Part 5 of 5
It is against this background that the anti-Semitism of the English illuminates must be categorized. The monetary reformer Arthur Kitson became a member of "The Britons" the year after their foundation. Arnold Spencer Leese, the founder of the Imperial Fascist League (and an expert on the diseases of camels) was introduced to "The Britons" and to the Protocols by Kitson in 1923. Kitson, he wrote, "was very nervous of the Jews because of threats and injuries received, and would never speak about them at his meetings, but he knew all about them." Kitson did in fact refer to a conspiracy of German Jews in his writings. He thought that this consortium was chiefly responsible for the industrial depression among the victorious nations after the First World War. That other economic reformer, Major Douglas, became quite extravagant during the period just before the Second World War. He announced his belief in the Protocols and endorsed Nesta Webster's occult anti-Semitism. "Any serious endeavor to identify the origins of world unrest and war," Douglas declared, "inevitably and invariably leads back to what is loosely called occultism." He had "little doubt that the Talmud so organized the Jews, that the Masters of the Cabala were able to use them as one unit." [139] He thought that Hitler was the grandson of an illegitimate daughter of Baron Rothschild of Vienna; he maintained that Admiral Canaris was really called Moses Meyerbeer. The conspiracy imagined by Douglas included not only the standard ingredients of Freemasonry and Judaism, but also Bolshevism, American finance, and the Nazi party. The result of Douglas's obsession was that the journals under his control became devoted to anti-Semitism rather than to Social Credit.
Nor were the guildsmen free from anti-Semitic elements. In Spain Ramiro de Maeztu decided that Jews were at the bottom of all the evils of the world: an absurd theory to apply to a country which had expelled its Jewish population in the 15th century. G. Stirling Taylor's The Guild State of 1919 -- which was later translated into German -- was scathing at the expense of "Trotsky and his Jewish friends." George Young's reports from Germany at the time of the council governments contain frequent pointed reference to the number of Jewish revolutionaries -- or even of Jewish members of the government the revolutionaries had toppled. Thus we hear of "Preuss, the Minister of the Interior, a Jew, a jurist and an adjuster," or of "Landsberg at Justice, a red Jew from the province of Posen." Young saw fit to tell his readers that Levine was "a black Jew of a common and rather criminal type" while registering respect for "the personal power of the idealist Jew Kurt Eisner." [140] The mysterious, diabolical, and powerful Jew was seen everywhere.
Chesterton and Belloc were also concerned with Jewish responsibility for the wicked modern world which their Distributist state would replace. Belloc's anti-Semitism dated back to his French origins and the lingering prejudices of the Dreyfus case. That of G. K. Chesterton took root in the Marconi scandal of 1912. In that year Rufus Isaacs, Lloyd George, and the chief whip of the Liberal Party were implicated in dealing in shares in the Marconi company in the knowledge that Marconi's tender for the construction of wireless stations had been accepted by the government. For those of an anti-Semitic temperament the crux of the matter was that Rufus Isaacs's brother Geoffrey was a director of Marconi and that both were Jews; the felony was compounded by Herbert Samuel's attempt to cover up the affair in Parliament.
Hilaire Belloc and G. K. Chesterton's brother Cecil mounted an attack on the proceedings in their paper The New Witness and were successfully sued for libel. While Cecil Chesterton became a fanatical anti-Semite, the wrath of his brother and Belloc was directed first and foremost at the financial system which they believed was largely controlled by Jews. G. K. Chesterton's attitude was profoundly affected by the Marconi scandal, but his anti-Semitism retained a vacillating character -- as if there were somewhere a clear thought struggling to get out. Belloc is a different kettle of fish: it is extremely instructive to compare some of the drawings in his Cautionary Tales to those in Streicher's Sturmer or Dietrich Eckhart's Auf gut Deutsch. He was suspicious of the Russian revolution and the rise of "Jewish news agencies," But like G. K. Chesterton he was too intelligent to see the Bolshevik revolt as the culmination of an immemorially ancient plot by the Semitic peoples. On the publication of Nesta Webster's The Causes of World Unrest, he castigated it as a "lunatic book." [141] Yet for all these qualifications, an anti-Semitism remained which although not particularly virulent, would not go away.
Similar reasons drove men in the direction of anti-Semitism as propelled them toward illuminated politics. The chief were a fear of change or an outright reaction toward an idealized past, which saw the Jew as the typical arriviste; a nationalist temper arising from such fear, which represented the Jew as the agent of a hideous cosmopolitanism; and a suspicion that all was not well with the economic situation, which ended by personifying financial double dealing as the Jew. These were all perfectly logical appendages of any of the illuminated movements we have surveyed. It is, therefore, somewhat surprising that few of the illuminated politicians did fall into the trap. The youth movements, the vast majority of the Guild Socialists, the Social Creditors of the period before Douglas went wild, or the followers of Hargrave -- all seem to have avoided the pitfall. Illuminated politicians are by no means necessarily anti-Semites -- although there is an illuminated anti-Semitism which is probably the most dangerous of all.
Of this we have seen traces in the conviction of Nesta Webster and Major Douglas that the Jewish menace included Theosophy and was controlled by a vast occult organization. It has recently been argued (by Professor Norman Cohn) that 19th- and 20th-century anti- Semitism represents the rebirth of the medieval vision of the Jew as a diabolical being. [142] There is evidently much truth in this view. But the retreat to the magical that this implies was everywhere assisted by the rise of the irrationalist movements that composed the Occult Revival. In the search for "other realities" undertaken by the irrationalists, the vision of the Satanic Jew occasionally appeared. Particularly was this so when the irrationalist movements relied to any great extent upon inherited Christian traditions. The exotic Catholicism of late 19th-century France, for example, often went hand in hand with a magico-demonic distrust of the Jews. It is quite logical to find anti-Semitism among illuminated politicians who base their idealistic vision on a predominantly Christian ethic, and in particular among those who denounce "usury" in the manner of medieval churchmen seven hundred years earlier. In this way Kitson, Chesterton, and Belloc, and to some extent Douglas, can be explained, and perhaps, also, the reaction of certain medievally minded guildsmen. It should be a truism that there has always been a strong current of political anti-Semitism flowing from the "Left" as well as from the "Right." Often what both Left and Right have in common is the illuminated factor.
The divide between the illuminated anti-Semite and his less simplistic brother illuminate cannot always be securely marked. When C. H. Douglas, driven to desperation by failure, claimed that Social Credit was Christian and therefore the Truth -- as opposed to Judaism, the Incarnate Lie [143] -- he was merely debasing what Hargrave and his earlier self had proclaimed: that Social Credit rested on some spiritual basis. Whereas the latter statement was abstract and called for a reorganization of man's relations with man, that of the later Douglas identified the powers of good and evil in a specific and very primitive fashion. This fashion was continued by later commentators like the extremist Mgr. Denis Fahey. The Monsignor edited the fifth edition of a notorious anti-Semitic work published by "The Britons" invoking Social Credit and Arthur Kitson to the aid of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. [144] Another instance of the thinness of the division is provided by the English Mistery. This was a body of somewhat dilettante believers in an "organic society" organized by William Sanderson and Anthony Ludovici. Sanderson advocated a return to a feudal order and laid stress on the beneficial activity of Guilds and Freemasons. The Nietzschean Ludovici believed in the aristocratic principle and the importance of selective breeding. [145] They had obvious affinities with some of the illuminates we have examined -- even organizing themselves in "Kins" -- and Hargrave recommended Sanderson's book, That Which Was Lost, in the news sheet of the Kibbo Kift. [146] Their proposals, however, contained much anti-Semitic matter, and a schismatic group called the English Array was even supposed to have conspired to poison a number of eminent Jews. [147]
Generalizations are not very useful in indicating which illuminate might, or might not, be inclined to anti-Semitism. It can only be said that a certain person was, and another was not, a Jew-hater. For many of the illuminates their redefinitions of reality were too personal to include the diabolical Jew of popular superstition. But, on the other hand, once the illuminate had left the everyday universe of rationalist reality there was nothing to prevent him from entering that other world where the Jew sat at the right hand of Satan. Neither necessarily nor predominantly Fascist or anti-Semitic, the illuminated politicians deserve a classification of their own.
This classification comprises bodies of the Progressive Underground in search of an irrationalist interpretation of society, whose members are indicated by their occult and mystical associations, Explicitly religious were the Christian Socialists and some of the rural reformers; implicitly, some guildsmen and economists denouncing usury in terms borrowed from the Christian Middle Ages. The youth movement leaders came, with one exception, from Quaker families, and cultivated in common with the protagonists of blood and soil a symbiotic approach to the landscape and doctrine of spiritual evolution.
These movements were extra-Parliamentary -- which meant, in Britain, "Underground." They were numerically small but capable of astonishing eruptions. Particularly just after the First World War their opportunities were great; and a second chance was possible in the early 1930s. In point of numbers, however, the movements were also largely Underground. A third reason for applying the description lies in the illuminated attitude, which expressed itself not only in the clustering of mystical and occult groups around the political leaders, but in the transcendental principles on which their doctrines were based. They were to effect a spiritual reformation -- sometimes based on Christianity, sometimes not. Such a transcendental impulse is even to be found in the attempts of the monetary reformers to "see through money" and abolish the existence of the cash nexus which they abhorred. The Establishment's reality which the illuminated Underground opposed -- the Britain of materialism, industrialism, and Parliamentary inertia -- succeeded in keeping the Underground down. For this there is one overpowering reason. The Underground was far too elitist and intellectual. Of all the figures discussed only John Hargrave ever had the common touch, and he too remained elitist over a long period.
The common premise of the Underground groups was that something was drastically wrong with society. They would return to a Garden of Eden. For the youth movements, this involved the recovery of the physical skills and emotional stability of "natural man"; for the guildsman, his integral and directed society of function; for the economic reformers, a more rational relationship between man and the products of his labor; and for the rural revivalists, a direct return to the imperatives of the soil. The fruits of their Garden were as elusive as those of the Hesperides. But neither difficulty nor disappointment has ever halted an idealist; and he does not stop to think whether the source of the greatest good may not also be that of great evil. The idealism is enough; and in all ages those concerned for a more "spiritual" society have congregated and recognized each other.
In the period just after the First World War one group became especially prominent in illuminated circles. This was composed of fugitives from the society concerned above all others with realities not of this world: that of Tsarist Russia.
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Notes:
1. Edward Carpenter, Civilisation: Its Cause and Cure (London, 1921), p. 72.
2. G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence (N.Y., 1904), vol. II, pp. 71-72.
3. Ernest Westlake and Aubrey Westlake, general introduction to "Woodcraft Way," series no. 1 -- Ernest Thompson Seton, Woodcraft (London, 1918).
4. Ernest Thompson Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist (London, 1951), pp. 291 ff.
5. Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore (London, 1913), pp. 548-49.
6. For the influence of Seton on Europe, see Heinz Reichling, "Ernest Thompson Seton und die Woodcraft Bewegung in England" (Bonner Studien zu Englische Philologie, Heft XXX), (Bonn, 1937).
7. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft and World Service (London, 1930), pp. 49-50, 125; and see Aubrey T. Westlake, Health Abounding (London, 1944), Life Threatened (London, 1967), Miasma (Hindhead, Surrey, 1968), and foreword to Mary C. Fullerson's Bya New and Living Way (London, 1963).
8. Aubrey T. Westlake, Woodcraft Chivalry (2nd ed., London, 1917), pp. 4, 6.
9. E. Westlake and A. T. Westlake, "Introduction," p. 4.
10. See Ernest Westlake, The Place of Dionysos (Godshill, 1927).
11. See Ernest Westlake and Aubrey T. Westlake, Primitive Occupations as a Factor in Education (London, 1918).
12. Ernest Westlake, The Forest School (Godshill, 1925), p. 9.
13. Interview with John Hargrave.
14. Seton, The Book of Woodcraft, p. 3.
15. John Hargrave, The Great War Brings It Home (London, 1919), p. 61.
16. See Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinianism in American Thought (N.Y., 1945), pp. 139 ff. and H. H. Laughlin, Eugenics Record Office Report, no. I (N.Y., 1913).
17. See Edgar Schuster and Ethel M. Elderton, The Inheritance of Ability (1902) and the Eugenics Society pamphlets, Eugenic Sterilisation and Better Unborn.
18. Huxley still maintains this view; see Evolution, the Modern Synthesis (2nd ed., 1963), p. 578.
19. Hargrave, Great War, pp. ix, 226, 295.
20. Hargrave, The Totem Talks (London, 1919), p. 91.
21. Hargrave, "The Origin and Development of the Kibbo Kift" in Broadsheet, no. 13 (August 1926), p. 1.
22. Interview with Hargrave.
23. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, pp. 63-65; cf. Leslie Paul, Angry Young Man (London, 1951), pp. 54-55.
24. Broadsheet, no. 14 (September 1926). The books of Stephen Graham, such as The Gentle Art of Tramping (N.Y., 1926), were influential in youth movement circles. Graham's own romantic wanderings were tinged with mysticism; see his early Priest of the Ideal (London, 1918).
25. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, p. 66.
26. Hargrave, "Origin and Development," p. 3.
27. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, p. 68.
28. Paul, Angry Young Man, p. 54.
29. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft. pp. 69, 71.
30. Leslie Paul, "The Decline of the Youth Movements," in The Adelphi, (March 1934), p. 324.
31. Hargrave, The Totem Talks, p. 94; I. O. Evans, Woodcraft. p. 69; Broadsheet announcement, no. 25 (August 1927).
32. Hargrave, Young Winkle (London, 1925), p. 171.
33. Broadsheet, no. 16 (November 1926); Hargrave, The Confession of the Kibbo Kift (London, 1927), p. 44; Hargrave in Broadsheet. no. 27 (September 1927).
34. Paul, Angry Young Man. p. 59; cf. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, pp. 76 ff.
35. E.g., Nesta Webster, The Socialist Network (London, 1926), p. 123.
36. See Broadsheet. nos. 4-6 (October-December 1925); Hargrave in Broadsheet, no. 28 (November 1927), p. 5.
37. Hargrave, Confession. pp. 49-50, 67-68, 110, 283; cf. the SS Ordensburgen. for which see Chapter V.
38. Paul, The Folk Trail (London, 1929), pp. 41-42, The Green Company (London, 1931).
39. Reichling, Seton, p. 34.
40. Paul, The Annihilation of Man (London, 1944) and see also his report for the Anglican Church, The Deployment and Payment of the Clergy (London, 1964).
41. Reichling, Seton, p. 108.
42. See The Occult Underground. pp. 319 ff.
43. Rolf Gardiner, "Music, Noise and the Land," in Wessex, Letters from Springhead (Christmas, 1950), p. 52; Gardiner, The English Folk-Dance Tradition (Hellerau-Dresden, 1923), p. 30.
44. See Gardiner's "Thirty Years After" in Wessex (Whitsun, 1955), p. 151; "On the Functions of a Rural University" in North Sea and Baltic (3 September 1933), pp. 6-9, and note in same, Spring 1935 by Gerald Gough on a visit to Frankfurt; see Katherine Trevelyan, Fool in Love (London, 1962), and the obituary of Goetsch in Wessex (Whitsun, 1955).
45. Gardiner, "Thirty Years After," p. 151.
46. In Northern Europe, 1930.
47. Gardiner, "On the Functions of a Rural University," pp. 6-15.
48. Ludwig Lienhard in Wessex (Christmas, 1953), p. 111.
49. North Sea and Baltic (Spring, 1935), p. 4.
50. Rolf Gardiner and Heinz Rocholl (eds.), Britain and Germany (London, 1928).
51. Gardiner, "Englische Tradition und die Zukunft" in Wilhelm Freiherr von Richthofen (ed.), Brito-Germania. ein Weg zu Pan-Europa (Berlin, 1930), pp. 20 ff.
52. Gardiner, "The Meaning of the German Revolution," in North Sea and Baltic (Whitsun, 1933), p. 5.
53. North Sea and Baltic (Spring, 1935).
54. See Leslie Paul, "The Decline of the Youth Movements," and Gardiner, letter to The Adelphi (April 1934).
55. Walter Laqueur, Young Germany (London, 1962), pp. 137 ff.; and cf. the interest taken by Reichling, Seton, in English movements.
56. From "Der zweite Aufruf" in Freideutsche Jugend (Jena, 1913), p. 4.
57. Laqueur, Young Germany, pp. 26-27.
58. The Rural Organisation Council, p. v.
59. Montague Fordham, Mother Earth (2nd ed., London, 1908), p. 164.
60. Fordham, The Rebuilding of Rural England (London, 1924), p. viii; for a mystical experience, see Massingham, World without End (London, 1932), pp. 195-97; Clough Williams-Ellis (ed.), Britain and the Beast (London, 1937), with contributions by Keynes, Massingham, E. M. Forster, Joad, A. G. Street, etc.
61. Richard St. Barbe Baker, The Brotherhood of the Trees (London, 1930).
62. Baker, I Planted Trees (London, 1944), pp. 77-78; Broadsheet, no. 14 (September 1926); Report of the Men of the Trees (Summer School and Conference, Oxford, 1938, London, 1938), pp. 75-76.
63. Gardiner, "After Thirty Years," p. 152 and cf. his letter to The Adelphi.
64. See Wessex (Christmas, 1950, and Midwinter, 1953), "In Memory Harold John Massingham"; H. J. Massingham, Remembrance (London, 1942), pp. 140 ff.; Massingham, "The Natural Order" in Essays in the Return to Husbandry (London, 1945), pp. 7, 78; Massingham, The Tree of Life (London, 1943), p. 209.
65. Wessex (Christmas, 1950), pp. 32 ff.
66. Katherine Trevelyan, after the failure of her marriage to Goetsch, found solace in Steiner's Christian Community.
67. See C. B. Purdom, The Letchworth Achievement (London, 1963).
68. Purdom, Life Over Again (London, 1951), and cf. Dugald Macfadyen, Sir Ebeneezer Howard and the Town Planning Movement (Manchester, 1933).
69. See Ernest Westlake and Aubrey Westlake, Primitive Occupations.
70. Victor Branford and Patrick Geddes, The Coming Polity (London, 1919), p. v.
71. See The Occult Underground, pp. 326 ff. As Geddes was a supporter of the Kibbo Kift, it is worth noting a nationalist youth movement called the Scottish Watch, which was much concerned with eugenics. See Wendy Wood, I Like Life (Edinburgh, 1930), p. 243. On Geddes and Mumford, see Lewis Mumford, "The Disciple's Rebellion" in Encounter (September 1966), pp. 11 ff.; Mumford, The Culture of Cities (N.Y., 1938).
72. Walter Crane, "Of the Revival of Design and Handicraft," in William Morris (ed.), Arts and Crafts Essays (London, 1893), pp. 12-13.
73. C. R. Ashbee, An Endeavour towards the Teaching of John Ruskin and William Morris (London, 1901), p. 7; Ashbee, Craftsmanship in Competitive Industry (London, 1909), and cf. the picture of his craftsman's Utopia in The Building of Thelema (London, 1912).
74. Quoted in Niles Carpenter, Guild Socialism (N.Y., 1922); and cf. the letter from Penty printed by Karl Munkes, "Arthur Penty und der Nationalsozialismus" (thesis presented to Bonn University, 1937), pp. 19-20.
75. A. J. Penty, The Restoration of the Gild System, (London, 1906), pp. 46-47, 64.
76. See his "Art and the Function of Guilds," in Architecture, Mysticism and Myth (London, 1892); G. Stirling Taylor, The Guild State (London, 1919), p. 21; Penty, Guild System, pp. 85-86; see Transactions of the Second Annual Congress of the Federation of European Sections of the Theosophical Society (London, 1905).
77. A. R. Drage (ed.), National Guilds (London, 1914), The book carried no mention of Hobson at all.
78. S. G. Hobson, Functional Socialism (London, 1936), pp. 15-16; Ramiro de Maeztu, Authority, Liberty and Function in the Light of the War (London, 1916). For de Maeztu, see later in this chapter and Martin Nozick, "An Examination of Ramiro de Maeztu" in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America (September 1954), pp. 719 ff.
79. Niles Carpenter, Guild Socialism, p. 95; The Guildsman, no. 1.
80. G. Stirling Taylor, The Psychology of the Great War (London, 1915), p. 191.
81. Niles Carpenter, Guild Socialism, pp. 109-10, 117-26.
82. George Young in The Daily News (24 April 1919), p. 2, and (26 April 1919), p. 2; Young, The New Germany (London, 1920), pp. 190-91; Young, "British Guild Socialism and the German Revolution," in The Guildsman (November 1920), p. 3.
83. G. D. H. Cole, "Guilds at Home and Abroad," in The Guildsman (November 1920), and cf. reports of a visit to Munich printed July-August, 1919, p. 11.
84. Niles Carpenter, Guild Socialism, p. 113, and The Guildsman (January 1921), p. 5.
85. Penty, "Douglasism and the Guilds," in The Guild Socialist (April 1922), pp. 4-5; Niles Carpenter, Guild Socialism, pp. 134-35; Cole, "Guilds at Home and Abroad," pp. 9-10.
86. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. IV, part I, Communism and Social Democracy (London, 1958), pp. 453-54.
87. Walter Kendal, The Revolutionary Movement in Britain 1900-21 (London, 1969), pp. 278-83.
88. Munkes, Arthur Penty, p. 21. See Fordham, Agriculture and the Guild System (London, 1923), Britain's Trade and Agriculture (London, 1932), and A. J. Penty and William Wright, M.P., Agriculture and the Unemployed (London, 1925).
89. Peter d'A. Jones, The Christian Socialist Revival (Princeton, New Jersey, 1968), pp. 228-37.
90. Quoted in Reg. Groves, Conrad Noel and the Thaxted Movement (London, 1967), p. 206.
91. Groves, Conrad Noel, pp. 70 ff. See Noel, The Battle of the Flags (London, 1921) and The Guildsman for 1921.
92. Christianity and Industrial Problems (reissue in 1927 of original 1918 publication), pp. 83, 147, 212.
93. Maurice Reckitt, As it Happened (London, 1941), p. 108; Hilaire Belloc, Economics for Helen (2nd ed., London, 1924), p. 229. The Servile State (London, 1912).
94. G. K. Chesterton, The Outline of Sanity (London, 1926). See also Robert Speaight, The Life of Hilaire Belloc (London, 1957), p. 485; Maisie Ward, Gilbert Keith Chesterton (London, 1944), pp. 433 ff.; Christopher Hollis, The Mind of Chesterton (London, 1970), p. 213; Conrad Noel, An Autobiography (London, 1945); G. K. Chesterton, Autobiography (2nd ed., London, 1969), p. 163; The Guildsman (September 1919), p. 1.
95. On Gill, see Donald Attwater, A Cell of Good Living (London, 1969), and see Gill's own Last Essays (London, 1947), in particular "The Factory System and Christianity," pp. 103 ff. (originally 1918). For Coomaraswamy and the guild idea, see Ananda Coomaraswamy, The Indian Craftsman (London, 1909), pp. 7-19,114-16. Bhagavan Das is recommended in "What has India Contributed to Human Welfare" in The Dance of Shiva (London, 1958). See Bhagavan Das, The Science of Social Organisation (London, Benares, 1910). "Manu's scheme is the nearest and only approach to a workable socialism that has been tried in our race."
96. See Penty's Distributism: a Manifesto (London, 1938); Penty, Towards a Christian Sociology (London, 1923), p. 201.
97. T. S. Eliot, The Idea of a Christian Society (London, 1936), p. 61. Eliot's avowed masters -- Christopher Dawson and Father V. A. Demant -- are Johnny-come-latelies in the field of English illuminated socialism; Dawson's Beyond Politics (1939) and Demant's God, Man and Society (1933) betray their indebtedness to their predecessors. Demant dedicated his book to Maurice Reckitt.
98. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, pp. 53-55.
99. Westlake, in Grith Fyrd (Spring, 1933). Cf. Reichling, Seton, p. 108. On Toynbee Hall, J. A. R. Pimlott, Toynbee Hall (London, 1935) and on the Theosophical Society, "Bow Lodge," attached to it see letter in The Vahan (1 December 1894), p. 8.
100. Interview with John Hargrave.
101. Philip Mairet, A. R. Orage (2nd ed., N.Y., 1966), pp. 74-76; see C. H. Douglas, Credit Power and Democracy (London, 1920).
102. Douglas, Credit Power, p. 145.
103. Jones, Christian Socialist Revival, pp. 199-200 and p. 293.
104. See Leonard Wise, Arthur Kitson (London, 1946); Arthur Kitson, The Money Problem (London, 1903), p. 118 and p. 211; Kitson, Unemployment (London, 1921).
105. Frederick Soddy, "Economic Science from the Standpoint of Science" in The Guildsman (July 1920), pp. 3-4. On Soddy, see Leonard Wise, Frederick Soddy (London, 1946).
106. I. O. Evans, Woodcraft, p. 84.
107. Hargrave in The New Age (18 October 1928), p. 298.
108. Hargrave, Confession, p. 241.
109. Annual Report of the Green Shirt Movement for Social Credit (1922-23).
110. Eric Estorick, "The British Social Credit Party" in Dynamic America (July 1940).
111. Interview with Hargrave.
112. C. B. Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta (Toronto, 1953), p. 140.
113. K. K. Official Report Alberta (London, 1937).
114. For Boltwood, see Deathless Freedom by Charles Kingsley through Crusader (London, 1939).
115. Tom Driberg, "A Touch of the Sun," in The Adelphi, vol. 161, pp. 56 ff.
116. Hargrave, The Life and Soul of Paracelsus (London, 1951). See chapter IX for a quotation from Hargrave on the mechanics of inspiration.
117. See Westlake, Health Abounding, Massingham's introduction to The Natural Order, and Father Demant, entry in The New Age (3 March 1938), p. 97.
118. W. E. Mann, Sect, Cult and Church in Alberta (Toronto, 1955), pp. 118-21, 153-57.
119. Hugh McDiarmid, The Company I've Kept (London, 1966), pp. 113-14.
120. S. G. Hobson, Pilgrim to the Left (London, 1938), p. 177. See also Odon Por's Guilds and Co-operatives in Italy (London, 1923).
121. Nozick, "de Maeztu," pp. 726 ff. Cf. Richard A. H. Robinson, The Origins of Franco's Spain (Newton Abbot, 1970), pp. 179, 220.
122. Penty, Communism and the Alternative (London, 1933), p. 110 note 1. See also Penty, Tradition and Modernism in Politics (London, 1927) and S. G. Hobson, Pilgrim to the Left, p. 176.
123. Interview with Hargrave. For A. V. Roe's views on monetary reform, see L. J. Ludovici, The Challenging Sky (London, 1956), pp. 110 ff.; also see Hargrave's pamphlet Social Credit and British Fascism.
124. In particular, see Williamson, The Phoenix Generation (paperback ed., London, 1967).
125. See Jorian Jenks, The Stuff Man's Made Of (London, 1959), and From the Ground Up (London, 1950).
126. J. Taylor Peddie, The Economic Mechanism of Scripture (London, 2 vols., 1934), vol. II, p. 274.
127. Hargrave, Confession, pp. 244-46 and my interview with Hargrave.
128. Robert Benewick, Political Violence and Public Order (London, 1969), p. 240; see H. W. Kenyon in Blackshirt (11 January 1935), p. 10, for an attempt to equate Baden-Powell's Rover Scout textbook with Fascism, p. 10; and G. K. Chesterton in Blackshirt (1 February 1935), p. 1, for the samurai.
129. Arthur Raven Thomson, The Coming Corporate State (London, 1937).
130. Gardiner, in North Sea and Baltic (Whitsun, 1933), pp. 5-6.
131. See Andrew Sharf, The British Press and the Jews under Nazi Rule (London, 1964), pp. 194 ff.
132. See The Patriot, vol. I, no. 1. (9 February 1927).
133. Colin Cross, The Fascists in Britain (London, 1961), pp. 57-58.
134. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements (London, 1924), pp. 382.
135. See the notice in The Patriot (27 January 1927), p. 87.
136. Webster, Secret Societies, p. 405.
137. The Britons (prospectus, London, 1952); Sir William Butler: An Autobiography (London, 1911), pp. 406 ff., in particular the report to the War Office of June 1899, p. 436; cf. Edward McCourt, Remember Butler (London, 1968), pp. 245-47.
138. On Beamish, see Louis W. Bondy, Racketeers of Hatred (London, 1946), pp. 131 ff.; The Times, 5-6 December 1922 and 13 January 1923.
139. Arnold Spencer Leese, Out of Step: Events in the two lives of an Anti-Jewish Camel Doctor (Guildford, 1951), p. 50; Arthur Kitson, Unemployment, p. 12; C. H. Douglas, The Big Idea (Liverpool, 1945), pp. 15,21, and cf. The Policy of a Philosophy (Liverpool, 1945; orig. 1937, etc.).
140. Nozick, "de Maeztu," pp. 735 ff.; Richard A. H. Robinson, Franco's Spain, p. 220; G. Stirling Taylor, The Guild State (London, 1920); George Young, The New Germany, p. 32 and pp. 110-11.
141. Ward, Chesterton, pp. 283-309; Hollis, Chesterton, pp. 132 ff.; G. K. Chesterton, The New Jerusalem (London, 1920); Hilaire Belloc, The Jews (London, 1923); Belloc in a letter to Major L. H. Cohn (1923), quoted by Robert Speaight in The Life of Hilaire Belloc, p. 456.
142. For Professor Norman Cohn's writings, see chapter V below and notes.
143. Douglas on 7 February 1948 in The Development of World Dominion (London and Sydney, 1969).
144. See 5th edition of Leslie Fry, Waters Flowing Eastward, revised, enlarged, and subtitled The War against the Kingdom of Christ (London, 1965). For further lunacies, see Fahey's The Mystical Body of Christ and the Reorganisation of Society (Cork, 1945).
145. See William Sanderson, That Which Was Lost (London, 1930) and Statecraft (2nd ed., London, 1932); Anthony Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy (London, 1915); Recovery (London, 1939).
146. Broadsheet (March 1931).
147. George Thayer, The British Political Fringe (London, 1965), p. 106 note.