Part 2 of 3
FACTUAL BACKGROUND
A. Harvard’s Participation in the F-1 Visa Program86. Harvard first became certified to host students with F-1 visas in 1954 and has continuously maintained its certification for the 70-plus years since. Throughout that period, all of Harvard’s required biennial petitions for recertification have been approved without issue.
87. The seamless recertification across this period—spanning more than 14 presidential administrations—reflects a determination by DHS and SEVP (and their predecessor agencies) that the University has remained eligible for certification. In other words, Harvard is a bona fide and established institution of learning; possesses the necessary facilities, personnel, and finances to conduct instruction in recognized courses and is in fact engaged in instruction in those courses; and has continuously complied with applicable recordkeeping, retention, and reporting requirements and all other requirements of the governing regulations.
88. International students who hold F-1 visas, as well as students and scholars visiting on J-1 visas, form a vital part of Harvard’s academic community. Over 5,000 F-1 visa holders are currently enrolled at Harvard, representing approximately 26% of the total student body across Harvard’s 13 schools. These students hail from 143 different countries, contributing unique social, cultural, and intellectual perspectives that enrich classroom discussions, research endeavors, and campus life. Among other activities, they run labs, teach courses, assist faculty members, drive innovative research, and participate across a wide range of athletic programs and 42 varsity sports.
89. Harvard’s ability to enroll international students directly affects its global rankings and reputation as an institution of higher learning. Harvard fills its classes with the most qualified applicants from around the world.
90. For some disciplines, this results in classes with large shares of international students. For example, at the Harvard Kennedy School, the mission of which depends on providing students with the perspectives of current and future policymakers from around the world, 49% of students hold F-1 visas. One third of Harvard Business School students are F-1 visa holders. And nearly all—94%—of the students in Harvard Law School’s LL.M. program on comparative law are international students with F-1 visas.
91. Leading scholars often consider a university’s international profile, the caliber of its students, and its research and teaching support resources in deciding where to teach and conduct research.
92. The many notable alumni who have enrolled at Harvard as student visa holders—including Benazir Bhutto, the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the former President of Liberia, Empress Masako of Japan, and countless corporate executives, university professors, and high-ranking government officials across the world—amplify and enhance the profile that attracts top talent to the University.
B. Harvard’s Response to Antisemitism on its Campus93. On October 7, 2023, the terrorist organization Hamas conducted a surprise attack on Israeli citizens. This began an ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. The escalating conflict in the Middle East dominated headlines around the globe. In the United States, protests erupted on university campuses across the country. Like other schools, Harvard experienced increased tensions among members of its campus community, including students. Members of the Jewish and Israeli communities at Harvard reported treatment that was vicious and reprehensible.
94. In the aftermath of these events, Harvard made substantial changes aimed at ensuring its campus is safe, fair, and welcoming to Jewish and Israeli students. Harvard has adopted new accountability procedures and clarified policies; imposed meaningful discipline for those who have violated applicable policies; enhanced programs designed to address bias and promote ideological diversity and civil discourse; hired staff to support these programs and impacted students; and enhanced safety and security measures. Harvard’s work is ongoing, and it continues to update and enforce its policies and procedures to protect Jewish and Israeli members of the Harvard community while permitting the free and open exchange of ideas.
C. The Government’s Attack on Harvard and Retaliatory Funding Freeze95. Following President Trump’s inauguration, on February 3, 2025, the government announced the formation of its Federal Task Force, led by Senior Counsel to the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, Leo Terrell.7 On February 26, 2025, a news article reported Terrell as saying, “When you see universities start losing millions of dollars in federal funding, you’re going to see a change in their behavior.”8
96. A few days later, Terrell stated in a Fox Business clip he later shared on X, “I’ve targeted ten schools. Columbia, Harvard, Michigan, UCLA, USC. Let me tell you what we’re going to do. We’re going to take away your funding.”9
97. On February 28, 2025, the Federal Task Force issued a press release announcing its plans to visit ten university campuses, including Harvard, to gather information about allegations of antisemitic incidents.10
98. On March 31, 2025, the Federal Task Force sent Harvard a memorandum announcing its intent to conduct a review of more than $8.7 billion in federal research grants to Harvard and “its affiliates.”11 This memorandum stated that Harvard was “being investigated for potential infractions and dereliction of duties to curb or combat anti-Semitic harassment.” Id.
99. On April 3, 2025, the government sent Harvard a letter (the “April 3 Letter”) conveying a list of “broad, non-exhaustive areas of reform that the government views as necessary for Harvard to implement to remain a responsible recipient of federal taxpayer dollars,” which went far beyond concerns regarding antisemitism.12
100. On April 11, 2025, the government sent another letter to Harvard that went even further (the “Demand Letter”).13 The Demand Letter superseded the April 3 Letter, enumerating detailed conditions for “maintain[ing] Harvard’s financial relationship with the federal government.” Id. at 1. These conditions sought to regulate or put under direct government control a slate of core university functions, including regulation of the viewpoints of Harvard’s students and faculty. Among the conditions were the following (emphases added):
•
Viewpoint Diversity in Admissions and Hiring. … [T]he University shall commission an external party … to audit the student body, faculty, staff, and leadership for viewpoint diversity, such that each department, field, or teaching unit must be individually viewpoint diverse. … Harvard must abolish all criteria, preferences, and practices, whether mandatory or optional, throughout its admissions and hiring practices, that function as ideological litmus tests. Every department or field found to lack viewpoint diversity must be reformed by hiring a critical mass of new faculty within that department or field who will provide viewpoint diversity; every teaching unit found to lack viewpoint diversity must be reformed by admitting a critical mass of students who will provide viewpoint diversity.
•
Governance and leadership reforms. … Harvard must make meaningful governance reform and restructuring … [including] empowering tenured professors and senior leadership, and, from among the tenured professoriate and senior leadership, exclusively those most devoted to the scholarly mission of the University and committed to the changes indicated in this letter; reducing the power held by students and untenured faculty; [and] reducing the power held by faculty (whether tenured or untenured) and administrators more committed to activism than scholarship.
•
International Admissions Reform. … [T]he University must reform its recruitment, screening, and admissions of international students to prevent admitting students hostile to the American values and institutions inscribed in the U.S. Constitution and Declaration of Independence, including students supportive of terrorism or anti-Semitism. Harvard will immediately report to federal authorities, including [DHS] and [the] State Department, any foreign student, including those on visas and with green cards, who commits a conduct violation. … [T]hese reforms must be durable and demonstrated through structural and personnel changes.
• Student Discipline Reform and Accountability. … In the future, funding decisions for student groups or clubs must be made exclusively by a body of University faculty accountable to senior University leadership. In particular, Harvard must end support and recognition of those student groups or clubs that engaged in anti-Semitic activity since October 7th, 2023, including the Harvard Palestine Solidarity Committee, Harvard Graduates Students 4 Palestine, Law Students 4 Palestine, Students for Justice in Palestine, and the National Lawyers Guild, and discipline and render ineligible the officers and active members of those student organizations.
• Transparency and Monitoring. … The University shall … , [n]o later than June 30, 2025, and every quarter thereafter … at least until the end of 2028, … submit to the federal government a report—certified for accuracy—that documents its progress on the implementation of the reforms detailed in this letter …. [and] must also, to the satisfaction of the federal government, disclose the source and purpose of all foreign funds; cooperate with the federal government in a forensic audit of foreign funding sources and uses, including how that money was used by Harvard, its agents, and … third parties acting on Harvard’s campus.
Id. at 1-5.
101. The Demand Letter reiterated the government’s expectation of “immediate cooperation in implementing these critical reforms.” Id. at 5. It cited no authority for that demand or any other.
102. On April 14, 2025, Harvard declined to accept the government’s demands. President Garber, in a letter to the Harvard Community, wrote: “Although some of the demands outlined by the government are aimed at combating antisemitism, the majority represent direct governmental regulation of the ‘intellectual conditions’ at Harvard.”14 President Garber added that “[n]o government—regardless of which party is in power—should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue.” Id. at 2.
103. In a separate April 14, 2025 letter to the government, attorneys for Harvard stated that “[n]either Harvard nor any other private university can allow itself to be taken over by the federal government.”15
104. The government’s response was swift and punishing. The same day, the Federal Task Force responded by “announcing a freeze on $2.2 billion in multi-year grants and $60M in multi-year contract value to Harvard University” (the “Freeze Order”).16 The Freeze Order cited “[t]he harassment of Jewish students” and “the troubling entitlement mindset that is endemic in our nation’s most prestigious universities and colleges.” Id.
105. The government immediately began implementing the Freeze Order. Within hours of the Freeze Order, Harvard began receiving stop work orders.
106. The next morning, on April 15, 2025, President Trump published the following post on his social media website, Truth Social:17
[x]
Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
Perhaps Harvard should lose its Tax Exempt Status and be Taxed as a Political Entity if it keeps pushing political, ideological, and terrorist inspired/supporting "Sickness?" Remember, Tax Exempt Status is totally contingent on acting in the PUBLIC INTEREST!
Apr. 15, 2025
107. The following day—April 16, 2025—President Trump again targeted Harvard in a Truth Social post:18
[x]
Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
Everyone knows that Harvard has "lost its way." They hired, from New York (Bill D) and Chicago (Lori L), at ridiculously high salaries/fees, two of the WORST and MOST INCOMPETENT mayors in the history of our Country, to "teach" municipal management and government. These two Radical Left fools left behind two cities that will take years to recover from their incompetence and evil. Harvard has been hiring almost all woke, Radical Left, idiots and "birdbrains" who are only capable of teaching FAILURE to students and so-called "future leaders." Look just to the recent past at their plagiarizing President, who so greatly embarrassed Harvard before the United States States Congress. When it got so bad that they just couldn't take it anymore, they moved this grossly inept woman into another position, teaching, rather than firing her ON THE SPOT. Since then much else has been found out about her, but she remains in place. Many others, like these Leftist dopes, are teaching at Harvard, and because of that, Harvard can no longer be considered even a decent place of learning, and should not be considered on any list of the World's Great Universities or Colleges. Harvard is a JOKE, teaches Hate and Stupidity, and should no longer receive Federal Funds. Thank you for your attention to this matter!
Apr 16, 2025, 7:05 AM
D. The April 16, 2025 Records Request108. Within hours of the President’s April 16 Truth Social post, Secretary Noem sent HIO a letter entitled “Student and Exchange Visitor Program Records Request.”19 The Records Request demanded voluminous documents, including those not contemplated by any of the applicable statutes or regulations, and threatened to withdraw Harvard’s certification in the event of noncompliance:
a. The Records Request began by stating that Harvard’s foreign student program “is a privilege[,] … not a guarantee” and that “[t]he United States Government understands that Harvard University relies heavily on foreign student funding from over 10,000 foreign students to build and maintain their substantial endowment.” Id. at 1. The Request offered no basis for this claim, though its reference to “foreign student funding,” id., echoes language in the April 11 Demand Letter seeking to require Harvard to permit the government to inspect all “foreign funding sources and uses,” Ex. 9 at 5.
b. The Records Request continued: “At the same time, your institution has created a hostile learning environment for Jewish students due to Harvard’s failure to condemn antisemitism.” Ex. 16 at 1. Quoting Executive Order 14188, the letter stated that it is “the policy of the United States to combat anti-Semitism vigorously, using all available and appropriate legal tools, to prosecute, remove, or otherwise hold to account the perpetrators of unlawful anti-Semitic harassment and violence.’” Id. Again, the Request offered no basis for the claim that Harvard “created a hostile learning environment for Jewish students,” id., which paralleled claims made in the government’s March 31, April 3, and April 11 communications to Harvard. See Ex. 7 at 1 (asserting that Harvard has neglected its “dut[y] to curb or combat anti-Semitic harassment”); Ex. 8 at 1 (asserting that Harvard operates “biased programs that fuel antisemitism”); Ex. 9 at 3 (asserting that some Harvard programs have “[e]gregious [r]ecords of [a]ntisemitism”).
c. The Records Request then shifted gears, stating that the SEVP “regularly monitors SEVP-approved schools to determine their compliance with governing regulations,” and the “accuracy of information in” SEVIS. Id. It went on: “Your continued SEVP certification is contingent upon meeting the requirements of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), set out in Title 8 Code of Federal Regulations (8 CFR).” Ex. 16 at 1.
d. Pointing to one of the provisions contained in the referenced regulations, the Records Request then stated that “SEVP may request information regarding nonimmigrant students from certified schools under 8 CFR § 214.3(g)(1).” Id. Invoking the government’s authority under that provision, the Records Request stated that Harvard’s PDSO “must submit the following information to our office on or before April 30, 2025,” id. at 1-2:
1. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s known illegal activity, and whether the activity occurred on campus.
2. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s known dangerous or violent activity, and whether the activity occurred on campus.
3. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s known threats to other students or university personnel, and whether the activity occurred on campus.
4. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s known deprivation of rights of other classmates or university personnel, and whether the activity occurred on campus.
5. Provide relevant information on whether any student visa holders have left Harvard University due to dangerous or violent activity or deprivation of rights, and whether the activity occurred on campus.
6. Provide relevant information on whether any student visa holders have had disciplinary actions taken as a result of making threats to other students or populations or participating in protests, which impacted their nonimmigrant student status.
7. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s obstruction of the school’s learning environment.
8. Provide relevant information regarding each student visa holder’s maintenance of at least the minimum required coursework to maintain nonimmigrant student status.
109. Despite the letter’s invocation of Section 214.3(g)(1), much of the information listed above is not information that HIO is required to maintain or report to DHS under that provision.
110. The Records Request did not define any terms in these requests—such as “known,” “illegal,” “dangerous or violent,” “deprivation of rights,” “threats,” or “obstruction of the school’s learning environment”—and did not specify a time period for which the specified information was requested. Yet it threatened serious consequences for noncompliance, for both the PDSO who would be responsible for submitting the responsive documents and Harvard itself:
a. As to the PDSO, attached to the Records Request was an “Evidence Attestation Statement” to be completed and signed by the PDSO and submitted in connection with the production of documents. This Attestation asked the PDSO to personally attest to her understanding that “willful misstatements may constitute perjury (18 USC § 1621)”; that “providing materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent information may subject me to criminal prosecution under 18 USC § 1001”; and that “[o]ther possible criminal and civil violations may also be applicable[.]” Ex. 16 at 3; see also id. at 2 (also invoking 8 U.S.C. § 1001 and “[o]ther possible criminal and civil violations”).
b. The Evidence Attestation Statement also asked the PDSO to attest to her understanding that “SEVP may review my institution’s certification at any time and may request documentation to establish my institution’s eligibility for certification as well as review evidence and records for compliance with the regulations.” Id. at 3.
c. Finally, the Records Request warned Harvard that “[f]ailure to comply with this Records Request will be treated as a voluntary withdrawal, per 8 CFR § 214.3(h)(3)(vii).” Id. at 2. It concluded: “Therefore, in the event the school fails to respond to this request [by April 30, 2025], SEVP will automatically withdraw the school’s certification. The withdrawal will not be subject to appeal.” Id.
111. Shortly after DHS sent HIO the Records Request, it publicized the Request—as well as DHS’s cancellation of “two DHS grants totaling over $2.7 million to Harvard”—in a press release (the “Press Release”).20 The Press Release referred to the Records Request as a “scathing letter demanding detailed records on Harvard’s foreign student visa holders’ illegal and violent acts.” Id. The Press Release asserted that Harvard has “ben[t] the knee to antisemitism,” adopted a “radical ideology,” and allowed “anti-American, pro-Hamas ideology [to] poison[] its campus and classrooms,” such that “Harvard’s position as a top institution of higher learning is a distant memory.” Id. It concluded by stating that “if Harvard cannot verify it is in full compliance with its reporting requirements, the university will lose the privilege of enrolling foreign students.” Id.
112. Over the last twelve years, HIO has received only a handful of requests for information about its F-1 visa students. These requests have generally sought straightforward information plainly contemplated by the applicable regulations, such as the student’s email, physical addresses, and phone number, about a single student at a time. No prior request has asked for information as broad or open-ended—or covering as many students—as the Records Request. No prior request, moreover, has ever come directly from the Secretary of Homeland Security. Nor has any prior request ever been accompanied by a Press Release calling the request “scathing” or citing Harvard’s so-called “radical ideology”; included an “Evidence Attestation Statement” suggesting that any misstatement may subject Harvard’s PDSO or anyone else to criminal liability; or threatened Harvard with “voluntary withdrawal” for less-than-perfect compliance.
E. Subsequent Developments Prior to April 30113. In the run-up to the April 30 deadline for Harvard’s response to the Records Request, the Administration continued its public attack on Harvard.
114. On April 17, 2025, Secretary of Education Linda McMahon sent Harvard a letter accusing the University of “incomplete and inaccurate disclosures” of foreign gifts and contracts pursuant to Section 117 of the Higher Education Act of 1965. Secretary McMahon demanded that Harvard release a list of gifts, grants, and contracts from foreign sources, communications between Harvard and foreign governments, and internal correspondence about expelled foreign students and faculty affiliated with foreign countries.
115. On April 20, 2025, the Administration threatened to pull an additional $1 billion in Harvard’s federal funding that had been allocated for health research.
116. On April 24, 2025, President Trump posted the following message on Truth Social:21
[x]
Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
Harvard is an Anti-Semitic, Far Left Institution, as are numerous others, with students being accepted from all over the world that want to rip our Country apart. The place is a Liberal mess, allowing a certain group of crazed lunatics to enter and exit the classroom and spew fake ANGER AND HATE. It is truly horrific! Now, since our filings began, they act like they are all "American Apple Pie." Harvard is a threat to Demo racy, with a lawyer, who represents me, who should therefore be forced to resign, immediately, or be fired. He's not that good, anyway, annd I hope that my very big and beautiful company, now run by my sons, gets rid of his ASAP!
Apr 24, 2025, 9:33 AM
117. On April 25, 2025, the Acting Chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Andrea Lucas, filed a charge that launched an investigation in Harvard’s employment practices.22
118. On April 30, 2025, President Trump, Secretary Noem, and Secretary McMahon discussed Harvard at a public Cabinet meeting.23 At the conclusion of Secretary McMahon’s remarks, President Trump offered his view that Harvard was “scamming the public and hiring people like [former New York City Mayor Bill] DeBlasio and [former Chicago Mayor] Lori Lightfoot who are certainly two of the worst mayors in the history of our country, paying them a fortune on salary, and having them teach our children how to manage cities and how to manage government.” Id. at 1:21:50-1:22:20. President Trump then asked Secretary McMahon for an update on Harvard specifically, which led to the following colloquy:
Secretary McMahon: We’re negotiating with them. When we went back to them to say we’d welcome them back to the negotiating table, their response was a lawsuit. So [Attorney General] Pam [Bondi] and her team are helping work with that. … We’re staying tough with them. The other thing we’re looking at also are the [Section] 117[24] violations of these big universities, like Harvard and others, who are not reporting, as they’re required to do by law, foreign money that comes in and how much that is and where it comes from.
President Trump: And students, where are these people coming from?
Secretary Noem: So, we’ve pulled back their grants because Harvard isn’t responding to us [about] criminal activity by their students. And until they give us that list they’re not getting any more grants from Homeland Security.
President Trump: Good, I think we should pull it back. The students they have, the professors they have, the attitude they have, is not American and I think you should—a grant is a grant, we don’t have to give grants.
Secretary Noem: Exactly right.
President Trump: So we’ll pull back the grant.
Id. at 1:22:21-1:23:33 (emphasis added).
F. Harvard’s Compliance With the Records Request119. Despite the scope and context of the Records Request, HIO worked diligently to comply and produce responsive information that it maintains under the governing statute and regulations.
120. To that end, within the 10 working days DHS allotted for compliance, HIO collected and produced thousands of pages of records responsive to the Records Request maintained by or accessible to HIO as required by 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1).
121. The production was accompanied by a cover letter (the “First Production Letter”) explaining the scope of Harvard’s responsive production and responding to the allegations in the Demand Letter.25
122. The First Production Letter noted that “portions of the [Records Request] seek categories of information using terms not defined in the regulation.” Id. at 1. But it explained that, because “Harvard is committed to good faith compliance,” it was “producing responsive materials that [it] believe[s] are reasonably required by 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1).” Id.
123. Accordingly, the First Production Letter explained that Harvard had produced the following categories of “information relevant to F-1 status” in response to the Records Request: (1) “[r]ecords that reflect student enrollment information, by SEVIS ID Number, for each F-1 visa holder enrolled at Harvard throughout the duration of the program in which that student is presently enrolled”; and (2) “SEVIS termination and cancellation data that include SEVIS ID Number, SEVIS Status, Education Level, Major/Academic Program, Date of Termination or Cancellation, Termination or Cancellation Reason, and Program Start and End Date.” Id. at 2. This latter category of data, the First Production Letter explained, “reflect[s] changes to nonimmigrant status for a range of reasons, including but not limited to disciplinary action,” though “[t]he basis for any such disciplinary action is not covered by 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1).” Id.
124. Since the Records Request did not specify a time period, Harvard produced this information for “academic year 2023-2024 and academic year 2024-2025 (through and including April 30, 2025),” though the student enrollment records produced as to some students cover shorter or longer periods, depending on the duration of the student’s academic program. Id. at 1.
125. The First Production Letter noted that “Harvard’s production reflects its best effort to meet [the Records Request’s April 30] deadline notwithstanding the scope of the requests in the [Records Request], which cover more than 5,200 students.” Id. And it explained that “[i]f Harvard discovers additional information falling into the categories listed above, it will promptly produce that information as a supplement.” Id.
126. The First Production Letter emphasized, in bold and underlined font, that
“Harvard is complying with the [Records Request’s] lawful requests in lieu of voluntary withdrawal from SEVP certification. Harvard does not seek to withdraw from SEVP. Any withdrawal of Harvard’s certification would be involuntary and would cause immediate harm and disruption to Harvard, its mission, and its thousands of international students who hail from over 140 countries and enrich the University community immeasurably with their presence and contributions.” Id.
127. The First Production Letter went on to state, also in bold and underlined font, that
“[ i]f any aspect of this production raises questions or is deemed incomplete or insufficient in any respect, and before DHS takes any steps adverse to Harvard due to any perceived deficiency in Harvard’s response, Harvard respectfully requests that DHS notify Harvard’s counsel in writing and provide an opportunity to discuss, to be heard, and to cure.” Id. at 2-3.
128. Finally, the First Production Letter addressed the Records Request’s allegations “that Harvard has ‘created a hostile learning environment for Jewish students’ due to a purported ‘failure to condemn antisemitism,’ and that Harvard ‘relies heavily on foreign student funding … to build and maintain [its] substantial endowment.’” Id. at 3. The Production Letter explained that “[t]hese assertions have no basis in fact, and [the Records Request] suggests none.” Id. And it affirmed that, “[t]o the contrary, Harvard has strongly and repeatedly condemned antisemitism and has undertaken substantial efforts to ensure that its campus is safe, fair, and welcoming to Jewish and Israeli students—including those who attend Harvard on F-1 visas.” Id.
129. The First Production Letter concluded: “In short, Harvard denies the [Records Request’s] assertions and any suggestion that they justify actions by DHS in contravention of the statutes and regulations governing SEVP.” Id.
G. Developments from April 30 to May 7130. In the days after Harvard responded to the Records Request, Harvard received no outreach from DHS. But the Administration continued to target Harvard in other ways.
131. On May 2, 2025, the President posted the following on Truth Social:26
[x]
Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
We are going to be taking away Harvard's Tax Exempt Status. It's what they deserve!
May 02, 2025, 7:25 AM
132. Then, on May 5, 2025, Secretary of Education Linda McMahon sent Harvard a letter (the “McMahon Letter”) informing the University that “Harvard should no longer seek GRANTS from the federal government, since none will be provided.”27 The McMahon Letter stated that Harvard has “invited foreign students” who “show contempt for the United States of America[] to its campus.” Id. at 1. And it asked: “Where do many of these ‘students’ come from, who are they, how do they get into Harvard, or even into our country—and why is there so much HATE?” Id. at 1. The McMahon Letter also criticized Harvard’s hiring decisions and its “management” and asserted that Harvard “teach[es] [its] students to despise” the “free-market system.” Id. at 1-2.
133. In a May 7, 2025 television interview, Secretary McMahon reiterated these statements, stating about Harvard: “[A]re they vetting students who are coming in from outside of the country to make sure they’re not activists? Are they vetting professors that they’re hiring to make sure that they’re not teaching ideologies, but that they’re teaching subject matter? …. They’ve taken a very hard line, so we took a hard line back.”28
H. DHS’s Second Information Request and Harvard’s Second Document Production134. On May 7, 2025, Acting General Counsel of the Department of Homeland Security, Joseph Mazzara, sent an email to Harvard’s counsel (the “Mazzara Email”) indicating that DHS had reviewed Harvard’s initial document production and “concluded that it does not completely address the Secretary’s request.”29
135. The Mazzara Email reiterated DHS’s request for four of the eight categories of information referenced in the Records Request—those relating to student visa holders’ “known illegal activity,” “known dangerous or violent activity,” “known threats to other students or university personnel,” and “known deprivation of rights of other classmates or university personnel”—and indicated that Harvard’s response should “likely include the disciplinary records for student visa holders.” Id.
136. The Mazzara Email gave Harvard until the close of business on May 14, 2025, to respond.
137. On May 12, 2025, Harvard’s counsel sent Acting General Counsel Mazzara an email observing that the Mazzara Email, like the Records Request before it, “ask[ed] for information outside of 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1), which was cited in the [Records Request].”30 The email asked if Harvard should construe the Mazzara Email “as requesting information under 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(2).” Id. On May 13, 2025, Harvard had not yet heard back from Mr. Mazzara, so its counsel sent Mr. Mazzara a follow-up email again asking whether Harvard should construe the request as one under § 214.3(g)(2). See id.
138. On the morning of May 14, 2025, Mr. Mazzara wrote back, stating: “While many of the records we are seeking and have received may be required to be kept by Harvard pursuant to 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1), our authority to request information is broader. We are requesting records pursuant to all our authorities contained in 8 C.F.R.§ 214 (many of which are also refenced in the letter).” Id.
139. On May 14, 2025, Harvard sent DHS a letter (the “Second Production Letter”) responding to the additional requests made in the Mazzara Email.31 As the Second Production Letter explained, Harvard identified three F-1 visa students who were subject to discipline that resulted in a change of academic status as defined in 8 C.F.R. § 214.3(g)(1)(vi) where the discipline was based on one of the four categories of conduct identified in the Mazzara Email. Id. at 1. For each of these three students, Harvard provided information about the conduct that led to discipline. Id. The Second Production Letter explained that, as to the request for conduct that involved “known deprivation of rights,” Harvard interpreted the phrase in line with federal statutes that “use[d] similar formulations [to] refer to rights secured by the Constitution or statute” and found no students who received discipline on the basis of having “deprived a classmate or university personnel of such rights.” Id. at 2. But the Second Production Letter stated that, if DHS meant “something else” by this phrase, DHS should “let [Harvard] know, and, upon receipt of clarification, [Harvard] will promptly reply in accordance with applicable law.” Id.
140. The Second Production Letter reiterated that Harvard did not wish to voluntarily withdraw its SEVP certification, and asked for notice and an opportunity to be heard before DHS took any adverse action stemming from perceived noncompliance. Id.
I. DHS’s Revocation of Harvard’s Certification141. After submitting the Second Production Letter, Harvard did not hear from DHS for more than a week.
142. Then, on May 22, 2025, Secretary Noem sent Harvard a letter entitled “Harvard’s Student and Exchange Visitor Program Decertification” (the “Revocation Notice”) stating that, “effective immediately, Harvard University’s Student and Exchange Visitor Program certification
is revoked.”32
143. The Revocation Notice, like the Records Request before it, stated that “it is a privilege to enroll foreign students.” The Notice added that “it is also a privilege to employ aliens on campus.” Id. at 1. It asserted that, as a result of Harvard’s “refusal to comply with multiple requests to provide [DHS] pertinent information while perpetuating an unsafe campus environment that is hostile to Jewish students, promotes pro-Hamas sympathies, and employs racist ‘diversity, equity, and inclusion’ policies, [Harvard] ha[s] lost this privilege.” Id.
144. The Revocation Notice acknowledged the profound consequences of decertification. It stated that, effective immediately, “Harvard is prohibited from having any aliens on F- or J- nonimmigrant status for the 2025-2026 academic school year.” Id. It also stated that “[t]his decertification also means that existing aliens on F- or J- nonimmigrant status must transfer to another university in order to maintain their nonimmigrant status.” Id.
145. The Revocation Notice stated that this action was “the unfortunate result of Harvard’s failure to comply with simple reporting requirements.” Id. But the Revocation Notice did not identify any specific “reporting requirements” with which Harvard had failed to comply, and did not cite any of the regulatory provisions governing an SEVP-certified school’s reporting requirements. Id. Instead, the Revocation Notice stated that Harvard had failed to comply with the demands in the Records Request and the Mazzara Email for “information regarding misconduct and other offenses that would render foreign students inadmissible or removable.” Id. But, as explained above, the regulations governing schools’ eligibility for SEVP certification do not require Harvard to maintain records on such information or report it to DHS.
146. The Revocation Notice stated that DHS had revoked Harvard’s certification “to send a clear signal to Harvard and all universities that want to enjoy the privilege of enrolling foreign students, that the Trump Administration will enforce the law and root out the evils of anti-Americanism and antisemitism in society and campuses.” Id.
147. The Revocation Notice offered Harvard no opportunity to defend itself against the withdrawal of its certification, including to present evidence or be heard on its argument that it has complied with the law. See 8 C.F.R. § 214.4(b)-(f). Nor did the Revocation Notice offer Harvard any opportunity to cure the supposed noncompliance prior to revocation of its certification. See 5 U.S.C. § 558(c).
148. The Revocation Notice also provided Harvard no avenue for seeking administrative review of the withdrawal of its certification. See 8 C.F.R. § 214.4(h).
149. Having summarily revoked Harvard’s SEVP certification, the Revocation Notice went on to state that “[i]f Harvard would like the opportunity of regaining [SEVP] certification before the upcoming academic school year, [it] must provide all of the information requested below
within 72 hours”:
1. Any and all records, whether official or informal, in the possession of Harvard University, including electronic records and audio or video footage, regarding illegal activity whether on or off campus, by a nonimmigrant student enrolled in Harvard University in the last five years.
2. Any and all records, whether official or informal, in the possession of Harvard University, including electronic records and audio or video footage, regarding dangerous or violent activity whether on or off campus, by a nonimmigrant student enrolled in Harvard University in the last five years.
3. Any and all records, whether official or informal, in the possession of Harvard University, including electronic records and audio or video footage, regarding threats to other students or university personnel whether on or off campus, by a nonimmigrant student enrolled in Harvard University in the last five years.
4. Any and all records, whether official or informal, in the possession of Harvard University, including electronic records and audio or video footage, regarding deprivation of rights of other classmates or university personnel whether on or off campus, by a nonimmigrant student enrolled in Harvard University in the last five years.
5. Any and all disciplinary records of all nonimmigrant students enrolled in Harvard University in the last five years.
6. Any and all audio or video footage, in the possession of Harvard University, of any protest activity involving a nonimmigrant student on a Harvard University campus in the last five years.
150. These demands seek different—and a broader set of—information than what the Records Request sought. And the Revocation Notice cited no statutory or regulatory authority for these additional demands.
151. Shortly after she sent Harvard the Revocation Notice, Secretary Noem posted an image of the Revocation Notice on X (the “Noem Post”), along with a message stating that “[t]his Administration is holding Harvard accountable for fostering violence, antisemitism, and coordinating with the Chinese Communist Party on its campus.”33
152. DHS also issued a press release (the “Revocation Press Release”) proclaiming: “Harvard University Loses Student and Exchange Visitor Program Certification for Pro-Terrorist Conduct.”34 The Revocation Press Release began by asserting: “Harvard’s leadership has created an unsafe campus environment by permitting anti-American, pro-terrorist agitators to harass and physically assault individuals, including many Jewish students, and otherwise obstruct its once-venerable learning environment. Many of these agitators are foreign students. Harvard’s leadership further facilitated, and engaged in coordinated activity with the CCP, including hosting and training members of a CCP paramilitary group complicit in the Uyghur genocide.” Id. at 1. The Revocation Press Release then quoted the Noem Post in its entirety, adding boldfaced emphasis to the Noem Post’s reference to “the
Chinese Communist Party.” Id.
153. The Revocation Press Release stated that, “[o]n April 16, 2025, Secretary Noem demanded Harvard provide information about the criminality and misconduct of foreign students on its campus.” Id. And it asserted that “Harvard University brazenly refused to provide the required information requested and ignored a follow up request from the Department’s Office of General Council. [sic] Secretary Noem is following through on her promise to protect students and prohibit terrorist sympathizers from receiving benefits from the U.S. government.” Id. The Revocation Press Release also did not identify any specific reporting requirements with which Harvard allegedly failed to comply.
154. The Revocation Press Release stated that “[t]his action comes after DHS terminated $2.7 million in DHS grants for Harvard last month.” Id.
155. The Revocation Press Release then went on to list a number of purported “[f]acts about Harvard’s toxic campus climate,” including allegations of “pervasive race discrimination and anti-Semitic harassment plaguing [Harvard’s] campus.” Id. The Revocation Press Release also stated that, “[i]nstead of protecting its students, Harvard has let crime rates skyrocket, enacted racist DEI practices, and accepted boatloads of cash from foreign governments and donors.” Id. at 2.
156. None of the factual allegations levied against Harvard in the Revocation Notice, Noem Post, and Revocation Press Release have been subjected to the opportunity for rebuttal required under DHS’s process for withdrawal of SEVP certification.
J. The Immediate and Irreparable Harm to Harvard157. The government’s unlawful revocation of Harvard’s longstanding SEVP status is already causing the University immediate and irreparable harm and will lead to a cascade of negative consequences affecting Harvard and its community.
158. First, the government’s actions seriously and immediately disrupt the University’s ongoing, day-to-day operations. International students play vital roles on campus, including as instructors, academic and residential advisors, lab managers, and medical providers. Eliminating the population of F-1 and J-1 students fulfilling these functions will halt important research, hamper the educational experience for students left without teachers or advisors, and deprive the community of medical care. This is particularly true in the STEM fields, where international students contribute significantly to Harvard’s critical research enterprise. The sudden inability to maintain these students’ enrollment jeopardizes ongoing research projects, damages Harvard’s reputation as a world-class research institution, and deprives our nation of the benefits of these vital research projects.
159. Second, the loss of certification irreparably harms Harvard’s ability to compete with other institutions for the most qualified applicants at home and abroad. In our interconnected global economy, a university that cannot welcome students from all corners of the world is at a competitive disadvantage. Harvard’s F-1 and J-1 visa programs are therefore a key factor in maintaining its standing in academia. If DHS’s action is permitted to stand, Harvard will not be able to offer admission to any new visa holder students for at least the next two class years, see 8 C.F.R. § 214.4(i)(1)-(2), and perhaps longer, since once DHS takes the drastic action of withdrawing certification, it forever retains discretion whether to allow Harvard ever to petition for renewed certification, id. § 214.4(a)(2). Even if Harvard were ever to regain certification, future applicants may shy away from applying out of fear of further reprisals from the government.
160. Third, the abrupt revocation of certification impairs the educational experience of all Harvard students by diminishing the global character and overall strength of the institution. This is particularly true for specific programs that offer richer experiences when they feature dialogue between students from different backgrounds. For instance, the Harvard Kennedy School curriculum focuses on global politics, international systems of governance, and similar topics on which F-1 and J-1 visa holders can provide unique and direct commentary. Similarly, Harvard Law School’s LL.M. program is enhanced by the participation of F-1 and J-1 visa holders, who help deepen the community’s understanding of comparative law and foreign legal systems. The loss of these international students materially diminishes the breadth of discussion and debate across the entire Harvard community and further irreparably damages Harvard and its reputation.
161. Fourth, the government’s actions irreparably damage HIO as an institution. Given the importance of the F-1 and J-1 visa programs to Harvard’s educational mission, Harvard has invested substantial resources in HIO programs and personnel to attract and enroll top-tier international students, integrate them into the broader Harvard community, and comply with SEVP requirements. HIO employs 25 professionals with specific expertise in supporting these processes, and many are likely to go elsewhere if DHS’s actions are sustained. That office has an annual budget of $3.44 million, a substantial portion of which is devoted to facilitating the admission of international students and success of Harvard’s visa programs. The revocation of SEVP certification renders much of Harvard’s investment in that office and the visa programs effectively worthless, undermining years of careful institutional planning and resource allocation.
CLAIMS FOR RELIEF
COUNT I
VIOLATION OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURE ACT, 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)
CONTRARY TO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT
FIRST AMENDMENT RETALIATION162. Harvard incorporates by reference the allegations of the preceding paragraphs.
163. Defendants have taken final agency action by issuing the Revocation Notice and summarily revoking Harvard’s SEVP certification. See 5 U.S.C. § 704.
164. Under the APA, a court shall “hold unlawful and set aside agency action … found to be … contrary to constitutional right, power, privilege, or immunity.” Id. § 706(2)(B).
165. The First Amendment provides that the federal government “shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech.” U.S. Const. amend. I. The First Amendment also “prohibits government officials from relying on the threat of invoking legal sanctions and other means of coercion … to achieve the suppression of disfavored speech.” Nat’l Rifle Ass’n of Am. v. Vullo, 602 U.S. 175, 189 (2024) (ellipses in original) (internal quotation marks omitted).
166. Academic freedom is “a special concern of the First Amendment.” Keyishian v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of N.Y., 385 U.S. 589, 603 (1967). Colleges and universities have a constitutionally protected right to manage an academic community and evaluate teaching and scholarship free from governmental interference. This right protects “not only students and teachers, but their host institutions as well.” Asociación de Educación Privada de Puerto Rico, Inc. v. Garcia-Padilla, 490 F.3d 1, 8 (1st Cir. 2007) (quotation marks omitted). 167. Harvard has long exercised its academic freedom by “determin[ing] for itself on academic grounds who may teach” and what they teach. Weinstock v. Columbia Univ., 224 F.3d 33, 47 (2d Cir. 2000) (quotation marks omitted).
168. “As a general matter the First Amendment prohibits government officials from subjecting an [entity] to retaliatory actions for engaging in protected speech.” Nieves v. Bartlett, 587 U.S. 391, 398 (2019) (internal quotation marks omitted). To succeed on a First Amendment retaliation claim, a plaintiff must prove that: (1) it “engaged in constitutionally protected conduct”; (2) it “was subjected to an adverse action by the defendant”; and (3) “the protected conduct was a substantial or motivating factor in the adverse action.” D.B. ex rel. Elizabeth B. v. Esposito, 675 F.3d 26, 43 (1st Cir. 2012).
169. Each of these elements is satisfied here.
170. The demands in the April 11 Demand Letter go to the core of Harvard’s constitutionally protected academic freedom by seeking to assert governmental control over Harvard’s teaching, community, and governance. Accepting these demands would restrict Harvard’s academic “programs,” Ex. 9 at 3, thereby constraining the content Harvard’s faculty may teach students. The demands also require that Harvard modify its hiring and admissions practices to achieve the government’s preferred balance of viewpoints in every “department,” “field,” and “teaching unit.” Id. And they seek to restrict Harvard’s ability to manage its own internal “governance” and “leadership,” requiring Harvard to engage in a “governance reform and restructuring” that “exclusively” “empower[s]” those faculty members who are “most … committed to the changes” outlined in the Demand Letter and “reduc[es] the power held by faculty … and administrators” who are “committed to activism.” Id. at 1.
171. Adhering to the demands would amount to relinquishing control over Harvard’s core academic functions, thereby ceding Harvard’s constitutionally protected academic freedom. Harvard’s refusal to do so, as stated by President Garber in his April 14 Letter to the Harvard Community, is protected by the First Amendment. See Ex. 10.
172. Defendants then subjected Harvard to an adverse action by issuing the Revocation Notice and revoking Harvard’s SEVP certification. That action was adverse: it deprives Harvard of its constitutionally protected property interest in continued certification; prevents Harvard from continuing its robust F-1 and J-1 visa programs, which have long inured to the benefit of the broader Harvard community; damages Harvard’s reputation as a global research institution by preventing the university from attracting top students and faculty from around the world; renders meaningless years of careful institutional planning and resource allocation with respect to its F-1 and J-1 programs; and causes immediate chaos by potentially rendering over a quarter of Harvard’s student body unlawfully present in the United States just days before the end of the spring term and the start of the summer term, without regard to the vital role these students play on campus.
173. Harvard’s protected conduct—the exercise of its academic prerogatives and the refusal to relinquish that freedom—was a substantial or motivating factor for this adverse action. The causal link is clear from the broader context in which the decertification occurred—a series of unprecedented adverse actions, each in contravention of governing statutes and regulations, that began mere hours after Harvard announced it would not comply with the demands.
174. The link between Harvard’s protected conduct and the government’s adverse actions is also clear from the government’s own statements. In the April 16 Press Release, DHS explained that it had issued a “scathing letter”—the Records Request—to Harvard demanding “detailed records on Harvard’s foreign student visa holders’ illegal and violent activities,” because of what the government views as Harvard’s tolerance for “anti-American, pro-Hamas ideology poisoning its campus and classrooms.” The May 22 Revocation Notice makes similar statements, accusing Harvard of “perpetuating an unsafe campus environment that is hostile to Jewish students, promotes pro-Hamas sympathies, and employs racist “‘diversity, equity, and inclusion’ policies” and stating that the Administration will “root out the evils of anti-Americanism and antisemitism in society and campuses.” And in the May 22 Revocation Press Release, DHS stated that Harvard had lost its SEVP certification “for Pro-Terrorist Conduct” and its “toxic campus climate,” not for any regulatory violations, and further stated that the revocation of Harvard’s certification “comes after DHS terminated $2.7 million in DHS grants for Harvard last month,” Ex. 27, at 1—all demonstrating that the revocation of Harvard’s certification is simply one part of the government’s larger scheme of retaliation against Harvard.
175. The surrounding circumstances also make plain that Defendants have withdrawn Harvard’s SEVP certification not for any valid reason, but because they seek to punish the University for its courage in refusing to surrender its independence or relinquish its constitutional rights under the First Amendment.
COUNT II
VIOLATION OF ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURE ACT, 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)
CONTRARY TO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT
FIRST AMENDMENT VIEWPOINT DISCRIMINATION176. Harvard incorporates by reference the allegations of the preceding paragraphs.
177. Defendants have taken final agency action by issuing the Revocation Notice and summarily revoking Harvard’s SEVP certification. See 5 U.S.C. § 704.
178. Under the APA, a court shall “hold unlawful and set aside agency action … found to be … contrary to constitutional right, power, privilege, or immunity.” Id. § 706(2)(B).
179. The First Amendment prohibits the regulation or censure of speech based on “the specific motivating ideology or the opinion or perspective of the speaker.” Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 168-69 (2015) (quoting Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of Univ. of Va., 515 U.S. 819, 829 (1995)). Such government action is a “‘blatant’ and ‘egregious form of content discrimination’” and is subject to strict scrutiny. Id. at 168, 171 (citation omitted). A finding that the government has discriminated based on viewpoint is “all but dispositive” in a First Amendment challenge. Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 564 U.S. 552, 571 (2011).
180. The series of retaliatory actions against Harvard impermissibly seeks to employ viewpoint-based distinctions as a means of correcting the University’s perceived “ideological capture.” Ex. 9 at 1. The Demand Letter expressly classifies Harvard’s community members on the basis of their actual or perceived viewpoints, requiring differential treatment along ideological lines. Defendants’ actions designed to coerce Harvard’s compliance with these demands, including the summary decertification, similarly aim to bring Harvard’s expressive activity (and the expression of Harvard’s community members) more closely in line with the government’s preferred viewpoints. “[T]he concept that government may restrict the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others is wholly foreign to the First Amendment.” Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 48-49 (1976), superseded by statute as stated in McConnell v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 540 U.S. 93 (2003).
181. Defendants’ campaign of retribution against Harvard is expressly viewpoint-based, both in its motivation and its demanded effects. The Demand Letter itself makes plain that its demands are premised on the administration’s perception of Harvard as an institution in the grips of “ideological capture,” whose leadership, faculty, and students lack sufficient “viewpoint diversity.” Ex. 9 at 1-2. And the Press Release, which links those demands to what it touts as a “scathing letter” threatening Harvard’s SEVP certification, doubles down—citing Harvard’s “anti-American … ideology,” its research that supposedly “brand[s] conservatives as far-right dissidents,” and its “public health propaganda.” Ex. 17. And the Revocation Notice and the Revocation Press Release make many of the same points, while failing to identify any failure by Harvard to comply with the regulations governing SEVP certification. In other words, Defendants expressly attribute perceived viewpoints to Harvard and have targeted the University (including its SEVP certification) on that basis.
182. Viewpoint discrimination that is retaliatory cannot be justified by any government interest. After all, the “bare ... desire to harm a politically unpopular group” is not a “legitimate state interest[],” much less a compelling one. City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Ctr., 473 U.S. 432, 446-47 (1985) (ellipsis in original) (internal quotation marks omitted) (emphasis added).
183. In any event, even supposing the revocation of Harvard’s certification served some compelling governmental interest, Defendants cannot reasonably argue that summary withdrawal is the “least restrictive means of achieving” it. Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta, 594 U.S. 595, 607 (2021) (quotation marks omitted). Defendants’ own regulations supply, and indeed require, a less restrictive means of ensuring compliance by SEVP-certified institutions: namely, by following a detailed set of procedures for resolving alleged noncompliance that present opportunities for the institution to cure prior to withdrawal. Defendants failed to follow those procedures and instead summarily revoked Harvard’s certification.
184. These constitutional violations cause immediate, ongoing, and irreparable harm to Harvard.