crust visible on the ground in the Pilbara.

How does zinc help us find other metals?

In mineral exploration, zinc is often considered a pathfinder element that occurs in close association with other sought-after elements. Zinc is often found in combination with other metals, like cobalt and nickel. It’s also mobile in the environment, dissolving in water and moving around to interact with other chemicals.

Our senior research geoscientist, Sam Spinks, explained the level of accuracy they can achieve. “This new research shows we can now measure zinc variations, or isotopes, so accurately, we can identify what metal deposit lies deep underground,” he said. “Australian explorers need new, cost-effective techniques to find the next generation of deposits below the surface.”

In recent years, Australian exploration companies have been analysing samples from termite mounds while digging for gold. Now zinc offers another technique mineral explorers can use to find a range of metals.

The research findings have been published in the journal Chemical Geology, and available for our partners to use in exploration.

This isn’t the first time we’ve seen signs of minerals below on the Earth’s surface. We also discovered gold digging fungi.

************************

Termites produce what semiconductor industry needs
by K. S. Jayaraman
Published online 13 January 2014

The popular image of termites as major agricultural pests and destroyer of buildings may have to change.

Image
Termites, nature's metallurgical engineers. © Dinodia Photos/Alamy

Some 1500 years ago Varaha Mihira an Indian astronomer, mathematician, and astrologer, in his treatise "Brihat Samhita" refers to termite mounds as indicators of underground water. Now researchers report1 that termites are also nature's metallurgical engineers. They have found that the hills which they build are an excellent source of quartz (SiO2) — a raw material for the semiconductor industry.

Through their routine activities, termites infuse substantial modifications to the soil on which the hill is built. The mounds are generally made up of sand grains and fine cellulose materials, which are coated with some sticky but readily hardening materials secreted by termites through their mouth or rectum.

The sculptured mounds shaped like mushroom, pyramid or cone created by these insects can be as big as five meters tall and eight meters in diameter. Termite hill soils become as hard as rocks on drying and their strength grows with time. They are well known for their high refractory properties since ancient times and find applications in brick making and house building.

"These interesting features of termite hill soils motivated us to study their physical and chemical properties using various analytical techniques," the researchers said. Although there are many reports about the beneficial qualities of termite hills, according to the scientists, "only a few mention or discuss the elemental composition and microstructures of the termite hills."

For their work, they collected termite mound soil samples from two different places: from a village near Dehradun in Uttarakhand and from a forest in Hauz Khas close to the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Delhi. They characterized the samples using powder X-ray diffraction, transmission electron microscope and field emission scanning electron microscopy. Quartz was found in both the samples. The Delhi sample also contained the rare 'cristobalite' phase of SiO2.

Quartz which is a source for silicones, silicon and many other compounds of commercial importance, is crucial for a variety of applications in the semiconductor and software industry. Because of its outstanding thermal and chemical stability, quartz is widely used in many large-scale applications concerned with abrasives, ceramics and cement industry.

In nature quartz is found in igneous rocks like granite, sedimentary rocks like sandstone and shale. It is also present in sand and carbonate rocks. However, according to the report, natural quartz crystals contain too many chemical impurities and physical flaws and so are unsuitable for direct applications in industry. "The process of separation and extraction of quartz from sand and rocks is a multi-step process which includes physical and chemical methods of purification." Furthermore, the commercial processes of manufacturing pure, flawless, electronics-grade quartz called "cultured quartz" used in industry, involves highly controlled laboratory conditions.

According to the researchers, the termite mounds are source of quartz, available as SiO2 and also as the less common 'cristobalite' form of silica depending on their location. They found that apart from silica (as the major constituent), the termite hill soils also contain oxides of iron, magnesium and aluminum in considerable amounts. It has been earlier reported by other groups that termite hill soil contains as much as 20% of the total nitrogen as inorganic nitrogen, an average organic carbon content of 9.3% and 2.25 times more phosphorus than normal soil besides essential plant nutrients like potassium and calcium. The researchers said that all this suggests that "termite hill soils can be used over agricultural lands deficient in these elements."

While the studies highlight the possibility of producing quartz from all termite hills, "the soils need to be analysed before being used for any specific application, as composition and morphology may vary from location to location."

The authors of this work are from: the Institute of Nano Science and Technology, Mohali; Indian Institute of Technology, New Delhi and Hindu College, University of Delhi, India.

References

Ganguli, A. K. et al. Nanocrystalline silica from termite mounds. Current Science. 106, 83-88 (2014) Article

************************

Why Indians worship the mound of the much-hated termite: The misunderstood termite can teach many lessons to architects and fans of sustainable living.
by Geetha Iyer
Scroll.in
Mar 09, 2017 · 03:30 pm

Image

The Perumpanarruppatai, a poetic work in Tamil from the Sangam period between 300 BCE and 100 CE, has a stanza that compares freshly sprouting rice grain with the termites found in their mounds. These lines sprang to my mind when I first saw the television commercial for Century Ply, a company that manufactures plywoods – fat, padded termite bodies on the insides of a kitchen cupboard. Living in a 175-year-old house made of mud and wood, termites and cockroaches are a familiar sight. Every time I see ads for insect repellents which tell the public how good their products are, I marvel at how little humans know about the creatures we share space with.

Perish the thought that termites are fat or ugly. The only fat, obese termite is the queen, when she is filled with eggs. The rank and file of termites who feed, clean and take care of her, working to expand the colony, are smart, lean and mean, despite the fact that termites feed on a carbo-rich diet of wood, soil, grass, litter and even animal dung. Concrete is no barrier either, a small crack is all they need to start occupying space. The greatest secret to their success, is their choice of food: they exploit an exclusive and abundant food source, a biomolecule called lignocellulose, which no other creature, not even other insects, can eat. Since lignocellulose does not degrade easily, termites can access it from living plants and dead wood or soil too.

To consider termites plunderers is unfair. They are the most important animals in a forest ecosystem, single-handedly decomposing 40% to 100% of the decaying wood and thereby enriching the soil. Subterranean termites, which are among the ones that bothers us humans, serve us well too. As they tunnel through the soil, building swarming tubes to forage for food, they increase the soil’s porosity, facilitating greater percolation of water. Termites are known to dig as deep as over 100 feet in search of water to maintain the humidity of their mounds. As early as 500 CE, Indian astronomer Varahamihira wrote in the Brihat-Samhita that termite mounds were indicators of ground water and mineral deposits.

Not all termites build those iconic mounds. Many reside in carton nests. Some are open-air processional column termites, foraging on tree trunks or living off leaf litter and nesting on tree branches or decaying roots. Carton or mounds – over a period of 55 million years of existence – termites have learnt how to manage their constructions efficiently, keeping them well ventilated and maintaining the temperatures needed for their survival.

The open-air foragers nest on tree branches or decaying roots. To avoid predation by ants and other arthropods, termites squirt sticky fluids onto foraging surfaces. Spiders or ants who venture too close get stuck and are also affected by these chemicals. If they move, the workers will bite or hold them down, until other termite-soldiers can come and spray some some more before finishing them off. The squirting apparatus of the termite-soldier is precise and efficient.

The carton nests of termites from the sub-family, Nasutitermitinae, can be seen at the Kanyakumari wildlife sanctuary. The Kani tribe feed these termites to their chickens. In the desert ecosystem, termite species live on the dung of hoofed mammals, besides feeding on leaf litter.

Every time the termite feeds or builds, it modifies the habitat for the benefit of other organisms including humans. This might explain why termite mounds, mistakenly called ant hills, are worshipped – the clay from termite mounds was used to build Vedic fire altars and included in the Rajasuya yagna performed by kings.

Image
Termite soldiers guarding the nest. Credit: Geetha Iyer

What makes termites so successful? Their food source, caste system and their ability to produce large colonies.[!!!] There is no realistic account of how large a subterranean colony of termites can be because most data is extrapolated from limited studies. A termite colony has a king and queen who pair for life, mating repeatedly to build their vast empire. Other social insects do not pair for life. Apart from workers and soldiers, the colony also has secondary reproductives capable of laying eggs and expanding their colony. Should the king or the queen die, the secondaries step into their roles, yet another reason for the dominance of termites. Sometimes even when the queen is active, the secondary reproductives produce eggs. The colony prospers and humans despair.

Alates or winged termites emerge during the monsoon to establish new colonies. A tiny crack in the wall or floor is enough for them to enter an underground world. Alates die if they do not find a mate. In rural India they are gathered to be eaten, the fat, juicy termite queen in particular, is considered nutritious and a delicacy. It is only the alates who see well – the workers and soldiers are either blind or have poor vision. The way termites communicate can help humans fine-tune communication technology. If you watch a procession of termites in the forest, you can actually hear them move – they do so by hitting their head on the soil. The sound is so rhythmic, that in the silence of a forest it sounds like a march-past.

Image
Termite alate. Credit: Geetha Iyer

Termites process cellulose and lignin by the exclusive army of microbes found nowhere but in the gut of a termite. Evolutionary scientists have hailed the diversity of termite-gut microbes as a sterling example of co-evolution. These microbes are acquired through a unique process called anal trophallaxis – or anal to mouth feeding. Every time a termite moults, it sheds its outer skin as well as its gut lining, where the microbes reside. Newly moulted termites feed from the delicious anal fluids secreted by other adult termites to re-inoculate their gut. The workers must eat constantly, the soldiers cannot eat as their mandibles (a pair of appendages near the mouth) are modified for defence. They and the reproductive castes obtain their nutrients from the workers through oral or anal trophallaxis.

Anal feeding is a common practice in lower groups of termites. The more evolved ones from the family Termitidae cultivate a variety of fungi in their nests. These fungi grow on the faeces of the termite and in turn provide food for them. Termites believe in sustainable living – they re-cycle or consume everything from dead nest mates, moults to excreta. Faeces are used to build quarantines, construct swarming and often gravity-defying exploratory tubes. These tubes provide moisture for subterranean termites when they forage outside their nests.


Termites have also inspired African architect Mick Pearce – two buildings designed by him, the Eastgate Centre in Harare, Zimbabwe, and the Council House in Melbourne are a testimony to what one can learn from these tiny, visually challenged yet fiendishly clever and socially adaptive insects.

************************

Image

Image

Image
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sun Feb 20, 2022 10:23 am

Part 1 of __

The Mudra Rakshasa, or The Signet of the Minister. A Drama, Translated from the Original Sanscrit.
Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, Translated from Original Sanskrit, in Two Volumes, Vol. II
by Horace Hayman Wilson
1835

PREFACE.

The Mudra Rakshasa is a drama of a very different description from either of the preceding, being wholly of a political character, and representing a series of Machiavelian stratagems, influencing public events of considerable importance. Those events relate to the history of Chandragupta, who is very probably identifiable with the Sandrocottus of the Greeks, and the drama therefore, both as a picture of manners and as a historical record, possesses no ordinary claims upon our attention.

The object of the play is to reconcile Rakshasa, the hostile minister of Nanda, the late king of Palibothra, to the individuals by whom, or on whose behalf, his sovereign was murdered, the Brahman Chanakya and the prince Chandragupta.

Our knowledge of Civil Asiatic History (I always except that of the Hebrews) exhibits a short evening twilight in the venerable introduction to the first book of Moses, followed by a gloomy night, in which different watches are faintly discernible, and at length we see a dawn succeeded by a sunrise more or less early, according to the diversity of regions. That no Hindu nation but the Cashmirians, have left us regular histories in their ancient language, we must ever lament; but from the Sanscrit [Sanskrit] literature, which our country has the honour of having unveiled, we may still collect some rays of historical truth, though time and a series of revolutions have obscured that light which we might reasonably have expected from so diligent and ingenious a people. The numerous Puranas and Itihasas, or poems mythological and heroic, are completely in our powers and from them we may recover some disfigured but valuable pictures of ancient manners and governments; while the popular tales of the Hindus, in prose and in verse, contain fragments of history; and even in their dramas we may find as many real characters and events as a future age might find in our own plays, if all histories of England were, like those of India, to be irrecoverably lost. For example: A most beautiful poem by Somadeva, comprising a very long chain of instinctive and agreeable stories, begins with the famed revolution at Pataliputra, by the murder of king Nanda with his eight sons, and the usurpation of Chandragupta; and the same revolution is the subject of a tragedy in Sanscrit [Sanskrit], entitled, the Coronation of Chandra, the abbreviated name of that able and adventurous usurper.

From these once concealed, but now accessible, compositions, we are enabled to exhibit a more accurate sketch of old Indian history than the world has yet seen, especially with the aid of well attested observations on the places of the colures....


I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for though it could not have been Prayaga, where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja, which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks; nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erannoboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be the Yamuna; but this only difficulty was removed, when I found in a classical Sanscrit book, near 2000 years old, that Hiranyabahu, or golden armed, which the Greeks changed into Erannoboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself; though Megasthenes, from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately. This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandracottus the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes; and was no other than that very Sandracottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator...

-- Discourse X. Delivered February 28, 1793, P. 192, Excerpt from "Discourses Delivered Before the Asiatic Society: And Miscellaneous Papers, on The Religion, Poetry, Literature, Etc. of the Nations of India", by Sir William Jones


With this view, he is rendered by the contrivances of Chanakya, an object of suspicion to the prince with whom he has taken refuge, and is consequently dismissed by him. In this deserted condition he learns the imminent danger of a dear friend whom Chanakya is about to put to death, and in order to effect his liberation surrenders himself to his enemies — they offer him, contrary to his expectations, the rank and power of prime minister, and the parties are finally friends. It is unnecessary to describe the plot more fully in this place.

Simple as is the subject of the drama there is no want of action in its development. The stratagems of Chanakya are varied, numerous, and well connected, and although there is occasionally some want of probability in their execution, yet they are made to contribute very successfully and ingeniously towards the production of their combined result. It must be acknowledged, that the political code from which they emanate, exhibits a morality not a whit superior to that of the Italian school; but a remarkable, and in some respects a redeeming principle, is the inviolable and devoted fidelity which appears as the uniform characteristic of servants, emissaries, and friends: a singular feature in the Hindu character which it has not yet wholly lost.

The author of the play is called in the prelude Visakhadatta, the son of Prithu, entitled Maharaja, and grandson of the Samanta or chief Vateswara Datta. We are not much the wiser for this information, as we can scarcely venture to conclude, although it is not impossible, that the Chouhan chief of Ajmer, Prithu Rai, who was killed at the end of the twelfth century by the Mohammedans, is here intended. There is nothing unusual in a prince’s being an author, or at least a reputed one, and the closing speech of the drama clearly refers to the victorious progress of a foreign foe, whom it may not be unreasonable to connect with the Ghorian invasion.* [At the same time it is to be observed, that according to the Prithwi Rai Rayasa, the father of Prithu the king of Ajmer, was named Someswara, and his grandfather Ananda.]

Vishakhadatta was an Indian Sanskrit poet and playwright. Although Vishakhadatta furnishes the names of his father and grandfather as Maharaja Bhaskaradatta and Maharaja Vateshvaradatta in his political drama Mudraraksasa, we know little else about him. Only two of his plays, the Mudraraksasa and the Devichandraguptam are known to us. His period is not certain...

Mudraraksasa ("Rakshasa's Ring") is Vishakhadatta’s only surviving play, although there exist fragments of another work ascribed to him. Vishakhadatta has stressed upon historical facts in the Mudrarakshasa, a play dealing with the time of the Maurya Dynasty....

Stylistically he stands a little apart from other dramatists. A proper literary education is clearly no way lacking, and in formal terms, he operates within the normal conventions of Sanskrit literature, but one does not feel that he cultivates these conventions very enthusiastically for their own sake.... Vishakhadatta’s prose passages in particular often have a certain stiffness compared to the supple idiom of both Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti ... his style includes towards the principle of “more matter and less art.”... [He was a man] of action ...

The name Vishakhadatta is also given as Vishakhadeva from which Ranajit Pal concludes that his name may have been Devadatta which, according to him, was a name of both Ashoka and Chandragupta.

-- Vishakhadatta, by Wikipedia


The late Major Wilford has called the author of the Mudra Rakshasa, Ananta, and quotes him as declaring that he lived on the banks of the Godaveri (As. Res. vol. v. p. 280.) This however must be an error, as three copies, one of them a Dekhini manuscript in the Telugu character, have been consulted on the present occasion, and they all agree in the statement above given.

Not much is known about him [Somadeva] except that his father's name was Rama and he composed his work (probably during the years 1063-81 CE) for the entertainment of the queen Suryamati, a princess of Jalandhara and wife of King Ananta of Kashmir. The queen was quite distraught as it was a time when the political situation in Kashmir was 'one of discontent, intrigue, bloodshed and despair'. -- Somadeva, by Wikipedia


Patali-putra was certainly the capital, and the residence of the kings of Magadha or south Behar. In the Mudra Racshasa, of which I have related the argument, the capital city of Chandra-Gupta is called Cusumapoor throughout the piece, except in one passage, where it seems to be confounded with Patali-putra, as if they were different names for the same place. In the passage alluded to, Racshasa asks one of his messengers, “If he had been at Cusumapoor?” the man replies, “Yes, I have been at Patali-putra.” But Sumapon, or Phulwaree, to call it by its modern name, was, as the word imports, a pleasure or flower garden, belonging to the kings of Patna, and situate, indeed, about ten miles W.S.W, from that city, but, certainly, never surrounded with fortifications, which Annanta, the author of the Mudra Racshasa says, the abode of Chandra-Gupta was. It may be offered in excuse, for such blunders as these, that the authors of this, and the other poems and plays I have mentioned, written on the subject of Chandra-Gupta, which are certainly modern productions , were foreigners; inhabitants, if not natives, of the Deccan; at least Annanta was, for he declares that he lived on the banks of the Godaveri.

But though the foregoing considerations must place the authority of these writers far below the ancients, whom I have cited for the purpose of determining the situation of Palibothra; yet, if we consider the scene of action, in connexion with the incidents of the story, in the Mudra Racshasa, it will afford us clear evidence, that the city of Chandra-Gupta could not have stood on the site of Patna; and, a pretty strong presumption also, that its real situation was where I have placed it, that is to say, at no great distance from where Raje-mehal now stands. For, first, the city was in the neighbourhood of some hills which lay to the southward of it. Their situation is expressly mentioned; and for their contiguity, it may be inferred, though the precise distance be not set down from hence, that king Nanda's going out to hunt, his retiring to the reservoir, among the hills near Patalcandara, to quench his thirst, his murder there, and the subsequent return of the assassin to the city with his master's horse, are all occurrences related, as having happened on the same day. The messengers also who were sent by the young king after the discovery of the murder to fetch the body, executed their commission and returned to the city the same day. These events are natural and probable, if the city of Chandra-gupta was on the site of Raje-mehal, or in the neighbourhood of that place, but are utterly incredible, if applied to the situation of Patna, from which the hills recede at least thirty miles in any direction.

Again, Patalcandara in Sanscrit, signifies the crater of a volcano; and in fact, the hills that form the glen, in which is situated the place now called Mootijarna, or the pearl dropping spring, agreeing perfectly in the circumstances of distance and direction from Raje-mehal with the reservoir of Patalcandara, as described in the poem, have very much the appearance of a crater of an old volcano. I cannot say I have ever been on the very spot, but I have observed in the neighbourhood, substances that bore undoubted marks of their being volcanic productions; no such appearances are to be seen at Patna, nor any trace of there having ever been a volcano there, or near it. Mr. Davis has given a curious description of Mootijarna, illustrated with elegant drawings. He informs us there is a tradition, that the reservoir was built by Sultan Suja: perhaps he only repaired it.

The confusion Ananta and the other authors above alluded to, have made in the names of Patali-putra and Bali-putra, appears to me not difficult to be accounted for. While the sovereignty of the kings of Maghadha, or south Bahar, was exercised within the limits of their hereditary dominions, the seat of their government was Patali-putra, or Patya: but Janasandha, one of the ancestors of Chandra-Gupta, having subdued the whole of Prachi, as we read in the puranas, fixed his residence at Bali-putra, and there he suffered a most cruel death from Crishna and Bala Rama, who caused him to be split asunder. Bala restored the son, Sahadeva, to his hereditary dominions; and from that time the kings of Maghadha, for twenty-four generations, reigned peaceably at Patna, until Nanda ascended the throne, who, proving an active and enterprising prince, subdued the whole of Prachi; and having thus recovered the conquests, that had been wrested from his ancestor, probably re-established the seat of empire at Bali-putra; the historians of Alexander positively assert, that he did.[???]

Thus while the kings of Palibothra, as Diodorus tells us, sunk into oblivion, through their sloth and inactivity, (a reproach which seems warranted by the utter absence observed of the posterity of Bala Rama in the puranas, not even their names being mentioned;) the princes of Patali-putra, by a contrary conduct, acquired a reputation that spread over all India: it was, therefore, natural for foreign authors, (for such, at lead, Ananta was,) especially in competitions of the dramatic kind, where the effect is oftentimes best produced by a neglect of historical precision, of two titles, to which their hero had an equal right to distinguish him by the most illustrious. The author of Sacontala has committed as great a mistake, in making Hastinapoor the residence of Dushmanta, which was not then in existence, having been built by Hasti, the fifth in descent from Dushmanta; before his time there was, indeed, a place of worship on the same spot, but no town. The same author has fallen into another error, in assigning a situation of this city not far from the river Malini, (he should rather have said the rivulet that takes its name from a village now called Malyani, to the westward of Lahore: it is joined by a new channel to the Ravy;) but this is a mistake; Hastinapoor lies on the banks of the old channel of the Ganges. The descendants of Peru resided at Sangala, whose extensive ruins are to be seen about fifty miles to the westward of Lahore, in a part of the country uninhabited. I will take occasion to observe here, that Arrian has confounded Sangala with Salgada, or Salgana, or the mistake has been made by his copyists. Frontinus and Polyaenus have preserved the true name of this place, now called Calanore; and close to it is a deserted village, to this day called Salgheda; its situation answers exactly to the description given of it by Alexander's historians. The kings of Sangala are known in the Persian history by the name of Schangal, one of them assisted Asrasiab against the famous Caicosru; but to return from this digression to Patali-putra.

The true name of this famous place is, Patali-pura, which means the town of Patali, a form of Devi worshipped there. It was the residence of an adopted son of the goddess Patali, hence called Patali-putra, or the son of Patali. Patali-putra and Bali-putra are absolutely inadmissable, as Sanscrit names of towns and places; they are used in that sense, only in the spoken dialects; and this, of itself, is a proof, that the poems in question are modern productions. Patali-pura, or the town of Patali, was called simply Patali, or corruptly Pattiali, on the invasion of the Musulmans: it is mentioned under that name in Mr. Dow's translation of Ferishta's history.

-- XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford


There is a commentary on the drama by Vateswara Misra, a Maithila Brahman, the son of Gauripati Misra, who has laboured with more pains than success to give a double interpretation to the composition, and to present it as a system of policy as well as a play.

Ever since its publication the Ramacarita has been regarded as the most important literary document concerning the history of the Pala rule in Bengal. It has formed a subject of critical discussion by notable scholars, and many of its passages have been interpreted in different ways. Scholars have, however, experienced great difficulty in dealing with the text on account of the absence of any translation either of the commented or of the uncommented portion. The difficulty was rendered all the greater by certain readings and interpretations of MM. Sastri which proved to be erroneous on a closer examination of the manuscript. A new and critical edition of the text, with a running commentary and an English translation of the whole of it, was, therefore, a great desideratum....

The technique of composition is equally unique. Each verse of the poem has two meanings, one applicable to the story of the Ramayana, and the other to the history of the Pala kings...

The necessity of keeping to this double meaning obliged the author to use obscure words and unfamiliar expressions, and in particular to present personal and proper names in abbreviated and occasionally very twisted forms. Although the poem, as a literary composition, showed, therefore, technical skill of a high order, it was not likely to be fully intelligible to one not well acquainted with the history of the times.
Fortunately this difficulty was realised before it was too late, and some one wrote a commentary for the elucidation of the subject-matter of the poem and thereby earned the gratitude of the posterity. This person, whose name is yet unknown, probably lived shortly after the author, and in any case must have flourished not long after, at a time when the events of the reign of Ramapala were still fresh in the minds of the people. This commentator appears to have quoted a lexicon in support of the two meanings of the word nana in verse 33 of Chapter II, which occurs in the lexicography (Vaijayanti) of Yadavaprakasa who is generally regarded to have flourished towards the end of the twelfth century A.D. MM. Sastri’s view that the commentary was probably written by the author himself while unnatural in itself, is positively disproved by the reference to different readings of the text in the commentary of verse 22 of Chapter I, for no author would possibly vouch for two different readings of his own text. Moreover, the commentator has often explained a word in more ways than one...

-- The Ramacaritam of Sandhyakaranandin


Au xiie siecle egalement, Visakha Datta, fils du roi Prithou Rai, publia le drame important de Moudra Rakchasa ou l'Anneau du Ministre, ne sept actes, une des meilleures pieces du repertoire Indien; elle a ete commentee par Vateswara Misra, pretre de Mithila, et par Govhasena. Nous y voyons le brahmane Tchanakya, apre avoir assassine Nanda, tyran de Patalipoutra, donner le trone, a la suite d'une foule d'incidents compliques, au prince Tchandragoupta.

[Google translate: Also in the twelfth century, Visakha Datta, son of King Prithou Rai, published the important drama Mudra Rakchasa or the Minister's Ring, in seven acts, one of the best plays in the Indian repertoire; it was commented on by Vateswara Misra, priest of Mithila, and by Govhasena. We see the Brahman Tchanakya, after having assassinated Nanda, tyrant of Pataliputra, give the throne, following a host of complicated incidents, to Prince Tchandragoupta.]  

-- Critical Essay on Indian Literature and Sanskrit Studies, with bibliographical notes, by Alfred Philibert Soupé


Another commentary by Guhasena is said to exist, but it has not been met with; and the one referred to, owing to the commentator’s mystification of obvious meanings, and the exceedingly incorrect state of the manuscript, has proved of no advantage.

It may not here be out of place to offer a few observations on the identification of Chandragupta and Sandrocottus. It is the only point on which we can rest with any thing like confidence in the history of the Hindus, and is therefore of vital importance in all our attempts to reduce the reigns of their kings to a rational and consistent chronology. It is well worthy therefore of careful examination, and it is the more deserving of scrutiny, as it has been discredited by rather hasty verification and very erroneous details.

Sir William Jones first discovered the resemblance of the names, and concluded Chandragupta to be one with Sandrocottus (As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11). He was, however, imperfectly acquainted with his authorities, as he cites "a beautiful poem” by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra, for the history of this prince. By the first is no doubt intended the large collection of tales by Somabhatta, the Vrihat-Katha [Kathasaritsagara], in which the story of Nanda's murder occurs: the second is, in all probability, the play that follows, and which begins after Chandragupta’s elevation to the throne.
 


Somadeva was an 11th century CE writer from Kashmir. He was the author of a famous compendium of Indian legends, fairy tales and folk tales -- the Kathasaritsagara.

The Kathasaritsagara ("Ocean of the Streams of Stories") is a famous 11th-century collection of Indian legends, fairy tales and folk tales as retold in Sanskrit by the Shaivite Somadeva.

Kathasaritsagara contains multiple layers of story within a story and is said to have been adopted from Gunadhya's Brhatkatha [Brihatkatha], which was written in a poorly-understood language known as Paisaci.

The work is no longer extant but several later adaptations still exist — the Kathasaritsagara, Bṛhatkathamanjari and Brhatkathaslokasamgraha. However, none of these recensions necessarily derives directly from Gunadhya, and each may have intermediate versions. Scholars compare Gunadhya with Vyasa and Valmiki even though he did not write the now long-lost Bṛhatkatha [Brihatkatha] in Sanskrit. Presently available are its two Sanskrit recensions, the Brhatkathamanjari by Ksemendra and the Kathasaritsagara by Somadeva. -- Kathasaritsagara, by Wikipedia
Not much is known about him except that his father's name was Rama and he composed his work (probably during the years 1063-81 CE) for the entertainment of the queen Suryamati, a princess of Jalandhara and wife of King Ananta of Kashmir. The queen was quite distraught as it was a time when the political situation in Kashmir was 'one of discontent, intrigue, bloodshed and despair'.

-- Somadeva, by Wikipedia


In the fifth volume of the Researches the subject was resumed by the late Colonel Wilford, and the story of Chandragupta is there told at considerable length, and with some accessions which can scarcely be considered authentic. He states also that the Mudra-Rakshasa consists of two parts, of which one may be called the coronation of Chandragupta, and the second his reconciliation with Rakshasa, the minister of his father. The latter is accurately enough described, but it may be doubted whether the former exists.

Colonel Wilford was right also in observing that the story is briefly related in the Vishnu-Purana and Bhagavata, and in the Vrihat-Katha; but when he adds, that it is told also in a lexicon called the Kamandaki he has been led into error. The Kamandaki is a work on Niti, or Polity, and does not contain the story of Nanda and Chandragupta. The author merely alludes to it in an honorific verse, which he addresses to Chanakya as the founder of political science, the Machiavel of India.

The birth of Nanda and of Chandragupta, and the circumstances of Nanda’s death, as given in Colonel Wilford’s account, are not alluded to in the play, the Mudra-Rakshasa, from which the whole is professedly taken, but they agree generally with the Vrihat-Katha and with popular versions of the story. From some of these, perhaps, the king of Vikatpalli, Chandra-Dasa, may have been derived, but he looks very like an amplification of Justin's account of the youthful adventures of Sandrocottus. The proceedings of Chandragupta and Chanakya upon Nanda's death correspond tolerably well with what we learn from the drama, but the manner in which the catastrophe is brought about (p. 268), is strangely misrepresented. The account was no doubt compiled for the translator by his pandit, and it is, therefore, but indifferent authority.

It does not appear that Colonel Wilford had investigated the drama himself, even when he published his second account of the story of Chandragupta (As. Res. vol. ix. p. 93 [p. 94-100]), for he continues to quote the Mudra-Rakshasa for various matters which it does not contain. Of these, the adventures of the king of Vikatpalli, and the employment of the Greek troops, are alone of any consequence, as they would mislead us into a supposition, that a much greater resemblance exists between the Grecian and Hindu histories than is actually the case.


The accession of Chandragupta to the throne, and more particularly the famous expiation of Chanacya, after the massacre of the Sumalyas, is a famous era in the Chronology of the Hindus; and both may be easily ascertained from the Puranas, and also from the historians of Alexander. In the year 328 B.C. that conqueror defeated Porus; and as he advanced* [Diodor. Sic. lib. XVII. c. 91. Arrian also, &c.] the son of the brother of that prince, a petty king in the eastern parts of the Panjab, fled at his approach, and went to the king of the Gangaridae, who was at that time king Nanda of the Puranas. In the Mudra-rachasa, a dramatic poem, and by no means a rare book, notice is taken of this circumstance. There was, says the author, a petty king of Vicatpalli, beyond the Vindhyan mountains, called Chandra-dasa, who, having been deprived of his kingdom by the Yavanas, or Greeks, left his native country, and assuming the garb of a penitent, with the name of Suvidha, came to the metropolis of the emperor Nanda, who had been dangerously ill for some time. He seemingly recovered; but his mind and intellects were strangely affected. It was supposed that he was really dead, but that his body was re-animated by the soul of some enchanter, who had left his own body in the charge of a trusty friend. Search was made immediately, and they found the body of the unfortunate dethroned king, lying as if dead, and watched by two disciples, on the banks of the Ganges. They concluded that he was the enchanter, burned his body, and flung his two guardians into the Ganges. Perhaps the unfortunate man was sick, and in a state of lethargy, or otherwise intoxicated. Then the prince's minister assassinated the old king soon after, and placed one of his sons upon the throne, but retained the whole power in his own hands. This, however, did not last long; for the young king, disliking his own situation, and having been informed that the minister was the murderer of his royal father, had him apprehended, and put to a most cruel death. After this, the young king shared the imperial power with seven of his brothers; but Chandragupta was excluded, being born of a base woman. They agreed, however, to give him a handsome allowance, which he refused with indignation; and from that moment his eight brothers resolved upon his destruction. Chandragupta fled to distant countries; but was at last seemingly reconciled to them, and lived in the metropolis: at least it appears that he did so; for he is represented as being in, or near, the imperial palace, at the time of the revolution, which took place, twelve years after, Porus's relation made his escape to Palibothra, in the year 328, B.C. and in the latter end of it. Nanua was then assassinated in that year; and in the following, or 327, B. C. Alexander encamped on the banks of the Hyphasis. It was then that Chandragupta visited that conqueror's camp; and, by his loquacity and freedom of speech, so much offended him, that he would have put Chandragupta to death, if he had not made a precipitate retreat, according to Justin* [Lib. xv. c, 4.]. The eight brothers ruled conjointly twelve years, or till 315 years B.C. when Chandragupta was raised to the throne, by the intrigues of a wicked and revengeful priest called Chanacya. It was Chandragupta and Chanacya, who put the imperial family to death; and it was Chandragupta who was said to be the spurious offspring of a barber, because his mother, who was certainly of a low tribe, was called Mura, and her son of course Maurya, in a derivative from; which last signifies also the offspring of a barber: and it seems that Chandragupta went by that name, particularly in the west; for be is known to Arabian writers by the name of Mur, according to the Nubian geographer, who says that he was defeated and killed by Alexander; for these authors supposed that this conqueror crossed the Ganges: and it is also the opinion of some ancient historians in the west.

In the Cumarica-chanda, it is said, that it was the wicked Chanacya who caused the eight royal brothers to be murdered; and it is added, that Chanacya, after his paroxism of revengeful rage was over, was exceedingly troubled in his mind, and so much stung with remorse for his crime, and the effusion of human blood, which took place in consequence of it, that he withdrew to the Sucla-Tirtha, a famous place of worship near the sea on the bank of the Narmada, and seven coss to the west of Baroche, to get himself purified. There, having gone through a most severe course of religious austerities and expiatory ceremonies, he was directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails, which, if they turned black, would be to him a sure sign of the remission of his sins; the blackness of which would attach itself to the sails. It happened so, and he joyfully sent the boat adrift, with his sins, into the sea.

This ceremony, or another very similar to it, (for the expense of a boat would be too great), is performed to this day at the Sucla-Tirtha; but, instead of a boat, they use a common earthen pot, in which they light a lamp, and send it adrift with the accumulated load of their sins.

In the 63d section of the Agni-purana, this expiation is represented in a different manner. One day, says the author, as the gods, with holy men, were assembled in the presence of Indra, the sovereign lord of heaven, and as they were conversing on various subjects, some took notice of the abominable conduct of Chanacya, of the atrocity and heinousness of his crimes. Great was the concern and affliction of the celestial court on the occasion; and the heavenly monarch observed, that it was hardly possible that they should ever be expiated.

One of the assembly took the liberty to ask him, as it was still possible, what mode of expiation was requisite in the present case? and Indra answered, the Carshagni. There was present a crow, who, from her friendly disposition, was surnamed Mitra Caca: she flew immediately to Chanacya, and imparted the welcome news to him. He had applied in vain to the most learned divines; but they uniformly answered him, that his crime was of such a nature, that no mode of expiation for it could be found in the ritual. Chanacya immediately performed the Carshagni, and went to heaven. But the friendly crow was punished for her indiscretion: she was thenceforth, with all her tribe, forbidden to ascend to heaven; and they were doomed on earth to live upon carrion.

The Carshagni consists in covering the whole body with a thick coat of cow-dung, which, when dry, is set on fire. This mode of expiation, in desperate cases, was unknown before; but was occasionally performed afterwards, and particularly by the famous Sancaracharya. It seems that Chandragupta, after he was firmly seated on the imperial throne, accompanied Chanacya to the Suclatirtha, in order to get himself purified also.

This happened, according to the Cumarica-chanda, after 300 and 10 and 3000 years of the Cali-yuga were elapsed, which would place this event 210 years after Christ. The fondness of the Hindus for quaint and obscure expressions, is the cause of many mistakes. But the ruling epocha of this paragraph is the following: "After three thousand and one hundred years of the Cali-yuga are elapsed (or in 3101) will appear king Saca (or Salivahana) to remove wretchedness from the world. The first year of Christ answers to 3101 of the Cali-yuga, and we may thus correct the above passage: "Of the Caliyuga, 3100 save 300 and 10 years being elapsed (or 2790), then will Chanacya go to the Suclatirtha."

This is also confirmed in the 63d and last section of the Agni-purana, in which the expiation of Chanacya is placed 312 years before the first year of the reign of Saca or Salivahana, but not of his era. This places this famous expiation 310, or 312 years before Christ, either three or five years after the massacre of the imperial family.

My Pandit, who is a native of that country, informs me, that Chanacya's crimes, repentance, and atonement, are the subject of many pretty legendary tales, in verse, current in the country; part of some he repeated to me.

Soon after, Chandragupta made himself master of the greatest part of India, and drove the Greeks out of the Punjab. Tradition says, that he built a city in the Deccan, which he called after his own name. It was lately found by the industrious and active Major Mackenzie, who says that it was situated a little below Sri-Salam, or Purwutum, on the bank of the Crishna; but nothing of it remains, except the ruins. This accounts for the inhabitants of the Deccan being so well acquainted with the history of Chandragupta. The authors of the Mudra- Rakshasa, and its commentary, were natives of that country.

In the mean time, Seleucus, ill brooking the loss of his possessions in India, resolved to wage war, in order to recover them, and accordingly entered India at the head of an army; but finding Chandragupta ready to receive him, and being at the same time uneasy at the increasing power of Antigonus and his son, he made peace with the emperor of India, relinquished his conquests, and renounced every claim to them. Chandragupta made him a present of 50 elephants; and, in order to cement their friendship more strongly, an alliance by marriage took place between them, according to Strabo, who does not say in what manner it was effected. It is not likely, however, that Seleucus should marry an Indian princess; besides, Chandragupta, who was very young when he visited Alexander's camp, could have no marriageable daughter at that time. It is more probable, that Seleucus gave him his natural daughter, born in Persia. From that time, I suppose, Chandragupta had constantly a large body of Grecian troops in his service, as mentioned in the Mudra-Racshasa.

It appears, that this affinity between Seleucus and Chandragupta took place in the year 302 B.C. at least the treaty of peace was concluded in that year. Chandragupta reigned four-and-twenty years; and of course died 292 years before our era.

-- Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology, by Captain Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 9, 1809. pgs. 94-100.


Discarding, therefore, these accounts, and laying aside the marvellous part of the story, I shall endeavour, from the Vishnu and Bhagavata-Puranas, from a popular version of the narrative as it runs in the south of India, from the Vrihat-Katha, [For the gratification of those who may wish to see the story as it occurs in these original sources, translations are subjoined; and it is rather important to add, that in no other Purana has the story been found, although most of the principal works of this class have been carefully examined.] and from the play, to give what appear to be the genuine circumstances of Chandragupta's elevation to the throne of Palibothra.

A race of kings denominated Saisunagas, from Sisunaga the first of the dynasty, reigned in Magadha, or Behar: their capital was Pataliputra, and the last of them was named Nanda or Mahapadma Nanda. He was the son of a woman of the Sudra caste, and was hence, agreeably to Hindu law, regarded as a Sudra himself. He was a powerful and ambitious prince, but cruel and avaricious, by which defects, as well as by his inferiority of birth, he probably provoked the animosity of the Brahmans. He had by one wife eight sons, who with their father were known as the nine Nandas; and, according to the popular tradition, he had by a wife of low extraction, called Mura, another son named Chandragupta. This last circumstance is not stated in the Puranas nor Vrihat Katha, and rests therefore on rather questionable authority; at the same time it is very generally asserted, and is corroborated by the name Maurya, one of Chandragupta’s denominations, which is explained by the commentator on the Vishnu Purana to be a patronymic formative, signifying the son of Mura.

It also appears from the play, that Chandragupta was a member of the same family as Nanda, although it is not there stated that he was Nanda’s son.

But whatever might have been the origin of this prince, it is very likely that he was made the instrument of the insubordination of the Brahmans, who having effected the destruction of Nanda and his sons, raised Chandragupta, whilst yet a youth, to the throne. In this they were aided by a prince from the north of India, to whom they promised an accession of territory as the price of his alliance. The execution of the treaty was evaded, very possibly by his assassination, and to revenge his father’s murder, his son led a mingled host against Magadha, containing amongst other troops, Yavanas, whom we may be permitted to consider as Greeks. The storm was averted, however, by jealousies and quarrels amongst the confederates. The army dispersed, and Malayaketu, the invader, returned baffled and humbled to his own country. Chandragupta reigned twenty-four years, and left the kingdom to his son. We have now to see how far the classical writers agree with these details.  

The name is an obvious coincidence. Sandrocottus and Chandragupta can scarcely be considered different appellations.[!!!] But the similarity is no doubt still closer. Athenaeus, as first noticed by Wilford (As. Res. vol. v. p. 262.) and subsequently by Schlegel (Indische Bibliothek), writes the name, Sandrakoptus, ...


Chandra-Gupta, or he who was saved by the interposition of Lunus or the Moon, is called also Chandra in a poem quoted by Sir William Jones. The Greeks call him Sandracuptos, Sandracottos, and Androcottos. Sandrocottos is generally used by the historians of Alexander; and Sandracuptos is found in the works of Athenaeas. Sir William Jones, from a poem written by Somadeva, and a tragedy called the coronation of Chandra or Chandra-Gupta* [Asiatick Researches, vol. IV. p. 6. 11.], discovered that he really was the Indian king mentioned by the historians of Alexander, under the name of Sandracottos. These two poems I have not been able to procure; but, I have found another dramatic piece, intitled Mudra-Racshasa, or the seal of Racshasa, which is divided into two parts: the first may be called the coronation of Chandra-Gupta, and the second the reconciliation of Chandra-Gupta with Mantri-Racshasa, the prime minister of his father.

-- XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Vol. V, P. 262, 1799


... and its other form, although more common, is very possibly a mere error of the transcriber. As to the Andracottus of Plutarch, the difference is more apparent than real, the initial sibilant being often dropped in Greek proper names.

This name is however not the only coincidence in denomination that may be traced. We find in the play that Chandragupta is often called Chandra simply, or the moon, of which Chandramas is a synonime; and accordingly we find in Diodorus Siculus, the king of the Gangaridae, whose power alarms the Macedonian, is there named Xandrames. The Aggramen of Quintus Curtius is merely a blundering perversion of this appellation.

There are other names of the prince, the sense of which, though not their sound, may be discovered in classical writers. These are Vrishala, and perhaps Maurya. The first unquestionably implies a man of the fourth or servile caste; the latter is said by Wilford to be explained in the Jati Viveka [Jutiviveca] the offspring of a barber and a Sudra woman, or of a barber and a female slave. (As. Res. vol. v. p. 285.)


In the Mudra Racshasa it is said, that king Nanda, after a severe fit of illness, fell into a state of imbecility, which betrayed itself in his discourse and actions; and that his wicked minister, Sacatara, ruled with despotic sway in his name. Diodorus Siculas and Curtius relate, that Chandram was of a low tribe, his father being a barber. That he, and his father Nanda too, were of a low tribe, is declared in the Vishnu purana and in the Bhagavat Chandram, as well as his brothers, was called Maurya from his mother Mura; and as that word* [See the Jutiviveca, where it is said, the offspring of a barber, begot by stealth, of a female of the Sudra tribe, is called Maurya: the offspring of a barber and a slave woman is called Maurya.] in Sanscrit signifies a barber, it furnished occasion to his enemies to asperse him as the spurious offspring of one. The Greek historians say, the king of the Prasu was assassinated by his wife’s paramour, the mother of Chandra; and that the murderer got possession of the sovereign authority, under the specious title of regent and guardian to his mother’s children, but with a view to destroy them. The puranas and other Hindu books, agree in the same facts, except as to the amours of Sacatara with Mura, the mother of Chandra-Gupta, on which head they are silent. Diodorus and Curtius are mistaken in saying, that Chandram reigned over the Prasu, at the time of Alexander's invasion: he was contemporary with Sileucus Nicator.

-- XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Vol. V, P. 285, 1799


It is most usually stated, however, to mean the offspring of Muni, as already observed, and the word does not occur in any of the vocabularies in the sense attached to it by Col. Wilford.* [Colonel Tod considers Maurya a probable interpolation for Mori, a branch of the Pramara tribe of Rajputs, who in the eighth century occupied Chitore. He observes also, that Chandragupta in the Puranas is made a descendant of Sehesnag of the Takshah tribe, of which last no other mention has been found, whilst instead of Sehesnag the word is Sisunaga; and with respect to the fact of the princes belonging to the Pramara tribe no authority is cited. Colonel Tod, like the late Col. Wilford, is sparing of those specific references, which in all debateable points are indispensable. See Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 211. Also, Account of Rajasthan, p. 53.]

The first kings of the Dynasty of the Barhadrathas being omitted in the table, are given here from the Harivansa. The famous Uparichara was the sixth in lineal descent from Curu; and his son was

Vrihadratha
Cushagra
Vrishabha
Pushpavan
Satyasahita
Urja
Sambhava
Jara-Sandha.


Jara-Sandha, literally old Sandha or Sandhas, was the lord paramount of India or Maha Raja, and in the spoken dialects Ma-Raj. This word was pronounced Morieis by the Greeks; for Hesychius says, that Morieis signifies king in India, and in another place, that Mai in the language of that country, signified great. Nonnus, in his Dionysiacs, calls the lord paramount of India, Morrheus, and says that his name was Sandes, with the title of Hercules. Old Sandha is considered as a hero to this day in India, and pilgrimages, I am told, are yearly performed to the place of his abode, to the cast of Gaya, in south Bahar, It is called Raja-Griha, or the royal mansion, in the low hills of Raja-giri, or the royal mountains; though their name I suspect to be derived from Raja-Griha The Dionysiacs of Nonnus are really the history of the Maha Bharata, or great war, as we shall see hereafter.

-- Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology, by Captain Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 9, 1809.


It is sufficient, however, to observe, that the term Vrishala, and frequent expressions in the drama, establish the inferior origin of Chandragupta, a circumstance which is stated of the king of the Gangaridae at the time of Alexander’s invasion by Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch.[!!!]

According to the two former of these writers, Xandrames or Chandramas was contemporary with Alexander. They add, that he was the son of the queen by an intrigue with a barber, and that his father being raised to honour and the king’s favour, compassed his benefactor’s death, by which he paved the way for the sovereignty of his own son, the ruling prince. We have no indication of these events in the Hindu writers, and Chandragupta, as has been noticed, is usually regarded as the son of Nanda, or at least a relative. It may be observed that his predecessors were Sudras, and the character given to Mahapadma Nanda in the Vishnu Purana, agrees well enough with the general tenour of the classical accounts, as to his being of low origin and estimation, although an active and powerful prince. If Nanda be the monarch alluded to, there has been some error in the name; but, in either case, we have a general coincidence in the private history of the monarch of the Gangaridae, as related by the writers of the east or west.

The Greek scholars recorded the names of kings of India as Xandrames, and Sandrocottus. Western historians deliberately identified these names with those of Mahapadmananda or Dhanananda and Chandragupta Maurya. Xandrames was said to be the father of Sandrocottus. According to John W. McCrindle, Diodorus distorted the name "Sandrocottus" into Xandrames and this again is distorted by Curtius into Agrammes...

-- Who was Sandrocottus: Samudragupta or Chandragupta Maurya?, The Chronology of Ancient India, Victim of Concoctions and Distortions, by Vedveer Arya


If the monarch of Behar at the time of Alexander’s invasion was Nanda, it is then possible that Chandragupta, whilst seeking, as the Hindus declare, the support of foreign powers to the north and north-west of India, may have visited Alexander, as asserted by Plutarch and Justin. We cannot, however, attach any credit to the marvellous part of the story as told by the latter, nor can we conceive that a mere adventurer, as he makes Sandrocoptus to have been, should have rendered himself master of a mighty kingdom, in so brief an interval as that between Seleucus and Alexander, or by the aid of vagabonds and banditti alone.

Although, therefore, the classical writers had gleaned some knowledge of Chandragupta’s early history, it is very evident that their information was but partially correct, and that they have confounded names, whilst they have exaggerated some circumstances and misrepresented others. These defects, however, are very venial [a sin that is not regarded as depriving the soul of divine grace], considering the imperfect communication that must have subsisted between the Greeks and Hindus, even at the period of Alexander’s invasion, and the interval that elapsed before the accounts we now possess were written. These considerations rather enhance the value of both sets of our materials. It is more wonderful that so much of what appears to be the truth should have been preserved, than that the stories should not conform in every particular.[!!!]
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sun Feb 20, 2022 10:26 am

Part 2 of __
 
However questionable may be the contemporary existence of Alexander and Sandrocoptus, there is no reason to doubt that the latter reigned in the time of Seleucus Nicator, as Strabo and Arrian cite the repeated declarations of Megasthenes, that he had often visited the Indian prince. Seleucus is said to have relinquished to him some territories beyond the Indus, and to have formed a matrimonial alliance with him. We have no trace of this in the Hindu writers, but it is not at all improbable. Before the Christian era the Hindus were probably not scrupulous about whom they married; and even in modern days, their princesses have become the wives of Mohammedan sovereigns. Chandragupta, however, had no right to be nice with respect to the condition of his wife, and in whichever way the alliance was effected, it was feasible enough, whilst it was a very obvious piece of policy in Chandragupta, as calculated to give greater security to his empire and stability to his reign. The failure of Seleucus in his attempt to extend his power in India, and his relinquishment of territory, may possibly be connected with the discomfiture and retreat of Magayaketu, as narrated in the drama, although it may be reasonably doubted whether the Syrian monarch and the king of Magadha ever came into actual collision. It is very unlikely that the former ever included any part of the Punjab within his dominions, and at any rate it may be questioned, whether Chandragupta or his posterity long retained, if they ever held possession of the north-western provinces, as there is no conjecturing any resemblance between the names of the Maurya princes (As. Res. vol. ix. table) ...

Image
Image

A Table of the Kings of Magadha, Emperors of India

Dynasty of the Barhadrathas

1370 / Vrimadrala
-- / Vrihateshetra
1300 / Gurucshepa
-- / Vatsayupa
-- / Prativyoma
-- Bhanu
1200 / Devaca
-- / Sahadeva
-- / Vira
-- / Vribadasva
1100 / Bhanuratha
-- / Praticasva
-- / Supratica
-- / Marudeva
1000 / Sunarshetra
-- / Siddhartha, or Sujana
-- Jina dies 950 B.C.
900 / Cinnara
-- / Antaricsha
-- / Suverna
-- / Vribadieja
800 / Dharmmi
-- / Critanjaya
-- / Suvrata
-- / Rathanjava

Sunacas

-- / Sanjaya / Ripunjaya
-- / Suddhodana / --
600 / Gautama or Sacya, born 542 B.C.
-- / -- / Cshema-dharma

Sisunacas

500 / --
400 / --

Mauryas / Bali-Putras

300 / --
200 / --

Sungas

100 / --
0 / --

Canwas

Dynasty of the genuine Andhras omitted

100 / --
200 / --
300 / --

Spurious

400 / --

Andhras

500 / --
600 / --
700 / --


Jarasandha

1370 / Sahadeva. Paricsrita is born, Conclusion of the Great War. The Caliyuga begins.
-- / Somadhi / 58 - 98 - 58
1300 / Srutasrava / 67 - 67 - 67
-- Ajutayu / 54 - 36 - 31
-- Niramitra / 50 - 63 - 50
1200 / Sucshetra / 50 - 50 - 50
-- / Vrihatearma / 23 - 23 - 23
-- Sonajit or Manishi / 50 - 50 - 50
1100 / Srutanjaya / 35 - 40 - 35

Dynasties in the western parts of India, toward the Frontiers of Persia.

-- / Maha-bahu / 28 - 35 - 28
-- / Suchi / 58 - 58 - 58
1000 / Cshema / 28 - 28 - 23
-- / Suvrate / 61 - 64 - 64
-- / Dharmaeshetra / 5 - 5 - 5
900 / Nribhrata / 58 - 58 - 58
-- / Sultuta / 38 - 38 - 38
-- / Vrihadsena / 48 - 48 - 48
-- / Sumati / 33 - 33 - 33

X. Abhiras, or Shepherd Kings, toward the upper parts of the Indus about Atuc-Varanesa

800 / Suddhanwa / 32 - 32 - 32
-- / Sunetra / 40 - 40 - 40
-- / Saptajit / 30 - 30 - 30
700 / Visvajit / 35 - 35 - 35
-- / Pradyota / 23 - 23 - 23
-- / Palaca / 21 - 21 - 24

Inferior Dynasties in various parts of India generally in a state of independence.

600 / Vishnchayupa / 100 - 50 - 50
-- / Ajaca / 21 - 31 - 21
-- / Nandivarddhana / 20 - 20 - 20

X. Sacas, or Persians

1 / Ieshwacavas in Cachha-Bhoja and the lower parts of the Indus / 24 Kings
2 / Panchalas in the western parts of Oude / 25
3 / Cashayas Benares / 24
4 / Halhayas Narmada / 24
5 / Canravas / 25
6 / Calingas Deccan / 32
7 / Maithilas Tirhoot / 28
8 / Surasenas Muttra / 23
9 / Viti-hotras / 20
10 / Coshalas / 9
11 / Mecalas Narmada / 13
12 / Asmacas / 20
13 / Meghas / --
14 / Comalyas / --
15 / Nalavansas / --
16 / Naishadhas / 9
17 / Manidhanyajas / --
18 / Canacavayas, in Gurjerat, it is supposed / --
19 / Pundracas, or Tamiradiptas=Tumlook / --
20 / Maheshacas / --
21 / Mehindras / --
22 / Baumas / --
23 / Naimishicas / --
24 / Caulateyas / --
25 / Stri-rajyas / --
26 / Mushicas, Mushek Malabar coast / --
27 / Aryvas, Christian Kings in the Deccan / --
28 / Adriyas, among the mountains in the western parts of the Deccan / --
29 / Calacas, &c. / --


500 / Cshetranja / 40 - 40 - 10
 -- / Vidhisara / 28 - 28 - 28
-- / Ajata-Satru / 35 - 25 - 25
400 / Dasaca / 35 - 25 - 25
-- / Udasi / 23 - 33 - 23
-- / Nandi-vardubana / 42 - 42 - 42
-- / Maha-Nandi / 43 - 43 - 43
355 B.C. / Maha Bali, or Maha-Nanda / 28 - 88 - 28
-- / The Nine Nandas / 12 - 12 - __
315 B.C. / Chandra-Gupta / 24 - 24 - __

VIII. Yavanas, or Grecian Kings of Bactria.

XIV. Tusharas, or Parthians


300 / Varisara / 25 - 25 - 25
-- / Asaca / 36 - 36 - 36
-- / Culata, or Culala / 8 - 8 - 8
-- / Bandu-pahta, or Sammati / 9 - 9 - 9
-- / Indra-patita, or Salisuca / 13 - 14 - 13
-- / Deva-dharma / 7 - 7 - 7
-- / Suma-Sarma / 7 - 7 - 7
200 / Satadhanwa / 8 - 8 - 8
-- / Vrihadratha / 87 - 7 - 7
-- / Pushpamitra / 36 - 60 - 36
-- / Agnimitra / 81 - 2 - 2
-- / Sujyashta / 7 - 7 - 7
-- / Vasumitra / 13 - 10 - 10
100 / Bhadraca / 2 - 2 - 2
-- / Pubudaca / 3 - 3 - 3
-- / Chosha-raja / 3 - 3 - 3
-- / Vicramitra / 14 - 14 - 14
-- / Bhagavata / 32 - 32 - 32
-- / Devabhuti / 10 - 10 - 10

XIII. Maurundas, or Hunas, a branch of the Indo-Scythians; the Morundie of Ptolemy.

0 / Vasudeva / 10 - 10 - 10
-- / Bhumitra / 14 - 24 - 14
-- / Narayana / 12 - 12 - 12
-- / Susharma / 10 - 10 - 10
100 / --
190 / Sri Carna Deva, or Sipraen / 23 - 13 - __
200 / Crishna, his brother Sri / 16 - 17 - __
-- / Purportsanga Sri Carna / 56 - 55 - __
-- / Lambodara / 18 - __ - __
-- / Apilaca / 12 - __ - __

XI. Maunas unknown; probably a branch of the hunas.

300 / Sanduva, or Megha-swati / 18 - __ - __
-- / Atainan, or Putuman / 21 - 12 - __
-- / Hala, or Haleya / 25 - 28 - __
-- / Pulaca / 5 - 5 - __
-- / Pravillasena / 21 - 12 - __
400 / Sundara Sri Carna / 1 - __ - __
-- / Chacora Sri Carna, 6 months / __ - 6 - __
-- / Mehendra Sri Carna / __ - 3 - __
-- / Cuntala Sri Carna / __ - 8 - __
-- / Siva-Swami / 28 - 1 - __

Pauras, Pawaras or Punwaras, Punawarut, near country called the Kingdom of Boutou, by early Musulman writers.

500 / Gautami-Putra / 21 - 3 - __
-- / Madasim / __ - 4 - __
-- / Siva Scanda Sri Carni / __ - 3 - __
-- / Yajnasri Sri Carni / 29 / 19 (60)
600 / Vijava / __ - __ - __

From this list is descended the Vindhya Sacti, or the Might and Glory of the Vindhyan hills, the family of the Rajas of Uduya-pura and Chartor.

-- / Chandrasri / 3 - 3 - __
648 A.C. / Puliman dies / 7 - 7 - __


-- Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology, by Captain Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 9, 1809. pgs. 94-100.


... and the Amitrochates and Sophagasenas, who reinforced the armies of Antigonus the son of Seleucus, and of Antigonus the Great, with those elephants that were so highly prized by the successors of Alexander (Wilford, As. Res. vol. v. p. 286, and Schlegel, Indische Bibliothek), although, as shewn by Schlegel, the names are undoubtedly Sanscrit and Hindu.

Seleucus Nikator also sent Deimachos on an embassy to Allitrocades or Amitrocades, the son of Sandrocottus. Western historians identified Allitrocades or Amitrocades to be Bindusara, the son of Chandragupta and concocted that Bindusara was also known as "Amitraghata". None of the Indian sources ever referred Bindusara as Amitraghata. Western historians deliberately created the word "Amitraghata" with some sort of resemblance...

Who was Sandrocottus: Samudragupta or Chandragupta Maurya? The Chronology of Ancient India, Victim of Concoctions and Distortions, by Vedveer Arya


Chandra-Gupta [No, Sandrocottus!] appears to have agreed on his part to furnish Seleucus annually with fifty elephants[???]; for we read of Antiochus the Great going to India, to renew the alliance with king Sophagasemus, and of his receiving fifty elephants from him. Sophagasemus, I conceive, to be a corruption of Shivaca-Sena, the grandson of Chandra-Gupta. In the puranas this grandson is called Asecavard-dhana or full of mercy, a word of nearly the same import as Aseca-sena or Shivaca-sena; the latter signifying he whose armies are merciful do not ravage and plunder the country.

-- XVIII. On the Chronology of the Hindus, by Captain Francis Wilford, p. 286


All the classical writers agree in representing Sandrocoptus as king of the nations which were situated along the Ganges, which were the Gangaridae and Prasii[???] — called, however, indifferently, but no doubt inaccurately, Gargaridae, Gandaridae, and Gandarii, and Prasii, Parrhasii, and Tabresii. The first name was probably of Greek origin, expressing, as Raderus and Cellarius justly observes, the situation of the nations in the neighbourhood of the Ganges; but in truth there was a nation called the Gandhari or Gandaridae west of the Indus, whom the classical authors often confound with the Gangetic nations, as has been shewn in another place. (As. Res. vol. xv.)

The Greek writers use the names "Gandaridae" (Diodorus), "Gandaritae", and "Gandridae" (Plutarch) to describe these people. The ancient Latin writers use the name "Gangaridae", a term that seems to have been coined by the 1st century poet Virgil....

In Book 17 of Bibliotheca historica, Diodorus ... mentions that a nephew of Porus fled to the land of the Gandaridae, although C. Bradford Welles translates the name of this land as "Gandara".

William Woodthorpe Tarn (1948) identifies the "Gandaridae" mentioned by Diodorus with the people of Gandhara. Historian T. R. Robinson (1993) locates the Gangaridai to the immediate east of the Beas River, in the Punjab region. According to him, the unnamed river described in Diodorus' Book 18 is Beas (Hyphasis); Diodorus misinterpreted his source, and incompetently combined it with other material from Megasthenes, erroneously naming the river as Ganges in Book 2. Robinson identified the Gandaridae with the ancient Yaudheyas.

A. B. Bosworth (1996) rejects this theory, pointing out that Diodorus describes the unnamed river in Book 18 as the greatest river in the region. But Beas is not the largest river in its region. Even if one excludes the territory captured by Alexander in "the region" (thus excluding the Indus River), the largest river in the region is Chenab (Acesines). Robinson argues that Diodorus describes the unnamed river as "the greatest river in its own immediate area", but Bosworth believes that this interpretation is not supported by Diodorus's wording. Bosworth also notes that Yaudheyas were an autonomous confederation, and do not match the ancient descriptions that describe Gandaridae as part of a strong kingdom.

-- Gangaridai [Gandaridai], by Wikipedia


Now Gangaridas and [x] are from Megasthenes' Gangaridae in lower Bengal; is the name Gandaridae then merely a mistake of Diodorus', and is the whole thing taken from Megasthenes? I think not. In Diod. 17, 91.1 the bad Porus flies [x]; while Strabo 15, 699 has a version that Gandaris was his country. Now Porus really did fly eastward before Alexander across the Ravi (Arr. 5. 21, 4), and as Alexander never caught him he must have gone further east than Alexander ever went, i.e. across the Beas, or further; and whatever the confusion in Strabo, I think these passages make it difficult to say that Diodorus' version of the gazetteer is wrong, and that there was not across the Sutlej a real people called Gandaridae or Tyndaridae, or however their name got transcribed. [Kiessling, s.v. Gandaridai in Pauly-Wissowa, makes the people of Gandhara, the Gandaridae, and the Gangaridae, three sections of one tribe, which had moved across India leaving parts of itself behind.] Whether they were part of a confederacy, or whether the mention of a confederacy got written into the gazetteer later, must remain uncertain...

-- Alexander and the Ganges, by William Woodthorpe Tarn


The other appellation, which is most correctly Prasii, is referable to a Hindu original, and is a close approximation to Prachi, the eastern country, or Prachya, the people of the east, in which division of Bharata Khanda, or India, Mithila, the country opposite to Behar, and Magadha, or South Behar, are included by Hindu geographers. Both Greek and Hindu accounts are therefore agreed as to the general position of the people over whom Chandragupta reigned.

Megasthenes described the system of city administration of Pataliputra but there is no similarity between the system described by Megasthenes and the system of city administration given in Kautilya Arthasastra. Megasthenes also stated that there was no slavery in India but Kautilya Arthasastra's Chapter 65 named "Dasakalpa" is solely devoted to the status of slaves among the Aryans and the Mlecchas.... Thus, Megasthenes cannot be contemporary to Chandragupta Maurya.

Megasthenes not only often visited Palibothra but also stayed in the court of Sandrocottus for a few years. But he did not even mention about Kautilya or Chanakya who was the real kingmaker and also the patron of Chandragupta. No Greek scholar ever mentioned about Kautilya. Therefore, Megasthenes cannot be the contemporary to Chandragupta Maurya.

Greek scholars often mentioned that Sandrocottus was the king of the country called as Prasii (Prachi or Prachya). Pracha or Prachi means eastern country. During the Nanda and Mauryan era, Magadha kings were ruling almost entire India. Mauryan Empire was never referred in Indian sources as only Prachya desa or eastern country. Prachya desa was generally referred to Gupta Empire because Northern Saka Ksatrapas and Western Saka Ksatrapas were well established in North and West India. Megasthenes mentioned that Sandrocottus is the greatest king of the Indians and Poros is still greater than Sandrocottus which means a kingdom in the North-western region is still independent and enjoying at least equal status with the kingdom of Sandrocottus...

-- Who was Sandrocottus: Samudragupta or Chandragupta Maurya? The Chronology of Ancient India, Victim of Concoctions and Distortions, by Vedveer Arya


Finally; the classical authors concur in making Palibothra a city on the Ganges, the capital of Sandrocoptus. Strabo, on the authority of Megasthenes, states that Palibothra is situated at the confluence of the Ganges and another river, the name of which he does not mention. Arrian, possibly on the same authority, calls that river the Erranoboas, which is a synonime of the Sone. In the drama, one of the characters describes the trampling down of the banks of the Sone, as the army approaches to Pataliputra; and Putaliputra, also called Kusumapura, is the capital of Chandragupta. There is little question that Pataliputra and Palibothra are the same, and in the uniform estimation of the Hindus, the former is the same with Patna. The alterations in the course of the rivers of India, and the small comparative extent to which the city has shrunk in modern times, will sufficiently explain why Patna is not at the confluence of the Ganges and the Sone, and the only argument, then, against the identity of the position, is the enumeration of the Erranoboas and the Sone as distinct rivers by Arrian and Pliny: but their nomenclature is unaccompanied by any description, and it was very easy to mistake synonimes for distinct appellations. Rajamahal, as proposed by Wilford, and Bhagalpur, as maintained by Franklin, are both utterly untenable,...

Image


I have found in this district no traditions concerning Chandragupta nor his descendants the Baliputras, although Palibothra his capital, is by Major Rennell supposed to be the same with Pataliputra, or Patna. This city is indeed allowed by all the Pandits to be called Pataliputra, but Pataliputra has no great resemblance to Palibothra, nor can Patali be rationally considered as a word of the same origin with Pali, said to be an ancient name of this country, and of its people and language. In the vicinity of Patna few traces of antiquity remain as a guide to conjecture; but, with all due deference for the opinion of Major Rennell, I doubt very much of its having been the Palibothra of the Greeks. The conjecture of Major Wilford, in the fifth volume of the Asiatick Researches, placing Palibothra at the old junction of the Kosi with the Ganges near Rajmahal, seems better founded, although all traces of the city have been swept away by numerous changes in the river; and although, when in that vicinity, I heard no traditions concerning the great personages who resided at Palibothra. But the Pali are still the most numerous tribe in Matsyadesa, the country immediately north and east from the situation, which Major Wilford assigns. Although this country no doubt belonged to the kings of the Gangarides, it was so far removed from their capital, that no traces of them are now to be discovered. That Patali however, has been a place of great consequence, from its being now universally called Patana, or the city by way of excellence, there can be no doubt, and this seems to have been during the reigns of the earlier princes of the dynasty of the spurious Andhras of Major Wilford, (As. Res. vol. 9, p. 43,) who governed until the year 640 after the birth of Christ; but between this period, and the government of the Baliputras ending about 160 years before the birth of Christ, Behar seems to have risen into great note, as capital of the Magas and of their country Magadha.

At one time (before Christ, 800) this city, according to a learned priest of the Jain who resides there, belonged to a petty chief of that sect; but was afterwards fortified by a Maga Raja, who seems to have been a very powerful prince, and the ruins of buildings, attributed by all to this Maga, at Baragang, in the vicinity of Behar, are of an astonishing magnitude, as will be afterwards described. The persons, by whom they have been erected, have evidently been Buddhists, and were probably either the Andhra kings, or the princes who intervened between them and the descendants of Chandragupta; but they are abhorred as infidels, nor have I been able to learn any tradition concerning their names.

-- Chapter II. History of the Province of Behar, From "The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India; Comprising the Districts of Behar, Shahabad, Bhagulpoor, Goruckpoor, Dinajepoor, Puraniya, Rungpoor & Assam, in Relation to their Geology, Mineralogy, Botany, Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures, Fine Arts, Population, Religion, Education, Statistics, Etc., Surveyed Under the Orders of the Supreme Government and Collated from the Original Documents at the East India House, With the Permission of the Honourable Court of Directors, by Montgomery Martin, Vol. 1, Behar (Patna City) and Shahabad, 1838


... and the further inquiries of the former [Wilford] had satisfied him of the error of his hypothesis. His death prevented the publication of an interesting paper by him on the site of Palibothra, in which he had come over to the prevailing opinion, and shewn it to have been situated in the vicinity of Patna.* [Asiatic Researches, vol. xiv. p. 380.]

A FEW years after my arrival in India, I began to study the ancient history, and geography of that country; and of course, endeavoured to procure some regular works on the subject: the attempt proved vain, though I spared neither trouble, nor money, and I had given up every hope, when, most unexpectedly, and through mere chance, several geographical tracts in Sanscrit, fell into my hands....

In some of the Puranas, there is a section called the Bhuvana-cosa, a magazine, or Collection of mansions: but these are entirely mythological, and beneath our notice.

Besides those in the Puranas, there are other geographical tracts, to several of which is given the title of Cshetra-samasa, or collection of countries; one is entirely mythological, and is highly esteemed by the Jainas; another in my possession, is entirely geographical, and is a most valuable work.

There is also the Trai-locya-derpana, or mirror of the three worlds: but it is wholly mythological, and written in the spoken dialects of the countries about Muttra. St. Patrick is supposed to have written such a book, which is entitled de tribus Habitaculis, and this was also entirely mythological.

There are also lists of countries, rivers and mountains, in several Puranas, and other books; but they are of little or no use, being mere lists of names, without any explanation whatever. They are very incorrectly written, and the context can be of no service, in correcting the bad spelling of proper names. These in general are called Desamala, or garlands of countries; and are of great antiquity: they appear to have been known to Megasthenes, and afterwards to Pliny....

Real geographical treatises do exist: but they are very scarce, and the owners unwilling, either to part with them, or to allow any copy to be made, particularly for strangers.... Seven of them have come to my knowledge, three of which are in my possession. The two oldest are the Munja-prati-desa-vyavastha, or an account of various countries, written by Raja Munja, in the latter end of the ninth century: it was revised and improved by Raja Bhoja his nephew, in the beginning of the tenth, it is supposed; and this new edition was published under the name of Bhoja-prati-desa-vyavastha. These two treatises, which are voluminous, particularly the latter, are still to be found, in Gujarat, as I was repeatedly assured, by a most respectable Pandit, a native of that country, who died some years ago, in my service. I then applied to the late Mr. Duncan, Governor of Bombay, to procure those two geographical tracts, but in vain: his enquiries however confirmed their existence. These two are not mentioned in any Sanscrit book, that I ever saw. The next geographical treatise, is that written by order of the famous Buccaraya or Bucca-sinha, who ruled in the peninsula in the year of Vicramaditya, 1341, answering to the year 1285 of our era. It is mentioned in the commentary on the geography of the Maha-bharata, and it is said, that he wrote an account of the 310 Rajaships of India, and Palibothra is mentioned in it. I suspect that this is the geographical treatise called Bhuvana-sagara, or sea of mansions, in the Dekhin....

The fourth is a commentary on the geography of the Maha-bharat, written by order of the Raja of Paulastya in the peninsula, by a Pandit, who resided in Bengal, in the time of Hussein-shah, who began his reign in the year 1489[???]. It is a voluminous work, most curious, and interesting. It is in my possession, except a small portion towards the end, and which I hope to be able to procure. Palibothra is mentioned in it.

The fifth is the Vicrama-sagara: the author of it is unknown here: however it is often mentioned in the Cshetra-samasa, which, according to the author himself, is chiefly taken from the Vicrama-sagara. It is said to exist still in the peninsula, and it existed in Bengal, in the year 1648. It is considered as a very valuable work, and Palibothra is particularly mentioned in it, according to the author of the Cshetra-samasa. I have only seventeen leaves of this work, and they are certainly interesting. Some suppose that it is as old as the time of Bucca-raya [1356-1377 CE] , that it was written by his order, and that the author was a native of the Dekhin.

But the author could not be a native of that country, otherwise, he would have given a better description of it; for his account of the country about the Sahyadri mountains, of which an extract is to be found in the Cshetra-samasa, is quite unsatisfactory, and obviously erroneous even in the general outlines....

The sixth is called the Bhuvana-cosa, and is declared to be a section of the Bhavishya-purana. If so, it has been revised, and many additions have been made to it, and very properly, for in its original state, it was a most contemptible performance. As the author mentions the emperor Selim-Shah, who died in the year 1552, he is of course posterior to him. It is a valuable work. Additions are always incorporated into the context in India, most generally without reference to any authority; and it was formerly so with us; but this is no disparagement in a geographical treatise: for towns, and countries do not disappear, like historical facts, without leaving some vestiges behind. I have only the fourth part of it, which contains the Gangetick provinces. The first copy that I saw, contained only the half of what is now in my possession; but it is exactly the same with it, only that some Pandit, a native of Benares, has introduced a very inaccurate account of the rebellion of Chaityan-Sinha, commonly called Cheyt-Sing, in the year, I believe 1781: but the style is different.

The seventh is the Cshetra-samasa already mentioned, and which was written by order of Bijjala, the last Raja of Patna, who died in the year 1648. Though a modern work, yet it is nevertheless a valuable and interesting performance. It contains only the Gangetick provinces and some parts of the peninsula, such as Trichina-vali, &c. The death of the Raja prevented his Pandit Jagganmohun from finishing it, as it was intended, for the information of his children.

The last chapter, which was originally a detached work, is an account of Patali-putra, and of Pali-bhata as it is called there, and it consists of forty-seven leaves. This was written previously to the geographical treatise, and it gives an account, geographical, historical, and also mythological of these two cities, which were contiguous to each other. It gives also a short history of the Raja's family, and of his ancestors, and on that account only was this small tract originally undertaken. We may of course reasonably suppose that it was written at least 170 years ago.

The writer informs us that, long after the death of Raja Bijjala or Baijjala, he was earnestly requested by his friends, to complete the work, or at least to arrange the materials he had already collected in some order, and to publish it, even in that state. He complied with their request; but it must have been long after the death of the king, for he mentions Pondichery; saying, that it was inhabited by Firangs, and had three pretty temples dedicated to the God of the Firanga, Feringies or French, who did not, I believe, settle there before the year 1674. He takes notice also of Mandarajya, or Madras.

The author acts with the utmost candour, and modesty, saying, as I have written the Prabhoda-chandrica after the "Pracriya-caumudi (that is to say from, and after the manner of that book) so I have written this work after the Vicrama-sagara, and also from enquiries, from respectable well informed people, and from what, I may have seen myself."

In the Cshetra-samasa, two other geographical tracts are mentioned; the first is the Dacsha-chandaca, and the other is called Desa-vali, which, according to the author’s account, seem to be valuable works. There is also a small geographical treatise called Crita-dhara-vali, by Rameswara, about 200 years old, it is supposed. I have only eighty leaves of it, and it contains some very interesting particulars.... Two copies were possessed by Dr. Buchanan, and I have also procured a few others. All these are most contemptible lists of names, badly spelt, without any explanation whatever, and they differ materially the one from the other. However there is really a valuable copy of it, in the Tara-tantra, and published lately by the Rev. Mr. Ward [William Ward, b. 1769 Derby]. I have also another list of countries with proper remarks, from the Galava-tantra[???], in which there are several most valuable hints. However these two lists must be used cautiously, for there are also several mistakes.

This essay on the ancient geography of the Gangetick provinces, will consist of three sections.... Then occasionally, and collaterally will appear accounts, both historical and geographical of some of the principal towns, such as Palibothra and Patali-putra now Patna, for these two towns were close to each other, exactly like London and Westminister.

The former was once the metropolis of India; but at a very early period it was destroyed by the Ganges: an account of it is in great forwardness, and is nearly ready for the press. Its name in Sanscrit was Pali-bhatta, to be pronounced Pali-bhothra, or nearly so. Bali-gram near Bhagalpur, never was the metropolis of India; yet it was a very ancient city, and its history is very interesting. It was also destroyed by the Ganges....

In the Cshetra-samasa the Carna-phulli [Karnaphuli/ Karnafuli/ Khawthlanguipui: Wiki] or Chatganh [Chittagong: Wiki] river, is said to come from the Jayadri or mountains of victory, and the Nabhi or Naf [Naf: Wiki] river from the Suvarda, or golden mountains...

[T]he mountains and forests of Jhar-chand are called, in the Peutingerian tables, the Lymodus mountains, abounding with elephants, and placed there to the south of the Ganges. They really were in the country of Magadh or Magd, as generally pronounced, and which was also the name of Patna and of south Bahar....

The royal road from the Indus to Palibothra crossed this river [Calindi] at a place called Calini-pacsha [Kalinipaxa], according to Megasthenes, and now probably Khoda-gunge; Calini-pacsha in Sanscrit signifies a place near the Calini....

The next is the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], or red river: in the Puranas it is constantly called Sona, and I believe never otherwise. In the Amara cosa, and other tracts, I am told, it is called Hiranya-bahu, implying the golden arm, or branch of a river, or the golden canal or channel. These expressions imply an arm or branch of the Sona, which really forms two branches before it falls into the Ganges....

The epithet of golden does by no means imply that gold was found in its sands. It was so called, probably, on account of the influx of gold and wealth arising from the extensive trade carried on through it
; for it was certainly a place of shelter for all the large trading boats during the stormy weather and the rainy season.

In the extracts from Megasthenes by Pliny and Arrian, the Sonus and Erannoboas appear either as two distinct rivers, or as two arms of the same river. Be this as it may, Arrian says that the Erannoboas was the third river in India, which is not true. But I suppose that Megasthenes meant only the Gangetick provinces: for he says that the Ganges was the first and largest. He mentions next the Commenasis or Sarayu, from the country of Commanh, as a very large river. The third large river is then the Erannoboas or river Sona[???].

Ptolemy, finding himself peculiarly embarrassed with regard to this river, and the metropolis of India situated on its banks, thought proper to suppress it entirely. Others have done the same under similar distressful circumstances. It is however well known to this day, under the denomination of Hiranya-baha, even to every school boy, in the Gangetick provinces, and in them there is no other river of that name...

Let us now proceed to the Sulacshni, or Chandravati, according to the Cshetra-samasa. It is now called the river Chandan, because it flows through the Van or groves of Chandra, in the spoken dialects Chandwan, or Chandan. In the maps it is called Goga, which should be written Cauca, because according to the above tract, it falls into the Ganges, at a place called Cucu, and in a derivative form Caucava, Caucwa, or Cauca. It flows a little to the eastward of Bhagalpur: but the place, originally so called, has been long ago swallowed up by the Ganges, along with the town of Bali-gram. In the Jina-vilas[???], it is called Aranya-baha[!!!], or the torrent from the wilderness, being really nothing more....

Then comes the Suvarna-recha [Subarnarekha/Swarnarekha: Wiki], or Hiranya-recha, that is to say the golden streak [Subarnarekha, meaning "streak of gold" found in the riverbed: Wiki]. It is called also in the Puranas, in the list of rivers, Suctimati, flowing from the Ricsha, or bear mountains. Its name signifies abounding with shells, in Sanscrit Sucti, Sancha, or Cambu....

The Damiadee[???] was first noticed by the Sansons in France, but was omitted since by every geographer, I believe, such as the Sieur Robert, the famous D’Anville, &c; but it was revived by Major Rennell, under the name of Dummody. I think its real name was Dhumyati, from a thin mist like smoke, arising from its bed. Several rivers in India are so named: thus the Hiranya-baha, or eastern branch of the Sona, is called Cujjhati, or Cuhi from Cuha, a mist hovering occasionally over its bed. As this branch of the Sona has disappeared, or nearly so, this fog is no longer to be seen. I think, this has been also the fate of the Dhumyati, which is now absorbed by the sands....

Let us now pass to the Brahma-putra [Brahmaputra: Wiki], or Brahmi-tanaya, that is to say the son of Brahma, or rather his efflux.

Brahma, in the course of his travels, riding upon a goose, passed by the hermitage of the sage Santanu, who was gone into the adjacent groves, and his wife, the beautiful and virtuous Amogha, was alone. Struck with her beauty he made proposals, which were rejected with indignation, and Amogha threatened to curse him.

Brahma, who was disguised like a holy mendicant, began to tremble and went away: however, before he turned round, his efflux fell to the ground at the door of the hermitage. The efflux is describe, as Hataca, like gold, Cara-hataca, radiant and shining like gold, which is the colour of Brahma; it is always in motion like quicksilver. On Santanu’s return Amogha did not fail to acquaint him with Brahma’s behaviour: he gave due praise to her virtue and resolution, but observed at the same time that with regard to a person of such a high rank as Brahma, who is the first of beings in the world, she might have complied with his wishes without any impropriety. This is no new idea; however Amogha reprobated this doctrine with indignation. I shall pass over how this efflux was conveyed into her womb by her husband. The Nile was also the efflux of Osiris, and probably the legend about it was equally obscene and filthy. In due time she was delivered of a fine boy amidst a vast quantity of water, and who was really the son of Brahma, and exactly like him. Then Santanu made a Cunda, or hole like a cup, and put the child and waters into it. The waters soon worked their way below to the depth of five Yojans, or forty miles nearly, and as far as Patal, or the infernal regions. This Cunda, or small circular pond, or lake, is called Brahmacunda, and the river issuing from it Brahma-putra, the son of Brahma....

There is little doubt but that the Soma or Sami is the Isamus of Strabo, the boundary of Menander's kingdom....

There are in Asama [Assam: Wiki] two rivers called Lohita [mythological river, actually part of the Brahmaputra: IndiaZone.com], and both are mentioned in the Matsya-purana, in the list of rivers; the Chacra-Lohita or greater Lohita, and the Cshudra-Lohita, or the lesser one. This last falls into the Brahma-putra near Yogi-gopa, and is noticed in the Bengal Atlas. The original name of the greater Lohita is Sama or Sam, and this is conformable to a passage in the Varaha-mihira-sanhita. The Sama was afterward called the red river, from the following circumstance. The famous Rama, with the title of Parasu or Parsu, having been ordered by his father to cut off his own mother’s head, through fear of the paternal curse was obliged to obey. With his bloody Parasu, or Parsu, or cimetar in one hand, and the bleeding head of his mother in the other, he appeared before his father who was surrounded by holy men, who were petrified with horror at this abominable sight. He then went to the Brahma-cunda to be expiated, his cimetar sticking fast to his hand all the way; he then washed it in the waters of the Sama, which became red and bloody, or Lohita. The cimetar then fell to the ground, and with it he cleft the adjacent mountains, and opened a passage for himself to the Cunda, and also for the waters of the Brahma-putra; he then flung the fatal instrument into the Cunda. The cleft is called to this day Prabhu-Cuthara, because it was made with a mighty Cuthara, or cimetar. This is obviously the legend of Perseus, and the Gorgon’s head....

The Carma-phulli, as I observed before, is called in the upper part of its course Dumbura, Dumura, or Dumriya: on its passing through the hills it assumes the name of Carma-phulli: but its original name is Bayuli or Bayula.* [Cshetra-samasa and Bhuvana-cosa.] In the Bhuvana-cosa it is declared that it flows through the country of Ari-rajya, or kingdom of Ari, where it assumes the name of Nabhi, according to the Cshetra-samasa, and is commonly called the Naf, and Teke-naf. This river is called in the Bhuvana-cosa, Hema, or golden river, probably because it comes from the golden mountains, styled Hema, Canchana, Canaca &c., which signify gold. In general all the rivers of this country are considered as branches of the Carma-phulli, some are actually so, others are so only in a mystical sense....

It is well known that the old site of Patali-putra, or Patna, has been entirely carried away by the Ganges
, and in its room several sand banks were formed, and which are delineated in Major Rennell's map of the course of the Ganges with his usual accuracy. However Colonel Colebrooke [Robert Hyde Colebrooke], Surveyor General, having made a new survey of the river, found that these several sand banks were consolidated into an island about sixteen miles long, and which masks entirely the mouth of the Gandaci, nay it has forced it in an oblique direction about six miles below Patna, whilst in Major Rennell’s time it was due north from the N.W. corner of that town, and in sight of it.  

The most ancient town of Bali-gur, or Balini-gur, close and opposite to Bhagal-pur, was entirely destroyed by the Ganges in the beginning of the thirteenth century, according to the Cshetra-samasa....

As the Caggar, or some river falling into it, is supposed by our ancient writers to have been also the boundary of the excursions of the gold making ants toward the east, I shall give an account of them...

The large ant of the size of a fox, or of a Hyrcanian dog, is the Yuz of the Persians, in Sanscrit Chittraca-Vyaghra, or spotted tyger in Hindi Chitta, which denomination has some affinity with Cheunta, or Chyonta, a large ant. This has been, in my opinion, the cause of this ridiculous and foolish mistake of some of our ancient writers. The Yuz is thus described in the Ayin Acberi.(3) "This animal, who is remarkable for his provident and circumspect conduct, is an inhabitant of the wilds, and has three different places of resort. They feed in one place, rest in another, and sport in another, which is their most frequent resort. This is generally under the shade of a tree, the circuit of which they keep very clean, and enclose it with their dung. Their dung, in the Hindovee language, is called Akhir.”

Abul-Fazil, it is true, does not say positively that their dung, mixing with sand, becomes gold, and probably he did not believe it. However, when he says that this dung was called Akhir in Hindi, it implies the transmutation of the mixture into gold. Akhir is for Chir in the spoken dialects, from the Sanscrit Cshira; from this are derived the Arabic words Acsir, and El-acsir-Elixir is water, milk also, and a liquid in general. To effect this transmutation of bodies the Hindus have two powerful agents, one liquid called emphatically Cshir, or the water. The other is solid, and is called Mani, or the jewel; and this is our philosopher’s stone, generally called Spars a-mani, the jewel of wealth; Hiranya-mani, the golden jewel. There are really lumps of gold dust, consolidated together by some unknown substance, which was probably supposed to be the indurated dung of large birds.

These are to be met with in the N.W. of India, where gold dust is to be found. They contain much gold, it is said, and are sold by the weight.

-- VII. On the Ancient Geography of India, by Lieut. Col. F. Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 14. p. 373-470


Next (to the Prasii) in the interior are the Monedes and the Suari, to whom belongs Mount Maleus, on which shadows fall towards the north in winter, and in summer to the south, for six months alternately.* ["The Mandali would seem to be the same people as the Monedes of Pliny, who with the Suari, occupied the inland country to the south of the Palibothri. As this is the exact position of the country of the Mundas and Suars, I think it quite certain that they must be the same race as the Monedes and Suari of Pliny. In another passage Pliny mentions the Mandei and Malli as occupying the country between the Calingae and the Ganges.


Amongst the Malli there was a mountain named Mallus, which would seem to be the same as the famous mount Maleus of the Monedes and Suari. I think it highly probable that both names may be intended for the celebrated mount Mandar, to the south of Bhagulpur, which is fabled to have been used by the gods and demons at the churning of the ocean. The Mandei I would identify with the inhabitants of the Mahanadi river, which is the Manada of Ptolemy. The Malli or Malei would therefore be the same people as Ptolemy's Mandalae, who occupied the right bank of the Ganges to the south of Palibothra, or they may be the people of the Rajmahal hills who are called Maler ... The Suari of Pliny are the Sabarrae of Ptolemy, and both may be identified with the aboriginal Savaras or Suars, a wild race of woodcutters who live in the jungles without any fixed habitation." — Cunningham's Anc. Geog. of India, pp. 508-9)....

Pliny assigns 425 miles as the distance from the confluence of the rivers to Palibothra, but, as it is in reality only 248, the figures have probably been altered. He gives, lastly, 638 miles as the distance from Palibothra to the mouth of the Ganges, which agrees closely with the estimate of Megasthenes, who makes it 5000 stadia— if that indeed was his estimate, and not 6000 stadia as Strabo in one passage alleges it was. The distance by land from Patna to Tamluk (Tamralipta, the old port of the Ganges' mouth) is 445 English or 480 Roman miles. The distance by the river, which is sinuous, is of course much greater.]

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877


It thus appears, that the Greek and Hindu writers concur in the name, in the private history, in the political elevation, and in the nation and capital of an Indian king, nearly, if not exactly cotemporary with Alexander, to a degree of approximation that cannot possibly be the work of accident; and it may be reasonably concluded, therefore, that the era of the events described in the following drama is determined with as much precision as that of any other remote historical fact.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sun Feb 20, 2022 10:49 am

Part 3 of __

APPENDIX TO PREFACE.

1.

PAURANIC ACCOUNTS OF CHANDRAGUPTA.


The son of Mahanandi, born of a Sudra woman, a powerful prince named Mahapadma, shall put an end to the Kshetriya rule, and from his time the kings will be mostly Sudras void of piety. He will bring the earth under one umbrella, his rule being irresistible, and he will reign like another Bhargava. He will have eight sons, Sumalya and others, who will be kings of the earth for one hundred years. A Brahman will destroy these nine Nandas, and after their disappearance the Mauryas will reign in the Kali age. That Brahman will inaugurate Chandragupta as king. — (Bhagavat, 12th Skandha.)

Mahanandi will be the last of the ten Saisunaga princes, whose joint reigns will be three hundred and sixty-two years. The son of Mahanandi or Nanda, named Mahapadma, will be born from a Sudra mother. He will be avaricious, and like another Parasuruma will end the Kshetriya race, as from him forwards the kings will be all Sudras. He, Mahapadma, will bring the whole earth under one umbrella, his rule being irresistible. He will have eight sons, Sumalya and others who after him will govern the world. He, and these sons will reign for a period of one hundred years, until Kautilya, a Brahman, shall destroy the nine Nandas.

After their destruction the Mauryas will possess the earth, Kautilya inaugurating Chandragupta in the kingdom. — (Vishnu Parana.)

The comment explains Maurya thus; — so named from Chandragupta, the first, who derived this name from his mother Mura, one of the wives of Nanda.

2. STORY OF NANDA, AS RELATED BY VARARUCHI IN THE VRIHAT KATHA.

I now returned from my sojourn in the snowy mountains, where by the favour of Siva I had acquired the Paniniya grammar. This I communicated to my preceptor Versha, as the fruit of my penance; and as he wished to learn a new system, I instructed him in that revealed by Swami Kumara. Vyari and Indradatta then applied to Versha for like instructions, but he desired them first to bring him a very considerable present. As they were wholly unable to raise the sum, they proposed applying for it to the king, and requested me to accompany them to his camp, which was at that time at Ayodhya; I consented, and we set off.

When we arrived at the encampment we found every body in distress, Nanda being just dead. Indradatta, who was skilled in magic, said; “This event need not disconcert us: I will transfuse my vitality into the lifeless body of the king. Do you, Vararuchi, then solicit the money: I will grant it, and then resume my own person, of which do you, Vyari, take charge till the spirit returns.” This was assented to, and our companion accordingly entered the carcase of the king.

Story of Yogananda.

The revival of Nanda caused universal rejoicing. The minister Sakatala alone suspected something extraordinary in the resuscitation. As the heir to the throne, however, was yet a child, he was well content that no change should take place, and determined to keep his new master in the royal station. He immediately, therefore, issued orders that search should be made for all the dead bodies in the vicinage, and that they should forthwith be committed to the flames. In pursuance of this edict the guards came upon the deserted carcase of Indradatta, and burning it as directed, our old associate was compelled to take up his abode permanently in the tenement which he had purposed to occupy but for a season. He was by no means pleased with the change, and in private lamented it with us, being in fact degraded by his elevation, having relinquished the exalted rank of a Brahman for the inferior condition of a Sudra.

Vyari having received the sum destined for our master, took leave of his companion Indradatta, whom we shall henceforth call Yogananda. Before his departure, however, he recommended to the latter to get rid of Sakatala, the minister, who had penetrated his secret, and who would, no doubt, raise the prince Chandragupta to the throne as soon as he had attained to years of discretion. It would be better, therefore, to anticipate him, and, as preparatory to that measure, to make me, Vararuchi, his minister. Vyari then left us, and in compliance with his counsel I became the confidential minister of Yogananda.

A charge was now made against Sakatala, of having, under pretence of getting rid of dead carcases, burnt a Brahman alive; and on this plea he was cast into a dry well with all his sons. A plate of parched pulse and a pitcher of water were let down daily for their sustenance, just sufficient for one person. The father, therefore recommended to the brothers to agree amongst themselves which should survive to revenge them all, and relinquishing the food to him, resign themselves to die. They instantly acknowledged their avenger in him, and with stern fortitude refusing to share in the daily pittance, one by one expired.

After some time Yogananda, intoxicated like other mortals with prosperity, became despotic and unjust. I found my situation therefore most irksome, as it exposed me to a tyrant’s caprice, and rendered me responsible for acts which I condemned. I therefore sought to secure myself a participator in the burthen, and prevailed upon Yogananda to release Sakatala from his captivity and reinstate him in his authority. He therefore once again became the minister of the king.

It was not long before I incurred the displeasure of Yogananda, so that he resolved to put me to death. Sakatala, who was rejoiced to have this opportunity of winning me over to his cause, apprised me of my danger, and helped me to evade it by keeping me concealed in his palace. Whilst thus retired, the son of the king, Hiranyagupta, lost his senses, and Yogananda now lamented my absence. His regret moved Sakatala to acknowledge that I was living, and I was once more received into favour. I effected the cure of the prince, but received news that disgusted me with the world, and induced me to resign my station and retire into the forests. My disappearance had led to a general belief that I had been privately put to death. This report reached my family. Upakosa, my wife, burnt herself, and my mother died broken hearted.

Inspired with the profoundest grief, and more than ever sensible of the transitory duration of human happiness, I repaired to the shades of solitude and the silence of meditation. After living for a considerable period in my hermitage, the death of Yogananda was thus related to me by a Brahman, who was travelling from Ayodhya and had rested at my cell.

Sakatala brooding on his plan of revenge, observed one day a Brahman of mean appearance digging in a meadow, and asked him what he was doing there. Chanakya, the Brahman, replied: "I am rooting out this grass which has hurt my foot.” The reply struck the minister as indicative of a character which would contribute to his designs, and he engaged him by the promise of a large reward and high honours to come and preside at the Sraddha which was to be celebrated next new moon at the palace. Chanakya arrived, anticipating the most respectful treatment; but Yogananda had been previously persuaded by Sakatala to assign precedence to another Brahman, Subandhu, so that when Chanakya came to take His place he was thrust from it with contumely. Burning with rage, he threatened the king before all the court, and denounced his death within seven days. Nanda ordered him to be turned out of the palace. Sakatala received him into his house, and persuading Chanakya that he was wholly innocent of being instrumental to his ignominious treatment, contributed to encourage and inflame his indignation. Chanakya thus protected, practised a magical rite, in which he was a proficient, and by which on the seventh day Nanda was deprived of life. Sakatala on the father’s death effected the destruction of Hiranyagupta, his son, and raised Chandragupta, the son of the genuine Nanda, to the throne. Chanakya became the prince’s minister; and Sakatala having attained the only object of his existence, retired to end his days in the woods.

3. STORY OF NANDA AND CHANDRAGUPTA, BY A PUNDIT OF THE DEKHIN.

(From a Manuscript in the collection of the late Col. Mackenzie, Sanscrit, Telinga character.)

After invoking the benediction of Ganesa the writer proceeds: In the race of Bharadwaja, and the family of the hereditary councillors of the Bhosala princes, was born the illustrious and able minister Bhavaji. He was succeeded by his son Gangadhara surnamed Adhwari (a priest of the Yajur Veda), who continued to enjoy the confidence of the king, and was equal to Vrihaspati in understanding.

By his wife Krishnambika, Gangadhara had two sons, who were both employed by the Raja, Sahuji, the son of the preceding prince. The favour of the Raja enabled these ministers to grant liberal endowments to pious and learned Brahmans.

The elder of the two, Nrisinha, after a life passed in prayer and sacred rites, proceeded to the world of Brahma, leaving three sons.

Of these, the elder was Ananda Raya Adhwari. He was noted for his steadiness and sagacity from his childhood, and in adult years deserved the confidence of his prince, Suhuji. He was profoundly versed in the Vedas, a liberal benefactor of the Brahmans, and a skilful director of religious rites.

Upon his death and that of the youngest brother, the survivor, Tryambaka Adhwari, succeeded to the reputation of his ancestors, and cherished his nephews as his own children.

Accompanied by his mother he proceeded to the shores of the Ganges, and by his ablutions in the holy stream liberated his ancestors from the ocean of future existence.

He was solicited by Sahu, the king, to assume the burthen of the state, but regarding it incompatible with his religious duties he was unwilling to assent. In consideration of his wisdom and knowledge he was highly venerated by the Raja and presented with valuable gifts, which he dedicated to pious rites or distributed to the Brahmans. Having on a particular occasion been lavish of expenditure in order to gratify his sovereign, he contracted heavy debts, and as the prince delayed their liquidation, he was obliged to withdraw to seek the means of discharging them. On his return he was received by Sahu and his nobles with high honours, and the prince by the homage paid to him obtained identification (after death) with Tyagesa, a glory of difficult attainment to Yayati, Nata, Mandhata, and other kings.

The brother of the prince, Sarabhaji, then governed the kingdom and promoted the happiness of all entrusted to his care by Sahu, for the protection of piety, and rendering the people happy by his excellent qualities: the chief of the Brahmans was treated by him with increased veneration.

The land of Chola is supplied at will by the waters of the Kaveri, maintained by the abundant showers poured down constantly by Indra, and in this land did the illustrious Sarabhaji long exercise undisturbed dominion and promote the happiness of his people.

Having performed with the aid of his reverend minister the late rite to his brother, he liberally delivered Tryambaka from the ocean of debt, and presented him with lands on the bank of the Kaveri (the Sahyagirija), for the preservation of the observances enjoined by religion and law.

And he diffused a knowledge of virtue by means of the Tantra of the son of the foe of Kama (Kartikeya), as communicated by Brahma to Nareda to relieve his distress, and whatever learned man takes up his residence on the hill of Swami and worships Skanda with faith, will undoubtedly obtain divine wisdom.

Thus, on the mountain of Swami, enjoying the favour of Girisa, does Tryambaka reside with uninterrupted prosperity, surrounded by his kinsmen, and sons, and grandsons, and Brahmans learned in the Vedas, engaged in the performance of the holy rites and the worship of Iswara. May he live a thousand years!

An object of his unbounded benevolence, and one to be included in those cherished by his bounties, having worshipped the lord of Sri (Vishnu), and acquitted himself of his debt to the Gods and Manes, is rewarded by having it in his power to be respectfully obedient to his (Tryambaka's) commands. This individual, named Dhundi, the son of the excellent Pundit Lakshmana, of the family of Vyasa, had in his possession, and expounded, the new and wonderful drama entitled the Mudra Rakshasa, and in order to convey a clear notion of his drama, the composition of Visakha Datta, he relates as an introduction the following particulars of the story.

Story of Nanda and Chandragupta.

According to the Puranas the Kshetriya sovereignty was to cease with Nanda. In the beginning of the Kali age the Nandas were kings so named.

Amongst them Sarvarthasiddhi was celebrated for his valour; he was monarch of the earth and his troops were nine crore and one hundred. Vaktranasa and others were his hereditary ministers, but amongst them the most famous was the Brahman, Rakshasa.

He was skilled in government and policy, and the six attributes of princes; was eminent for piety and prowess, and was highly respected by Nanda. The king had two wives, of whom Sunanda was the elder — the other was of Sudra extraction; she was the favourite of the king, of great beauty and amiable character — her name was Mura. On one occasion the king in the company of his wives administered the rights of hospitality to a venerable ascetic, and after washing his feet sprinkled the queens with the water: nine drops fell upon the forehead of the elder, and one on Mura. This she received with reverence, and the Brahman was much pleased with her deportment.

Mura accordingly was delivered of one son, of most excellent qualities, who was named Maurya. Sunanda was delivered of a lump of flesh.

This Rakshasa divided into nine portions, which he put into a vessel of oil, and carefully watched.

By his cares nine infants were in time evolved, who were brought up by Rakshasa and called the nine Nandas after their progenitor.

The king when he grew old retired from the affairs of state, consigning his kingdom to these nine sons, and appointing Maurya to the command of the army.

Maurya had a hundred sons, of whom Chandragupta was the best, and they surpassed the Nandas in merit.

The Nandas being therefore filled with envy, conspired against his life, and inviting him and his sons into a private chamber put them to death.

At this time the Raja of Sinhala sent to the court of the Nandas a lion of wax in a cage, so well made that it seemed to be alive. And he added this message, "If any one of your courtiers can make this fierce animal run without opening the cage, I shall acknowledge him to be a man of talent."

The dullness of the Nandas prevented their understanding the purport of the message; but Chandragupta, in whom some little breath yet remained, offered, if they would spare his life, to undertake the task, and this being allowed, he made an iron rod red-hot, and thrusting it into the figure, the wax soon ran, and the lion disappeared.

Although they desired his death, Chandragupta was taken by the Nanclas from the pit into which he had been cast; and continued to live in affluence. He was gifted with all the marks of royalty: his arms reached to his knees; he was affable, liberal and brave; but these deserts only increased the animosity of the Nandas, and they waited for an opportunity of compassing his death.

Upon one occasion Chandragupta observed a Brahman of such irascible temperament, that he tore up violently a tuft of kusa grass, because a blade of it had pierced his foot: on which he approached him, and placed himself under his protection through fear of incurring the Brahman’s resentment.

This Brahman was named Vishnugupta, and was deeply read in the science of government taught by Usanas (Saturn), and in astronomy: his father, a teacher of niti or polity, was named Chanaka, and hence the son is called Chanakya.

He became the great friend of Chandragupta, who related to him all he had suffered from the Nandas.

On which Chanakya promised him the throne of the Nandas; and being hungry, entered the dinner-chamber, where he seated himself on the seat of honour.

The Nandas, their understanding being bewildered by fate, regarded him as some wild scholar of no value, and ordered him to be thrust from his seat. The ministers in vain protested against the act; the princes forcibly dragged Chanakya, furious with rage, from his seat.

Then, standing in the centre of the hall, Chanakya, blind with indignation, loosened the lock of hair on the top of his head, and thus vowed the destruction of the royal race: — "Until I have exterminated these haughty and ignorant Nandas, who have not known my worth, I will not again tie up these hairs.”

Having thus spoken, he withdrew, and indignantly quitted the city, and the Nandas, whom fortune had deserted, made no attempt to pacify him.

Chandragupta being no longer afraid of his own danger, quitted the city and repaired to Chanakya, and the Brahman Kautilya, possessed of the prince, resorted to crooked expedients for the destruction of the Nandas.

With this view he sent a friend, Indraserma, disguised as a Kshapanaka, as his emissary, to deceive Rakshasa and the rest, whilst on the other hand he excited the powerful Parvatendra to march with a Mlechchha force against Kusumapura, promising him half the kingdom.

The Nandas prepared to encounter the enemy, relying on the valour of Rakshasa. He exerted all his prowess, but in vain, and finding it impossible to overcome the hostile force by open arms, attempted to get rid of Maurya by stratagem; but in the mean time all the Nandas perished like moths in the flame of Chanakya’s revenge, supported by the troops of Parvatendra.

Rakshasa, being worn in body and mind, and having lost his troops and exhausted his treasures, now saw that the city could no longer be defended; he therefore effected the secret retreat of the old king Servarthasiddhi, with such of the citizens as were attached to the cause of the Nandas, and then delivered the capital to the enemy, affecting to be won to the cause of Chandragupta.

He prepared by magic art a poisoned maid, for the destruction of that prince; but Kautilya detected the fraud, and diverting it to Parvatesa caused his death; and having contrived that information of his share in the murder of the monarch should be communicated to his son, Malayaketu, he filled the young prince with alarm for his own safety, and occasioned his flight from the camp.

Kautilya, though master of the capital, yet knowing it contained many friends of Nanda, hesitated to take possession of it, and Rakshasa, taking advantage of the delay, contrived with Daruverma and others, machines and various expedients to destroy Chandragupta upon his entry: but Kautilya discovered and frustrated all his schemes.

He persuaded the brother of Parvateswara, Vairodhaka, to suspend his departure, affirming with solemn asseverations, that Rakshasa, seeking to destroy the friends of Chandragupta, had designed the poisoned maid for the mountain monarch. Thus he concealed his own participation in the act, and the crafty knave deceived the prince, by promising him that moiety of the kingdom which had been promised to his brother.

Servarthasiddhi retired to the woods to pass his days in penance, but the cruel Kautilya soon found means to shorten his existence.

When Rakshasa heard of the death of the old king he was much grieved, and went to Malayaketu and roused him to revenge his father’s death. He assured him that the people of the city were mostly inimical to Chandragupta, and that he had many friends in the capital ready to co-operate in the downfall of the prince and his detested minister. He promised to exhaust all his own energies in the cause, and confidently anticipated Malayaketu' s becoming master of the kingdom, now left without a legitimate lord. Having thus excited the ardour of the prince, and foremost himself in the contest, Rakshasa marched against Maurya with an army of Mlechhas, or barbarians.

This is the preliminary course of the story — the poet will now express the subject of the drama. It begins with an equivoque upon the words Krura graha, in the dialogue of the prelude. This ends the introduction.

4. EXTRACTS FROM CLASSICAL WRITERS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF SANDRACOTTUS.

He (Alexander) had learned from Phigaeus that beyond the Indus was a vast desert of twelve days’ journey, and at the farthest borders thereof ran the Ganges. Beyond this river dwell the Tabresians, and the Gandaritae whose king’s name was Xandrames, who had an army of 20,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 2,000 chariots and 4,000 elephants. The king could not believe this to be true, and sent for Porus, and inquired of him whether it was so or not. He told him all was certainly true, but that the present king of the Gandaritae was but of a mean and obscure extraction, accounted to be a barber’s son; for his father being a very handsome man, the queen fell in love with him, and murdered her husband, and so the kingdom devolved upon the present king. — Diodorus Siculus.

At the confluence of the Ganges and another river is situated Palibothra: it is the capital of the Prasii, a people superior to others. The king, besides his birth-name and his appellation from the city, is also named Sandracottus. Megasthenes was sent to him.

Megasthenes relates that he visited the camp of Sandracottus, in which 400,000 people were assembled.

Seleucus Nicator relinquished the country beyond the Indus to Sandracottus, receiving in its stead fifty elephants, and contracting an alliance with that prince (contracta cum eo affinitate). — Strabo.

Phegelas informed him, that eleven days from the river the road lay over vast deserts to the Ganges, the largest stream in India, the opposite bank of which the Gangaridae and Parrhasii inhabited. Their king was named Aggramen, who could bring into the field 20,000 horse and 200,000 foot, 2,000 chariots and 3,000 elephants. As these things appeared incredible to the king, he referred to Porus, who confirmed what he heard. He added, however, that the king was not only of low, but of extremely base origin, for his father was a barber, whose personal merits recommended him to the queen. Being introduced by her to the king then reigning, he contrived his death, and under pretence of acting as guardian to his sons, got them into his power and put them to death. After their extermination he begot the son who was now king, and who, more worthy of his father’s condition than his own, was odious and contemptible to his subjects. — Quintus Curtius.

Megasthenes tells us he was at the court of Sandracottus.

The capital city of India is Palembothra on the confines of the Prasii, where is the confluence of the two great rivers, Erranoboas and Ganges. The first is inferior only to the Indus and Ganges.

Megasthenes assures us he frequently visited Sandracottus king of India. — Arrian.

Sandracottus was the author of the liberty of India after Alexander’s retreat, but soon converted the name of liberty into servitude after his success, subjecting those whom he rescued from foreign dominion to his own authority. This prince was of humble origin, but was called to royalty by the power of the gods; for, having offended Alexander by his impertinent language, he was ordered to be put to death, and escaped only by flight. Fatigued with his journey he laid down to rest, when a lion of large size came and licked off the perspiration with his tongue, retiring without doing him any harm. The prodigy inspired him with ambitious hopes, and collecting bands of robbers he roused the Indians to renew the empire. In the wars which he waged with the captains of Alexander he was distinguished in the van, mounted on an elephant of great size and strength. Having thus acquired power, Sandracottus reigned at the same time that Seleucus laid the foundation of his dominion, and Seleucus entered into a treaty with him, and settling affairs on the side of India directed his march against Antigonus. — Justin — 15 — 4.

The kings of the Gandarites and Prasians were said to be waiting for them there (on the Ganges) with 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8,000 chariots and 6,000 elephants. Nor is this number at all magnified, for Androcottus, who reigned not long after, made Seleucus a present of 500 elephants at one time, and with an army of 600,000 men traversed India and conquered the whole.

Androcottus, who was then very young, had a sight of Alexander, and he is reported to have said, that Alexander was within a little of making himself master of those countries: with such hatred and contempt was the reigning prince looked upon, on account of his profligacy of manner and meanness of birth. — Plutarch. — Life of Alexander.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Wed Feb 23, 2022 6:27 am

Part 4 of __
 
DRAMATIS PERSONAE.

Men.


Chandragupta, also called Vrishala and Maurya. — The young king of Pataliputra.

Chanakya, or Vishnugupta. — A Brahman, chiefly instrumental to Chandragupta's accession to the throne and now his minister.

Rakshasa. — The minister of the last king, the enemy of Chandragupta, and whom it is Chanakya' s policy to win over to an alliance with his protege.

Malayaketu. — Son of the king of the Mountains, leading an army against Pataliputra.

Bhagurayana. — His supposed friend.

Nipunaka, — Agents and emissaries of Chanakya.

Siddhartha, — Agents and emissaries of Chanakya.

Jivasiddhi, — Agents and emissaries of Chanakya.

Samiddhartha, — Agents and emissaries of Chanakya.

A Man. — Agents and emissaries of Chanakya.

Sarangarava. — Chanakya's Pupil.

Chandana Das, — Friends of Rakshasa.

Sakata Das. — Friends of Rakshasa.

The son of Chandana Das.

Viradhagupta, — Servants and agents of Rakshasa.

Priyamvadaka, — Servants and agents of Rakshasa.

Courier.

Vaihinara. — An attendant on Chandragupta.

Jajali. — An attendant on Malayaketu.

Officers and attendants.

Women.

The wife of Chandana Das.

Sonottara. — An attendant on Chandragupta.

Vijaya. — An attendant on Malayaketu.

Persons spoken of.

Nanda. — King of Pataliputra, slain by Chanakya’s contrivance.

Parvataka or Parvateswara. — King of the Mountains, at first the ally of Chandragupta but afterwards slain privily by Chanakya.

Servarthasiddhi. — Placed on the throne by Rakshasa, after the death of Nanda, but retired to a life of devotion.

Vairodhaka. — The brother of Parvataka, and killed by Rakshasa’s emissaries by mistake for Chandragupta.

Various Princes, Chiefs, Bards, &c.

The Scene is laid partly at Pataliputra, or Palibothra, and partly at the capital, or subsequently at the camp of Malayaketu.

The time of each Act is that of the action — the intervals of the acts are uncertain.

PRELUDE.

Enter the Manager.


May the craft of that Siva protect you, who desirous of concealing Ganga* [As a goddess, Ganga, or the deified Ganges, is usually viewed as an object of jealousy by Durga the wife of Siva.] thus evaded the inquiries of his Goddess — what is this, so brilliant that decorates thy brows † [On her descent from heaven by the prayers of Bhagirath, Siva received the falling river upon his head.] — a digit of the moon — has it no name — you know the name, it is impossible that you should have forgotten it — I talk of a woman not of the moon — let Vijaya‡ [Vijaya is one of the attendants upon Durga.] tell you then, if the moon does not satisfy you.

Slay the dance of the victor of Tripura§ [Siva, from his destruction of the three cities of a demon, thence named Tripura or Tripurasura, the supposed origin of the modern Tippera. ] protect you — that dance to which space is wanting. Lightly treads the god lest he should overset the earth — he cramps his action lest his arms reach beyond the limits of the three worlds, and he bends his spark-emitting glances on vacuity, lest they should consume the objects on which they gaze.|| [The dance of Siva, and that of his consort, its exact counterpart, have already been fully adverted to in the Malati and Madhava.] Enough.

I am commanded by this assembly to represent the drama entitled Mudrarakshasa, the work of Visakha Datta, the son of Prithu Maharaja, and grandson of the chieftain Vateswara Datta;* [According to other authorities, however, the father of Prithu, Prithwi, or Prithivi Raja, was named Somesa or Vigraha Deva, and his grandfather Sarnga Deva or Visala Deva. The term Datta is also more appropriate to a man of the Vaisya tribe than a Rajput; but then Vateswara is called a Samanta, a term especially implying a warrior and a chief, and as in the case of the Jats, the agricultural tribes occasionally follow a military life. These considerations, however, leave the individuality of the author very doubtful. — Asiatic Researches, vol. xv, p. 407. Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society.] and it is a great satisfaction to me to perform this drama before an audience so capable of appreciating its merits. Justly is it said, the tillage of a blockhead will rear a harvest in a fertile soil; the luxuriant growth of the grain does not depend upon the talents of the sower. Having therefore gone home and summoned my wife† [He calls her the Griha Kutumbini, literally, the head of the house or of the family; but by the authority she exercises she should scarcely be less than his wife.] I shall proceed with my company to the representation. Here is my house: I will enter.

How now! what festival have we here to-day that all the domestics are so busy? One is bringing water, another grinding perfumes, a third weaves a chaplet of many colours, and a fourth is sighing over a pestle. I must call one of them and ask the meaning of all this. Here, you clever, sharp, sensible, hussy, come hither; you sum of all wishes and decorum, come hither.‡ [This is obviously imitated from the Mrichchakati.]

Enter Actress.

Here am I, Sir; what are your commands?

Mana. Tell me what is going on here; have any Brahmans been invited to do honour to my race, or have any welcome guests arrived that there is such preparation?

Act. The Brahmans have been invited. Sir, by me.

Mana. What for, pray?

Act. There is an eclipse of the moon to-day.

Mana. Who says so?

Act. The people of the city.

Mana. Stop your preparations, dame, for the Brahmans you have invited: there is no eclipse to-day. Trust to one who has laboured diligently in the sixty-four divisions of astronomy; for observe, when Ketu, the angry planet, labours to depose from his high throne the mighty Chandra —

(Behind.) Who talks of deposing the king?* [The original plays upon two words, Ketu the planet, or Malayaketu a prince, enemy of the present king, and Chandra his name, or the moon.]

Mana. The friendly Sage† [The planet Budha or Mercury, or in the text the Budha Yoga; but there is no Yoga so named, and unless a different system be alluded to, simple conjunction or propinquity must be implied. The term has a double import here: Budha, Mercury, or a wise man, referring to Chanakya.] is active in his defence.

Act. But who was that, who so readily noticed on earth the peril of the monarch?

Mana. I need not heed particularly, but we will find out. I will repeat what I said, and if he repeat his exclamation we may know his voice. Observe, "when the angry Ketu endeavours to depose Chandra —"

(Behind.) Who threats the king though I am yet alive?

Mana. Ha! I know; — it is Kautilya, as crooked in nature as in name,‡ [Kautilya, implies crookedness, both physical and moral.] the flames of whose anger have burnt up the family of Nanda. He has caught but part of my speech, and confounds it with an allusion to hostility towards his pupil.

Act. Here he comes: we had better get out of his way.

[Exeunt.

Enter Chanakya with his top-knot§ [The single lock of hair left on the shaven head of a Brahman.] untied.

Where is this babbling wretch, that idly threatens
The monarch I have raised? — lives there the man
That does not trembling pray he may behold
These tresses bound again, whose length dishevelled
Hangs an envenomed snake to Nanda’s race;
A smoky wreath, engendered by the fires
Of my consuming wrath? The fool, unwitting
Of his own weakness, would he play the moth,
And heedless plunge into the deadly flame
Of my resentment, blazing like a meteor,
Fierce o’er the prostrate forest of my foes?
What ho! Sarangarava.

Enter Pupil.

Your commands, Sir.

Chan. A seat.

Pup. It waits you in the porch, Sir.

Chan. Bring it here; affairs of weight disturb me.
It is not fit the teacher should endure
A scholar’s disobedience.

(Pupil brings him a seat — he sits.)

What should this rumour be, so general noised
Amongst the citizens? They say that Rakshasa,
In stern resentment of the total fall
Of Nanda’s race, stirs up th’aspiring son
Of Parvateswara; who would avenge
His father’s death, to join him, and has vowed
To make him lord of Nanda’s former realm.
With these designs, they have implored the aid
Of the great monarch of the Mlechcha tribes;* [Literally, by the great Mlechcha Raja. Mahata Mlechcharajena.]
And now, against the sway of Vrishala
These fierce and formidable foes combine.
It may be thus — 'Tis known to all the world,
I vowed the death of Nanda, and I slew him.
The current of a vow will work its way
And cannot be resisted. What is done
Is spread abroad, and I no more have power
To stop the tale. Why should I? Be it known.
The fires of my wrath alone expire,
Like the fierce conflagration of a forest,
From lack of fuel — not from weariness.
The flames of my just anger have consumed
The branching ornaments of Nanda’s stem,
Abandoned by the frightened priests and people.
They have enveloped in a shower of ashes
The blighted tree of his ambitious councils:
And they have overcast with sorrow’s clouds
The smiling heavens of those moon-like looks
That shed the light of love upon my foes.
Now may they triumph — they, who late beheld
With downward looks and struggling indignation.
Scarce smothered by their terrors, my dishonour,
Thrust from my seat, and banished from the presence,
Disgraced but not dejected — now they see me
Spurn Nanda and his offspring from their throne,
As from the mountain’s crest the lion hurls
Incensed the lordly elephant.
My vow is now accomplished, but I bear,
In Vrishala’s defence, the fatal arms
That have uprooted Nanda’s tyrant race,
Like fond affections from the breast of earth;
And now, in him, his fortune must implant,
Firm as the fragrant lotus in the lake.
Such is the equal fruit of love and hatred,
And friends and foes confess alike the power
That works their elevation or their fall.
Yet, what avails it, to have rooted out
The stem of Nanda; what to have allied
Fortune with Chandragupta, unsubdued
Whilst Rakshasa remains? His faith inflexible
Survives their ruin, and whilst yet exists
The most remote of kindred to their house
He is our foe. Well; be it so!
We must devise with craft to break the league
We cannot face. The sole remaining shoot
Of Nanda’s stem, the pious anchorite,  
Sarvart’ha siddhi, tranquil lies in death;
Even in the instant Rakshasa had promised
Malayaketu, that more vigorous means
Should be pursued to overturn our empire.

(Addressing vacancy.)

’Tis bravely done, thou worthy minister,
Thou saintly priest, thou human Vrihaspati.* [The regent of the planet of Jupiter, and preceptor and councillor of the gods.]
The mercenary herd obey their lords
For their own profit: should they hold their faith
In time of adverse fortune, they expect
That future days will give back power and wealth.
How few, like thee, regardless of reward,
And animated by remembered kindnesses,
Unwearied labour in the perilous service
A master no more lives to recompense?
How shall I change the enmity of such
As thou to friendship? It but little profits
To court alliance with a fool or coward;
Nor do the brave and wise claim our dependance,
Unless fidelity confirm their worth.
They, who to intellect and courage join
Devoted faith, are wedded to their lords,
In adverse ever as in prosperous fortune.
I must not sleep in this. To win the chief
Demands my utmost care. Thus far, success
Befriends our cause, and on his head revert
His hostile councils. Whilst he designed
One of the princes to destroy, and drive
Me hence, I gained his minister, directed
The shaft against Parvataka, and spread
The rumour, Rakshasa had done the deed.
So runs the general credence; but his son,
Malayaketu, knows the truth. To him
’Twas purposely revealed; and with the aid
Of Bhagurayana, he frightened fled.
Now he is leagued with Rakshasa, and may
Defy our arms whilst aided by his policy.
Yet some discredit must attend his union
With one the world conceives his father’s murderer,
A stain no skill nor craft can wipe away.
I have my spies abroad — they roam the realm,
In various garb disguised, in various tongues
And manners skilled, and prompt to wear the shew
Of zeal to either party, as need serves.
At home, my agents, versed in every shift
And quaint device, maintain assiduous quest
Amongst the people of the capital,
And instant note amidst the multitude
The covert friends of Nanda and his minister.
The chiefs, whose ready aid placed Chandragupta
Firm on his throne, are faithful to his cause,
And careful servants keep unwearied watch
To baffle those who would administer
Envenomed draughts and viands to the king.
There is a fellow of my studies, deep
In planetary influence and policy,* [Literally, "Having obtained great proficiency in the Dandaniti political system of Usanas, and the sixty-four Angas, or branches of the Jyotish Sastra, the science of astronomy or astrology.”]
The Brahman, Induserma; him I sent,
When first I vowed the death of Nanda, hither;
And here repairing as a Bauddha mendicant,† [Having the marks of a Kshapanaka, which usually designates a Bauddha mendicant; but, as hereafter shewn, the individual is a Jain not a Bauddha, and the confusion of terms is worthy of notice, as characteristic of a period subsequent to the disappearance of the Bauddhas in India.]
He speedily contrived to form acquaintance
And friendship with the royal councillors.
Above them all, does Rakshasa repose
In him implicit confidence. ’Tis well (rises).
We triumph in his aid. Then none shall dare
Deride our purposes. The kingly burthen
Unbending, Chandragupta shall sustain,
And vigilantly guard his regal prize.
Me must not hope for indolent delights
Whose daring wins a throne. The king of men
And monarch of the woods, alike must vanquish
Frequent and fierce aggression, to enjoy  
In peace the prey their prowess has achieved. [Retires.

Enter Nipunaka, a spy in the service of Chanakya, disguised, and carrying a scroll, or cloth with figures of Yama on it.* [A Yama Pata. It should seem to be a sort of raree show. The showman probably held something of a religious character; the person and his accompaniment are now unknown.]

Devotion to Yama† [The Hindu Pluto.] alone be selected,
For only by him is existence protected:
Their servants all other gods leave in the lurch,
When Yama his messengers sends in their search,
But trust we to Yama, and well are we sped,
With a friend whilst alive, and a friend when we’re dead.
I’ll enter here, show my pictures and chaunt my song.

(Entering Chanakya's house.)

Pup. Stop, stop! you must not enter here.

Nip. No! — pray, whose house is it?

Pup. It belongs to my preceptor, of well-selected name.‡ [Sugrihita namna Arya Crhanakyasya. This phrase is of constant occurrence in the preceding dramas, as well as this, and indicates the importance attached, not to well-sounding, but to lucky or propitious appellations. This superstition was common amongst the nations of antiquity; and, according to Cicero, care was taken in the lustration of the people, that those who conducted the victims, and on the formation of the army that the first soldier on the muster-roll should have auspicious names. Cum imperator exercitum, censor populum lustraret, bonis nominibus qui hostias ducerent, eligebantur, quod idem in delectu consules observant, ut primus miles fiat bono nomine. [Google translate: When the commander of the army, the censor, surveyed the people, with good names they were chosen as victims; Let the first soldier be a good name.]]

Nip. Then it belongs to a brother professor, so let me pass. I must have some talk with him, and let him see what I know.

Pup. What can you teach my master, pray?

Nip. Don’t be wroth. One man cannot know every thing; he may know some things, to be sure, and so may even such as I am.

Pup. How dare you detract from my master: he knows every thing?

Nip. Does he know, think you, by whom Chandra* [The moon, or Chandragupta.] is disliked?

Pup. What has he to do with such knowledge?

Nip. He will know what is to be known, I dare say; but you only understand thus, that the lotus cannot bear Chandra, its disposition is counter to its shape and beauty: the place abounds with such.

Chan. (overhearing). He means, the minds of men are yet averse
To Chandragupta.

Pup. What nonsense do you chatter?

Nip. I talk very good sense, if —

Pup. What?

Nip. Those who hear me understand me.

Chan, (aloud). Advance, you will find one, friend
Willing to hear and understand.

Nip. Long life to your Excellency!

Chan (apart). Amidst my many missions I forget
What was assigned Nipunaka. Oh! I remember.
He was to gather and report the state
Of public feeling. Welcome, friend; sit down.

Nip. As your honour commands. (Sits on the ground.)

Chan. Now for your news. What say the citizens —
How do they stand affected?

Nip. Your Excellency has removed all their grievances, so that they cannot choose but be well affected to the auspicious Chandragupta. There are, however, in the city three men attached personally to the minister Rakshasa, who cannot bear his Majesty’s prosperity.

Chan. They weary of their lives then — who are they?

Nip. The first is a Bauddha beggar.

Chan, (apart). A Bauddha beggar — excellent. (Aloud) His name?

Nip. Jivasiddhi.

Chan, (apart). My own true emissary. (Aloud) Well, who next?

Nip. Rakshasa’s very particular friend, the scribe Sakata Das.

Chan. (apart). A scribe — a matter of light moment; yet ’Tis well not to despise a foe though humble:
He has been noted — and Siddharthaka
Fastened upon him as a friend. (Aloud) The third?

Nip. Is also the friend of Rakshasa, an inhabitant of Pushpapur, the head of the jewellers, named Chandana Das. In his house the wife of the minister was left when he fled from the city.

Chan, (apart). This man must be, in truth, his friend:
To one, alone, he valued as himself.
Would Rakshasa commit so dear a charge.
(Aloud) How know you, that the wife of Rakshasa
Was left in trust of Chandana Das?

Nip. This seal-ring will apprize you.

Chan, (taking the ring*

[Fn. Begins:
Anguliya mudra, a finger-ring seal. Seals or signets of this kind were from the earliest periods commonly used in the East. Ahasuerus takes his signet off his hand and gives it first to Haman and again to Mordecai; and Herodotus notices that each of the Babylonians wore a seal-ring. The Greeks and Romans had their rings curiously engraved with devices, and that cast by Polycrates into the sea was the work of an engraver whose name the historian has not thought unworthy of commemoration. Thus also in the Demagogues of Aristophanes: —

"Demus. This is no ring of mine, it tallies not
With my device, or much my eyes deceive me.
"Sausage Seller. Allow me, Sir. What might be your impression?

"Dem. A roasted thrium. in thick fat enclosed.

"Saus. I see no thrium.

"Dem. What the impression then?

"Saus. A wide-mouthed gull, high seated on a rock.
In act to make a speech.”

The use of the seal amongst the ancients, as amongst the Orientals to the present day, was not, as with us, to secure an envelope, but to verify letters and documents in place of a written signature. Amongst the natives of Hindustan, both Mohammedan and Hindu, the seal is engraved with the name of the wearer, and the surface being smeared superficially only with ink, the application of the seal to the paper leaves the letters which are cut in the stone, white on a black ground. Such also was the manner in which the seals of the Greeks and Romans were applied. It might be suspected that the translator of Euripides was thinking of a seal of wax on the outside of a letter, in the following passage in Iphigenia in Aulis:

"Attendant. But how, if I speak thus, shall I find credit,
Or with your daughter, or the royal dame?

"Agamemnon. The seal which on that letter I have stamped,
Preserve ‘unbroken.’"

It is literally ‘‘Take care of the seal which you bear on that letter.” The stage direction should be probably "giving his ring to the messenger,” a mark of confidence, and a confirmation of the previously impressed signature, which would induce Clytemnestra to trust him implicitly. There could be no need to charge the messenger not to break, or not to efface a mere impression within a folded letter, as it is previously described; and if that impression alone were sufficient to inspire belief, it was unnecessary for the messenger to require of Agamemnon to grant any further token. Sphragis, the word used in all these places, is placed by Julius Pollux amongst the synonimes of finger-ring seals, Episemoi daktylioi.
Fn ends.]


and reading the name) Rakshasa —
Rakshasa is in my grasp! (Aloud) How got you this?

Nip. I will tell your Excellency. It was your pleasure that I should take note of the sentiments and conduct of the citizens. To gain free access to their habitations I assumed this disguise, and amongst other houses I entered that of Chandana Das. Exhibiting the Yama show, I commenced my ballad, when a little boy of about five years of age, of a most lovely appearance, his eyes sparkling with the curiosity common at his years, ran out from a viranda in the court. Cries of, "He is gone out — he is gone out!" uttered by female voices proceeded instantly from the apartment adjoining, and a woman coming to the door caught hold of the child and dragged him in with some little resistance. She exposed her person with evident caution, so that little more of her was distinguished than a pair of very beautiful arms. In the struggle with the child, however, this ring, which as it is a man’s ring was probably too large for her finger, slipped off, and rolling near my foot stopped there, like a modest woman stooping to make a bow. I took an opportunity of picking it up unobserved, and finding that it bore the name of Rakshasa I brought it to your honour.

Chan. Sarangarava.

Enter Pupil.

(To Nipunaka.) You may withdraw, now I have heard the story:

But before long your toils shall be rewarded.

Nip. As you command, [Exit.

Chan. Paper and ink! What shall I write? By this
Is Rakshasa to be subdued.

Enter a Female Servant.

Serv. Victory to your Excellency!

Chan. (apart). I accept the omen.* [Great importance is attached to the fortuitous expressions of individuals throughout these dramas, and a prosperous or unprosperous result anticipated from the thoughts or the words, by the person to whom they are addressed. The Greek plays are full of similar instances, and they are sufficiently abundant in every other department of classical literature. Cicero cites various curious examples in his book "De Divinatione.” That related of Lucius Paulus is very analogous to the instance in the text. "Lueius Paulus the consul had been appointed to conduct the war against Perseus. On returning to his house in the evening he found his little daughter Tertia full of grief, and on asking her what was the matter, replied ‘Persa (a puppy so named) is no more.’ Taking her up in his arms, and kissing her, the consul exclaimed, ‘I accept the omen,’ and the event corresponded with the expression.” The effect of the omen seems also with the Hindus, as well as the Greeks and Romans, to have depended in a great measure upon a person’s applying it, and signifying his acceptance of it. The phrase addressed to Chanakya is a customary one to princes and ministers, Jayatu arya, and it is rendered prophetic by Chanakya’s assent, Grihitoyam Jaya sabda. The word jaya (victory) is accepted. Oionon dekesthai, Omen arripere, and Sabdam Grihitum, are terms of similar import in the three languages.] (Aloud.) Sonottara, what news?

Son. His Majesty Sri Chandra has sent me, with his profound respects, to request your assistance in paying the final honours to Parvateswara; and it is his wish to make an offering to learned Brahmans of the jewels and valuable articles worn by that prince.

Chan, (apart). In all he meets my wishes. (Aloud) Go, Sonottara,

Inform the king his purpose is most fitting.
And should be speedily performed. As for the gems.
They are no doubt of cost, and should be given
Only to Brahmans of repute. Those I will send
When I have put their merits to the test,
To take the presents at his hands.

Son. I obey. [Exit.

Chan. Sarangarava, seek out Viswavasu,
Bid him and his two brothers from the king
Receive those gifts, and then repair to me.

[Exit Pupil.

What further purpose shall I give the letter?
My spies inform me, of the Mlechcha princes.
The chiefest five, or Chitraverma king
Of Kuluta — the king of Malaya, Nrisinha,
The lion-voiced — the monarch of Cashmir,
Brave Pushkaraksha — Sindhusena, prince
Of Saindhava, for enemies o’erthrown
Renowned; and powerful with his hordes of horse,
Meghak’hya — Parasika’s sovereign;* [The position of Kuluta is not known; that of Malaya, the western Ghats, is very oddly introduced as a kingdom other than Hindu. Saindhava, is Sindh and Balochisthan; and Parasika, Persia.] these
Are friends of Rakshasa. 1 write their names;
Let Chitragupta† [The registrar of Yama, or the recorder of the dead.] wipe them from the record. —
No, not their names. It were as well to leave
Some indistinctness. Ho, Sarangarava.

Enter Pupil.

I have bethought me — learned Brahmans write
Not always clearly. To Siddharthaka
Convey these my instructions. (Whispers.) I myself
Will tell him for what purpose, and for whom
The note is meant, and who the writer is.
Let it be copied by Sakata Das, and folded
In fashion of a letter, but not addressed;* [Literally, "without any name being seen externally.”]
Nor let the writer know he writes for me.

Pup. As you direct. [Exit.

Chan. Malayaketu is o’erthrown!

Enter Siddharthaka.† [In the conduct of the business this piece is inferior to its immediate predecessors, and bears most resemblance to the Mrichchakati.]

Sid. Victory to your Excellency! the letter is prepared.

Chan. Let me peruse it — Right,
Now sign it with this seal. (Gives Rakshasa’s seal-ring)

Sid. It is done. What else?

Chan. I would assign you
A business of great import.

Sid. I hold myself much honoured by the trust.

Chan. Go to the place of execution, give
The executioner a signal privily,
And then put on a most ungoverned fury.
Attack the officers, and they, prepared,
Will fly in seeming terror. They dispersed,
Untie the bonds that fasten Sakata Das,
And with him shape your flight to Rakshasa.
He, for the preservation of his friend,
Will give you ample recompense, which you
Accept, and for a time remain his follower,
Until the foes approach the city, when
This end must be contrived. (Whispers.)

Sid. As you command.

Chan. Sarangarava!

Enter Pupil.

Bear the chief officers of justice* [The Kalapasika and Dandapasika, the bearers of the noose of death and of punishment.] these,
The king’s commands: — Arrest the Bauddha mendicant
Named Jivasiddhi; let it be proclaimed
He was commissioned here by Rakshasa,
And by the poisoned maiden has destroyed
The prince Parvataka. Be this duly cried,
And then he must be banished with each mark
Of contumely from the capital.
The scribe, too, Sakata Das, whom Rakshasa
Stirs up to plot against the royal person,
Let him be seized! his crime proclaimed abroad;
Then bear him to the stake, and into bonds
Conduct his family.

Pup. It shall be done. [Exit.

Chan. Now shall Rakshasa be taken.

Sid. (advancing ). I have taken—

Chan, (apart). Rakshasa; most true. (Aloud) Whom?

Sid. — Your highness’s commands, and now depart
To give them action.

Chan. It is well. (Giving him the letter and the ring.)
Success attend you!

Sid. Such are your commands. [Exit.

Enter Pupil.

Pup. The officers obey the orders of the king.

Chan. Now, child, go call the provost of the jewellers,
Chandana Das his name.

Pup. I shall obey. (Exit and returns with him.) This way,
Provost,

Chand. (apart). Chanakya’s cruel nature gives alarm
To those who are not conscious of offending: —
I have offended — what can I expect!
I have desired my friends, lest that my house
Be seized on by this tyrant, to remove
The family of Rakshasa, and now
I am prepared — what may befall me, may be.

Pup. Here, sir, is Chandana Das.

Chand. Glory to your Excellency!

Chan. Provost, you are welcome: sit.

Chand. Excuse me, sir,
This ceremony suits not with the sorrow
In which the sufferings of my friends
Have left me. I will sit me down,
So please you, on the ground.

Chan. It must not be;
This distance needs not when with such as I am.
Here, take this seat.

Chand. If you will have it so.
(Apart.) What does he purpose?

Chan. Now, Provost, does your trade
Yield you due profit?

Chand. With your honour’s patronage,
All trade must flourish, so of course must mine.

Chan. And do the people still recall to mind
The many virtues of their former lords,
When they comment on Chandragupta’s vices?

Chand. I cannot hear such words. (Stops his ears.)
The virtues of his majesty afford
The soothing pleasures that autumnal moons
Diffuse.

Chan. It may be; but all kings expect
To meet from those they cherish some requital.

Chand. You need but speak it, sir, and any sums —
What monies may be needed?

Chan. You forget;
This is the reign of Chandragupta, not
Of Nanda. To his avaricious soul
Your treasures were acceptable; but now,
Your king esteems your happiness his wealth.

Chand. I joy to hear it.

Chan. You should rather ask
How best such happiness may be evinced.

Chand. Command.

Chan. ’Tis easy — let no man presume
To offer opposition to his sovereign.

Chand. What luckless wretch exists, who would pretend
To think of opposition! Does your grace
Know such a man?

Chan. Thou art the man.

Chand. Alas!
How should a blade of straw encounter flame?

Chan. Yet thus it is. Why, even now your house
Gives shelter to the family of Rakshasa,
The open enemy of Chandragupta.

Chand. This is untrue. Some base and secret foe
To me has brought this story to your ears.

Chan. You need not be alarmed. The miscreant servants
Of the late sovereign, when they fled the state,
Compelled by force the honest citizens
To give unwilling shelter to their families.
In this they are unblamed — the only act
That makes it an offence is its concealment.

Chand. I do admit that formerly, indeed,
The family of Rakshasa was thus
Lodged in my house.

Chan. This is again untrue:
Your former declaration would imply
They never found asylum in your mansion.

Chand. I own I was in this not quite sincere.

Chan. Such insincerity will now obtain
Its proper estimation — but deliver
The family of Rakshasa, and you may yet
Be held excused.

Chand. I have already said —
They were in my abode.

Chan. Where are they gone?

Chand. I do not know.

Chan. You do not know! Beware:
The hooded snake hangs over you, and far
Your hope of safety lies. As Vishnugupta
Will Nanda — (checking himself). What! merchant, can you be
So idle, as to cherish hopes that Rakshasa
Will triumph over Vrishala? Have you forgotten,
Fortune deserted Nanda in his life,
With all his power and warlike friends to back him?
Now she is steadily affianced — bound
To Chandra, as is moonlight to the moon;
And who shall think to sunder them? who so rash,
To thrust his arm into the lion’s jaws.
And seek to tear away his pointed fangs,
Red as the twilight moon, stained with the blood
Of the fresh-slaughtered elephant?

Chand. (apart). These words,
Alas! too well events have justified.

(A noise behind.)

Chan. How now, Sarangarava, what has chanced?

Pup. The Bauddha beggar. Sir, named Jivasiddi, is banished from the city by order of the king.

Chan. A holy man — I mourn his fate: yet such
The treatment that the prince’s foes deserve.
You mark, good Provost, — Vrishala resolves
To treat his enemies with just severity.
Take a friend’s counsel, and give up the family
Of Rakshasa, then Chandragupta’s favour
Will long be your’s.

Chand. They are not in my dwelling.

(A noise behind.)

Chan. Again! — Sarangarava, what is this?

Pup. The scribe, Sir, Sakata Das, is led forth to be impaled.

Chan. So let him reap the fruit of disobedience. —
You see the king is stern. Believe me, Provost,
He will not brook your giving an asylum
To those who are his enemies. Resign them —
So you and yours shall yet escape with life.

Chand. What signs of fear do you behold in me.
To think I should be moved to sacrifice
Those I had sheltered, by the dread of death?
But I have said it — those you seek of me
I have not in my power. What more remains?

Chan. You hold to this?

Chand. I do.

Chan. (apart). ’Tis bravely spoken.
Who in this selfish world would lose the hope
Of affluence, and like Sivi,* [Sivi was a prince who, to save a dove from the pursuit of a hawk without prejudice to the latter, gave it a piece of his own flesh.] thus discharge
The arduous task of generous self-devotion!
(Aloud.) This is your last resolve?

Chand. It is.

Chan. Expect the king’s displeasure.

Chand. I am prepared — do with me as you please.

Chan. Sarangarava, bid the officers
Secure this miscreant. Hold! let them seize† [This duty is assigned to the Durga palaka and Vijaya palaka, who should be military officers, if not proper names.]
His house and family, and keep them close,
Till I impart this matter to the king:
He will, I know, command the forfeiture
Both of his wealth and life.

Pup. I shall obey — this way Provost.

Chand. I attend. (Apart.) Happy that friendship’s claim.
Not mortal frailty, terminates my life.

[Exit.

Chan. Now Rakshasa is safe; for when he learns
The faith and imminent danger of his friend.
Imperilled in his cause, he will, I know.
Be eager to prevent the sacrifice;
And ere he suffer that this merchant lose
His life for him, will offer up his own,
As much less precious than so dear a friend. (Noise)
How now!

Enter Pupil.

Pup. Siddhart’haka has rescued Sakata Das, Sir, as he was about to suffer death, and they are fled together.

Chan. (apart). Our work is well begun. (Aloud.) Fled, say you?
Quick! boy, and order Bhagurayana
To overtake and seize them.

(Pupil goes out and returns.)

Pup. Alas! Sir, he too has disappeared.

Chan. (apart). For our advantage. (Aloud.) Let him be pursued.
Where are the officers?* [In the original, Chanakya names them: Bhadrabhata, Purushadatta, Dingirata, Balagupta, Rajasena, Rohitaksha, Vijayaverma; and it may be observed, that they are names not of present currency, although Sanscrit. Chanakya also sends out to dispatch them after Bhagurayana as before, a ceremony dispensed with in the translation.]

Pup. They are overcome with terror; and Bhadrabhata and many other chiefs, I learn. Sir, were off this morning long before daylight.

Chan. (apart). They will promote our triumph. (Aloud.)
Let them go.
We shall not miss them. Those who now have fled,
Had in their hearts deserted us. Let all
Who would abandon us be free to go:
I heed them not, whilst yet the mind is firm
That plucked down Nanda, and in which I feel
More powerful far than in a hundred hosts.
Let not my spirit fail, though left alone.
And we shall conquer. As for the fugitives,
They shall be seized and meet with their reward.
(Apart) Now, Rakshasa, I have you — I shall see you
Tame and submissive to my sovereign’s will,
Caught by superior craft, though now you roam
Unshackled like the elephant, whilst yet
He ranges, high in blood, amidst the shades
And cooling torrents of his native woods.

[Exeunt.

END OF THE FIRST ACT.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Thu Feb 24, 2022 5:44 am

Part 5 of __

ACT II. Street before Rakshasa’s House.

Enter Viradhagupta, an agent of Rakshasa, disguised as a Snake-catcher.

Those who are skilled in charms and potent signs may handle fearlessly the fiercest snakes.

Passenger. Hola! what and who are you?

Vir. A snake-catcher, your honour — my name is Jirnavisha. What say you, you would touch my snakes? What may your profession be, pray? Oh! I see, a servant of the Prince — you had better not meddle with snakes — A snake-catcher unskilled in charms and antidotes, a man mounted on a furious elephant without a goad, and a servant of the king appointed to a high station and proud of his success, these three are on the eve of destruction. Oh! he is off.

2d Pass. What have you got in your basket, fellow?

Vir. Tame snakes, your honour, by which I get my living. Would you wish to see them? I will exhibit them here, in the court of this house, as this is not a convenient spot.

2d Pass. This, you blockhead, is the house of Rakshasa, the prince’s minister — there is no admittance for us here.

Vir. Then go your way, Sir: by the authority of my occupation I shall make bold to enter. So — I have got rid of him. * [In the original he changes his style from a low and difficult Prakrit to Sanscrit.] ’Tis very strange — and what will be the end?
The efforts of my master, Rakshasa,
To shake the power of Chandragupta, fail,
Defeated by Chanakya’s foresight: yet, methinks,
When I observe Malayaketu aided
By Rakshasa’s high wisdom, I behold
The sovereign sway wrested from Chandragupta.
Fortune is bound to Maurya’s cause with cords
Fast woven by Chanakya, yet the hand
Of Rakshasa seems often on the point
To snatch her from her bands. Between such foes.
Such masters of their craft, the cause of Nanda
Hangs in suspense, and fortune wavers —
Like a young female elephant, whose love
Two lordly males dispute, between these ministers, —
Doubting on which she shall confer her favour.
Well, time determines. Now to visit Rakshasa.

[Exeunt.

Scene, — An Apartment.

Rakshasa with Attendants.

Alas! my cares are vain: my anxious days
And sleepless nights are all of no avail.
Since like the house of Yadu,* [The members of the family of Yadu, in which Krishna was born, were all destroyed upon the eve of his death or return to heaven, by intestine division and an affray amongst themselves, in which all the combatants were slain.] Nanda’s race
Has perished utterly, exterminated
By powerful foes and unrelenting fate.
Now a new master claims my zealous service.
Not for the mercenary hope of fortune,
Nor coward apprehensions for my safety;
Not for the idle love of brief authority.
Nor in forgetfulness of former faith.
I serve this Lord, the better to effect
The fall of Nanda’s enemies, and pay
The tribute of revenge his fame demands.
Oh Goddess lotus-throned!† [Lakshmi, the Goddess of Fortune, appeared at the creation seated on a lotus amidst the waters. ] dost thou so lightly
Esteem desert, that Nanda is forgotten
And all thy favour lavished on his foe, —
On Maurya’s ignominious son?* [Chandragupta is here therefore the grandson, not the son of Mura.]
Why, like the frontal juice, didst thou not perish,
That dries when falls the royal elephant.
Was there no chief of noble blood to win
Thy fickle smiles, that thou must elevate
A base-born outcast to imperial sway, —
And thus, with truly feminine caprice,
(For women are unsteady as the buds
That float in air), fly from exalted worth?
But I shall cure thee of this fleeting fancy,
By levelling the mansion of thy choice.
For this have I consigned my wife and child
To my friend’s care, and when I fled the capital
Left them behind, that men may therefore deem
I cherish confident purpose to return
To them and to my home, and thus, the zeal
Of those who yet are faithful to the cause
Of Nanda, may not slacken by despair.
To Sakata Das is ample wealth entrusted
To recompense our emissaries, sent
To work by craft the death of Chandragupta,
Or foil the secret malice of the foe;
And Jivasiddhi and some other friends,
Are nominated to convey intelligence
Of all that chances every instant to me.
What else can be devised? mine ancient lord,
Who for his own destruction kindly reared
A tiger’s cub, and his illustrious race,
Are ever in my thoughts. I yet may strike
The savage that destroyed them to the heart,
With wisdom’s shaft, if fate be not his shield.

Enter Jajali, the Chamberlain of Malayaketu.

Health to your Excellency!

Rak. Jajali, welcome: what has brought you hither?

Jaj. I come a messenger from the prince. Malayaketu grieves to see your Excellency so regardless of personal appearance; and without desiring you to be unmindful of your ancient monarch, he requests you will pay regard to his wishes. He therefore sends you these jewels, taken from his own person, and entreats your Excellency will wear them.

Rak. My worthy friend, apprise the noble prince,
The virtues of my former gracious lord
Are all forgotten in his highness’ merits;
But that I must not decorate my person
Whilst I endure the deep humiliation
Of late discomfiture — nor till his foes
Are all exterminated, and I rear
His golden throne within the regal palace.  

Jaj. This is an easy matter to your Excellency, therefore respect this first favour of the prince.

Rak. I do respect his orders, and your message:
The prince’s will in this shall be accomplished.

Jaj. I take my leave.

Rak. I bow to you.

[Exit Jajali.

Priyamvadaka, who waits to see me?

Priyamvadaka enters with Viradhagupta.

Rak. Who is this?

Priy. A snake-catcher, your Excellency.

Rak. (feeling his left eye throb).
What should this import? the sight of snakes, too — * [An equally unlucky omen as the throbbing of the left eye.]
I have no pleasure in the exhibition;
Give him a donation, and let him go.

Priy. Here is for your pains; for not seeing — not for seeing.

Vir. Inform the minister, I beg of you, that besides exhibiting snakes, I am a bit of a poet in the vulgar tongue. If I cannot have the honour of seeing him, request he will favour me by perusing this. (Gives a paper.)

Priy. He says, Sir, he is a poet as well as a snake-catcher, and requests your perusal of this paper. (Gives it.)

Rak. "The busy bee, that from each flower,
Extracts the nectary juice,
To fragrant honey all its store
Converts for others’ use.”* [Sic vos non vobis mellificatis apes. [Google translate: So you don't make honey bees.]]
(Apart) He means by this, he brings news from the capital.
The city of flowers. Who should this be — it is
Viradhagupta — such was his disguise.
(Aloud) Bid him approach — he is no vulgar bard,
And merits our encomium.
Priyamvadaka brings Viradhagupta forward.

Rak. Priyamvadaka, I will see these snakes.
In the mean time, do you and your companions
Discharge your several duties.

Priy. We obey, Sir.

[Exit with attendants.

Rak. My friend Viradhagupta, sit you down.

Vir. As you command, Sir.

Rak. It grieves me to behold you thus; — how hard
A fate pursues the friends of Nanda!

Vir. Heed it not, Sir;
Your wisdom will ere long restore us all
To former fortune.

Rak. What news from Pushpapur?

Vir. I have much to tell, Sir: where shall I commence?

Rak. With Chandragupta’s entry in the city.
Whate’er my agents since have done inform me.

Vir. You will remember. Sir, when in close league
United by Chanakya, Parvateswara
And Chandragupta in alliance, led
Their force against our city — a wild multitude
Of Sakas, Yavanas, and mountaineers;
The fierce Kambojas, with the tribes who dwell
Beyond the western streams,* [The Sakas of the Hindus cannot be other than the Saca or Sakai of classical geography. They are perpetually named in various works, and seem to have been known on the borders of India or in its western districts in the first century preceding Christianity. Vikramaditya king of Ougein being known as the Sakari or enemy of the Sacae, his era dates B.C. 56, and it should appear that about this date, some northern tribes had settled themselves along the Indus, constituting the Indoscythi of Arrian. Their attempt to penetrate further to the east, by way of Kandesh and Malwa, was not improbably arrested by Vikramaditya, whence the epithet Sakari. The term of Yavanas is in modern times applied to Mohammedans of every description, but in this instance, and in works prior to the Mohammedan era, some other people must be intended. The interpretation of the word by Sir W. Jones is, Ionians or Asiatic Greeks, and there are some considerations in its favour, although the chief argument in its behalf is the difficulty of attaching it to any other people. The mountaineers, or Kiratas may come from any part of India. They are known in classical geography as the Cirrhadae or the Cirrodes, the latter in Sogdiana, near the Oxus. The Kambojas are the people of the Arachosia, or north-eastern province of Persia. For the site of the Bahikas, as they are termed in the text, we are indebted to the Mahabharat, and the Parasikas speak for themselves.] and Persia’s hosts,
Poured on us like a deluge.

Rak. Who shall dare
Assail the city whilst I breathe? Quick! line the walls
With archers — plant the elephants at the gates:
Let those who scorn a feeble foe, who thirst
For martial glory, and who fear not death,
Attend me to the field!

Vir. Compose yourself:
I merely speak of what has some while passed.

Rak. I had forgot myself; I deemed it present.
Yes, — well I recollect the inspiring trust
That Nanda then reposed in me. On me
His every hope relied; and his affection,
Converting me to many like myself.
To every quarter threatened by the foe
His orders sent me — "Rakshasa, behold
Yon troop of elephants, like a black cloud, —
Disperse them. — Rakshasa, lead on those horse,
That bound like waves, and charge the foe’s advance. —
Rakshasa, draw up the foot in firm array,
And drive them back.” — Your pardon — pray proceed.

Vir. Beholding Pushpapura thus beleaguered,
And grieving for the sufferings of the people,
Servarthasiddhi, quitting further thought
Of opposition, private left the city,
And thence assumed the life of an ascetic.
Lorn of their lord, the warriors soon relaxed
Their efforts, and resistance ceased; and soon
The trumpets of the enemy proclaimed
Their triumph to unwilling ears. You, then,
Departed to maintain the realm of Nanda
In other provinces; devising means* [These means are designated in the text here, as well as in other places, and in other books, the Visha Kanya, the Poison-Maid, which it would be more consonant to our ideas to consider as an effigy, but it appears to mean a female whose nature was charged with venom so that her embraces should prove fatal. The Hitopadesa says, Chanakya killed Nanda by means of a fatal emissary; and the author of the Purusha Pariksha, a modern collection of tales in Bengali, taken chiefly from the Sanscrit, in giving a version of this story adds, that the damsel was so venomous that flies alighting on her person instantly perished.]
Intended Chandragupta to remove,
Which failing him, the mountain king destroyed.

Rak. So fate decreed, and turned aside the blow;
As Vishnu craftily contrived to ward
The shaft of Kama from the breast of Arjuna,
And speed it to Hirimba’s son.† [Kerna had received a lance from Indra which was fated to kill one individual, and which he kept, intending it for Arjuna. But Ghatothacha, the son of Bhima by the Rakshasi, Hirimba, having by the counsel and aid of Krishna become so formidable to the Kuru host as to threaten their destruction, Kerna was compelled to hurl the lance against him, and Arjuna thus escaped the peril. — ( Mahdbharat, Kerna Parva.)] What then?

Vir. The prince Malayaketu was alarmed
By this, his father’s death, and quickly left
The camp. His father’s brother, whom Chanakya
Persuaded that the monarch’s death was not
His deed, or Chandragupta’s, still remained
Confiding, and the entry of the foe
Of Chandragupta into Nanda’s palace
Was solemnly proclaimed.

Rak. What then befell?

Vir. Chanakya called the architects together,
And gave them orders to prepare the palace,
With all expedient haste, for the reception
Of Chandragupta at the hour of midnight,
As by the aspect of the stars determined.
To this they answered, all should be made ready,
And that anticipating his desires,
Their provost, Daruverma, had completed
The decorations of the outer gateway;
The rest would soon be done. Chanakya praised
Their ready zeal, and promised Daruverma
His promptitude should meet its due reward.

Rak. Whence was Chanakya’s satisfaction?
I deem that Daruverma’s project failed
To work its end, or wrought an end unwished.
For such simplicity, such hasty service,
That would not wait the orders of Chanakya,
Could not have failed to rouse his strong suspicion.

Vir. At the hour of midnight
All was prepared; and at the moment fixed,
Vairodhaka and Chandragupta, seated
On the same throne, installed as equal kings,
Divided Nanda’s empire.

Rak. Then to Vairodhaka the like partition
That bought the aid of Parvateswara
Was pledged?

Vir. It was.

Rak. A shrewd contrivance, truly!
To banish all suspicion, they had wrought
The death of Parvateswara, to quit
An ill-judged contract: other means were found,
No doubt, to rid them of this second dupe.

Vir. At the appointed hour,
Vairodhaka, as first inaugurated,
Entered the city. He was clothed in mail,
O’er which were thrown robes of rich dye, and strewn
With snow-white pearls* [Hima vimala muktaguna, "a string of pearls as pure as snow.” This comparison is of too rare an occurrence to be looked upon as common-place, and it is an idea not likely to have occurred to a native of the South of India.] profuse; his brow was radiant
With the imperial fillet; the fragrant wreath
Flowed o’er his breast, and costly ornaments,
Cumbrous adorned at once and masked his person.
All thought him Chandragupta. He was mounted
On Chandragupta’s elephant, and attended
By Chandragupta’s guards to do him honour.
As he approached the gateway, Daruverma,
True to his faith and sharing in the error
That fancied Chandragupta present, stood
Prepared to let the temporary arch,
Contrived for such a purpose, fall upon him.
The princes who composed his train now reined
Their steeds and chariots, and alone Vairodhaka
Advanced upon his elephant. The driver,
Alike your servant, poor Berberaka,
Attempted then to draw from it’s concealment
Within his golden stick the hidden dagger,
Provided for his need, and with the weapon
To stab him he supposed was Chandragupta.

Rak. Alas, untimely efforts both!

Vir. As forth
He stretched his hand to grasp the staff that hung
Suspended by a chain of gold, the elephant,
Who marked his arm extended, and imagined
The blow was meant for her, sprang quickly forward.
Her entrance in the gateway gave the signal
To loose the spring that stayed the impending arch —
It fell! — but crushed Berberaka, in act
To strike the blow, which shaken, missed his aim.
When Daruverma saw the driver slain,
The prince unharmed, and all the fraud revealed,
Despairing of his own escape, he seized
The iron bolt that had secured the arch,
And with it dashed Vairodhaka to earth.

Rak. Fruitless despair! — what was his fate?

Vir. He fell
Beneath a shower of stones the prince’s followers
O’erwhelmed him with, incensed.

Rak. We lose in him
A faithful friend — and what of our physician,
Abhayadatta?

Vir. His tasks are all accomplished.

Rak. Is Chandragupta dead?

Vir. No, Fate has saved him.

Rak. What meant your words?

Vir. I will apprise your Excellency —
The poisoned draught had duly been concocted.
And would have been administered, but Chanakya,
In pouring it into a golden goblet,
Observed the colour change, and thus detected
The venomous admixture — then forbidding
The prince to taste it, ordered the physician
To swallow his own dose — and thus he died.

Rak. A learned man has perished. What has chanced
The chamberlain, Pramodaka?

Vir. The same —
The sums you had entrusted to his charge
He lavished with unbounded prodigality,
Till such expenditure drew observation.
He answered incoherently the questions
Put to him as to his immense possessions.
And thus suspicion gaining confidence,
He was condemned, by order of Chanakya,
To suffer cruel death.

Rak. Fortune still balks our schemes.
What news of the brave men who were concealed
In the subterrene avenue that led
To Chandragupta’s sleeping chamber — thence
To steal by night, and kill him as he slept?

Vir. They have sustained the fortune of the rest.

Rak. How so: were they discovered by Chanakya?

Vir. Even so — before the king retired to rest.
The watchful minister was wont to enter
The chamber, and with diligent scrutiny
Inspect it — thus he saw a line of ants
Come through a crevice in the wall, and noticed
They bore the fragments of a recent meal;
Thence he inferred the presence of the feeders
In some adjoining passage, and commanded
That the pavilion should be set on fire
That moment. Soon his orders were obeyed,
And our brave friends, in flame and smoke enveloped,
Unable to escape, were all destroyed.

Rak. ’Tis ever thus. — Fortune in all befriends
The cruel Chandragupta. When I send
A messenger of certain death to slay him,
She wields the instrument against his rival,
Who should have spoiled him of one-half his kingdom
And arms, and drugs, and stratagems, are turned
In his behalf, against my friends and servants,
So that whate’er I plot against his power,
Serves but to yield him unexpected profit.

Vir. Yet let us on, Sir. What is once begun,
Is not to be abandoned. Obstacles foreseen
Deter the poor of spirit from an enterprize —
Some, more adventurous but not all resolved.
Commence, and stop midway; but noble minds
Like thine, by difficulties warmed, defy
Repeated checks, and in the end prevail.
A weary burden is the cumbrous earth
On Sesha’s* [The many-headed snake on which the Earth is supposed to rest.] head, but still he bears the load.
Day after day the same fatiguing course
The sun pursues, yet still he travels on.
Shame mocks the man of elevated rank,
Who holds his promise light, like meaner creatures:
To him a law inflexible proclaims,
His faith once pledged, he can no more recede.† [It may be doubted if perseverance is any where recommended in a more manly and spirited tone.]

Rak. You speak the truth — that which is once begun
Should never be relinquished. Well, what else?

Vir. Chanakya’s vigilance was now increased
A thousand-fold, and every one suspected
Of enmity to Chandragupta, all
Your friends and kindred, found in Pushpapur,
Have been arrested.

Rak. Whom has he seized?

Vir. First, Jivasiddhi, the religious mendicant.
Him he has banished.

Rak. (apart). This is a slight affliction; one who owns
No children nor dependants. (Aloud) But what plea
Was urged for such a sentence?

Vir. That he supplied.
Employed by you, the poisoned emissary
That killed Parvataka.

Rak. (apart). Well done, Kautilya,
One seed bears double fruit with you — you lose
A sharer of your spoil, and heap on us
The infamy of his death. (Aloud) What more?

Vir. He then
Proclaimed, that Daruverma and the rest
Were bribed by Sakata Das to kill the king,
And he was sentenced therefore to the stake.

Rak. Alas, how little fitting to my friend
So vile a death! Yet less art thou, who perishest
In a loved master’s cause, to be lamented,
Than I, who still in vain survive the fall
Of Nanda’s race — Go on, I am prepared
To hear the worst — what other friends have suffered?

Vir. In dread of what might happen, was your family
Removed to a more safe asylum.

Rak. Why were they not delivered to Chanakya?
Chandana Das in this is much to blame.

Vir. He had been more to blame, had he betrayed
His friend.

Rak. Go on —

Vir. He faithfully refused
To yield his charge: Chanakya, then, incensed —

Rak. — Put him to death?

Vir. Not so; he had him seized,
With all his family, and thrown in prison.

Rak. Why then rejoicing tell me, that my family
Is in a safe asylum — rather say.
That I and mine are held in captive bonds.

Enter Attendant.

Victory to your Excellency! — Sakata Das is at the gate.

Rak. Is it possible?

Att. It is not possible for your Excellency’s servants to imagine an untruth.

Rak. Viradhagupta, what is this?

Vir. Fortune relents, and has preserved our friend.

Rak. Why do you hesitate — admit him quick.

[Exit Attendant, and returns with Sakata Das followed by Siddharthaka,

Sak. Victory to the minister!

Rak. Welcome, my friend. I little hoped to see you.
Since you were honoured with Kautilya’s notice.

(Embraces him.

How chanced this happiness — inform me?

Sak. This,
My friend Siddharthaka dispersed my guard,
And bore me off in safety from the stake.

Rak. ’Twas bravely done. These ill repay such merit,
But favour us, and take them.

(Gives him the jewels and ornaments off his person.)

Sid. (apart). I must obey my lord Chanakya’s orders. (Falls at the feet of Rakshasa.) Sir, I am grateful; but I am here a stranger, and know not what I shall do with these valuables. If your Excellency will allow it, I should wish to leave them in your treasury — they can be sealed with my seal.

Rak. Let it be so.

Sak. (taking the seal). What is this — your name, appears
Engraved upon the seal (to Rakshasa).

Rak. (apart). Alas! what’s this I hear!
When I departed from the capital,
I left my wife this seal, to comfort her
Under my absence — how should it now have fallen
Into this man’s possession! (Aloud) Say, Siddharthaka,
How got you this?

Sid. I found it at the door of one Chandana Das, a jeweller of Kusumapur.

Rak. 'Tis probable —

Sid. What, Sir?

Rak. — That seals like this are found
At rich men’s doors.

Sak. My friend Siddharthaka,
The name of Rakshasa appears engraved
Upon this ring; present it to the minister,
And be assured the gift will be rewarded.

Sid. Its acceptance is all the reward that I desire.

(Gives.)

Rak. My friend, this ring must be employed
In our affairs.

Sak. It shall be as you wish it.

Sid. May I presume?

Rak. Speak boldly.

Sid. I have deserved, as your Excellency knows, the enmity of Chanakya; I dare not return to Pataliputra, and I should therefore hope to be allowed to remain at the feet of your Excellency.

Rak. I am well pleased you have forerun my purpose.

Sid. I am highly favoured.

Rak. Withdraw my friend (to Sakata Das). Go, taste repose awhile,
With this your fellow traveller. [Exeunt.

Rak. Now then, Viradhagupta, to the rest
Of thine intelligence. How thrive the schemes
That we have set on foot to sow dissension
’Twixt Chandragupta and his followers?

Vir. Well — the chief accomplished, all the rest succeeds.

Rak. How so; what mean you?

Vir. This especially, —  
That since Malayaketu was removed,
Chanakya has been slighted by the prince:
Whilst haughty with his triumphs, and disdaining
Superior rule, he frequent disobeys
The will of Chandragupta, who thence cherishes,
I much suspect, deep and augmenting anger.

Rak. Return, my friend, in this disguise. There dwells
At Pushpapur, the minstrel Stanakalasa;
He is with us — tell him, that Chandragupta
Should be informed, by stanzas well designed
To rouse his wrath, yet covert in expression,
Chanakya contravenes his high commands.
And spurns the king’s authority. Should aught
Ensue, despatch a courier straight.
To bring me tidings here,

Vir. It shall be done. [Exit.

Enter Attendant.

Att. Victory to your Excellency! Sakata Das sends word, these three sets of jewels are arrived for sale. Will your Excellency examine them?

Rak. (looking at them). They are jewels of great price,
Tell him to make the purchase, at what cost
The seller may demand. [Exit Attendant.
I will send a courier to Kusumapur.
Chanakya and his prince will surely sever,
And then we reach our aim. Full well I know
That Maurya, in his pride, conceives himself
Supreme o’er all the monarchs of the world.
With equal arrogance, Chanakya vaunts.
This is my deed. — I made this man a king.
The one has gratified his vowed resentment,
The other reaped the fruit of his ambition.
No mutual interest now cements their council;
No acts of friendship bind them now together;
And once a breach, however slight, be made
In their alliance, ’tis dissolved for ever.

END OF THE SECOND ACT.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sat Feb 26, 2022 7:25 am

xxx
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sat Feb 26, 2022 7:25 am

xxx
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sat Feb 26, 2022 7:26 am

xxx
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Sat Feb 26, 2022 7:26 am

Geographia Nubiensis
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/26/22

Maurya ... it seems that Chandragupta went by that name, particularly in the west; for he is known to Arabian writers by the name of Mur, according to the Nubian geographer, who says that he was defeated and killed by Alexander; for these authors supposed that this conqueror crossed the Ganges; and it is also the opinion of some ancient historians in the west.

-- Essay III. Of the Kings of Magadha; their Chronology, by Captain Wilford, Asiatic Researches, Volume 9, 1809. pgs. 94-100.


Author: Idrīsī, Muḥammad Ibn-Muḥammad al-, Sionita, Gabriel, Hesronita, Johannes
Full title: Geographia Nubiensis, id est accuratissima totius orbis in septem climata divisi descriptio continens praesertim exactam universae Asiae et Africae rerumque in iis hactenus incognitarum explicationem. Recens ex Arabico in Latinum versa a Gabriele Simonita, Syriacarum et Arabicarum litterarum professore atque interprete regio, et Ioanne Hesronita earundem regio interprete, Maronitis
Year: 1619
Place: Paris
Publisher/Printer: Blageart, Jérôme
Era: 17th century
Form/Genre: Translation, Encyclopedic work
Discipline/Content: Geography/Cartography
Digital copies
Original: Geographia Nubiensis (MDZ)
Digital sourcebook: 726766

Description:

Around the middle of the 12th century, Muḥammad Ibn-Muḥammad al-Idrīsī, a geographer, cartographer and polymath from Ceuta near Gibraltar, composed – or rather adapted from an older work, as he declares in his preface (p. 1) – an Arabic geography which contains much information about regions hardly known to Europeans such as the inland parts of Africa and central and eastern Asia. His Book for the Pleasure of a Curious Soul (as the original title may be translated) is a companion piece to his great world map, the so-called Tabula Rogeriana. It starts from a cosmological and geographical overview and procedes to describe the surface of the earth as far as it is known to the well-travelled author. The description covers the northern hemisphere (the only part of the world which is inhabited according to al-Idrīsī) and is divided into seven bands, called climata in the Latin translation, each of which comprises regions of approximately the same latitude and is subdivided into ten parts arranged from west to east. Topics discussed include physical geography, climate, flora and fauna, cities, populace, customs, and commerce. For countries well-known to the author, the description tends to degenerate into an itinerary, as numerous settlements and the distances between them are listed, leaving little room for anything else (e.g. clima 4, part 7).

In 1592, the Arabic text was printed in Rome (modern edition: Bombaci et al. 1970–1984). A quarter of a century later, the two learned Maronites Gabriel Sionita and Johannes Hesronita, the first of which was professor of Syrian and Arabic at the Sorbonne, made the work known to the Western. At the instigation of the historian and polymath Jacques du Thou, they elaborated a Latin translation, which was published, with the help of Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (Miller 2013, 146), in 1619 at Paris. The book's dedication to Guillaume du Vair, an educated lawyer and statesman, informs about the development history of the translation (fol. Aijv) and praises al-Idrīsī's facilis methodus (perhaps "intuitive structure", fol. Aiijv) and his style full of lepor ("charm", fol. Aiv r). The letter to the reader complains that the Arabic manuscript and the print based on it are corrupt in many places. Where emendation and translation proved impossible, the translators chose to retain the original expression in Arabic script (fol. Br; this happens above all in the European portions, e.g. clima 5, part 4). Some information on measurements of length is given and the reader is warned that Arabic has no word for "peninsula", wherefore such topographic features are rendered as insula (fol. Bv). Finally, the translators speculate about the lifetime (mid-12th century), religion (Christian) and homeland (Nubia) of al-Idrīsī, whose name they ignore (fols. Bv–Bijv). The latter two guesses are erroneous, but the philological argument made for the author’s being a Christian is interesting, while his alleged homeland earned the translation its title. Finally, the translation is introduced by a separately paginated essay about some cities and customs of the Near East and followed by an index.

The translation proper fills 278 quarto pages. Its Latin is simple and characterized by a high proportion of paratactic phrases linked by et, atque and -que. Given the predilection for hypotactic constructions in educated Latin and for parataxis in Semitic languages, this feature in all probability reflects the syntax of the original. The contrast with the elaborate periods of the dedication and the preface is telling in this respect. Some other features may be Arabisms too, for example the substitution of cum terra for terrae and of de for the expected in as well as the unconcerned word repetition in the following passage (p. 53):

Cum terra Mahra iunguntur a septentrione regiones Oman, et de regionibus Oman sunt duae urbes Tsur et Cqelhat, atque haec sita est ad oras maris salsi Persici, distantque abinvicem hae duae urbes longa statione itinere terrestri, maritimo vero minus.

"On the country of Mahra, the regions of Oman boarder at the north side, and in the regions of Oman, there are the two cities Tsur and Cqelhat, and the latter is situated at the coast of the salty Persian Gulf, and these two cities are separated from one another by a long day's journey by land, but by sea, the distance is less."


Occasionally, the translators add short explanatory marginalia. A little further on in the description of the Arabic peninsula (p. 54), for instance, the toponym Aardh is glossed as flumen ("river"), and the meaning of the place name Dhat-aliamin is explained as locus iuramenti ("place of taking an oath").

Cited in: Idrīsī, Muḥammad Ibn-Muḥammad al-; Sionita, Gabriel; Hesronita, Johannes ‎

How to cite this entry: Idrīsī, Muḥammad Ibn-Muḥammad al-; Sionita, Gabriel; Hesronita, Johannes: Geographia Nubiensis, in: Noscemus Wiki, URL: http://wiki.uibk.ac.at/noscemus/Geographia_Nubiensis (last revision: 14.07.2021).

*****************

Idrisi: Geographia Nubiensis
Paris; Hieronymus Blageart, 1619
by The Berlin Collection
Accessed: 2/26/22

Prior to the early fifteenth century, one of the few works available to Europeans which described distant lands such as Africa and the Atlantic islands was the treatise compiled by the noted Arab geographer Idrisi (ca. 1099-1154). Employed by Roger II of Sicily (1101-1154) as court geographer, Idrisi sent emissaries to observe and describe various countries and regions, including Scandinavia, Germany, France, Italy, Syria, and Egypt. Idrisi organized this material into his geography which he entitled Al Rojari (1154) in memory of his patron. The title Geographia Nubiensis comes from a misreading of a passage relating to Nubia and the river Nile by the two Maronite scholars who issued this first Latin edition in 1619. In composing his treatise, Idrisi relied heavily upon Arabic versions of Ptolemy's Geography, not generally available in Europe until Greek and Latin manuscript versions began to circulate in the fifteenth century.

************************

Idrisi
by Marina A. Tolmacheva
World History.Biz
Accessed: 2/26/22

Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Idris al-‘Ala bi-Amr Allah (ca. AH 493-560/1100-1165 CE) was the greatest medieval geographer. As a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, this Muslim Arab scholar was titled al-Sharif al-Idrisi, but in the west he was known for a long time as Geographus Nubiensis, the Nubian Geographer. Born in Morocco and educated in Cordoba, he worked in Palermo at the court of the Norman king Roger II. The most important book he produced is a world geography in 1154, Nuzhat al-mushtaq fi ikhtiraq al-afaq (Entertainment for One Desiring to Travel Far); it is also called Kitab Rujjar (Book of Roger). He later wrote a shorter geography, known under a variety of Arabic titles and usually referred to as ‘‘The Little Idrisi.’’ Both are extensively illustrated with maps; the maps in Nuzhat al-mushtaq are oriented to the South, the maps in the latter book are smaller and often oriented to the east.

Al-Idrisi traveled in Asia Minor, Europe, and North Africa, and in Sicily he was able to consult both European and Islamic sources procured from books and travel reports. Thus his Geography is a synthesis of information and cartographic traditions from both Islamic and European cultures; it is unsurpassed in narrative geography and maps of the Middle Ages. Because the work is a compilation and the data occasionally anachronistic, al-Idrisi’s work sometimes has been judged unoriginal. However, he introduced a new type of map that strongly impacted later cosmographers and thinkers, such as Ibn Khaldun, and used a projection that remains unexplained. Al-Idrisi produced more regional maps of the world than any other medieval cartographer, and his description of certain regions, such as the Balkans or northern Europe, is remarkably precise. The parts dealing with Africa remained an important source for Islamic and European cosmographers into the seventeenth century. Al-Idrisi’s distinctive cartography and narrative method make it possible to identify later imitations as works in ‘‘The Idrisi School.’’ Medieval European Mediterranean cartographers may have had some knowledge of his maps. The book Nuzhat al-mushtaq became the first secular Arabic work printed in Europe (Rome, 1592); a Latin translation was published in Paris in 1619.

Al-Idrisi credited his patron Roger with the construction of a large world map, but the work was done by al-Idrisi. The text is a detailed description of the map, engraved on a silver disk and based on the Arabic version of Marinus’s map reportedly created under the caliph al-Ma’mun (813-833). The silver prototype was lost, but the book contains a round, schematic map of the world and seventy rectangular maps of the seventy parts into which al-Idrisi had divided the world. Ten manuscripts of Nuzhat al-mushtaq survive, eight of them with maps; there is no complete good translation.

The system developed by al-Idrisi used the Ptolemaic foundation adopted by the early Islamic scholars, whereby the round earth is divided into quarters and only the Inhabited Quarter is described. It is astronomically divided into seven latitudinal belts (“climates”), leaving off the extreme north and equatorial south. Although familiar with coordinates, al-Idrisi did not use them; in addition to the parallel boundaries of the climates, he introduced, instead of meridians, ten longitudinal divisions. Thus the map and the narrative became divided into seventy sections. The numbering of climates is from south to north, the numbers of sections go west to east, again showing Greek influence. The text follows this arrangement after a brief general introduction, describing important geographical features of each section: cities, mountains, rivers, seas, islands, and so on, progressing eastward. Al-Idrisi names the most toponyms since Ptolemy, expanding and updating the medieval Arabic geographical inventory. He is academically unbiased, and all locations get more or less equal attention; he describes many identifiable locations for the first time in the geographical literature. Only ten of al-Idrisi’s sources are named, and contemporary information gets indiscriminately mixed with data compiled from the Greek, Latin, and earlier Islamic sources.

The narrative follows itineraries, connected by travel distances expressed in miles (mil), units (far-sakh) (three miles), caravan stages (marhala), day marches, or days of sailing. The earth is depicted as surrounded by the Encircling Sea, al-Bahr al-Muhit (the Greek Ocean). Africa is extended eastward to form the southern coast of the Indian ocean, which, however, remains open in the Far East. The southern limit of the inhabited world is north of the equator in Nuzhat al-mushtaq, but south of the equator in The Little Idrisi. The southern portion of the round world map is filled with the African landmass, not shown on sectional maps. The western limit is the prime meridian drawn through the westernmost part of Africa, but the Fortunate Isles in the Atlantic are included. The easternmost country is Sila (Korea), supposedly at 180°E. The northern limit is at the Polar Circle (64°N.). The color-coded maps demonstrate a thoughtful and somewhat artistic approach, but neither the degrees nor itineraries are drawn on them, and their practical value is doubtful. A pieced-together Latin version of this map was produced in Paris by Petrus Bertius in the 1620s.

Image
Al-Idrisi (twelfth century). Geographic Atlas of the Indian Ocean. Eleventh to twelfth century. Credit: Bridgeman-Giraudon/ Art Resource, NY. National Library (Dar-al-Kutub), Cairo, Egypt.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36180
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

PreviousNext

Return to Articles & Essays

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 78 guests