Re: Ecology in the 20th Century: A History, by Anna Bramwell
Posted: Wed Jan 24, 2018 2:19 am
Part 1 of 2
NOTES
Chapter One
1. For example, Ursula le Guin's feminist utopias; Brian Aldiss's Gaia in Helliconia Winter (London, 1986).
2. The Gaia concept was first made explicit in J.E. Lovelock, Gaia. A New Look at Earth (Oxford, 1979).
3. See Juan Martinez-Alier with Klaus Schlupmann, Ecological Economics. Energy, Environment and Society (Oxford, 1987), pp. 237-9; he also cites T. O'Riordan's bibliography of environmental writings and its focus on Britain and the U.S.A. A. Mohler, in Der Traum von Naturparadies. Anmerkungen zum okologischen Gedankengut (Munich and Berlin, 1978), p. 9, stresses the Protestant character of the 'triangle between San Francisco, Zurich and Stockholm' which he sees as the area where ecological beliefs are found.
4. Anne Chisholm, Philosophers of the Earth. Conversations with Ecologists (London, 1972), p. xi. A. Toynbee, Mankind and Mother Earth (Oxford, 1976), p. 5, introduces his world history with a discussion of the ethical and historical dilemmas offered by biological science. He places his account of great civilizations in a framework of references to the biosphere, man's place among other species as the child of Mother Earth, and man's choice between 'matricide' through misuse of technology, and the overcoming of his 'suicidal, aggressive greed', pp. 595-6. He sees the 'Oikoumene's peasants' as 'saddled with the burden of having to support a superstructure of civilization', p. 591. The sense that real values are produced only by the peasant is fundamental to the ecological thinker. But it is also something that Toynbee has effortlessly absorbed into his otherwise straightforward survey of world history.
5. The Times, 20.10.84.
6. D. Bellamy and B. Quayle, 'The Green Rustling', Sunday Times, 3.2.85. I owe this reference to Geoffrey Ahern's 1985 unpublished paper on modern ecological values.
7. Avner Offer, Property and Politics, 1870-1914 (Cambridge, 1981), chapters 20 and 21.
8. Ibid., p. 341, but d. the reference to Jefferies in Paul Meier, William Morris, the Marxist Dreamer (Hassocks, Sussex, 1978), pp. 68-9, where Jefferies is described, surely correctly, as an inspirer of Morris's utopian Socialism.
9. Mohler, Der Traum von Naturparadies, describes Friedrich Georg Junger as a founding father, although his chronology includes both Rousseau and Darwin. On p. 19, he describes how Junger protested in 1946 against the reconstruction of German industry.
10. D. Pepper, The Roots of Modern Environmentalism (London, 1985).
11. D. Worster, Nature's Economy. The Roots of Ecology (San Francisco, 1977), p. 2.
12. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics.
13. P. Lowe and J. Goyder, Environmental Groups in Politics (London 1983).
14. See M. Allaby and P. Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency (Oxford, 1980), p. 20, and esp. p. 25, and p. 130, 'Carry Carlyle through to Nietzsche and it is but a short step to Hitler.' The authors are clearly disturbed by the connotations of 'back to nature' and the implications as regards Germany, p. 31.
15. F. Nietzsche, 'Ecce Homo' in L. Forster ed. The Penguin Book of German Verse (Harmondsworth, 1974), p. 374, my translation.
16. Heidegger as the metaphysician of ecologism, see G. Steiner, The House of Being', Times Literary Supplement 9.lD.81. Professor Steiner thinks that Heidegger's 'alarm' and then isolation at the prospect of world-wide pollution and alienation was influential in his brief entry into the Nazi Party. Those works of Heidegger which bear most closely on ecological issues seem to date from a later period, during the war in fact. Heidegger's most striking and pessimistic ecological criticism is 'Overcoming Metaphysics', The End of Philosophy (London, 1975), published in German in 1954 but written at the end of the Second World War. For Heidegger's demand that man become the shepherd of the earth, see p. 1099. Surprisingly for its early date, the essay also includes an attack on 'the artificial breeding of human material, based on present-day chemical research' p. 106.
17. A. Bramwell, Blood and Soil. R. Walther Dam? and Hitler's 'Green Party' (Bourne End, 1985).
18. M. Hauner. 'A German Racial Revolution?' Journal of Contemporary History, 1984, vol. 19, p. 685, n. 46.
19. See for example. H. Graml and K-D Henke, eds., Nach Hitler. Der Schwierige Umgang mit Unserer Geschichte. Beitrage van Martin Broszat (Munich, 1985); R. Bessel, ed., Everyday Life in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987); I. Kershaw, The 'Hitler Myth'. Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987).
20. T. Mann, Diaries, 1918-1933 (ed. H. Keston) (London, 1983), passim.
21. Eg., Peter Medawar, Pluto's Republic (Oxford, 1982), pp. 242-51 and 253-62, vigorously attacks the cosmology and philosophy of Teilhard de Chardin and the spiritualism of Arthur Koestler. He warmly supports the economic ecologism expressed in Barbara Ward and Rene Dubois's Only One Earth (London, 1972).
22. The Pol Pot analogy comes to mind from the current fashion for ecology among revolutionaries; e.g., the comment by a 'Senior Officer' in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, 'I have killed many men. What I want now is a degree in ecological and conservation studies.' Daily Telegraph, 1.2.86. A recent attack on nature-based values, which he links with Nazi ideology, is in R. Pois, National Socialism and the Religion of Nature (London, 1985), pp. 155-6; and see the attack on the 'New Right' by the British Association for the Advancement of Science, reported in the Times Higher Education Supplement, 30.8.85, for believing in an 'immutable nature'.
23. B. Moore, Sm., editor of The Ecologist, 1915, 'ecology ... a point of - view', quoted in Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 203; though Worster, p. 391, gives the date as 1920.
Chapter Two
1. C. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore. Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley, 1967), p. 70, and quote, pp. 704-5.
2. Ibid., p. 58.
3. D. Worster, Nature's Economy. The Roots of Ecology (San Francisco, 1977), on White passim, and for gap between name and thing, p. 192.
4. Ibid., p. 20.
5. Lowe and Goyder, Environmental Groups in Politics, p. 16.
6. Ibid., p. 19.
7. Lynn White, The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis' Science, 1967, vol. 155, pp. 1203-7.
8. J. L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London, 1970), p. 249.
9. Susan Griffin, 'Split Culture', in S. Kumar, ed. The Schumacher Lectures (London, 1984), p. 181.
10. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 471-2.
11. R. Bahro, The Logic of Deliverance. On the foundations of an ecological politics (Schumacher Society Lecture), 1986, p. 20.
12. T. Huxley, Science and Culture (London, 1881), pp. 241-6.
13. J.J. Bachofen, Myth, Religion and Mother Right (London, 1967). Harvey Greisman, in 'Matriarchate as Utopia, Myth and Social Theory', Sociology, 1981, vol. 15, pp. 321-6, discusses the emergence of theories of matriarchal origins of civilization, early feminist science fiction, and the re-emergence of matriarchy as part of a campaign against exploitative paternalism. Interestingly, those who toyed with matriarchal theories before Bachofen included John Ray, the biologist.
14. Jost Hermand, 'All Power to the Women: Nazi Concepts of Matriarchy', Journal of Contemporary History, 1984, vol. 19, pp. 649-50: and see P.V. Glob, The Mound People. Danish Bronze-Age Man Preserved (London, 1974).
15. C. Merchant, The Death of Nature. Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (New York, 1980), p. xix.
16. See Greisman, 'Matriarchate', and Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology (London, 1981). Caroline Merchant uses Marxist criticisms of Hobbes as legitimiser of 'possessive individualism', while glorifying mediaeval communalism.
17. Monica Sjoo, 'The Unofficial Herstory of the Externsteine, Ancient Sacred Rocks of Germany', The Pipes of Pan (Journal of Pagans Against Nukes), 1985, no. 19, p. 4.
18. See H. Adams, Mont St Michel and Chartres (New York, 1980)and The Education of Henry Adams; an Autobiography (London, 1961). See too for the cult of the Virgin Mary, Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex (London, 1978).
19. Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 4.
20. R. Bahro, Building the Green Movement (London, 1986), p. 95 An example of the ahistorical polemic of the ecological feminist is the work of the American writer, Susan Griffin. 'Like the Inquisition and the witchburnings, the slave trade began at the time of the scientific revolution, the 16th century', 'Split Culture', p. 191. Like other feminist historical analogies, each of these is inaccurate. The Inquisition was not founded in the sixteenth century. The slave trade goes back as far as recorded human history, as anyone who has heard of the Roman and Greek empire will recall; the Phoenicians and Egyptians had slaves. If we look at the Arab slave trade in Africa, given that Griffin is exclusively concerned with 'the Jew or the Black or the women: (p. 184) as victims of patriarchal oppression, it goes back many centuries before the sixteenth century. Unfortunately, nobody seems prepared to apply the most minimally critical methodology to these polemics.
21. Griffin, 'Split Culture', p. 198.
22. Klaus Thewelweit, Mannerphantasien, 2 vols, (Frankfurt, 1977-8).
23. See B.M. Lane and L. Rupp, Nazi Ideology Before 1933 (Manchester, 1978), pp. 18-26.
24. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 276-7.
25. Quoted by Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 5.
26. Ibid., p. 5. I am not sure why free competition between Indo-European petty kings and warriors and expansion is very different from other prehistorical epochs, e.g. Papua New Guinea, which did not develop capitalism. Compare here Walther Darre, who argued that the robber-baron spirit entered North Western Europe through Teutonic knights, who caught it in Sicily from the Arabs, but claims capitalism was essentially ungermanic.
27. Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 6.
28. R. Graves, The White Goddess (London, 1986), pp. 10, 486. Graves is cited by Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 5.
29. Malcolm Chapman, The Gaelic Vision in Scottish Culture (London, 1978), examines the Celtic myth in Britain.
30. K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World (London, 1983), p. 89.
31. F. Hayek, The Counter-Revolution of Science. Studies in the Abuse of Reason (Glencoe, Illinois, 1952), pp. 51-2, 55-6, 110-11.
32. Ibid., and see especially Hayek's criticisms of Condorcet, Bentham and Comte.
33. H.L. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, (Westport, Conn. , 1977); M. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, (London, 1938); Prenant was Professor of Zoology at the Sorbonne, Paris. There are several recent works which deal with the need to take over the ecological movement for Marxism. Some of the essays in Joe Weston, ed., Red and Green. The New Politics of the Environment (London, 1986), argue this cause forcibly. However, I have confined my examples to Prenant and Parsons because they both, although writing from different scientific disciplines, concentrate on Marx and Engels and biology and ecology specifically. Prenant was published by Lawrence and Wishart, the party-line publishers, which lends it an extra authenticity within that context. Parson's book incorporates and discusses most of the work on Marx and ecologism. An updated New Left interpretation of Marx, ecology and modern German politics is in W. Hiilsberg, The German Greens. A Social and Political Profile (London, 1988).
34. 'Thus, Marx and Engels had an understanding of an approach to ecology before ... Haeckel coined the term Oekologie in 1869, and long before the current 'ecological crisis', Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, p. xi. Engels included Haeckel in his plan of the contents of Dialectics of Nature (written 1873-1882), see Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 15, (London, 1987), p. 314., but did not write the section.
35. Ibid. intro., passim.
36. Ibid., pp. 8-10.
37. F. Engels, Dialectics of Nature, pp. 330- 1, my italics. Engels argues in this work, p. 323, that the first breach with a rigid concept of nature appeared in 1755, with Kant's work, Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels. Although Engels emphasises man's superiority over the animals in his ability to control nature, he also comments on the environmental damage done by man's actions, pp. 460-1.
38. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, p. 44. In 'The German Ideology', Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 5 (London, 1976), pp. 39-40, Marx attacks Feuerbach's concept of a 'harmony of all parts of the sensuous world and especially of man and nature'. Marx comments that the natural world is 'an historical product' an ever-varying thing, created by man's labour. He argues that the 'celebrated "unity of man with nature" has always existed in industry ... and so has the struggle of man with nature, right up to the development of his productive forces on a corresponding basis.' This vision of struggle rests on a rejection of the idea of a benevolent nature. It seems to me to be opposed to ecological thinking.
39. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, pp. 47, 49.
40. F. Engels, Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. In the Light of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, Marx, Engels, Selected Works, vol. 3 (Moscow, 1970), p. 331, quoted by Prenant, Biology and Marxism, p. 64. Hermand, 'All Power to the Women', p. 653, shows how Engels drew on Bachofen. Engels' own preface to the fourth German edition of Origin of the Family, op. cit., pp. 194-6, stresses the importance of Bachofen.
41. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, pp. 40-1.
42. Quoted by David Mitrany, Marx Against the Peasant. A Study in Social Dogmatism (New York, 1961), p. 91.
43. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, pp. 40-1.
44. K. Marx, 'The British Rule in India', Marx and Engels. Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy (London, 1969), pp. 517-18; we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition, enslaving it beneath traditional rules ... We must not forget the barbarian egotism which, concentrating on some miserable patch of land, had quietly witnessed the ruin of empires ... We must not forget that this undignified, stagnatory and vegetative life, that this passive sort of existence evoked on the other part, in contradistinction, wild, aimless, unbounded forces of destruction and rendered murder itself a religious rite ... We must not forget that these little communities were contaminated by distinctions of caste, and by slavery, that they subjugated man to external circumstances instead of elevating man into the sovereign of circumstances, that they transformed a self-developing social state into a never changing natural destiny, and thus brought about a brutalising worship of nature.
See too F. Engels, 'On Social Condition in Russia', Basic Writings, pp. 507- 8, ascribing 'Oriental despotism' in Russia, India and other nations to the low level of development induced by the communal ownership of land characteristic of peasant society.
45. Point 9 of the Communist Manifesto in Marx and Engels. Basic Writings, p. 70.
46. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, p. 42.
47. Mitrany, Marx against the Peasant, pp. 36-7.
48. M. Almond, unpublished seminar paper delivered to the Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, Oxford, 1986, and Thomas on Schopenhauer, Man and the Natural World, p. 23.
49. K. Marx, 'On the Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature', Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 1 (London, 1975), pp. 29-105. Compare to Marx's dislike of rural idiocy the telling passage in ultra-libertarian, pro-capitalist Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged (New York, 1957), pp. 266-7, when the heroine and her lover drive into an abandoned industrial area, covered now with trees and bushes. There are no bill-boards. They view the scene with horror. Of those who complain that bill-boards ruin the country-side, the heroine muses They're the people I hate.' Later they spot a derelict petrol pump. The horror of the trees and shrubs is all the greater. Rand fears nature as the voracious destroyer of human energy and individual initiative; Marx fears it because it endangers his vision of historically- determined progress. There is more in common between Marx and Randian libertarians than the parasitical symbiosis between Marxism and capitalism. The dislike of environmental and rural values is one such factor.
50. Quoted in Michael Allaby and Peter Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency (Oxford, 1980), p. 45; the practical problems of ploughing virgin soil, by hand, are obviously unknown to Mumford. With a wobbly strip of upturned soil constantly falling back, grass upwards, only the most determined Freudian could have seen anything phallic in the exercise. Ploughing, in any case, followed hand cultivation; it did not precede it.
51. For example, Jean Auel's best-selling series, Earth's Children places 35,000 BC Cro Magnon man as potentially more destructive than the earlier Homo Sapiens he replaced. Her tribes inhabit a matriarchal system, based on the worship of the Mother Goddess, where rape and violence are virtually unknown. The series is well-researched and claims a certain scholarly status. In C Harness, The Paradox Men (London, 1949) the hero, in order to save mankind from nuclear extermination, returns through time to the dawn of the Palaeolithic era, to prevent the extermination of Neanderthal man by Cro- Magnon man. He believes that if this turning-point can be averted, paternalist violence will not triumph in later millenia.
Chapter Three
1. That is not to say that comparisons between human and animal societies were not made before the 1880s: Mandeville's Fable of the Bees does so, but the starting point is the fabulous nature of animals. Neither Condorcet nor Burke, for example, look at the 'natural world' as natural scientists.
2. R.C Stauffer, 'Haeckel, Darwin and Ecology', Quarterly Review of Biology, 1957, vol. 32 pp. 138-44. The OED gives 1873 as the first mention of the word, while Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 192, gives 1866. CJ. van der K1aauw's detailed search for the origins of ecology gives similar definitions under the title of ethology and economy, but no earlier use of the word, in CJ. van der Klaauw, 'Zur Geschichte der Definition der Oekologie .. .', Sudhoffs Archiv fur die Geschichte Medizin, 1936, vol. 29, pp. 136- 77. The authorities seem to agree on Haeckel as the first user of the word, and a date of either 1866 or 1873. However, Thoreau mentions 'Ecology', in conjunction with Botany and in a context that suggests a plant or geological science. This reference appears in a letter written in 1858 (see his collected Letters (New York, 1958) p. 502) but was not published until 1958. The OED 1971 Supplement contains it. Thoreau was a classical Greek scholar - he translated Sophocles' Seven Against Thebes. Did he coin the word himself from the Greek root Gikos, meaning home? K1aauw suggests that one early meaning of ecology is bio-geographics, the homeland of the plant and animal, and this meaning would explain the parallel 'invention' of the word. Another possibility is that the word was already in use in America, but had escaped the notice of dictionaries and historians of biology. D. Worster's examination of Thoreau's link with ecology, Nature's Economy, pp. 59-111, does not refer to a contemporary use of 'ecology'. F. Egerton comments in 'A Bibliographical Guide to the History of General Ecology and Population Ecology', History of Science 1977, vol 15, p. 195 that, according to Walter Harding, one of the editors of Thoreau's correspondence, the correct reading of the manuscript shows 'Geology' and not 'Ecology'.
3. Stauffer, 'Haeckel, Darwin and Ecology', p. 140. See also D.R. Stoddard, 'Darwin's Impact on Geography', Annals of the Association of American Geographers 1966, vol 56, p. 688, which has a reference to 'Haeckel's new science of ecology' dated 1869.
4. See D.F. Owen, What is Ecology (Oxford, 1980), pp. 1-28.
5. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 198.
6. Van der Kiaauw, 'Zur Geschichte', pp. 139-40.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. M.B. Petrovich, The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism, 1856-1870 (New York, 1956), p. 66.
10. A Yanov, The Russian Challenge (Oxford and New York, 1987), p. 47. This collection is given the title 'Political and Economic Essays' (the Russian title in both references varies accordingly) in Robert MacMaster's bibliography in Danilevsky. A Russian Totalitarian Philosopher (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 319. Danilevsky is discussed at greater length in Chapter Four.
11. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 193.
12. W. Johnson, Gilbert White (London, 1928, this edition 1978), p. 58, and see also Keith Tribe, Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London, 1978), pp. 81-2, on Aristotle and the oekonomie of the French physiocrats.
13. J. Durant, 'Innate Character in Animals and Man: a Perspective on the Origins of Ethology', in C. Webster, ed., Biology, Medicine and Society, 1840-1940 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 162.
14. Wilhelm B6lsche, Haeckel, His Life and Work (London, 1909); R. Chickering, We Men who feel most German. The Pan- German League, 1886-1914 (London, 1984), pp. 146 and 150n; P. Weindling, "Darwinism us' and the Secularization of German Society', in J.R. Moore, ed., The Humanity of Evolution. Perspectives in the History of Evolutionary Naturalism (Cambridge, 1989). For his early Protestantism, see E. Haeckel, Story of the Development of a Youth. Letters to his Parents, 1852-1856 (New York, 1923).
15. E. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life (London, 1905), p. 157.
16. E. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science. The Confession of Faith of a Man of Science (London and Edinburgh, 1894), pp. 1-5.
17. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, pp. 7, 9.
18. Ibid., pp. 16-24.
19. Ibid., pp. 17, 49-50, 62-3.
20. E. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe (London, 1900), p. 363.
21. Haeckel, Riddle, pp. 359-60, 365, 389.
22. J. Durant argues that Catholicism was more anti-nature, in 'The Meaning of Evolution. Post-Darwinian Debates on the Significance for Man of the Theory of Evolution, 1858-1908', Ph.D. Thesis, Cambridge, 1977;C. Merchant, Death of Nature, pp. l0-11, 16-18, describes a Neoplatonist tradition of a female cosmos, and an alchemist belief in an androgynous god deriving from gnostic texts.
23. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 27.
24. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 152-3.
25. R. Gruner, 'Science, Nature and Christianity', Journal of Theological Studies, 1975 vol. 26, pp. 55-81. A recent example is P. Santmire, Travail of Nature. Ambiguous Ecological Promises of Christian Theology (n. p. , 1985), which argues that the view of Christianity as anti-ecological is over-simplified, and that pro-ecological strands exist. I owe this reference to Trevor Williams, of Trinity College, Oxford. See Sean McDonagh, To Care for the Earth (London, 1986), who argues that the Catholic Church should take up the challenge of ecological decay. This book, by a Franciscan monk, has a good historical summary of naturist ideas. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, eds, God and Nature. Historical Essays on the Encounter Between History and Science (Berkeley and London, 1986), survey the debate to this date.
26. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 29.
27. Durant, 'The Meaning of Evolution', p. 10.
28. C. Darwin, The Origin of Species (London, 1859), p. 63.
29. T. Huxley, quoted in Durant, 'The Meaning of Evolution', p. 19.
30. Ibid., p. 31.
31. See for Carrel p. 121 below; P. Carus, The Surd of Metaphysics (Chicago and London, 1905), pp. 75-7, and The Monist, 1890-1, vol. 1, pp. 229ff, 552ff.
32. N.R. Holt, Ernst Haeckel's Monist Religion'. Journal of the History of Ideas, 1971, vol. 32, p. 272.
33. T.H. Huxley, Science and Culture (London, 1881), pp. 232-3, 241-6.
34. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 202; Bolsche described as a reactionary, p. 203.
35. Joseph le Comte, The Monist, 1890-1, vol.1, pp. 334-5.
36. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, p. 64.
37. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life, pp. 48-50.
38. Ibid.
39. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, pp. 64.
40. Ibid., p. 82; Haeckel, Riddle of the Universe, p. 352.
41. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life, p. 137.
42. A. Kelly, The Descent of Darwin. The Popularization of Darwin in Germany, 1890-1914 (Chapel Hill, 1981), p. 121.
43. Ibid., pp. 17-18; the reference to Vogt and terrorism I owe to Mark Almond, of Wolfson College, Oxford.
44. Ibid., pp. 38-9, 127.
45. Ibid., pp. 39, 108, 127.On August Fore/, D. Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism. Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League (London and New York, 1971), pp. 103 n. 52, 145.
46. For Ossietsky and Hirschfeld, see Kelly, Descent of Darwin, pp. 120-1; W. Ostwald, Natural Philosophy (London and New York, 1911), p. 185, 'the present social order is 'barbarous' ... 'progress depends much less upon the leadership of a few distinguished individuals than upon the collective labor of all workers.' He foretold 'a time ... when the social organization therefore demands and strives for as thorough an equalization as possible in the conditions of existence of all men'.
47. Schopenhauer, in The World as Will and Idea, vol 2, quoted in H. Driesch, The History and Theory of Vitalism (London, 1914), p. 121.
48. C.K. Ogden, intro. to Driesch, History and Theory of Vitalism, p. v; Soil Association members and Driesch, see V. Payne, 'A History of the Soil Association', M.A. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1971, p. 59.
49. K. Popper, Unended Quest. An Intellectual Biography (London, 1982) p. l37. Popper describes Schrodinger as inspired by Schopenhauer, p. 135.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Coincidentally, a von Uexkull is today a representative of the German Greens, and founder of a Right Living Foundation at Bradford University. See p. 272 below.
53. W. Kohler, The Mentality of Apes (London, 1973). Lorenz himself, in Behind the Mirror. A Search for a Natural History of Human Knowledge (New York and London, 1977), p. I28, ascribes this comment to Karl Bohler.
54. A. Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz (London, 1976), p. 21.
55. Conversation with Sir Charles Elton, January, 1987.
56. K. Lorenz, On Aggression (London 1966); ibid., King Solomon's Ring. New Light on Animal Ways (London, 1952). In the introduction to the latter by W. Thorpe, Lorenz is quoted as saying that behaviourists could never have asserted that complex behaviour patterns were conditioned if they had only once reared a young bird in isolation, and referred to his disillusionment at finding out that the 'great authorities' were wrong, p. xviii. Bruce Chatwin in 1974 (Sunday Times, 1.12.74) suggested that a 1942 article of Lorenz's, which was decorated with pictures of Greek statues, expressed Nazi ideology about race, Aryans and physical beauty. The question of Lorenz's Nazi membership after 1938, and his articles of that period, is discussed by Alec Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz. He argues, pp. 81-5, 87, that serious mistranslations and selective quotations by North American scientists of a 1940 paper were the basis for attacks on Lorenz but adds, pp. 134-5, that Lorenz's war-time work uses Nazi terminology. Theodora Kalikow adopts Gasman's misleading interpretation of Haeckel as a volkisch, anti-Enlightenment precursor of Nazism. She argues that Lorenz certainly read of Haeckel via Bolsche, and therefore shares his proto-Nazi qualities, in 'Die ethologische Theone von Konrad Lorenz', in, H. Mehrtens and S. Richter, eds., Naturwissenschaft, Technik und NS-Ideologie. Beitrage zur Wissenschaft des Dritten Reichl's (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1980), p. 198. As an example of the allegations, Lorenz's 1935article suggesting that domesticated animals become over-specialised and need influxes of 'wild' genes to improve them is presented as a Nazi theory. But the Nazis did not think that domesticated man should be improved by genes from wild stock, quite the contrary. If Lorenz is supposed to have been implicitly and subtly toadying to Nazi ideas, why should he not have done so openly and explicitly? Lorenz's use of physical beauty as a genetic marker in 1940and 1942 was not presented as an exclusivist racial argument but as an argument against domesticisation.
57. See papers by Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 'Ritual and ritualization from a biological perspective' and by Paul Ekman, 'About brows; emotional and conversational signals', in M. von Cranach, K. Fopa, W. Lepenies and D. Ploog, eds., Human Ethology. Claims and Limits of a New Discipline (Cambridge and Paris, 1979).
58. Lorenz, Behind the Mirror, pp. 178, 233.
59. Ibid., pp. 174-82.
60. Ibid., pp. 175, 178-9, 245.
61. Ibid., p. 245.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid., pp. 129, 183, 248-9.
64. Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz, p. 176. Since writing this book, Konrad Lorenz's The Waning of Humaneness (London, 1988), has appeared, in which he specifically addresses environmental and ecological questions, and stresses his ecological sympathies.
65. Lorenz, Behind the Mirror, p. 21; nature of man, 148-9.
66. Ibid., pp. 148-9.
67. D. Stoddard, Oil Geography (Oxford, 1986), p. 240.
68. Ibid., p. 237.
69. Chisholm, Conversations with Ecologists, p. 237; K. Boulding, The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth' in H. Jarret, ed., Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy (Baltimore, 1966).
70. Quoted in Stoddart, On Geography, pp. 231-7.
71. J. Grinevald, 'Vernadsky and Lotka as source for Georgescu-Roegen's Economics', draft paper delivered to the Second Vienna Conference on Economics and Ecology, Barcelona, 1987.
72. For the pessimism of Henry Adams and an account of Bernard Brunhes, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 126.
73. For Henry Adams' theory of history and energy, see The Education of Henry Adams (London, 1961), pp. 474-98.
74. For the argument that trees have standing, see CD. Stone, 'Should Trees have Standing?', Southern California Law Review, 1972, vol. 45, cited and discussed in Thomas, Man and the Natural world, p. 302,; the standard text on animal rights is P. Singer, Animal Liberation (London, 1976), while J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature. Ecological Problems and Western Traditions (London, 1974), sets the problem in philosophical perspective. The argument that affection for the weak and powerless is linked with aggression is made by Yi-Fu Tuan in Dominance and Affection. The Making of Pets (New Haven, 1984). His point is that domesticating and civilizing natural objects, even rivers, streams and plants, involves force and a violent change to their nature that expresses a fundamental sadism on the part of the perpetrator (farmer, gardener). To anyone who has shuddered at the sight of a bonsai tree the argument carries a certain force.
Chapter Four
1. On the implication of the second law of thermo-dynamics, a considerable literature has appeared since the late 1960s. A good source for the contemporary discussion is N. Georgescu-Roegen. The Entropy Law and the Economic Process (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). His theory resembles the earlier work discussed in H. Daly The Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', History of Political Economy, 1980, vol 12, pp. 469-88. Georgescu-Roegen wrote the afterword to J. Rifkind and T. Howard's Entropy. A New World View (London, 1985), which delivers the ecological energy critique in a green context; see Chapter 11 below. See too J. Raumoulin, 'L'Homme et la Destruction des Ressources Naturelles. La Raubwirtschaft au tournant du siecle', Annales, Intersciences, 1984, vol. 39, pp. 798-819.
2. W. Ostwald, Natural Philosophy (London and New York, 1911), p. 184.
3. The eighteenth-century writer, Jean Baptiste Say; his 'law' that factors of production must always equal factors of consumption (the so-called circular-flow theory) helped to confirm the optimistic assumptions of the neoclassical economists about the long-term efficiencies of the market.
4. M. Breitbart, 'Peter Kropotkin, the Anarchist Geographer', in D.R. Stoddart, ed., Geography, Ideology and Social Concern (Oxford, 1981), p. 40.
5. Podolinsky, the Ukrainian landowner, populist and socialist, constructed a table of energy inputs and concomitant production for French agriculture. He allowed 2550 kcal. per kilogramme of wood, hay and straw, and 3750 kcal. per kilogramme of wheat. The energy inputs of man and horses were also granted a calorific value. He concluded that forest and natural pastures produced wood and hay for nil energy input, while sown hay and wheat produced roughly twenty and ten times as much respectively as the calorific value of the energy used in the production process. See Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 48. For Bernal and Muller, see W.H. G. Armytage, Yesterday's Tomorrows (London, 1968), pp. 150-2.
6. Pseudo J.J. Conington, Nordington's Million (London, 1923). One unintentionally ironic passage shows a recruiting agent sent to a cannibalistic, famine-ridden London. The hero travels from one side of London to the other in safety, through the simple expedient of wearing a Red Cross armband.
7. A. Trollope, He Knew He Was Right (St Lucia, Queensland, 1974), pp. 220-1, expressed the more conventional point of view: that of the Victorian gentleman faced with intensive Italian peasant cultivation, catch-crops and intercropping. On this side of the house the tilled ground, either ploughed or dug with the spade, came up to the windows. There was hardly even a particle of grass to be seen .... The occupiers of Casalunga had thought more of the produce of their land than of picturesque or attractive appearance.
8. E. de Lavelaye, 'Land System of Belgium and Holland' in (Cobden Club), Systems of Land Tenure in Various Countries (London, 1870), pp. 242-3.
9. Allaby and Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency, p. 31.
10. De Lavelaye, op. cit., p. 229.
11. Readers who have encountered Marx's animadversions on capitalist agriculture, which plundered the graveyards of Europe for bones to nourish the soil of England, will be relieved that this adventurism was not in fact confined to the likes of Turnip Townshend.
12. On Rousseau and the peasants, and his erroneous observation on the living conditions of free and unfree peasants on the two sides of Lake Geneva, see D.G. Charlton, New Images of the Natural in France. A Study in European Culture (Cambridge, 1984), p. 192.
13. K. Hamsun, Growth of the Soil (tr. W. Worster) (London, 1980), pp. 316-17.
14. De la Vigne Eckmannsdorf, 'Blut und Boden', paper sent to Walther Darre, 7.12.31, Federal Archives, Koblenz, NL94/1.
15. Von Bernhardi, Versuch einer Kritik der Grunde die fur grosses und kleines Grundeigentum sprechen (St Petersburg, 1849); examples of the doctoral theses are, Huschke, 'Landwirtschaftliche Reinertragsberechnungen bei Klein- Mittel- und Grossbetriebe' (lena, 1902); Luberg, 'Vergleichende Untersuchungen uber Wirtschaftsergebnisse und Wirtschaftsbedingungen kleiner, mittlerer und grosser Besitzungen unter dem Einfluss niedriger Getreidepreise' (Allenstein, 1898); Stumpfe, 'Uber die Konkurrenzfahigkeit des kIeinen und mittleren Grundbesitzes genentiber dem Grossgrundbesitze', Thiels Landwirtschaftliche Jahrbucher (1896); Klawki, 'Uber die Konkurenzfahigkeit des landwirtschaftlichen Kleinbetriebes', Thiels Landwirtschaftliche Jahrbucher (1899);Dr Julius Faucher on the Russian mir, 'Russian Agrarian Legislation of 1861', in (Cobden Club), op. cit., R. Drill, 'Soll Deutschland seinen ganzen Getreide bedarf selbst produzieren?' Inaug. Diss., Munich and Stuttgart, 1895.
16. For a discussion of Gladstone and Ireland, and Balfour's support of state-aided land purchase for English smallholders in 1909, see Offer, Property and Politics, p. 357; example of Irish land reform, and need to avert possible Socialism in Great Britain by land redistribution, Long to Balfour, September, 1910, Offer, op. cit., p. 362; Lord Salisbury supports Joseph Chamberlain and the Smallholding Act of 1892, Offer, op. cit., p. 353.
17. Offer, Property and Politics, p. 351; J.S. Mill on emigration scheme, E.S. Halevy, The Philosophic Radicals (London, 1972), pp. 60-2.
18. Outline of Lloyd George's proposals, Offer, Property and Politics, p. 360. The comparison with the British Union of Fascists is my own.
19. Breitbart, 'Kropotkin, Anarchist Geographer', p. 140, describes how Kropotkin was honoured by a special banquet of the Royal Geographical Society of Great Britain in the 1890s. See G. Woodcock and I. Avakumovic, Kropotkin, the Anarchist Prince (London, 1950) p. 59, for Kropotkin's reaction to the failure to carry out other reforms he advocated, through vested interests, bureaucratic sloth and squandering of money.
20. Ludwig von Mises attacked Kropotkin for this interpretation in Socialism. An Economic and Sociological Analysis (London 1936), p. 319; 'a fact which clearly exposes the decay of sociological thought in recent decades is that people now begin to combat sociological Darwinism by pointing to examples of mutual aid (symbiosis). Kropotkin, a defiant antagonist of liberal social theory, ... found among animals the rudiment of social ties and set these in opposition to conflict.'
21. Breitbart, 'Kropotkin, Anarchist Geographer', p. 139.
22. Cf. Resurgence, 1986, no. 118. The whole number is devoted to 'Education on a Human Scale'.
23. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (London, 1940), refers to Kropotkin, pp. 339-40. C Ward, in a stimulating commentary on and introduction to P. Kropotkin, Fields, Factories and Workshops (London, 1985), p. v, discusses Kropotkin's relevance to today's ecologists; also p. 195 on Ebenezer Howard; p. 81 on Blatchford.
24. Thomas Jefferson, communication from Heinz Haushofer; J.Q. Adams, Letters from Silesia (London, 1800).
25. J. von Thunen, The Isolated State (London, 1966), pp. 229, 246. 26. Attack on marginalist economics, see K. Tribe and A. Hussein, unpublished paper presented at a Conference on German Rural History, University of East Anglia, 1979; N. Vlengels, 'Thunen als deutscher Sozialist', Jahrbuch fiir National-Oekonomie, 1941, vol. 153, pp. 339-62. The University of Rostock organized a bicentennial celebration of Von Thunen in 1982.
27. Von Thunen expressed a stadial theory of history. In his introduction to the second part of The Isolated State, pp. 246-58, he argued that: An ancient myth pervades our agricultural writings that whatever the stage of social development, there is one valid farming system only, - as though every system that is more simple, every enterprise that adopts extensive methods to economise on labour, were proof of the practising farmer's ignorance ... A human being changes at the various stages of his life - how much more so will the succeeding generations be different from their predecessors.
28. Ibid., p. 194.
29. Ibid., p. 252.
30. Ibid., pp. 245-7.
31. For the debate in Germany over protectionism and agriculture versus industry, see K. Barkin, The Controversy over German industrialisation 1890-1902 (Chicago, 1972); for Rodbertus, the only English work is C. Gonner, The Social Philosophy of Rodbertus (London, 1899); G. Ruhland wrote a pamphlet on the evils of speculation and the futures market, which is supposed to have caused the closing down of the Berlin futures market, see CW. Smith, introduction to G. Ruhland, The Ruin of the World's Agriculture and Trade (London, 1896). For Ehrenberg and the Thunen-Archiv, see Haushofer, Ideengeschichte der Agrarwirtschaft und Agrarpolitik, vol. 2, Vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis zur Gegenwart (Bonn, 1958), p. 40.
32. C. Rose, 'Wilhelm Dilthey's Philosophy of Historical Understanding. A Neglected Heritage of Continental Humanistic Geography', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, p. 99.
33. Details about Ratzel and other geographers are from Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 798- 801. The comments are my own.
34. G.S. Dunbar, 'Eli see Reclus, an Anarchist in Geography', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, p. 157.
35. G. Woodcock, Anarchism. A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Harmondsworth, 1975), p. 150; T. Zeldin, France, 1848-1945. Intellect and Pride (Oxford, 1980), p. 35; Dunbar, 'Eli see Reclus', op. cit., pp. 156, 161-2. I am grateful to Lord Beloff for the reference to Reclus and the Russian geographers.
36. Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 799-800.
37. Ibid., pp. 803 ff. Colin Ross, Das Unvollendete Kontinent (Leipzig, 1930), and see Modris Ekstein, 'When Death was Young ... German Modernism and the Great War', in H. Pogge von Strandmann, A. Nicholls, et. aI., eds., Ideas into Politics (London, 1985), pp. 25, 33.
38. Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 803, 807.
39. R. MacMaster, Danilevsky. A Russian Totalitarian Philosopher (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 80. See also pp. 17, 22-7, 51, 78-9; the stadial theory of human history, pp. 7, 81-2, 93, 95, 102-3; Danilevsky abandons Comte, p. 169; on evolution, p. l72.
40. For Danilevsky as a major figure in Pan-Slavism, theoretician of history, botanist and ichthyologist, see M. B. Petrovich, The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, 1856-1870 (New York, 1956), esp. pp. 65-75.
41. P. Boardman, The Worlds of Patrick Geddes (London, 1978), pp. 9, 404-5.
42. Ibid., p. 405.
43. P. Geddes, Cities in Evolution (London, 1915), passim; P. Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology. The Life and Letters of Patrick Geddes (Westport, Conn. , 1979), pp. 153-5. Notes to pp. 74-83
44. Geddes' two articles are quoted and discussed in Boardman, Worlds of Patrick Geddes, pp. 404-5.
45. L. Mumford, The Culture of Cities (London, 1940), p. 302.
46. Ibid., p. 495-6.
47. B.T. Robson, 'Geography and Social Science. The Role of Patrick Geddes', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, pp. 187, 204. On the other hand, Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology, p. 204, stresses Geddes' support for the cottage garden city ideal as opposed to apartment settlements: he preferred cottages to flats.
48. Robson, 'Geography and Social Science', p. 204.
49. Boardman, Worlds of Patrick Geddes, p. 405; on Graser, see M. Green, Mountain of Truth. The Counter Culture Begins. Ascona, 1900-1920 (Hanover and London, 1986), p. 53.
50. Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology, p. 155.
51. N. Pevsner, quoted in David Watkin, Morality and Architecture (Oxford, 1977), p. 95. Pevsner was an advocate of Jugendstil, or Art Nouveau. The style was attacked in its day as decadent, alien and destructive. Pevsner became a Modernist, emigrated to Britain, and ended as a famous architectural savant and historian. He ceaselessly argued on behalf of unpopular modern architecture. More damagingly, he tried to write out of history those English architects who did not accept this tradition, or who, like Lutyens, could not be fitted into this picture.
52. Watkin, Morality and Architecture, p. 95. Watkin stresses that Pevsner would not have wished to identify himself with either Bolshevism or National Socialism.
53. Ibid., p. 88.
54. Ibid., p. 89.
55. H. Agar with Lewis Mumford, City of Man. A Declaration of World Democracy (New York, 1940).
56. Mumford, Culture of Cities, p. 388, and see also ppA95-6.
57. Mumford, Culture of Cities, pp. 495-6.
58. G. Auty, Spectator, 26.10.85.
59. Daly, 'The Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', p. 469. See also Martinez- Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 140-1.
60. F. Soddy, Cartesian Economics (London, 1922), p. 2; Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 129-35.
61. Soddy does not seem to have speculated that the 'capital' aspect of corn lay in its use as seed corn, and the long-term planning and activity needed to plant and harvest it.
62. Gasman, Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 69, see especially connection between Ostwald's remarks on the sun and poems and solstice ceremonies. For the complex connections between mysticism and scientific materialism, see N. Goodrick-Clarke's discussion of Lanz von Liebenfels attraction to 'idealistic monism', The Occult Roots of Nazism (London, 1985), p. 102. For Ostwald's theories of energy, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 183-6.
63. Soddy, Cartesian Economics, pp. 22, 30.
64. Daly, 'Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', pp. 476-81.
65. For Soddy and solar energy, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 136-7.
66. Ibid., p. 142.
67. Soddy, Cartesian Economics, p. 7.
68. Ibid., p. 15. Soddy paraphrased Ruskin's Unto This Last as follows; Ruskin appears to have had a very much clearer conception of the real nature of wealth than either earlier or later economists. He points out ... that the art of becoming rich was to get more relatively than other people, so that those with less may be available as the servants and employees of those with more. In this acute and original analysis of the real nature of the individual's wealth-power over the lives and the labour of others - Ruskin disclosed probably the most important difference between the interests of the individual and the interests of the State, and the main reason why the mastery of man over nature has hitherto resulted in so meagre a contribution to the perfection of human life. ... Of what use are the discoveries of scientific men of new modes and more ample ways of living so long as the laws of human nature turn all the difficultly won wealth into increased power of the few over the lives and labours of the many?
69. Ibid., p. 32.
70. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 144-8. He argues, pp. 145-7, that the resource economics technocrats 'realised that the ecological approach' led to 'egalitarian principles of distribution. '
71. K. Popper, Unended Quest. An Intellectual Biography (London, 1982), pp. 11, 127. See also pp. 12-13, where Popper mentions that 'Popper-Lynkeus had a considerable following among the Monists of Vienna'; a comment which adds weight to my interpretation of Monist politics, see Chapter 3 above.
72. See J. Weston, ed., Red and Green. The New Politics of the Environment (London, 1986), and M. Bookchin, Post-Scarcity Anarchism (Berkeley, 1971).
73. Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever, Speaker for the green section in the Baden-Wurttemberg Landtag between 1980 and 1984, Die Zeit, 2.5.86.
74. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 199-206.
75. Early anarchist programmes are described in A. Masters, Bakunin (London, 1975), pp. 250-2, 'On Building the New Social Order', programme by James Guillaume, and Bakunin's The Revolutionary Catechism, pp. 168-9. Masters discusses Bakunin's sympathy for peasants, greater than that of Marx, pp. 103-4.
76. A.V. Chayanov, A Theory of Peasant Economy (ed. D. Thorner et al.) (Madison, Wisconsin, 1986).
77. Information in a paper circulated by A. Stobart.
78. G. Stapledon, Disraeli and the New Age (London, 1943), pp. 116-17.
79. Ibid., p. 20.
80. Ibid., pp. 49-50.
81. Ibid., p. 133.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid., p. 115.
84. Ibid., p. 1l6. Stapledon's biographer, Robert Waller, argues in his introduction to Stapledon's Human Ecology (London, 1964), p. 34, that by 1945 Stapledon had changed his 1912 belief in technology as a weapon of construction, and no longer defined himself as a social engineer. However, on p. 62 of his 1964 book, written some years before publication, Stapledon called for more planning. His aim was to 'steer a middle course between the all-out. .. ruralism and craftsmanship of the countryside as depicted by ... men like Hugh Massingham and Rolf Gardiner and ... the all-out mechanization of agriculture and industrialization and urban alienation'. He wanted to define the correct balance between land and nature on the one hand, and 'concrete, the artificial and creature comforts' on the other. Stapledon's belief that the destiny of man trembled in the balance until this dilemma was solved is an example of early apocalyptic nullity.
85. Stapled on, Disraeli, p. 123.
86. See for example, J. Beresford, The Long View (London, 1944).
Chapter Five
1. See W.H.G. Armytage, Yesterday's Tomorrows. A Historical Survey of Future Societies (London, 1968), and F.E. and F.P. Manuel, Utopian Thought in the Western World (Oxford, 1979), for an interesting survey of utopias; the Manuels' book looks most closely at Europe between 1500-1800, with some coverage of the nineteenth century.
2. For a contemporary account of radical communities of the United States in the nineteenth century, see Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the US (New York, 1875; this edition New York, 1960). For the Doukhoubours, see George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Doukhoubours (London, 1968).
3. Andrew Rigby, Communes in Britain (London, 1974), pp. 2-3. A study of these groups would be informative for the sociologist or anthropologist, but such studies have for the most part been undertaken by 'believers' (as with Andrew Rigby, historian of alternative hippy communes, whose books are redolent of such phrases as 'where it's at', and 'getting it together'). The excellent study by Lawrence Veysey, The Communal Experience. Anarchist and Mystical Counter-Cultures in America (New York, 1973), is an exceptionally open, honest and well-informed work which combines an overview of American radicalism with anthropological descriptions of communes, observed over some years.
4. H.D. Thoreau, Walden, or Life in the Woods (first published 1854:this edition New York, 1961), pp. 24, 32 (he borrows an axe), 34, 38.
5. R. Bahro, 'Fundamental Thoughts on the Crisis of the Greens', in Building the Green Movement (London, 1986), p. 159.
6. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 32.
7. Ibid., p. 23.
8. Ibid., p. 3.
9. See discussion in Everett Webber, Escape to Utopia. The communal movement in America (New York, 1959), pp. 418-19.
10. Arthur Christy, The Orient in American Transcendentalism. A Study of Emerson, Thoreau and Alcott (New York, 1932).
11. See G, Orwell, 'Helen's Babies', in Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, vol. 4. In Front of Your Nose (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 286, 'uncorrupted ... integrity or good morale, founded partly on an unthinking piety ... an underlying confidence in the future, a sense of freedom and opportunity'.
12. H. George, Progress and Poverty (London, 1951), p. 2: 'Could he have conceived of the hundred thousand improvements which these only suggest, what would he have inferred as to the social condition of mankind? .. How could the vice, the crime, the ignorance, the brutality, that spring from poverty and the fear of poverty, exist where poverty had vanished? Who should crouch where all were freemen? Who oppress where all were peers?' (my italics).
George briskly disposes of Malthusian prophecies; man is the only animal who has the ability to increase his food production with his population increase, pp. 55, 59. George's opposition to Darwinian evolution is based here on the presumption that man is quantitatively superior to the animals in technology and reasoning; it is not based on a moral distaste for competition, see also Offer, Property and Politics, pp. 344-5, on George's 'pantheistic religion'.
13. W.H.G. Armytage, Heavens Below. Utopian Experiments in England, 1560- 1960 (London, 1961), p. 308.
14. Ibid., p. 316; Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 45; and see Offer, Property and Politics, chapters 20 and 21.
15. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 10. G. Woodcock, though, in his standard work Anarchism. A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Harmondsworth, 1975), omits this aspect of anarchy.
16. See Armytage, Heavens Below, p. 292, and see Jan Marsh, Back to the Land. The Pastoral Impulse in Victorian England, 1880 to 1914 (London, 1982) for a detailed study of Ruskin-inspired communes and the Salvation Army land colonies. Clark C. Spence, The Salvation Army Farm Colonies (Tucson, 1985) is a fascinating account.
17. Paul Meier, William Morris, the Marxist Dreamer (Hassocks, Sussex, 1978), pp. 68-9.
18. Armytage, Heavells Below, p. 307.
19. H. Rider Haggard, A Farmer's Year (London, 1899), pp. 421, 439.
20. A.N. Wilson, Hilaire Belloc (Harmondsworth, 1984), pp. 292-3.
21. Ibid., p. 293.
22. Orwell often referred to Chesterton's hopeless lack of progressive spirit. The most accessible account is in Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, vol. 4, In Front of Your Nose, pp. 123-4.
23. Cited in Armytage, Heavens Below, p. 407.
24. Ibid., p. 395.
25. Marsh, Back to the Land, passim.
26. Paul Weindling, unpublished lectures at the Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, Oxford, 1985.
27. See Ulrich Linse, ed., Zuruck o Mensch zur Muller Erde. Landkommunen in Deutschland, 1890-1933 (Munich, 1983), intr., and for George and the single tax in England, see Offer, Property and Politics, p. 345.
28. For a full account see B. Zablocki, The Joyful Community. The account of the Bruderhof. A Communal Movement now in its Third Generation (Baltimore, 1971).
29. See Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Artamanen file, NS 1285. They talk, too, about 'awakened racial consciousness', an unusual phrase for the period. The passage runs:
Artam - tillers of the soil, fighters for honour, ... land and Lebensraum. Artam means the renewal of the people ... The most holy revolutionary will was expressed by the first Artamanen in the deed. (zur Tat) Youth's early instinct ... led us to Mother Earth. Without programmes, or great speeches the blood-red swastika banner was the symbol of awakened racial consciousness'; quoted in Linse, op. cit., p. 331, my translation. This extract was published in a 1934 document, and may therefore not be entirely reliable.
30. See R. Sheldrake, 'Mother of All', in S. Kumar, ed., Schumacher Lectures (London, 1984) pp. 219-51.
31. Quoted in Rigby, Communes in Britain pp. 109-10.
32. See John Higham, 'The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s', in John Weiss, ed., The Origins of Modem Consciousness (Detroit, 1965), who saw continuity since the 1890s in 'back to nature' ideals; and an interesting account of individualistic anarchists who started with calls for general strikes, and became neo-fascist in a Sorelian spirit, in Michael Wreszin, 'Albert Jay Nock; the Anarchist Elitist Tradition in America', American Quarterly, 1969, vol. 21, pp. 165-89.
33. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 469.
34. See Arthur E. Morgan, The Small Community (New York, 1942) and Newlyn R. Smith, Land for the Small Man. English and Welsh Experience with Publicly Supplied Smallholdings, 1860- 1937 (New York, 1946).
35. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 43.
36. Webber, Escape to Utopia, pp. 418-19; Veysey, Communal Experience, pp. 317- 20.
37. See C.E. Ashworth, 'Flying Saucers, Spoon-Bending and Atlantis: a Structural Analysis of New Mythologies', Sociological Review, 1980, vol. 28, pp. 353-76. In The World and I (Washington, 1987), pp. 627-643, Richard Rubinstein writes on 'Religion and the Rise of Capitalism; the Case of Japan': 'Unlike every nation of Judaeo- Christian inheritance, the Japanese alone remained in contact with their oldest sources of religious and cultural values' (p. 638). Rubinstein is writing about nationalism, but the point is valid generally.
38. W.A. Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies (Philadelphia, 1978); Webber, Escape to Utopia, pp. 418-19.
NOTES
Chapter One
1. For example, Ursula le Guin's feminist utopias; Brian Aldiss's Gaia in Helliconia Winter (London, 1986).
2. The Gaia concept was first made explicit in J.E. Lovelock, Gaia. A New Look at Earth (Oxford, 1979).
3. See Juan Martinez-Alier with Klaus Schlupmann, Ecological Economics. Energy, Environment and Society (Oxford, 1987), pp. 237-9; he also cites T. O'Riordan's bibliography of environmental writings and its focus on Britain and the U.S.A. A. Mohler, in Der Traum von Naturparadies. Anmerkungen zum okologischen Gedankengut (Munich and Berlin, 1978), p. 9, stresses the Protestant character of the 'triangle between San Francisco, Zurich and Stockholm' which he sees as the area where ecological beliefs are found.
4. Anne Chisholm, Philosophers of the Earth. Conversations with Ecologists (London, 1972), p. xi. A. Toynbee, Mankind and Mother Earth (Oxford, 1976), p. 5, introduces his world history with a discussion of the ethical and historical dilemmas offered by biological science. He places his account of great civilizations in a framework of references to the biosphere, man's place among other species as the child of Mother Earth, and man's choice between 'matricide' through misuse of technology, and the overcoming of his 'suicidal, aggressive greed', pp. 595-6. He sees the 'Oikoumene's peasants' as 'saddled with the burden of having to support a superstructure of civilization', p. 591. The sense that real values are produced only by the peasant is fundamental to the ecological thinker. But it is also something that Toynbee has effortlessly absorbed into his otherwise straightforward survey of world history.
5. The Times, 20.10.84.
6. D. Bellamy and B. Quayle, 'The Green Rustling', Sunday Times, 3.2.85. I owe this reference to Geoffrey Ahern's 1985 unpublished paper on modern ecological values.
7. Avner Offer, Property and Politics, 1870-1914 (Cambridge, 1981), chapters 20 and 21.
8. Ibid., p. 341, but d. the reference to Jefferies in Paul Meier, William Morris, the Marxist Dreamer (Hassocks, Sussex, 1978), pp. 68-9, where Jefferies is described, surely correctly, as an inspirer of Morris's utopian Socialism.
9. Mohler, Der Traum von Naturparadies, describes Friedrich Georg Junger as a founding father, although his chronology includes both Rousseau and Darwin. On p. 19, he describes how Junger protested in 1946 against the reconstruction of German industry.
10. D. Pepper, The Roots of Modern Environmentalism (London, 1985).
11. D. Worster, Nature's Economy. The Roots of Ecology (San Francisco, 1977), p. 2.
12. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics.
13. P. Lowe and J. Goyder, Environmental Groups in Politics (London 1983).
14. See M. Allaby and P. Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency (Oxford, 1980), p. 20, and esp. p. 25, and p. 130, 'Carry Carlyle through to Nietzsche and it is but a short step to Hitler.' The authors are clearly disturbed by the connotations of 'back to nature' and the implications as regards Germany, p. 31.
15. F. Nietzsche, 'Ecce Homo' in L. Forster ed. The Penguin Book of German Verse (Harmondsworth, 1974), p. 374, my translation.
16. Heidegger as the metaphysician of ecologism, see G. Steiner, The House of Being', Times Literary Supplement 9.lD.81. Professor Steiner thinks that Heidegger's 'alarm' and then isolation at the prospect of world-wide pollution and alienation was influential in his brief entry into the Nazi Party. Those works of Heidegger which bear most closely on ecological issues seem to date from a later period, during the war in fact. Heidegger's most striking and pessimistic ecological criticism is 'Overcoming Metaphysics', The End of Philosophy (London, 1975), published in German in 1954 but written at the end of the Second World War. For Heidegger's demand that man become the shepherd of the earth, see p. 1099. Surprisingly for its early date, the essay also includes an attack on 'the artificial breeding of human material, based on present-day chemical research' p. 106.
17. A. Bramwell, Blood and Soil. R. Walther Dam? and Hitler's 'Green Party' (Bourne End, 1985).
18. M. Hauner. 'A German Racial Revolution?' Journal of Contemporary History, 1984, vol. 19, p. 685, n. 46.
19. See for example. H. Graml and K-D Henke, eds., Nach Hitler. Der Schwierige Umgang mit Unserer Geschichte. Beitrage van Martin Broszat (Munich, 1985); R. Bessel, ed., Everyday Life in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987); I. Kershaw, The 'Hitler Myth'. Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987).
20. T. Mann, Diaries, 1918-1933 (ed. H. Keston) (London, 1983), passim.
21. Eg., Peter Medawar, Pluto's Republic (Oxford, 1982), pp. 242-51 and 253-62, vigorously attacks the cosmology and philosophy of Teilhard de Chardin and the spiritualism of Arthur Koestler. He warmly supports the economic ecologism expressed in Barbara Ward and Rene Dubois's Only One Earth (London, 1972).
22. The Pol Pot analogy comes to mind from the current fashion for ecology among revolutionaries; e.g., the comment by a 'Senior Officer' in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, 'I have killed many men. What I want now is a degree in ecological and conservation studies.' Daily Telegraph, 1.2.86. A recent attack on nature-based values, which he links with Nazi ideology, is in R. Pois, National Socialism and the Religion of Nature (London, 1985), pp. 155-6; and see the attack on the 'New Right' by the British Association for the Advancement of Science, reported in the Times Higher Education Supplement, 30.8.85, for believing in an 'immutable nature'.
23. B. Moore, Sm., editor of The Ecologist, 1915, 'ecology ... a point of - view', quoted in Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 203; though Worster, p. 391, gives the date as 1920.
Chapter Two
1. C. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore. Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley, 1967), p. 70, and quote, pp. 704-5.
2. Ibid., p. 58.
3. D. Worster, Nature's Economy. The Roots of Ecology (San Francisco, 1977), on White passim, and for gap between name and thing, p. 192.
4. Ibid., p. 20.
5. Lowe and Goyder, Environmental Groups in Politics, p. 16.
6. Ibid., p. 19.
7. Lynn White, The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis' Science, 1967, vol. 155, pp. 1203-7.
8. J. L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London, 1970), p. 249.
9. Susan Griffin, 'Split Culture', in S. Kumar, ed. The Schumacher Lectures (London, 1984), p. 181.
10. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 471-2.
11. R. Bahro, The Logic of Deliverance. On the foundations of an ecological politics (Schumacher Society Lecture), 1986, p. 20.
12. T. Huxley, Science and Culture (London, 1881), pp. 241-6.
13. J.J. Bachofen, Myth, Religion and Mother Right (London, 1967). Harvey Greisman, in 'Matriarchate as Utopia, Myth and Social Theory', Sociology, 1981, vol. 15, pp. 321-6, discusses the emergence of theories of matriarchal origins of civilization, early feminist science fiction, and the re-emergence of matriarchy as part of a campaign against exploitative paternalism. Interestingly, those who toyed with matriarchal theories before Bachofen included John Ray, the biologist.
14. Jost Hermand, 'All Power to the Women: Nazi Concepts of Matriarchy', Journal of Contemporary History, 1984, vol. 19, pp. 649-50: and see P.V. Glob, The Mound People. Danish Bronze-Age Man Preserved (London, 1974).
15. C. Merchant, The Death of Nature. Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (New York, 1980), p. xix.
16. See Greisman, 'Matriarchate', and Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology (London, 1981). Caroline Merchant uses Marxist criticisms of Hobbes as legitimiser of 'possessive individualism', while glorifying mediaeval communalism.
17. Monica Sjoo, 'The Unofficial Herstory of the Externsteine, Ancient Sacred Rocks of Germany', The Pipes of Pan (Journal of Pagans Against Nukes), 1985, no. 19, p. 4.
18. See H. Adams, Mont St Michel and Chartres (New York, 1980)and The Education of Henry Adams; an Autobiography (London, 1961). See too for the cult of the Virgin Mary, Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex (London, 1978).
19. Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 4.
20. R. Bahro, Building the Green Movement (London, 1986), p. 95 An example of the ahistorical polemic of the ecological feminist is the work of the American writer, Susan Griffin. 'Like the Inquisition and the witchburnings, the slave trade began at the time of the scientific revolution, the 16th century', 'Split Culture', p. 191. Like other feminist historical analogies, each of these is inaccurate. The Inquisition was not founded in the sixteenth century. The slave trade goes back as far as recorded human history, as anyone who has heard of the Roman and Greek empire will recall; the Phoenicians and Egyptians had slaves. If we look at the Arab slave trade in Africa, given that Griffin is exclusively concerned with 'the Jew or the Black or the women: (p. 184) as victims of patriarchal oppression, it goes back many centuries before the sixteenth century. Unfortunately, nobody seems prepared to apply the most minimally critical methodology to these polemics.
21. Griffin, 'Split Culture', p. 198.
22. Klaus Thewelweit, Mannerphantasien, 2 vols, (Frankfurt, 1977-8).
23. See B.M. Lane and L. Rupp, Nazi Ideology Before 1933 (Manchester, 1978), pp. 18-26.
24. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 276-7.
25. Quoted by Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 5.
26. Ibid., p. 5. I am not sure why free competition between Indo-European petty kings and warriors and expansion is very different from other prehistorical epochs, e.g. Papua New Guinea, which did not develop capitalism. Compare here Walther Darre, who argued that the robber-baron spirit entered North Western Europe through Teutonic knights, who caught it in Sicily from the Arabs, but claims capitalism was essentially ungermanic.
27. Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 6.
28. R. Graves, The White Goddess (London, 1986), pp. 10, 486. Graves is cited by Bahro, Logic of Deliverance, p. 5.
29. Malcolm Chapman, The Gaelic Vision in Scottish Culture (London, 1978), examines the Celtic myth in Britain.
30. K. Thomas, Man and the Natural World (London, 1983), p. 89.
31. F. Hayek, The Counter-Revolution of Science. Studies in the Abuse of Reason (Glencoe, Illinois, 1952), pp. 51-2, 55-6, 110-11.
32. Ibid., and see especially Hayek's criticisms of Condorcet, Bentham and Comte.
33. H.L. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, (Westport, Conn. , 1977); M. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, (London, 1938); Prenant was Professor of Zoology at the Sorbonne, Paris. There are several recent works which deal with the need to take over the ecological movement for Marxism. Some of the essays in Joe Weston, ed., Red and Green. The New Politics of the Environment (London, 1986), argue this cause forcibly. However, I have confined my examples to Prenant and Parsons because they both, although writing from different scientific disciplines, concentrate on Marx and Engels and biology and ecology specifically. Prenant was published by Lawrence and Wishart, the party-line publishers, which lends it an extra authenticity within that context. Parson's book incorporates and discusses most of the work on Marx and ecologism. An updated New Left interpretation of Marx, ecology and modern German politics is in W. Hiilsberg, The German Greens. A Social and Political Profile (London, 1988).
34. 'Thus, Marx and Engels had an understanding of an approach to ecology before ... Haeckel coined the term Oekologie in 1869, and long before the current 'ecological crisis', Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, p. xi. Engels included Haeckel in his plan of the contents of Dialectics of Nature (written 1873-1882), see Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 15, (London, 1987), p. 314., but did not write the section.
35. Ibid. intro., passim.
36. Ibid., pp. 8-10.
37. F. Engels, Dialectics of Nature, pp. 330- 1, my italics. Engels argues in this work, p. 323, that the first breach with a rigid concept of nature appeared in 1755, with Kant's work, Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels. Although Engels emphasises man's superiority over the animals in his ability to control nature, he also comments on the environmental damage done by man's actions, pp. 460-1.
38. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, p. 44. In 'The German Ideology', Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 5 (London, 1976), pp. 39-40, Marx attacks Feuerbach's concept of a 'harmony of all parts of the sensuous world and especially of man and nature'. Marx comments that the natural world is 'an historical product' an ever-varying thing, created by man's labour. He argues that the 'celebrated "unity of man with nature" has always existed in industry ... and so has the struggle of man with nature, right up to the development of his productive forces on a corresponding basis.' This vision of struggle rests on a rejection of the idea of a benevolent nature. It seems to me to be opposed to ecological thinking.
39. Prenant, Biology and Marxism, pp. 47, 49.
40. F. Engels, Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. In the Light of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, Marx, Engels, Selected Works, vol. 3 (Moscow, 1970), p. 331, quoted by Prenant, Biology and Marxism, p. 64. Hermand, 'All Power to the Women', p. 653, shows how Engels drew on Bachofen. Engels' own preface to the fourth German edition of Origin of the Family, op. cit., pp. 194-6, stresses the importance of Bachofen.
41. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, pp. 40-1.
42. Quoted by David Mitrany, Marx Against the Peasant. A Study in Social Dogmatism (New York, 1961), p. 91.
43. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, pp. 40-1.
44. K. Marx, 'The British Rule in India', Marx and Engels. Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy (London, 1969), pp. 517-18; we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition, enslaving it beneath traditional rules ... We must not forget the barbarian egotism which, concentrating on some miserable patch of land, had quietly witnessed the ruin of empires ... We must not forget that this undignified, stagnatory and vegetative life, that this passive sort of existence evoked on the other part, in contradistinction, wild, aimless, unbounded forces of destruction and rendered murder itself a religious rite ... We must not forget that these little communities were contaminated by distinctions of caste, and by slavery, that they subjugated man to external circumstances instead of elevating man into the sovereign of circumstances, that they transformed a self-developing social state into a never changing natural destiny, and thus brought about a brutalising worship of nature.
See too F. Engels, 'On Social Condition in Russia', Basic Writings, pp. 507- 8, ascribing 'Oriental despotism' in Russia, India and other nations to the low level of development induced by the communal ownership of land characteristic of peasant society.
45. Point 9 of the Communist Manifesto in Marx and Engels. Basic Writings, p. 70.
46. Parsons, Marx and Engels on Ecology, p. 42.
47. Mitrany, Marx against the Peasant, pp. 36-7.
48. M. Almond, unpublished seminar paper delivered to the Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, Oxford, 1986, and Thomas on Schopenhauer, Man and the Natural World, p. 23.
49. K. Marx, 'On the Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature', Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 1 (London, 1975), pp. 29-105. Compare to Marx's dislike of rural idiocy the telling passage in ultra-libertarian, pro-capitalist Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged (New York, 1957), pp. 266-7, when the heroine and her lover drive into an abandoned industrial area, covered now with trees and bushes. There are no bill-boards. They view the scene with horror. Of those who complain that bill-boards ruin the country-side, the heroine muses They're the people I hate.' Later they spot a derelict petrol pump. The horror of the trees and shrubs is all the greater. Rand fears nature as the voracious destroyer of human energy and individual initiative; Marx fears it because it endangers his vision of historically- determined progress. There is more in common between Marx and Randian libertarians than the parasitical symbiosis between Marxism and capitalism. The dislike of environmental and rural values is one such factor.
50. Quoted in Michael Allaby and Peter Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency (Oxford, 1980), p. 45; the practical problems of ploughing virgin soil, by hand, are obviously unknown to Mumford. With a wobbly strip of upturned soil constantly falling back, grass upwards, only the most determined Freudian could have seen anything phallic in the exercise. Ploughing, in any case, followed hand cultivation; it did not precede it.
51. For example, Jean Auel's best-selling series, Earth's Children places 35,000 BC Cro Magnon man as potentially more destructive than the earlier Homo Sapiens he replaced. Her tribes inhabit a matriarchal system, based on the worship of the Mother Goddess, where rape and violence are virtually unknown. The series is well-researched and claims a certain scholarly status. In C Harness, The Paradox Men (London, 1949) the hero, in order to save mankind from nuclear extermination, returns through time to the dawn of the Palaeolithic era, to prevent the extermination of Neanderthal man by Cro- Magnon man. He believes that if this turning-point can be averted, paternalist violence will not triumph in later millenia.
Chapter Three
1. That is not to say that comparisons between human and animal societies were not made before the 1880s: Mandeville's Fable of the Bees does so, but the starting point is the fabulous nature of animals. Neither Condorcet nor Burke, for example, look at the 'natural world' as natural scientists.
2. R.C Stauffer, 'Haeckel, Darwin and Ecology', Quarterly Review of Biology, 1957, vol. 32 pp. 138-44. The OED gives 1873 as the first mention of the word, while Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 192, gives 1866. CJ. van der K1aauw's detailed search for the origins of ecology gives similar definitions under the title of ethology and economy, but no earlier use of the word, in CJ. van der Klaauw, 'Zur Geschichte der Definition der Oekologie .. .', Sudhoffs Archiv fur die Geschichte Medizin, 1936, vol. 29, pp. 136- 77. The authorities seem to agree on Haeckel as the first user of the word, and a date of either 1866 or 1873. However, Thoreau mentions 'Ecology', in conjunction with Botany and in a context that suggests a plant or geological science. This reference appears in a letter written in 1858 (see his collected Letters (New York, 1958) p. 502) but was not published until 1958. The OED 1971 Supplement contains it. Thoreau was a classical Greek scholar - he translated Sophocles' Seven Against Thebes. Did he coin the word himself from the Greek root Gikos, meaning home? K1aauw suggests that one early meaning of ecology is bio-geographics, the homeland of the plant and animal, and this meaning would explain the parallel 'invention' of the word. Another possibility is that the word was already in use in America, but had escaped the notice of dictionaries and historians of biology. D. Worster's examination of Thoreau's link with ecology, Nature's Economy, pp. 59-111, does not refer to a contemporary use of 'ecology'. F. Egerton comments in 'A Bibliographical Guide to the History of General Ecology and Population Ecology', History of Science 1977, vol 15, p. 195 that, according to Walter Harding, one of the editors of Thoreau's correspondence, the correct reading of the manuscript shows 'Geology' and not 'Ecology'.
3. Stauffer, 'Haeckel, Darwin and Ecology', p. 140. See also D.R. Stoddard, 'Darwin's Impact on Geography', Annals of the Association of American Geographers 1966, vol 56, p. 688, which has a reference to 'Haeckel's new science of ecology' dated 1869.
4. See D.F. Owen, What is Ecology (Oxford, 1980), pp. 1-28.
5. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 198.
6. Van der Kiaauw, 'Zur Geschichte', pp. 139-40.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. M.B. Petrovich, The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism, 1856-1870 (New York, 1956), p. 66.
10. A Yanov, The Russian Challenge (Oxford and New York, 1987), p. 47. This collection is given the title 'Political and Economic Essays' (the Russian title in both references varies accordingly) in Robert MacMaster's bibliography in Danilevsky. A Russian Totalitarian Philosopher (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 319. Danilevsky is discussed at greater length in Chapter Four.
11. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 193.
12. W. Johnson, Gilbert White (London, 1928, this edition 1978), p. 58, and see also Keith Tribe, Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London, 1978), pp. 81-2, on Aristotle and the oekonomie of the French physiocrats.
13. J. Durant, 'Innate Character in Animals and Man: a Perspective on the Origins of Ethology', in C. Webster, ed., Biology, Medicine and Society, 1840-1940 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 162.
14. Wilhelm B6lsche, Haeckel, His Life and Work (London, 1909); R. Chickering, We Men who feel most German. The Pan- German League, 1886-1914 (London, 1984), pp. 146 and 150n; P. Weindling, "Darwinism us' and the Secularization of German Society', in J.R. Moore, ed., The Humanity of Evolution. Perspectives in the History of Evolutionary Naturalism (Cambridge, 1989). For his early Protestantism, see E. Haeckel, Story of the Development of a Youth. Letters to his Parents, 1852-1856 (New York, 1923).
15. E. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life (London, 1905), p. 157.
16. E. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science. The Confession of Faith of a Man of Science (London and Edinburgh, 1894), pp. 1-5.
17. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, pp. 7, 9.
18. Ibid., pp. 16-24.
19. Ibid., pp. 17, 49-50, 62-3.
20. E. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe (London, 1900), p. 363.
21. Haeckel, Riddle, pp. 359-60, 365, 389.
22. J. Durant argues that Catholicism was more anti-nature, in 'The Meaning of Evolution. Post-Darwinian Debates on the Significance for Man of the Theory of Evolution, 1858-1908', Ph.D. Thesis, Cambridge, 1977;C. Merchant, Death of Nature, pp. l0-11, 16-18, describes a Neoplatonist tradition of a female cosmos, and an alchemist belief in an androgynous god deriving from gnostic texts.
23. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 27.
24. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp. 152-3.
25. R. Gruner, 'Science, Nature and Christianity', Journal of Theological Studies, 1975 vol. 26, pp. 55-81. A recent example is P. Santmire, Travail of Nature. Ambiguous Ecological Promises of Christian Theology (n. p. , 1985), which argues that the view of Christianity as anti-ecological is over-simplified, and that pro-ecological strands exist. I owe this reference to Trevor Williams, of Trinity College, Oxford. See Sean McDonagh, To Care for the Earth (London, 1986), who argues that the Catholic Church should take up the challenge of ecological decay. This book, by a Franciscan monk, has a good historical summary of naturist ideas. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, eds, God and Nature. Historical Essays on the Encounter Between History and Science (Berkeley and London, 1986), survey the debate to this date.
26. Worster, Nature's Economy, p. 29.
27. Durant, 'The Meaning of Evolution', p. 10.
28. C. Darwin, The Origin of Species (London, 1859), p. 63.
29. T. Huxley, quoted in Durant, 'The Meaning of Evolution', p. 19.
30. Ibid., p. 31.
31. See for Carrel p. 121 below; P. Carus, The Surd of Metaphysics (Chicago and London, 1905), pp. 75-7, and The Monist, 1890-1, vol. 1, pp. 229ff, 552ff.
32. N.R. Holt, Ernst Haeckel's Monist Religion'. Journal of the History of Ideas, 1971, vol. 32, p. 272.
33. T.H. Huxley, Science and Culture (London, 1881), pp. 232-3, 241-6.
34. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 202; Bolsche described as a reactionary, p. 203.
35. Joseph le Comte, The Monist, 1890-1, vol.1, pp. 334-5.
36. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, p. 64.
37. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life, pp. 48-50.
38. Ibid.
39. Haeckel, Monism as Connecting Religion and Science, pp. 64.
40. Ibid., p. 82; Haeckel, Riddle of the Universe, p. 352.
41. Haeckel, The Wonders of Life, p. 137.
42. A. Kelly, The Descent of Darwin. The Popularization of Darwin in Germany, 1890-1914 (Chapel Hill, 1981), p. 121.
43. Ibid., pp. 17-18; the reference to Vogt and terrorism I owe to Mark Almond, of Wolfson College, Oxford.
44. Ibid., pp. 38-9, 127.
45. Ibid., pp. 39, 108, 127.On August Fore/, D. Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism. Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League (London and New York, 1971), pp. 103 n. 52, 145.
46. For Ossietsky and Hirschfeld, see Kelly, Descent of Darwin, pp. 120-1; W. Ostwald, Natural Philosophy (London and New York, 1911), p. 185, 'the present social order is 'barbarous' ... 'progress depends much less upon the leadership of a few distinguished individuals than upon the collective labor of all workers.' He foretold 'a time ... when the social organization therefore demands and strives for as thorough an equalization as possible in the conditions of existence of all men'.
47. Schopenhauer, in The World as Will and Idea, vol 2, quoted in H. Driesch, The History and Theory of Vitalism (London, 1914), p. 121.
48. C.K. Ogden, intro. to Driesch, History and Theory of Vitalism, p. v; Soil Association members and Driesch, see V. Payne, 'A History of the Soil Association', M.A. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1971, p. 59.
49. K. Popper, Unended Quest. An Intellectual Biography (London, 1982) p. l37. Popper describes Schrodinger as inspired by Schopenhauer, p. 135.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Coincidentally, a von Uexkull is today a representative of the German Greens, and founder of a Right Living Foundation at Bradford University. See p. 272 below.
53. W. Kohler, The Mentality of Apes (London, 1973). Lorenz himself, in Behind the Mirror. A Search for a Natural History of Human Knowledge (New York and London, 1977), p. I28, ascribes this comment to Karl Bohler.
54. A. Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz (London, 1976), p. 21.
55. Conversation with Sir Charles Elton, January, 1987.
56. K. Lorenz, On Aggression (London 1966); ibid., King Solomon's Ring. New Light on Animal Ways (London, 1952). In the introduction to the latter by W. Thorpe, Lorenz is quoted as saying that behaviourists could never have asserted that complex behaviour patterns were conditioned if they had only once reared a young bird in isolation, and referred to his disillusionment at finding out that the 'great authorities' were wrong, p. xviii. Bruce Chatwin in 1974 (Sunday Times, 1.12.74) suggested that a 1942 article of Lorenz's, which was decorated with pictures of Greek statues, expressed Nazi ideology about race, Aryans and physical beauty. The question of Lorenz's Nazi membership after 1938, and his articles of that period, is discussed by Alec Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz. He argues, pp. 81-5, 87, that serious mistranslations and selective quotations by North American scientists of a 1940 paper were the basis for attacks on Lorenz but adds, pp. 134-5, that Lorenz's war-time work uses Nazi terminology. Theodora Kalikow adopts Gasman's misleading interpretation of Haeckel as a volkisch, anti-Enlightenment precursor of Nazism. She argues that Lorenz certainly read of Haeckel via Bolsche, and therefore shares his proto-Nazi qualities, in 'Die ethologische Theone von Konrad Lorenz', in, H. Mehrtens and S. Richter, eds., Naturwissenschaft, Technik und NS-Ideologie. Beitrage zur Wissenschaft des Dritten Reichl's (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1980), p. 198. As an example of the allegations, Lorenz's 1935article suggesting that domesticated animals become over-specialised and need influxes of 'wild' genes to improve them is presented as a Nazi theory. But the Nazis did not think that domesticated man should be improved by genes from wild stock, quite the contrary. If Lorenz is supposed to have been implicitly and subtly toadying to Nazi ideas, why should he not have done so openly and explicitly? Lorenz's use of physical beauty as a genetic marker in 1940and 1942 was not presented as an exclusivist racial argument but as an argument against domesticisation.
57. See papers by Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 'Ritual and ritualization from a biological perspective' and by Paul Ekman, 'About brows; emotional and conversational signals', in M. von Cranach, K. Fopa, W. Lepenies and D. Ploog, eds., Human Ethology. Claims and Limits of a New Discipline (Cambridge and Paris, 1979).
58. Lorenz, Behind the Mirror, pp. 178, 233.
59. Ibid., pp. 174-82.
60. Ibid., pp. 175, 178-9, 245.
61. Ibid., p. 245.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid., pp. 129, 183, 248-9.
64. Nisbett, Konrad Lorenz, p. 176. Since writing this book, Konrad Lorenz's The Waning of Humaneness (London, 1988), has appeared, in which he specifically addresses environmental and ecological questions, and stresses his ecological sympathies.
65. Lorenz, Behind the Mirror, p. 21; nature of man, 148-9.
66. Ibid., pp. 148-9.
67. D. Stoddard, Oil Geography (Oxford, 1986), p. 240.
68. Ibid., p. 237.
69. Chisholm, Conversations with Ecologists, p. 237; K. Boulding, The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth' in H. Jarret, ed., Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy (Baltimore, 1966).
70. Quoted in Stoddart, On Geography, pp. 231-7.
71. J. Grinevald, 'Vernadsky and Lotka as source for Georgescu-Roegen's Economics', draft paper delivered to the Second Vienna Conference on Economics and Ecology, Barcelona, 1987.
72. For the pessimism of Henry Adams and an account of Bernard Brunhes, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 126.
73. For Henry Adams' theory of history and energy, see The Education of Henry Adams (London, 1961), pp. 474-98.
74. For the argument that trees have standing, see CD. Stone, 'Should Trees have Standing?', Southern California Law Review, 1972, vol. 45, cited and discussed in Thomas, Man and the Natural world, p. 302,; the standard text on animal rights is P. Singer, Animal Liberation (London, 1976), while J. Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature. Ecological Problems and Western Traditions (London, 1974), sets the problem in philosophical perspective. The argument that affection for the weak and powerless is linked with aggression is made by Yi-Fu Tuan in Dominance and Affection. The Making of Pets (New Haven, 1984). His point is that domesticating and civilizing natural objects, even rivers, streams and plants, involves force and a violent change to their nature that expresses a fundamental sadism on the part of the perpetrator (farmer, gardener). To anyone who has shuddered at the sight of a bonsai tree the argument carries a certain force.
Chapter Four
1. On the implication of the second law of thermo-dynamics, a considerable literature has appeared since the late 1960s. A good source for the contemporary discussion is N. Georgescu-Roegen. The Entropy Law and the Economic Process (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). His theory resembles the earlier work discussed in H. Daly The Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', History of Political Economy, 1980, vol 12, pp. 469-88. Georgescu-Roegen wrote the afterword to J. Rifkind and T. Howard's Entropy. A New World View (London, 1985), which delivers the ecological energy critique in a green context; see Chapter 11 below. See too J. Raumoulin, 'L'Homme et la Destruction des Ressources Naturelles. La Raubwirtschaft au tournant du siecle', Annales, Intersciences, 1984, vol. 39, pp. 798-819.
2. W. Ostwald, Natural Philosophy (London and New York, 1911), p. 184.
3. The eighteenth-century writer, Jean Baptiste Say; his 'law' that factors of production must always equal factors of consumption (the so-called circular-flow theory) helped to confirm the optimistic assumptions of the neoclassical economists about the long-term efficiencies of the market.
4. M. Breitbart, 'Peter Kropotkin, the Anarchist Geographer', in D.R. Stoddart, ed., Geography, Ideology and Social Concern (Oxford, 1981), p. 40.
5. Podolinsky, the Ukrainian landowner, populist and socialist, constructed a table of energy inputs and concomitant production for French agriculture. He allowed 2550 kcal. per kilogramme of wood, hay and straw, and 3750 kcal. per kilogramme of wheat. The energy inputs of man and horses were also granted a calorific value. He concluded that forest and natural pastures produced wood and hay for nil energy input, while sown hay and wheat produced roughly twenty and ten times as much respectively as the calorific value of the energy used in the production process. See Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, p. 48. For Bernal and Muller, see W.H. G. Armytage, Yesterday's Tomorrows (London, 1968), pp. 150-2.
6. Pseudo J.J. Conington, Nordington's Million (London, 1923). One unintentionally ironic passage shows a recruiting agent sent to a cannibalistic, famine-ridden London. The hero travels from one side of London to the other in safety, through the simple expedient of wearing a Red Cross armband.
7. A. Trollope, He Knew He Was Right (St Lucia, Queensland, 1974), pp. 220-1, expressed the more conventional point of view: that of the Victorian gentleman faced with intensive Italian peasant cultivation, catch-crops and intercropping. On this side of the house the tilled ground, either ploughed or dug with the spade, came up to the windows. There was hardly even a particle of grass to be seen .... The occupiers of Casalunga had thought more of the produce of their land than of picturesque or attractive appearance.
8. E. de Lavelaye, 'Land System of Belgium and Holland' in (Cobden Club), Systems of Land Tenure in Various Countries (London, 1870), pp. 242-3.
9. Allaby and Bunyard, The Politics of Self-Sufficiency, p. 31.
10. De Lavelaye, op. cit., p. 229.
11. Readers who have encountered Marx's animadversions on capitalist agriculture, which plundered the graveyards of Europe for bones to nourish the soil of England, will be relieved that this adventurism was not in fact confined to the likes of Turnip Townshend.
12. On Rousseau and the peasants, and his erroneous observation on the living conditions of free and unfree peasants on the two sides of Lake Geneva, see D.G. Charlton, New Images of the Natural in France. A Study in European Culture (Cambridge, 1984), p. 192.
13. K. Hamsun, Growth of the Soil (tr. W. Worster) (London, 1980), pp. 316-17.
14. De la Vigne Eckmannsdorf, 'Blut und Boden', paper sent to Walther Darre, 7.12.31, Federal Archives, Koblenz, NL94/1.
15. Von Bernhardi, Versuch einer Kritik der Grunde die fur grosses und kleines Grundeigentum sprechen (St Petersburg, 1849); examples of the doctoral theses are, Huschke, 'Landwirtschaftliche Reinertragsberechnungen bei Klein- Mittel- und Grossbetriebe' (lena, 1902); Luberg, 'Vergleichende Untersuchungen uber Wirtschaftsergebnisse und Wirtschaftsbedingungen kleiner, mittlerer und grosser Besitzungen unter dem Einfluss niedriger Getreidepreise' (Allenstein, 1898); Stumpfe, 'Uber die Konkurrenzfahigkeit des kIeinen und mittleren Grundbesitzes genentiber dem Grossgrundbesitze', Thiels Landwirtschaftliche Jahrbucher (1896); Klawki, 'Uber die Konkurenzfahigkeit des landwirtschaftlichen Kleinbetriebes', Thiels Landwirtschaftliche Jahrbucher (1899);Dr Julius Faucher on the Russian mir, 'Russian Agrarian Legislation of 1861', in (Cobden Club), op. cit., R. Drill, 'Soll Deutschland seinen ganzen Getreide bedarf selbst produzieren?' Inaug. Diss., Munich and Stuttgart, 1895.
16. For a discussion of Gladstone and Ireland, and Balfour's support of state-aided land purchase for English smallholders in 1909, see Offer, Property and Politics, p. 357; example of Irish land reform, and need to avert possible Socialism in Great Britain by land redistribution, Long to Balfour, September, 1910, Offer, op. cit., p. 362; Lord Salisbury supports Joseph Chamberlain and the Smallholding Act of 1892, Offer, op. cit., p. 353.
17. Offer, Property and Politics, p. 351; J.S. Mill on emigration scheme, E.S. Halevy, The Philosophic Radicals (London, 1972), pp. 60-2.
18. Outline of Lloyd George's proposals, Offer, Property and Politics, p. 360. The comparison with the British Union of Fascists is my own.
19. Breitbart, 'Kropotkin, Anarchist Geographer', p. 140, describes how Kropotkin was honoured by a special banquet of the Royal Geographical Society of Great Britain in the 1890s. See G. Woodcock and I. Avakumovic, Kropotkin, the Anarchist Prince (London, 1950) p. 59, for Kropotkin's reaction to the failure to carry out other reforms he advocated, through vested interests, bureaucratic sloth and squandering of money.
20. Ludwig von Mises attacked Kropotkin for this interpretation in Socialism. An Economic and Sociological Analysis (London 1936), p. 319; 'a fact which clearly exposes the decay of sociological thought in recent decades is that people now begin to combat sociological Darwinism by pointing to examples of mutual aid (symbiosis). Kropotkin, a defiant antagonist of liberal social theory, ... found among animals the rudiment of social ties and set these in opposition to conflict.'
21. Breitbart, 'Kropotkin, Anarchist Geographer', p. 139.
22. Cf. Resurgence, 1986, no. 118. The whole number is devoted to 'Education on a Human Scale'.
23. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (London, 1940), refers to Kropotkin, pp. 339-40. C Ward, in a stimulating commentary on and introduction to P. Kropotkin, Fields, Factories and Workshops (London, 1985), p. v, discusses Kropotkin's relevance to today's ecologists; also p. 195 on Ebenezer Howard; p. 81 on Blatchford.
24. Thomas Jefferson, communication from Heinz Haushofer; J.Q. Adams, Letters from Silesia (London, 1800).
25. J. von Thunen, The Isolated State (London, 1966), pp. 229, 246. 26. Attack on marginalist economics, see K. Tribe and A. Hussein, unpublished paper presented at a Conference on German Rural History, University of East Anglia, 1979; N. Vlengels, 'Thunen als deutscher Sozialist', Jahrbuch fiir National-Oekonomie, 1941, vol. 153, pp. 339-62. The University of Rostock organized a bicentennial celebration of Von Thunen in 1982.
27. Von Thunen expressed a stadial theory of history. In his introduction to the second part of The Isolated State, pp. 246-58, he argued that: An ancient myth pervades our agricultural writings that whatever the stage of social development, there is one valid farming system only, - as though every system that is more simple, every enterprise that adopts extensive methods to economise on labour, were proof of the practising farmer's ignorance ... A human being changes at the various stages of his life - how much more so will the succeeding generations be different from their predecessors.
28. Ibid., p. 194.
29. Ibid., p. 252.
30. Ibid., pp. 245-7.
31. For the debate in Germany over protectionism and agriculture versus industry, see K. Barkin, The Controversy over German industrialisation 1890-1902 (Chicago, 1972); for Rodbertus, the only English work is C. Gonner, The Social Philosophy of Rodbertus (London, 1899); G. Ruhland wrote a pamphlet on the evils of speculation and the futures market, which is supposed to have caused the closing down of the Berlin futures market, see CW. Smith, introduction to G. Ruhland, The Ruin of the World's Agriculture and Trade (London, 1896). For Ehrenberg and the Thunen-Archiv, see Haushofer, Ideengeschichte der Agrarwirtschaft und Agrarpolitik, vol. 2, Vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis zur Gegenwart (Bonn, 1958), p. 40.
32. C. Rose, 'Wilhelm Dilthey's Philosophy of Historical Understanding. A Neglected Heritage of Continental Humanistic Geography', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, p. 99.
33. Details about Ratzel and other geographers are from Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 798- 801. The comments are my own.
34. G.S. Dunbar, 'Eli see Reclus, an Anarchist in Geography', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, p. 157.
35. G. Woodcock, Anarchism. A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Harmondsworth, 1975), p. 150; T. Zeldin, France, 1848-1945. Intellect and Pride (Oxford, 1980), p. 35; Dunbar, 'Eli see Reclus', op. cit., pp. 156, 161-2. I am grateful to Lord Beloff for the reference to Reclus and the Russian geographers.
36. Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 799-800.
37. Ibid., pp. 803 ff. Colin Ross, Das Unvollendete Kontinent (Leipzig, 1930), and see Modris Ekstein, 'When Death was Young ... German Modernism and the Great War', in H. Pogge von Strandmann, A. Nicholls, et. aI., eds., Ideas into Politics (London, 1985), pp. 25, 33.
38. Raumoulin, 'L' Homme et la Destruction', pp. 803, 807.
39. R. MacMaster, Danilevsky. A Russian Totalitarian Philosopher (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 80. See also pp. 17, 22-7, 51, 78-9; the stadial theory of human history, pp. 7, 81-2, 93, 95, 102-3; Danilevsky abandons Comte, p. 169; on evolution, p. l72.
40. For Danilevsky as a major figure in Pan-Slavism, theoretician of history, botanist and ichthyologist, see M. B. Petrovich, The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, 1856-1870 (New York, 1956), esp. pp. 65-75.
41. P. Boardman, The Worlds of Patrick Geddes (London, 1978), pp. 9, 404-5.
42. Ibid., p. 405.
43. P. Geddes, Cities in Evolution (London, 1915), passim; P. Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology. The Life and Letters of Patrick Geddes (Westport, Conn. , 1979), pp. 153-5. Notes to pp. 74-83
44. Geddes' two articles are quoted and discussed in Boardman, Worlds of Patrick Geddes, pp. 404-5.
45. L. Mumford, The Culture of Cities (London, 1940), p. 302.
46. Ibid., p. 495-6.
47. B.T. Robson, 'Geography and Social Science. The Role of Patrick Geddes', in Stoddart, Geography, Ideology and Social Concern, pp. 187, 204. On the other hand, Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology, p. 204, stresses Geddes' support for the cottage garden city ideal as opposed to apartment settlements: he preferred cottages to flats.
48. Robson, 'Geography and Social Science', p. 204.
49. Boardman, Worlds of Patrick Geddes, p. 405; on Graser, see M. Green, Mountain of Truth. The Counter Culture Begins. Ascona, 1900-1920 (Hanover and London, 1986), p. 53.
50. Mairet, Pioneer of Sociology, p. 155.
51. N. Pevsner, quoted in David Watkin, Morality and Architecture (Oxford, 1977), p. 95. Pevsner was an advocate of Jugendstil, or Art Nouveau. The style was attacked in its day as decadent, alien and destructive. Pevsner became a Modernist, emigrated to Britain, and ended as a famous architectural savant and historian. He ceaselessly argued on behalf of unpopular modern architecture. More damagingly, he tried to write out of history those English architects who did not accept this tradition, or who, like Lutyens, could not be fitted into this picture.
52. Watkin, Morality and Architecture, p. 95. Watkin stresses that Pevsner would not have wished to identify himself with either Bolshevism or National Socialism.
53. Ibid., p. 88.
54. Ibid., p. 89.
55. H. Agar with Lewis Mumford, City of Man. A Declaration of World Democracy (New York, 1940).
56. Mumford, Culture of Cities, p. 388, and see also ppA95-6.
57. Mumford, Culture of Cities, pp. 495-6.
58. G. Auty, Spectator, 26.10.85.
59. Daly, 'The Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', p. 469. See also Martinez- Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 140-1.
60. F. Soddy, Cartesian Economics (London, 1922), p. 2; Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 129-35.
61. Soddy does not seem to have speculated that the 'capital' aspect of corn lay in its use as seed corn, and the long-term planning and activity needed to plant and harvest it.
62. Gasman, Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 69, see especially connection between Ostwald's remarks on the sun and poems and solstice ceremonies. For the complex connections between mysticism and scientific materialism, see N. Goodrick-Clarke's discussion of Lanz von Liebenfels attraction to 'idealistic monism', The Occult Roots of Nazism (London, 1985), p. 102. For Ostwald's theories of energy, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 183-6.
63. Soddy, Cartesian Economics, pp. 22, 30.
64. Daly, 'Economic Thought of Frederick Soddy', pp. 476-81.
65. For Soddy and solar energy, see Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 136-7.
66. Ibid., p. 142.
67. Soddy, Cartesian Economics, p. 7.
68. Ibid., p. 15. Soddy paraphrased Ruskin's Unto This Last as follows; Ruskin appears to have had a very much clearer conception of the real nature of wealth than either earlier or later economists. He points out ... that the art of becoming rich was to get more relatively than other people, so that those with less may be available as the servants and employees of those with more. In this acute and original analysis of the real nature of the individual's wealth-power over the lives and the labour of others - Ruskin disclosed probably the most important difference between the interests of the individual and the interests of the State, and the main reason why the mastery of man over nature has hitherto resulted in so meagre a contribution to the perfection of human life. ... Of what use are the discoveries of scientific men of new modes and more ample ways of living so long as the laws of human nature turn all the difficultly won wealth into increased power of the few over the lives and labours of the many?
69. Ibid., p. 32.
70. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 144-8. He argues, pp. 145-7, that the resource economics technocrats 'realised that the ecological approach' led to 'egalitarian principles of distribution. '
71. K. Popper, Unended Quest. An Intellectual Biography (London, 1982), pp. 11, 127. See also pp. 12-13, where Popper mentions that 'Popper-Lynkeus had a considerable following among the Monists of Vienna'; a comment which adds weight to my interpretation of Monist politics, see Chapter 3 above.
72. See J. Weston, ed., Red and Green. The New Politics of the Environment (London, 1986), and M. Bookchin, Post-Scarcity Anarchism (Berkeley, 1971).
73. Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever, Speaker for the green section in the Baden-Wurttemberg Landtag between 1980 and 1984, Die Zeit, 2.5.86.
74. Martinez-Alier, Ecological Economics, pp. 199-206.
75. Early anarchist programmes are described in A. Masters, Bakunin (London, 1975), pp. 250-2, 'On Building the New Social Order', programme by James Guillaume, and Bakunin's The Revolutionary Catechism, pp. 168-9. Masters discusses Bakunin's sympathy for peasants, greater than that of Marx, pp. 103-4.
76. A.V. Chayanov, A Theory of Peasant Economy (ed. D. Thorner et al.) (Madison, Wisconsin, 1986).
77. Information in a paper circulated by A. Stobart.
78. G. Stapledon, Disraeli and the New Age (London, 1943), pp. 116-17.
79. Ibid., p. 20.
80. Ibid., pp. 49-50.
81. Ibid., p. 133.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid., p. 115.
84. Ibid., p. 1l6. Stapledon's biographer, Robert Waller, argues in his introduction to Stapledon's Human Ecology (London, 1964), p. 34, that by 1945 Stapledon had changed his 1912 belief in technology as a weapon of construction, and no longer defined himself as a social engineer. However, on p. 62 of his 1964 book, written some years before publication, Stapledon called for more planning. His aim was to 'steer a middle course between the all-out. .. ruralism and craftsmanship of the countryside as depicted by ... men like Hugh Massingham and Rolf Gardiner and ... the all-out mechanization of agriculture and industrialization and urban alienation'. He wanted to define the correct balance between land and nature on the one hand, and 'concrete, the artificial and creature comforts' on the other. Stapledon's belief that the destiny of man trembled in the balance until this dilemma was solved is an example of early apocalyptic nullity.
85. Stapled on, Disraeli, p. 123.
86. See for example, J. Beresford, The Long View (London, 1944).
Chapter Five
1. See W.H.G. Armytage, Yesterday's Tomorrows. A Historical Survey of Future Societies (London, 1968), and F.E. and F.P. Manuel, Utopian Thought in the Western World (Oxford, 1979), for an interesting survey of utopias; the Manuels' book looks most closely at Europe between 1500-1800, with some coverage of the nineteenth century.
2. For a contemporary account of radical communities of the United States in the nineteenth century, see Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the US (New York, 1875; this edition New York, 1960). For the Doukhoubours, see George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Doukhoubours (London, 1968).
3. Andrew Rigby, Communes in Britain (London, 1974), pp. 2-3. A study of these groups would be informative for the sociologist or anthropologist, but such studies have for the most part been undertaken by 'believers' (as with Andrew Rigby, historian of alternative hippy communes, whose books are redolent of such phrases as 'where it's at', and 'getting it together'). The excellent study by Lawrence Veysey, The Communal Experience. Anarchist and Mystical Counter-Cultures in America (New York, 1973), is an exceptionally open, honest and well-informed work which combines an overview of American radicalism with anthropological descriptions of communes, observed over some years.
4. H.D. Thoreau, Walden, or Life in the Woods (first published 1854:this edition New York, 1961), pp. 24, 32 (he borrows an axe), 34, 38.
5. R. Bahro, 'Fundamental Thoughts on the Crisis of the Greens', in Building the Green Movement (London, 1986), p. 159.
6. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 32.
7. Ibid., p. 23.
8. Ibid., p. 3.
9. See discussion in Everett Webber, Escape to Utopia. The communal movement in America (New York, 1959), pp. 418-19.
10. Arthur Christy, The Orient in American Transcendentalism. A Study of Emerson, Thoreau and Alcott (New York, 1932).
11. See G, Orwell, 'Helen's Babies', in Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, vol. 4. In Front of Your Nose (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 286, 'uncorrupted ... integrity or good morale, founded partly on an unthinking piety ... an underlying confidence in the future, a sense of freedom and opportunity'.
12. H. George, Progress and Poverty (London, 1951), p. 2: 'Could he have conceived of the hundred thousand improvements which these only suggest, what would he have inferred as to the social condition of mankind? .. How could the vice, the crime, the ignorance, the brutality, that spring from poverty and the fear of poverty, exist where poverty had vanished? Who should crouch where all were freemen? Who oppress where all were peers?' (my italics).
George briskly disposes of Malthusian prophecies; man is the only animal who has the ability to increase his food production with his population increase, pp. 55, 59. George's opposition to Darwinian evolution is based here on the presumption that man is quantitatively superior to the animals in technology and reasoning; it is not based on a moral distaste for competition, see also Offer, Property and Politics, pp. 344-5, on George's 'pantheistic religion'.
13. W.H.G. Armytage, Heavens Below. Utopian Experiments in England, 1560- 1960 (London, 1961), p. 308.
14. Ibid., p. 316; Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 45; and see Offer, Property and Politics, chapters 20 and 21.
15. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 10. G. Woodcock, though, in his standard work Anarchism. A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Harmondsworth, 1975), omits this aspect of anarchy.
16. See Armytage, Heavens Below, p. 292, and see Jan Marsh, Back to the Land. The Pastoral Impulse in Victorian England, 1880 to 1914 (London, 1982) for a detailed study of Ruskin-inspired communes and the Salvation Army land colonies. Clark C. Spence, The Salvation Army Farm Colonies (Tucson, 1985) is a fascinating account.
17. Paul Meier, William Morris, the Marxist Dreamer (Hassocks, Sussex, 1978), pp. 68-9.
18. Armytage, Heavells Below, p. 307.
19. H. Rider Haggard, A Farmer's Year (London, 1899), pp. 421, 439.
20. A.N. Wilson, Hilaire Belloc (Harmondsworth, 1984), pp. 292-3.
21. Ibid., p. 293.
22. Orwell often referred to Chesterton's hopeless lack of progressive spirit. The most accessible account is in Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, vol. 4, In Front of Your Nose, pp. 123-4.
23. Cited in Armytage, Heavens Below, p. 407.
24. Ibid., p. 395.
25. Marsh, Back to the Land, passim.
26. Paul Weindling, unpublished lectures at the Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, Oxford, 1985.
27. See Ulrich Linse, ed., Zuruck o Mensch zur Muller Erde. Landkommunen in Deutschland, 1890-1933 (Munich, 1983), intr., and for George and the single tax in England, see Offer, Property and Politics, p. 345.
28. For a full account see B. Zablocki, The Joyful Community. The account of the Bruderhof. A Communal Movement now in its Third Generation (Baltimore, 1971).
29. See Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Artamanen file, NS 1285. They talk, too, about 'awakened racial consciousness', an unusual phrase for the period. The passage runs:
Artam - tillers of the soil, fighters for honour, ... land and Lebensraum. Artam means the renewal of the people ... The most holy revolutionary will was expressed by the first Artamanen in the deed. (zur Tat) Youth's early instinct ... led us to Mother Earth. Without programmes, or great speeches the blood-red swastika banner was the symbol of awakened racial consciousness'; quoted in Linse, op. cit., p. 331, my translation. This extract was published in a 1934 document, and may therefore not be entirely reliable.
30. See R. Sheldrake, 'Mother of All', in S. Kumar, ed., Schumacher Lectures (London, 1984) pp. 219-51.
31. Quoted in Rigby, Communes in Britain pp. 109-10.
32. See John Higham, 'The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s', in John Weiss, ed., The Origins of Modem Consciousness (Detroit, 1965), who saw continuity since the 1890s in 'back to nature' ideals; and an interesting account of individualistic anarchists who started with calls for general strikes, and became neo-fascist in a Sorelian spirit, in Michael Wreszin, 'Albert Jay Nock; the Anarchist Elitist Tradition in America', American Quarterly, 1969, vol. 21, pp. 165-89.
33. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 469.
34. See Arthur E. Morgan, The Small Community (New York, 1942) and Newlyn R. Smith, Land for the Small Man. English and Welsh Experience with Publicly Supplied Smallholdings, 1860- 1937 (New York, 1946).
35. Veysey, Communal Experience, p. 43.
36. Webber, Escape to Utopia, pp. 418-19; Veysey, Communal Experience, pp. 317- 20.
37. See C.E. Ashworth, 'Flying Saucers, Spoon-Bending and Atlantis: a Structural Analysis of New Mythologies', Sociological Review, 1980, vol. 28, pp. 353-76. In The World and I (Washington, 1987), pp. 627-643, Richard Rubinstein writes on 'Religion and the Rise of Capitalism; the Case of Japan': 'Unlike every nation of Judaeo- Christian inheritance, the Japanese alone remained in contact with their oldest sources of religious and cultural values' (p. 638). Rubinstein is writing about nationalism, but the point is valid generally.
38. W.A. Hinds, American Communities and Co-operative Colonies (Philadelphia, 1978); Webber, Escape to Utopia, pp. 418-19.