Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Constantin

What you are allowed to think and what you do think are two different things, aren't they? That's another way of saying that this forum may be NSFW, if your boss is a Republican. A liberal won't fire you for it, but they'll laugh at you in the break room and you may not get promoted. Unless you're an engineer, of course, in which your obsession with facing reality is not actually a career-disabling disability.

Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Constantin

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:56 am

Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 9-11 Terrorists
by Alex Constantine



Table of Contents:

• Part 1
• Part 2: An American Pinay Circle
• Part 3: We Rob Banks
• Part 4: A Dummy's Guide to Stock Fraud, Extortion, Corporate Looting & Nuclear Terrorism
• Part 5: Taped Conversations & a Shower of Gold for America
• Part 6: Interlude -- Legal Plunderers & Pariahs
• Part 7: The Brother-Bruder-AKH Axis
• Part 8: A "Dirty Son-Of-A-Bitch" & The Blind Sheik
• Part 9: Killer Pimp in the State Department
• Part 10: The Brothers' Keepers
• Part 11: Being an Account of the "Enterprise" Behind "Team Bush" & a First Glimpse at the Black Heart of the 911 Octopus
• Part 12: Friendly Fire -- 1993 World Trade Center Bombers Abdul Rahman Yassin, Nidal Ayyad, and State-Sponsored Terrorism
• Part 13: Interlocking Directorates
• Part 14: Interlude -- David Corn, the Nation's Liberal, Status-Quotient-9/11-Card-Parking-Limited-Hang-Out Water Carrier for Homicidal, Drug-Smuggling CIA Fascists
• Part 15: Nazi Connections to the Khashoggi Syndicate
• Part 16: None
• Part 17: Rudy
• Part 18: North's Enterprise Stages a Comeback; The Markle Foundation
• Part 19: Roots -- An Iran-Contra/Al Qaeda Reader
o Part 19 (A) (cont'd)
o Part 19 (B) (cont'd)
o Part 19 (C) (cont'd)
o Part 19 (D) (cont'd)
• Part 20: Pakistan's Kalashnikov Culture & the CIA-ISI-Saudi Axis
• Part 21: Adnan Khashoggi, Alexander Voloshin & a 9/11 Trial Run in Moscow
• Part 22: Richard Perle's "Narco-Terrorist" Business Partner
• Part 23: Nazi & Republican Party Ties to Three 911 Hijackers
• Part 24: Project Anthrax -- SAIC, Stephen Hatfill & Bio-Economic State Terrorism
o Part 24 (A) (cont'd)
o Part 24 (B) (cont'd)
o Part 24 (C) (cont'd)
o Part 24 (D) (cont'd)
o Part 24 (E) (cont'd)
o Part 24 (F): Project Anthrax -- Vaxgen's Dr. Donald Francis, Co-Creator of AIDS & the Neuordnung's Emergent Viruses
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:57 am

Part 1

by Alex Constantine

Decades before burning skyscrapers, codified torture, secret trials and mass detentions, there was Barrick Gold, a mining concern in Canada with roots in the American intelligence establishment. It is fitting that gold, the seductive but dead heart of world capitalism, should christen a story about the most unconscionable event in Wall Street history: 911.

Barrick's incorporation is obscure. Most accounts claim that the firm was founded by Peter Munk, a former radio manufacturer who made a splash in the Canadian press when he disposed of his shares in the company shortly before it was declared insolvent, a golden parachute paid for by investors and the Canadian taxpayer. His name was instantly mud in the investment community, but fortunately for Munk, no indictment was ever brought against him.

Today, his overall worth is estimated at $350 million.1 Munk's redemption was the work of Adnan Khashoggi, who would go on to notoriety as an Ollie North intermediary in the Iran-Contra affair. Khashoggi and Munk kicked off their partnership with a series of hotel investments. In 1983, he raided his fat cash reserves to purchase Barrick. Munk was installed as chairman.

Khashoggi distanced himself from Barrick shortly after the Iran-Contra scandal broke (but held onto his stock, tied up as collateral for North's arms transfers to Iran in 1985), notes Observer reporter Gregg Palast in a book on the 2000 presidential election, before Bush was invited in. That was in 1995: "Munk's reputation was restored, at least in his own mind, in part by massive donations to the University of Toronto. Following this act of philanthropy, the university awarded Munk-adviser Bush an honorary degree. Several students were arrested protesting what appeared to them as a cash-for-honors deal."2

The bonds were positively Sicilian. In 1986, Khashoggi was arrested for fraud and held in a New York prison. Munk paid his $4 million bail.3

Financial researcher Lois Battuello was Palast's key source of information concerning Barrick. It was Battuello who gave Palast a file on Barrick Resources International (BRI), the nascent firm founded two years before Barrick Gold, a spin-off, by the Central Intelligence Agency's Kermit Roosevelt to serve as a dummy business front.

This was roughly the same time that Roosevelt cemented relations with Khashoggi, who brought Munk along, on behalf of the CIA. In 1983, Battuello says, the disgraced entrepeneur "picked up the mantle of this clandestine front (read looted taxpayer dollars) in Toronto as though it was his operation. It was simply put together with evil money, and it gave Adnan Khashoggi an excuse to be visible in Toronto, where he established yet more businesses and outposts."4 The offshore division of Khashoggi's Barrick Resources, for instance, controlled Jetborne, Inc., a company in Toronto used by Khashoggi to ship arms to Iran under the direction of Reagan's NSC.5

Khashoggi's empire, raised on a bed of gold, metastasized rapidly. In 1973, he dropped in his burgeoning portfolio a company in possession of nearly two million acres of prime real estate, the Arizona-Colorado Land & Cattle Company -- not far from the 100,000 acre Paloma Ranch near Gila Bend, deeded to the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt and John B. Anderson.6

Two years later, in cahoots with Sheik Kamal Adham -- then director of Saudi intelligence (1963-79), brother-in-law of King Faisal and the CIA's key liaison to the Arab world -- Khashoggi founded Oryx.

But the Saudi Sheik's thieving bonds with Khashoggi and the CIA were forged decades earlier, with the incorporation of Barrick. The company's seed investors were Saudis with Agency ties, including Shiek Kamal Adham, Adnan Khashoggi, and Prince Nawaf bin Abdul Aziz (a major investor in Barrick, code-named "Tumbleweed" by his CIA contacts).7 By 1978, Adham was worth roughly $134 million.

It was but two years earlier that the son of Prescott Bush, a well-heeled CIA director, struck up an alliance with Saudi Arabia and Iran under the Shah. George H.W. Bush's left-hand man at Langley was Kamal Adham. After leaving the CIA in January, 1977, Bush was appointed to the executive committee chair of First International Bancshares (FIB), the largest bank in the District of Columbia. (In the 1980s, the Sheik and Abdul Khalil ((Adham's successor as Saudi intelligence director)), then officers of BCCI, were implicated in a hostile bid for FIB, by this time transmogrified into a dummy front for its scandal-infested parent, BCCI.)

Raymond Close, another revolving-door, covert dervish, CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia, took arms from the Saudis and gave them to Pakistan, and in the 70s left the Agency and went to work for BCCI director Kamal Adham.

Majority shares in Capcom, a BCCI subsidiary, were held by Saudi spooks Adham and Khalil. Capcom sidelines included money laundering and drug trafficking.8 Adham was eventually prosecuted for fraud in the BCCI case and paid a $100 million fine.

Oryx, the demonic corporate brat of Khashoggi and Adham, has recently been linked by investigative reporter Daniel Hopsicker (Welcome to Terrorland) to Wallace Hilliard, proprietor of Huffman Aviation in Florida, where Mohammed Atta's suicide cult trained in aero-terrorism.

Of the 220 flight schools in Florida, Atta had to pick Huffman.

Wallace Hilliard, Khashoggi's lackey, bought Huffman Aviation in 1999, and hired Rudi Dekkers, a Dutchman, to run it. The following year, Hilliard's LearJet was stopped on the runway at Orlando Executive Airport by armed DEA agents.

At Huffman, too, the CIA was a silent partner. Sander Hickes, a reporter for the Long Island Press, found that Hilliard "did business with Myron Du Bain, who worked alongside late ex-CIA director John McCone on the boards of several banks. Du Bain was chairman of the Fireman's Fund Insurance Company in 1981 when the company announced plans to acquire Employers Health, an insurance company cofounded by Hilliard."9

In July, Daniel Hopsicker, after a two-year investigation into Huffman Aviation, offered from his MadCowMorningNews web soapbox the suggestion that Mohammed Atta had been engaged "in a lucrative drug trafficking operation which linked Osama bin Laden's thugs and drug lieutenants to their equally-thuggish American counterparts. This places the two terrorists at the same airport where DEA agents brandishing submachine guns seized a Lear jet belonging to the owner of the flight school [Hilliard] where Atta and Al-shehhi were taking lessons ... at that very moment."

DEA agents, Hopsicker wrote, "discovered 43 pounds of heroin aboard Hilliard's Lear. The Orlando Sentinel hailed the bust as the largest seizure in Central Florida's history.' After we'd learned the whole story, we discovered the bust had been an accident, carried out by low-level DEA operatives not clued-in to the protected nature of the trade. Nor was this the only time Hilliard's name came up in connection with narcotics trafficking."10

Likewise, Hilliard's Saudi boss would soon be immersed in criminal activity of his own -- with direct ties to terrorism -- in Armenia. Banking fraud was rampant there, Global News Wire reported in August, 2004, "thanks to the Arab millionaire Adnan Khashoggi -- an active partner of Armenian businessmen in the illicit drug and arms trades." Khashoggi's first bucket-shop banking operation was a branch of the Caucasus Investment Bank in Susa. In quick succession, with the assistance of Abu Muslum, an Arab businessman, he opened the Hamaz and Beit ul-Muqaddas banks.

Rovsan Novruzoglu, a political scientist and director of the International Strategic Research Center in Azerbaijan, observes that Adnan Khashoggi's banks "played a big part in the formation of terrorist camps and in the opening of laboratories for developing chemical and bacteriological weapons in Nagornyy Karabakh."11

Back home, Hilliard's flight school, as Hopsicker reported, "was training dozens of terrorists to fly -- including both pilots crashing into the World Trade Center."



1) Greg Palast, "Poppy Strikes Gold," excerpt from The Best Democracy Money Can Buy," ... _gold.html.

Poppy Strikes Gold

Sunday, April 27, 2008
Originally Posted July 9, 2003
By Greg Palast

This excerpt is taken from Greg Palast's book The Best Democracy Money Can Buy available from

George W. could not have amassed this pile if his surname were Jones or Smith. While other candidates begged, pleaded and wheedled for donations, the Bushes added a creative, lucrative new twist to the money chase that contenders couldn't imitate: "Poppy" Bush's post–White House work. It laid the foundation for Dubya's campaign kitty corpulence and, not incidentally, raised the family's net worth by several hundred percent.

In 1998, for example, the former president and famed Desert Stormtrooper-in-Chief wrote to the oil minister of Kuwait on behalf of Chevron Oil Corporation. Bush says, honestly, that he "had no stake in the Chevron operation." True, but following this selfless use of his influence, the oil company put $657,000 into the Republican Party coffers.

That year Bush père created a storm in Argentina when he lobbied his close political ally, President Carlos Menem, to grant a gambling license to Mirage Casino Corporation. Once again, the senior Bush wrote that he had no personal interest in the deal. However, Bush fils made out quite nicely: After the casino flap, Mirage dropped $449,000 into the Republican Party war chest.

Much of Bush's loot, reports the Center for Responsive Politics, came in the form of "bundled" and "soft" money. That's the squishy stuff corporations use to ooze around U.S. law, which prohibits any direct donations from corporations.

Not all of the elder Bush's work is voluntary. His single talk to the board of Global Crossing, the telecom start-up, earned him stock worth $13 million when the company went public. Global Crossing's employees also kicked in another million for the younger Bush's run. (We'll meet Global Crossing again in Chapter 3.)

And while the Bush family steadfastly believes that ex-felons should not have the right to vote for president, they have no objection to ex-cons putting presidents on their payroll. In 1996, despite pleas by U.S. church leaders, Poppy Bush gave several speeches (he charges $100,000 per talk) sponsored by organizations run by Rev. Sun Myung Moon, cult leader, tax cheat—and formerly the guest of the U.S. federal prison system. Some of the loot for the Republican effort in the 1997–2000 election cycles came from an outfit called Barrick Corporation.

The sum, while over $100,000, is comparatively small change for the GOP, yet it seemed quite a gesture for a corporation based in Canada. Technically, the funds came from those associated with the Canadian's U.S. unit, Barrick Gold Strike.

They could well afford it. In the final days of the Bush (Senior) administration, the Interior Department made an extraordinary but little noticed change in procedures under the 1872 Mining Law, the gold rush–era act that permitted those whiskered small-time prospectors with their tin pans and mules to stake claims on their tiny plots. The department initiated an expedited procedure for mining companies that allowed Barrick to swiftly lay claim to the largest gold find in America. In the terminology of the law, Barrick could "perfect its patent" on the estimated $10 billion in ore—for which Barrick paid the U.S. Treasury a little under $10,000. Eureka!

Barrick, of course, had to put up cash for the initial property rights and the cost of digging out the booty (and the cost of donations, in smaller amounts, to support Nevada's Democratic senator, Harry Reid). Still, the shift in rules paid off big time: According to experts at the Mineral Policy Center of Washington, DC, Barrick saved—and the U.S. taxpayer lost—a cool billion or so. Upon taking office, Bill Clinton's new interior secretary, Bruce Babbitt, called Barrick's claim the "biggest gold heist since the days of Butch Cassidy." Nevertheless, because the company followed the fast-track process laid out for them under Bush, this corporate Goldfinger had Babbitt by the legal nuggets. Clinton had no choice but to give them the gold mine while the public got the shaft.

Barrick says it had no contact whatsoever with the president at the time of the rules change.[1] There was always a place in Barrick's heart for the older Bush—and a place on its payroll. In 1995, Barrick hired the former president as Honorary Senior Advisor to the Toronto company's International Advisory Board. Bush joined at the suggestion of former Canadian prime minister Brian Mulroney, who, like Bush, had been ignominiously booted from office. I was a bit surprised that the president had signed on. When Bush was voted out of the White House, he vowed never to lobby or join a corporate board. The chairman of Barrick openly boasts that granting the title "Senior Advisor" was a sly maneuver to help Bush tiptoe around this promise.

I was curious: What does one do with a used president? Barrick vehemently denies that it appointed Bush "in order to procure him to make contact with other world leaders whom he knows, or who could be of considerable assistance" to the company. Yet, in September 1996, Bush wrote a letter to help convince Indonesian dictator Suharto to give Barrick a new, hot gold-mining concession.

Bush's letter seemed to do the trick. Suharto took away 68 percent of the world's largest goldfield from the finder of the ore and handed it to Barrick. However, Bush's lobbying magic isn't invincible. Jim Bob Moffett, a tough old Louisiana swamp dog who heads Freeport-McMoRan, Barrick's American rival, met privately with Suharto. When Suharto emerged from their meeting, the kleptocrat announced that Freeport would replace Bush's Canadians. (Barrick lucked out: The huge ore deposit turned out to be a hoax. When the con was uncovered, Jim Bob's associates invited geologist Mike de Guzman, who "discovered" the gold, to talk about the error of his ways. Unfortunately, on the way to the meeting, de Guzman fell out of a helicopter.)

Who is this "Barrick" to whom our former president would lease out the reflected prestige of the Oval Office? I could not find a Joe Barrick in the Canadian phone book. Rather, the company as it operates today was founded by one Peter Munk. The entrepreneur first came to public notice in Canada in the 1960s as a central figure in an insider trading scandal. Munk had dumped his stock in a stereo-making factory he controlled just before it went belly up, leaving other investors and government holding the bag. He was never charged, but, notes Canada's Maclean's magazine, the venture and stock sale "cost Munk his business and his reputation." Yet today, Munk's net worth is estimated at $350 million, including homes on two continents and his own island.

How did he go from busted stereo maker to demi-billionaire goldbug? The answer: Adnan Khashoggi, the Saudi arms dealer, the "bag man" in the Iran-Contra arms-for-hostage scandals. The man who sent guns to the ayatolla teamed up with Munk on hotel ventures and, ultimately, put up the cash to buy Barrick in 1983, then a tiny company with an "unperfected" claim on the Nevada mine. You may recall that Bush pardoned the coconspirators who helped Khashoggi arm the Axis of Evil, making charges against the sheik all but impossible. (Bush pardoned the conspirators not as a favor to Khashoggi, but to himself.)

Khashoggi got out of Barrick just after the Iran-Contra scandal broke, long before 1995, when Bush was invited in. By that time, Munk's reputation was restored, at least in his own mind, in part by massive donations to the University of Toronto. Following this act of philanthropy, the university awarded Munk–adviser Bush an honorary degree. Several students were arrested protesting what appeared to them as a cash-for-honors deal.

Mr. Munk's president-for-hire did not pay the cost of his rental in Indonesia. The return on Barrick's investment in politicians would have to come from Africa.

Mobutu Sese Seko, the late dictator of the Congo (Zaire), was one of the undisputed master criminals of the last century having looted hundreds of millions of dollars from his national treasury— and a golfing buddy of the senior Bush. That old link from the links probably did not hurt Barrick in successfully seeking an eighty-thousand-acre gold-mining concession from the Congolese cutthroat. Bush himself did not lobby the deal for Barrick. It wasn't that the former president was squeamish about using the authority of his former posts to cut deals with a despot. Rather, at the time Bush was reportedly helping Adolf Lundin, Barrick's sometime industry rival. Africa specialist Patrick Smith of London disclosed that Bush called Mobutu in 1996 to help cinch a deal for Lundin for a mine distant from Barrick's.

Rebellion against Mobutu made the mine site unusable, though not for the company's lack of trying. In testimony in hearings convened by the minority leader of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Human Rights, expert Wayne Madsen alleged that Barrick, to curry favor with both sides, indirectly funded both and thereby inadvertently helped continue the bloody conflict. The allegation, by respected journalist Wayne Madsen, has not been substantiated: The truth is lost somewhere in the jungle, where congressional investigators will never tread.

Though Barrick struck out in Indonesia and the Congo, the big payoff came from the other side of the continent. The company's president bragged to shareholders that the prestige of the Mulroney-Bush advisory board was instrumental in obtaining one of the biggest goldfields in East Africa at Bulyanhulu, Tanzania. Barrick, according to its president, had hungered for that concession—holding an estimated $3 billion in bullion—since the mid-1990s, when it first developed its contacts with managers at Sutton Resources, another Canadian company, which held digging rights from the government. (See footnote 1.) Enriched by the Nevada venture, Barrick could, and eventually would, buy up Sutton. But in 1996, there was a problem with any takeover of Sutton: Tens of thousands of small-time prospectors, "jewelry miners," so called because of their minuscule finds, already lived and worked on the land. These poor African diggers held legal claim stakes to their tiny mine shafts on the property. If they stayed, the concession was worthless.

In August 1996, Sutton's bulldozers, backed by military police firing weapons, rolled across the goldfield, smashing down worker housing, crushing their mining equipment and filling in their pits. Several thousand miners and their families were chased off the property. But not all of them. About fifty miners were still in their mine shafts, buried alive.

Buried alive. It's not on Bush's resume, nor on Barrick's Web site. You wouldn't expect it to be. But then, you haven't found it in America's newspapers either.

There are two plausible explanations for this silence. First, it never happened; the tale of the live burials is a complete fabrication of a bunch of greedy, lying Black Africans trying to shake down Sutton Resources (since 1999, a Barrick subsidiary). That's what Barrick says after conducting its own diligence investigation and relying on local and national investigations by the Tanzanian government. And the company's view is backed by the World Bank. See Chapter 8 of my book "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy" for more on this.[2]

There's another explanation: Barrick threatens and sues newspapers and human rights organizations that dare to breathe a word of the allegations—even if Barrick's denials are expressed. I know: They sued my papers, the Observer and Guardian. Barrick even sent a letter to the internationally respected human rights lawyer Tundu Lissu, a fellow at the World Resources Institute in Washington, DC, outlining its suit against the Observer and warning that it would take "all necessary steps" to protect its reputation should the Institute repeat any of the allegations. Barrick's threats are the least of Lissu's problems. For supplying me with evidence—photos of a corpse of a man allegedly killed by police during the clearance of the mine site, notarized witness statements, even a police video of workers seeking bodies from the mine pits—and for Lissu's demanding investigation of the killings, his law partners in Dar es Salaam have been arrested and Lissu charged by the Tanzanian government with sedition.

In 1997, while Bush was on the board (he quit in 1999), Mother Jones magazine named Barrick's chairman Munk one of America's "10 Little Piggies"—quite an honor for a Canadian—for allegedly poisoning the West's water supply with the tons of cyanide Barrick uses to melt mountains of ore.

Notably, one of the first acts of the junior Bush's Interior Department in 2001 was to indicate it would reverse Clinton administration rules requiring gold extractors to limit the size of waste dumps and to permit new mines even if they were likely to cause "substantial, irreparable harm." The New York Times ran a long, front-page story on this rule-relaxing windfall for Nevada goldmining companies, but nowhere did the Times mention the name of the owner of the largest gold mine in Nevada, Barrick, nor its recent payroller, the president's father.


[1] Barrick has responded to every allegation reported in my first report on the company in a manner certain to get my attention: The company and its chairman sued my papers, Guardian and the Observer. While I have a distaste for retort by tort, I have incorporated their legitimate concerns to ensure their views are acknowledged in Chapter 8 of my book "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy."

[2] A bit of confusion here: Barrick swore to my paper that the alleged killings "related to a time years before [Barrick] had any connection whatsoever with the company to which the report referred." Yet Barrick's president and CEO, Randall Oliphant, told Barrick's shareholders that prior to their acquisition of Sutton, "we followed the progress at Bully (i.e., Bulyanhulu) for five years, remaining in close contact with the senior management team." That would connect them to the mine in 1994. The mining company wants me to report their version of events. Okay, here's both of them.

Greg Palast is an investigative reporter for BBC television and author of the New York Times bestseller, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (Penguin/Plume 2003). You can read more of Greg's writings and order the book at

2) Ibid.

3) Greg Palast, "Best democracy money can buy: Gregory Palast examines the sources of the $500m that boosted Bush's bid for the White House," Observer, November 26, 2000.

4) Lois Ann Battuello, e-mail exchange with author, October 1, 2004.

5) Ibid. Today, Khashoggi has interests in some 1500 companies, and indirect involvement in others. The second largest shareholder in Ruppert Murdoch's News Corp., for instance, is Prince Walid bin Talal bin Abdulaziz as Saud (Prince Alwaleed), a Khashoggi colleague.

6) Ibid.

7) Jay Taylor, "Jay Taylor: J. Taylor's Gold and Technology Stocks" (Volume 22 No. 15), January 3 2004.

8) Martin J. Rivers, "A Wolf in Sheikhs Clothing: Bush Business Deals with 9 Partners of bin Laden's Banker," Geocities, March 15, 2004.

9) Sander Hicks, "No Easy Answer - Heroin, Al Qaeda And The Florida Flight School," Long Island Press, February 19, 2004.

10) Daniel Hopsicker, "9/11's Big Dirty Secret," MadCowMorningNews, July 19 2004,

11) M. Macidli, "Azerbaijani Daily Outlines Activities of International Armenian Haybun Organization," Global News Wire, August 27, 2003
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:57 am

Part 2: An American Pinay Circle

by Alex Constantine

"... [An] experienced C.I.A. operative was similarly skeptical about the rival agency's ability to transform itself. 'They're cops,' he said of the F.B.I. agents. They spent their careers trying to catch bank robbers while we spent ours trying to rob banks...'"

- Seymour Hersh, Chain of Command

Adnan Khashoggi's mercenary army of global corporate criminals lives in Mafia mansions, basks in the political limelight, enjoys privileges of royalty in tyrannical desert dystopias, sips vodka in the shadow of gleaming Moscow spires. They are kings, Pentagon officials, priests, S&L thieves, assassins, prostitutes, nazis, Big Oil executives, metals merchants, New Age cultists, drug barons, boiler-room con artists, mobsters, dictators by the horde. And terrorists, of course.

Adnan Khashoggi is a Turkoman, the son of a doctor who tended to Abdul al-Aziz Ibn Saud. His career as an international "connector" began in the 1950s, while still an undergraduate at Chico State College. His purchase of fifty Kenworth trucks for resale to Saudi Arabia's bin Laden Group demonstrated his business savvy and provided him the capital to launch his career as world-class death merchant.

In the early 1960s, he could be found languishing or plotting world domination at Edwin Pauley's Coconut Island estate in Hawaii. Pauley, then Democratic Party chairman, operated an oil company called Zapata with the son of Prescott Bush, the Nazi collaborator.1

Houston attorney Linda Minor sidelines as an investigator into banking and political malfeasance. She discovered that Pauley was a slimy operator years before his alliance with Bush.

"He was a spy within the White House," Minor says, "acting as a funnel for campaign funds to FDR, while at the same time gathering and transmitting information about oil policy and captured Nazi and Japanese assets back to his California business associates."

Pauley's political significance stems from his participation in Gulf of Mexico oil explorations in the 1950's when, with a concession from Mexico, he threw in with Howard Hughes and G.H.W. Bush.

"Pauley taught Bush how to launder money through corporate subsidiaries to be used for political payoffs and the financing of political campaigns," Minor notes. "Both Pauley and Bush used this system to finance Richard Nixon's presidential campaigns."

The laundering scheme unravelled after the 1972 election, when a check drawn at a Mexican bank -the subsidiary of a Houston corporation controlled by associates of George H.W. Bush - surfaced in the Miami bank account of a Watergate plumber.2

Saudi royals and domestic oil barons struck up alliances. Shiek Kamal Adham - soon to conceive Oryx Investments, the owner of Huffman Aviation, with Khashoggi and Hilliard - and a circle of cohorts in sandals founded Arabian Shield Development Co. in Texas (since re-named the Arabian American Development Company).

Sheikh Mohammad Salem Ben Mahfouz, c/o National Commercial Bank, was an Arabian Shield investor.3 "During the 1980's," reports Martin J. Rivers of the Center for Research on Globalization, "Sheikh Mahfouz's syndicate performed major CIA-inspired banking operations for such former CIA assets as Osama bin Laden ... Saddam Hussein, Manuel Noriega and other drug dealing generals. George W. Bush, for his part, had important business relationships ... with a total of nine prominent individuals central to Mahfouz's financial empire."4

The early 1970s also brought Saudis recruited by the CIA to train at American military bases, including Prince Bandar bin Sultan. Bandar has long been an ally, if not an asset, of the CIA. When DCI William Casey wanted a cell of alleged terrorists killed, King Fahd sent Bandar to Langley to make the arrangements.5 The plan backfired when the subsequent car bombing took down an apartment building near Beirut, killing 80 innocent civilians.

After September 11, 2001, Bandar would fall under suspicion when it was discovered that two of the terrorists involved were found to have received financing from the Prince. Bandar was trained at Ellington AFB near Houston.6

In the early 1970s, Lois Battuello says, "Khalid Abdullah and Adnan Khashoggi were hovering around. Bandar first entered James A. Baker's social circle in Texas where he met Joanne Herring, who would later play a significant role in coaxing Texas democrat Charlie Wilson to support Muslim Brother Gul Hekmatyar in Afghanstan by the late-1970s."

The Oil-CIA-Saudi alliance was consummated with the establishment of the Safari Club of elite cut-throats, founded with covert Agency support on Sept. 1, 1976. Bush the elder was then DCI, and Nelson Rockefeller vice president under Ford.

Battuello: "The Safari Club was a grouping that followed the pattern of Europe's Pinay Circle - intelligence agents, politicians, businessmen from Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Iran."

Terrorism was a natural by-product of this alliance.

The CIA funded the Muslim Brotherhood in 1977, and trained Mujahadin to support Hekmatyar of the Brotherhood in Afghanistan. The fundamentalism-happy Muslim Brothers have served the CIA operationally for some 40 years, an arrangement rubber-stamped by Allen Dulles, Frank Wisner and Kermit Roosevelt.

Airline hijacker Mohammed Atta was ID'd as a Muslim Brother in the Wall Street Journal and New York Times shortly after the jet attacks on the World Trade Center. So were Khalid Shaik Mohammed and Ramzi Yousef, reportedly guided to a sacrificial pyre in the sky by Aman Zawahiri, Al Queada's second-in-command - also a co-conspirator in the murder of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat (while still operating under the aegis of the CIA) and the 1993 WTC bomb plot.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a bund of Middle Eastern thugs ultimately led by their generous American Big Brother. That they harbored enmity against the United States was evident in the person of Sami Al-Arian.

Al-Arian, a friend of George W. Bush, once called for the blood of American and Israeli infidels to a congregation of Muslims: "We assemble today to pay respects to the march of the martyrs and to the river of blood that gushes forth and does not extinguish, from butchery to butchery, and from martyrdom to martyrdom, from Jihad to Jihad!"7

Between 1988 and 1992, Al-Arian hosted a series of conferences of "the world's top terrorist leaders" and openly associated with Hamas officials in the States and elsewhere. Al-Arian was also alleged to have "helped oversee terrorist cells in the Middle East," according to Newsweek on July 16, 2001.8

John Loftus, a former State Department official and author of The Secret War Against the Jews, tried for the better part of a decade to have Al-Arian arrested. He was frustrated at every turn. It took 911 to get the FBI's interest. Al-Arian was finally arrested in February 2003 ... and out spilled his past as an FBI informant. Lois Battuello: "He has been charged with moving money for Hamas, Al Qaeda, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and others -- all offshoots of the Muslim Brothers. The only thing that explains the vast Al Qaeda network in 60 plus countries is the Muslim Brotherhood, who have been spread out around the globe for decades, ready to respond to command. The Jihad wing of the Muslim Brothers formed in 1953, an offshoot of the Al Banna main group. That this group responds to command' is evident in Wesley Clarke's statement last winter: I know who is doing this (ordering Muslim Brother's activities) and I know how to stop it (terrorist attacks) - but it takes being President of the United States to do so.'" Command and control.9



1) Bruce Campbell Adamson, letter to Congressman Sam Farr, September 15, 2001, ... 96515.html

2) Linda Minor, "Follow the Yellow Brick Road: From Harvard to Enron,",30,02 ... ronpt4.htm

3) Lois Battuello, e-mail exchange with author, October 2, 2004.

4) Martin J. Rivers, "A Wolf in Sheikh's Clothing: Bush Business Deals with Nine Partners of bin Laden's Banker,", March 15, 2004,

5) Anon., "Bandar bin Sultan, a CIA Agent," House of Saud site,

6) Battuello.

7) Debbie Schlussel, "Bush's Favorite Terrorist Buddy," WorldNetDaily, October 1, 2001.

8) Ibid.

9) Battuello.
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:58 am


by Alex Constantine

"The theological-political order that is promoted by the Islamist ideology is perfectly in tune with the requirements of American capitalism, [which] heralds the unilateral reign of uncontrollable globalization in the hands of business mafias and religious fanatics."

- Richard Lebeviere, Dollars for Terror

In a televised post-911 address, President Bush probed the soul of The Terrorist: "By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions -- by abandoning every value except the will to power -- they follow in the path of fascism and Nazism and totalitarianism" - a reasonable description of his business circle and its bomb-throwing enforcers (or a Nietzchian slip).

On a daily basis, the press, seemingly blind to the domestic financial connections to terrorism, grips the Octopus, scrapes a nerve, and a tentacle buried in the mud trembles and unfurls, as in this recent business wire report on Citigroup: "... links traverse a curious variety of unexamined threads in the U.S. financial community. Online Journal's Larry Chin (2-1- 2002) reminded that Citigroup has repeatedly been charged with money laundering. This, as it's Board of Directors includes John Deutch, former CIA Director, Robert Rubin, former Treasury Secretary and intimate friend of Enron's Ken Lay, but also former CIA Executive Director Nora Slatkin...'"

Haunting, unexplained lapses on the part of government officials - "FBI agents in the United States probing relatives [of] Osama Bin Laden before September 11 were told to back off soon after George W Bush became president, the BBC has reported ..." - aren't so anomalous to the eye once it is open.

Not, as a reporter for the Canadian Broadcasting Service shrilled in October 2003, so "incredible": "There are many business connections between the Bush family and the elite of Saudi Arabia.... The powerful - and very rich - Bin Laden family helped fund [W.'s] first venture into oil. The cozy friendship continued for decades. After a terrorist attack at a barracks in Saudi Arabia, which killed 19 Americans, the bin Laden family received a multi-billion dollar contract to re- build. And incredibly, George Bush Sr. was in a business meeting at the Ritz Carlton Hotel in Washington on the morning of September 11th with one of Osama Bin Laden's brothers..."1

Another "incredible" lapse amused liberal talk show hosts at the newly-chrustened Air America network in the summer of 2004: the quizzing of Condoleeza Rice by the 911 Commission revealed that Bush had received a "detailed and lengthy presidential daily briefing from the CIA in which Osama Bin Laden and al Qaeda's aim of launching an attack against the U.S. [was] discussed." The White House refused to release the report.2

Some things were simply no one's business - like the relationship of the Bush clan to Adnan Khashoggi, who was beholden to and cherished by the bin Ladens and Bush's Saudi business partners. Khashoggi surfaced most visibly from the trenches of Iran-Contra affair; here, too, scraps of the pre-history of 911 are scattered like bomb debris.

In 1985, Khashoggi turned to the Saudi National Commercial Bank, controlled by Sheikh Mahfouz, to borrow $35-million dollars to buy military hardware for shipment to Iran.

Was it such an anomaly, after all, that Mahfouz, the Saudi banker and part-owner of BCCI - later a key suspect in the 911 plot - Adnan, and Bush were tight? W. had been bailed out three times when his business ventures went under. In 1988, the year his father won the presidency, a gaggle of Saudis bought into Harken Oil. Later the same year, Harken drilled for oil in the Persian Gulf, the company's first offshore contract. Two of the investors in Harken were Mahfouz and Osama's brother, Salem bin Laden.3

But reporters continued to be shocked by the continuous stream of "revelations." "In politics, truth is often stranger than fiction," wrote Martin Rivers at the Center for Research on Globalization. "Sheikh Mahfouz's sister is actually one of four wives of Osama bin Laden, making the two men brothers-in-law, a fact that former CIA Director James Woolsey revealed in 1998 Senate testimony. Thus, Osama bin Laden is sleeping with the sister of Bush's [and Khashoggi's] business partner. Really."

Absolutely, and reporters, tank-thinkers, even prosecutors were "shocked" when they tripped on the miz-maze of illegal financial transactions preceding 911.

On May 22, 2002, FBI agents Jeffrey A. Royer and Lynn Wingate were indicted for engaging in securities fraud, racketeering and obstruction of justice. An extortion charge was also filed against Royer.

The next morning, the Washington Post printed the remarks of prosecuting U.S. attorney Alan Vinegard: "The allegations reveal a shocking partnership between an experienced stock manipulator and law enforcement agents, undertaken for their illicit personal financial gain." Seems Royer and Wingate dipped into the FBI's case-file database to keep tabs on the investigation and pass confidential information on to perpetrators in the stock scheme.

Kenneth Breen, an assistant federal attorney assigned to the case, added that one Amr Ibrahim "Anthony" Elgindy, a financial consultant and co-conspirator named in the indictment, notified his Salomon Smith Barney broker to to sell off $300,000 worth of stocks from his children's trust funds. While chatting with his broker by phone, Anthony Elgindy predicted that a stock market crash was imminent and the index would fall to 3000 (it did).4 The broker contacted the FBI, but Elgindy explained away his apparent foreknowledge of the 911 terrorist assaults with the alibi that he'd been trying to unload the stock shares for several weeks (this explanation didn't rule out the possibility that Elgindy's foreknowledge preceded 911 by the same margin, however).

Elgindy had co-conspired lustily for shares in a communications company, GenesisIntermedia (GENI). It was a stock pumping orgy. The proprietors of GENI were Adnan Khashoggi and Ramy El-Batrawi (both career criminals lurking behind their GENI blind would be instrumental in a wide-ranging disinfomation campaign waged to confuse the public after 911).

In the sealed indictment, opened in November of the same year, a bit of transcribed dialogue was included in the evidence file that referred to an "Anthony" receiving "$1.8 million" to inflate the price of GENI stock.

Elgindy ... didn't that name surface during the Iran-contra investigation? Gary Dobray, in his "Body Politic" Internet column, found another Iran-contra link, this one to Anthony's brother, Khaled: "Recently the White House made this Iran-Contra co-conspirator [Elliot Abrams] a new National Security Council official.... [Abrams] chaired the US Commission on International Religious Freedom and, as fate would have it, [sat] on the DC Human Rights Committee chaired by Abrams was ... Anthony Elgindy's brother, Khaled Elgindy. Khaled is a DC Arab activist who served as a policy analyst on Elliot Abrams' Human Rights Committee. Anthony and Khaled's father, Ibrahim Elgindy, was reported by the press to have founded an umbrella group of Muslim organizations in Chicago and led a 1998 protest on behalf of Muhammad Salah, a man the US government calls a designated global terrorist. Salah confessed to Israeli authorities that he was raising money for Hamas' suicide bombings and training cells in the US to make bombs and explosives."5

There were more ties to Iran-Contra on the GENI payroll: The director of GENI was Michael Roy Fugler. Fugler was a business front organizer for CIA "informant" Barry Seal. Seal, of course, allegedly ran cocaine into the U.S. until 1986, when he turned witness against his Colombian suppliers.

He's dead, of course.

All of which goes to say that once you map this underworld out, nothing surprises you anymore.



1) CBC Broadcast, "CONSPIRACY OR COINCIDENCE?," October 29, 2003. See,

2) Ibid.

3) See Salon, November 19, 2001 and Intelligence Newsletter, March 2, 2000.

4) Anthony M. DeStefano, "Ex-Agent Had Key Data Stock scam charges have eerie link," Newsday, May 29, 2002

5) Gary Dobray,
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:58 am


by Alex Constantine

In December 2002, federal prosecutors unsealed a RICO complaint in a Minnesota bankruptcy court filed by a Minneapolis securities firm - MJK Clearing vs. Deutsche Bank Securities, Adnan Khashoggi, Ramy El-Batrawi, GenesisIntermedia (GENI), et al. The complaint posited that the Alex. Brown investment house had run a "loaned shares" stock inflation game from its Toronto office. Two investors stood to profit: Adnan Khashoggi and his lieutenant, Ramy El-Batrawi.

Others headed for the docket, Business Week reported in May 2003, ranged from "an executive at Deutsche Bank Securities in Toronto to stock promoter Rafi Khan and a motley pair of New Jersey brokers, one a convicted felon"1

Like Elgindy, Khashoggi seemed to be pre-cognitive. The plot depended upon foreknowledge of the Wall Street stock tumble that would follow the destruction of the Trade Center towers.

MJK Securities trustee James Stephenson filed the lawsuit, maintaining that Khashoggi and El-Batrawi had loaned shares of the stock to a number of brokerage houses. In exchange, they came away with cash collateral.

"To maximize the amount of cash squeezed out of the stock-lending process, the stock price had to rise, and according to lawsuits, that was done by extensive hyping of the stock," Business Week reported. After 911, when GENI stocks deflated, Khashoggi and Ramy El-Batrawi, the company's CEO, strolled away with millions of dollars. This left the brokerage houses stuck with his devalued paper. The case has since branched into further investigations by the U.S. Attorney's office in Los Angeles and the SEC.2

But in the early 00's, the trail of financial carnage blazed by Khashoggi and his Egyptian crony at Genesis was pushed to the back pages by a story about a rising scandal at Los Alamos Labs. The director of the country's jewel-in-the-crown nuclear R&D facility was forced to resign after the public exposure of slush expense accounts and the disappearance of classified nuclear technology.

With these outrages crowding the front page, the press also paid little mind when, on February 28th, 2001, as the business wires reported, Los Alamos National Laboratory entered into a contract with Nuclear Solutions, Inc., the radioactive waste treatment people.

A year later, Nuclear Solutions' CEO Dr. Paul A. Brown stepped up to announce an agreement with Israel's Institute of Industrial Mathematics to treat waste-water. At this time, Nuclear Solutions, Inc. was dipping into the red. The Israeli contract would certainly lead to more nuclear-waste reclamation projects, but Dr. Brown had secrets that jumped his claim to optimism: an extortion plot and a shower of death threats engineered by an Egyptian investment adviser in Florida, the business partner of a wealthy Saudi "arms dealer."

Anthony Elgindy had recently been arrested for his involvement in a stock swindle involving FBI agents and pilfered classified crime data. The indictment filed against Anthony Elgindy noted that the FBI agents recruited to his immediate crime family combed confidential federal files, and learned that Dr. Brown at Nuclear Solutions had a criminal history. With this information in hand, Elgindy immediately shot off an e-mailed threat to Brown. He went on a binge of short- selling shares in Nuclear Solutions, spread word of Dr. Brown's past on the Internet, barraged him with threatening e-mails.3

But Dr. Brown was dead by the time Elgindy and his entourage were in custody, and faced convicted felon status themselves. On April 7, 2002, he was killed in a car accident. He was driving alone on an icy road late at night and lost control of the vehicle, according to police reports. Coincidence or not, there was a drastic shift in the direction of Nuclear Solutions from its niche in nuclear waste clean-up to development, as the company's web site boasts, of: "licensable product technologies for use in products and services intended for homeland security, defense, nanotechnology, and environmental technology applications."4

One of Nuclear Solutions' contributions in the post-911 age of stress was an invention for detecting smuggled or shielded nuclear material - a device patented by Dr. Brown before his death.5

A month before the accident, Dr Brown (the target of death threats) announced the appointment of John Dempsey to the office of executive vice president and chief operating officer at Solutions. Dempsey was a Naval veteran and nuclear engineer with 21 years at Bechtel, the sprawling military-industrial construction company based in San Franciso. (George Schultz, another Iran-contra conspirator, hailed from Bechtel - and received a warning not to fly on September 11, 2001, according to press reports. Bechtel, of course, cleaned up after the invasion of Iraq, a war "provoked" by the antics of Saddam Hussein and his "mobile bio-weapons labs," according to associates of Khashoggi.

Researcher Lois Battuello sees the saga of Nuclear Solutions as a chapter in an unwritten tome on geopolitcal subterfuge. "As we speak," she says, "Bushies have allocated money for more nuclear weapon output -- not the reverse. The U.S. continues to use radioactive waste in bombs." The political establishment, she says, "doesn't necessarily want to bury all of it. Egyptian Dr. Magdy Elamir created radioactive sites around his MRI imaging clinics at nine locations in New Jersey (nuclear medicine waste improperly disposed), and just maybe this was on purpose."

Is it possible, she asks, that "The Arabs" intended to liberate Dr. Brown's nuclear waste-remediation technology for their own dirty-bomb program? "After all," she says, "we read of the lads in England using all those smoke detectors to put together a small dirty bomb ... To a certain extent, the NWO types need to keep up the fear level and the terrorists are a great way to do it.

So give 'em the means to an end.' When you have Elgindy, who is so Muslim Brotherish, bashing this stock, you have to think in terms of how terrorists' might benefit by Paul Brown's death - financially.

"When that stock price slumped, man, potential investors beat a hasty retreat. The irony is that Tony Elgindy is soon to be in the big house, likely for the rest of his life."6



1) Joseph Weber With Gary Weiss, "A Saudi Financier's Squeeze Play," Busniess Week, May 12, 2003.

2) Ibid.

3) Mary La Rosa, "Nuclear Solutions Lost In Ambiguity," Argentina Indymedia, September 05, 2004.

4) Nuclear Solutions, Inc. Press Release via Primezone Media Network: ... ml?d=63833

5) La Rosa.

6) Lois Ann Battuello, e-mail exchange with author, October 3, 2004.
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:58 am


by Alex Constantine

After the nightmare of Black Tuesday, a tape recording of a private conference at the Hotel Royale Monceau in Paris, France found its way to Observer reporter Greg Palast. The topic of this meeting of minds was protection money, as in how much of it to give bin Laden to assure that no messy al Qaeda bombs exploded in Saudi Arabia. This cabal was in general agreement that their friend Osama had done quite well promoting Wahhabism in the Middle East. They were very complimentary.

Some of the usual suspects attended this session:

• Prince Turki al-Faisal.
• Khalid bin Mahfouz.
• Saudi Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh (bailed W. and his oil company from bankruptcy).
• Adnan Khashoggi.1

(The 9/11 families have mentioned a French intelligence report of the meeting in a lawsuit filed against Saudi royals, according to the Minneapolis Star-Tribune on August 16, 2002.)

Reverse the tape, now. More wretched voices drift upward from the charred recesses of 911 history...

On April 4, 1993, the Las Vegas Sun revealed that it had obtained a tape recording of its own, this one from an unnamed intelligence source. On the tape, Middle Eastern gold traders toyed with the notion of killing President Bill Clinton.3

As if this little attention-getter wasn't enough, the Arab businessmen went on to discuss options for dealing with widow Imelda Marcos and her son, then exiled in Hawaii. From the balmy islands, Imelda Marcos was heaving billions of dollars in gold on the black market, frantically, before the remains of their tin dictatorship was seized by the courts.

The sudden infusion of Philippine gold on the world market threatened to depress the already-sagging price of the metal. This cabal settled on a drastic solution - a strategic terrorist act staged to drive up the price of gold.

The threats "may be nothing more than ill-conceived boasting," the Sun allowed. "There may well be no connection between the [1993] New York blast - which DID impact installation of new computer programs at a major commodity exchange [also, one of the largest repositories of gold in the world, worth $1 billion, situated beneath the skyscraper4] - and the Marcos efforts to sell.... Yet far-fetched as it sounds, terrorist acts aimed at eroding public confidence in the world's most stable nation and commodity markets could make gold more attractive and drive its price higher."5

The Ford Econoline that exploded at the World Trade Center on February 26, 1993 left behind one of the biggest crime scenes in New York history, with six dead, 1,000 injured. The damage was estimated at an excess of $500 million.

Police dubbed it "the case of the century."6

Assistant FBI director James Fox explained to reporters that Mohammed Salameh, a follower of Omar Abdel Rahman, had been ID'd as the bomber. The New York Times reported that Rahman was a "Suspect Tied to an Islamic Fundamentalist Sect." Ramzi Yousef, suspected to be the "mastermind" of the plot, lit for Pakistan...

Khashoggi was given a taste of the Marcos gold back in 1963 - when he was running with Edwin Pauley and George DeMorenschieldt - converted into a certificate issued by the Bank of Switzerland to one "Adnan Kasogi."

Adnan was a familar face around the Marcos palace. So was Kodama Yoshio, a Khashoggi business partner - also a Japanese Naval rear admiral during WW II, a CIA asset, a thug in the Yakuza crime organization, a future mover in the Unification Church. Yoshio had shipped the so-called "Golden Lilly" Japanese gold war reserve to the Philippines after the war.

Sterling and Peggy Seagrave, in Gold Warriors (2002), detail a "great fortune discovered by U.S. intelligence services in 1946 ... $13-billion in war loot amassed by underworld godfather Kodama Yoshio who, as a rear admiral' in the Imperial Navy working with Golden Lily in China and Southeast Asia, was in charge of plundering the Asian underworld and racketeers. He was also in charge of Japan's wartime drug trade throughout Asia. After the war, to get out of Sugamo Prison and avoid prosecution for war crimes, Kodama gave $100-million to the CIA." Kodama, the all-purpose Yakuza, "personally financed the creation of the two political parties that merged into Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), strongly backed to this day by Washington."

As the Seagraves detail it, Kodama "spent two years in Sugamo Prison as an indicted war criminal, but was magically released in mid-1948 when he made a deal with General Willoughby [a viable suspect in the plot to murder John Kennedy] to give the CIA $100-million (equal to $1-billion in today's values.) This payment [was] placed in one of the secret slush funds controlled by the CIA station at the U.S. Embassy. Subsequently, Kodama was put directly on the CIA payroll."

Khashoggi's gold certificate was his own pay-off for services rendered. Gary Weadon, in The Nazi Hydra in America, recalls that Khashoggi was an agent of Lockheed with a Yakuza business partner who'd brought a furtune in gold to the Philippines: "This gold certificate was issued just before Lockheed paid the first known bribe to Prince Bernhard. Lockheed was being used by the CIA to funnel money worldwide. Moreover, Lockheed's European Sales Director, Dutchman Fred Meuser, had been a member of Prince Bernhard's wartime air force squadron. An additional member of the Lockheed bribe team was CIA officer Nicholas Deak."

Deak had set up a brokering front to launder CIA funds and slip them discreetly to Kodama. Deak merged with Lionel C. Perera, founder of Perera, Manfra & Brookes. "Perera was attached to the Chief of Military Government Finance Office at the Third Army's headquarters in Germany at war's end, where he interviewed Colonel Rauch. Rauch was the SS colonel responsible for hiding the Reich Bank gold reserves."

Another Nazi entrusted with the postwar wealth of the SS was Francois Genoud. In 1992, the Observer identified Genoud as "one of the world's leading Nazis." Authorites suggest that he "transferred the defeated Nazis' gold into Swiss bank accounts." Genoud underwrote the postwar Odessa organization.8 On March 12, 2002, the San Francisco Chronicle let on that Swiss police "believe Genoud founded al Taqwa Bank and allocated its resources to support international terrorists such as Vladimir Ilich Ramirez, alias Carlos the Jackal, and bin Laden."9 A few days later, Salon reported that Osama bin Laden had received funding from Al Taqwa, with "shareholders that include prominent Arab figures from numerous countries in the Middle East. Among the shareholders are the grand mufti of the United Arab Emirates and prominent families in the UAE and Kuwait. Two sisters of Osama bin Laden are also on the list, undermining the bin Laden family's claim that it separated itself from his terrorist pursuits after he was expelled from Saudi Arabia in 1994.10

With all this subterfuge in the background, the Khashoggi-Lockheed bribery scandal begs reappraisal. Marcos, Yoshia and Iran-contra's John Singlaub were all charter members of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), a para-fascist organization of old guard Nazis, death squad leaders, spooks and propagandists. WACL provides further right-wing context; the CIA and WACL were arguably symbiotic.

David Guyatt reports that a letter from Henry Kissinger dated February 21, 1986 was sent to Marcos, ordering the sale of 63,321 tons of gold to 2000 US and European banks. Marcos stubbornly refused and was dethroned.11


1) Greg Palast, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, London: Pluto Press, 2002.

2) Gary Thompson and Steve Kanigher, "Coverup Spans 50 Years," Las Vegas Sun, April 4, 1993.

3) Ibid.

4) "World Trade Center of New York City, "One of the world's largest gold depositories was stored underneath the World Trade Center, owned by a group of commercial banks. The 1993 bomb detonated close to the vault, but it withstood the explosion. One source estimates the 1993 value of the gold at one billion dollars, believed to be owned by Kuwaiti interests." The gold was recovered in late 2001.

5) Anon., "The World Trade Center Bombing," Law Enforcement Agency Resource Network,

6) See Santa Fe New Mexican, March 20, 2003.

7) Sterling and Peggy Seagrave, Gold Warriors, Bowstring, 2002. Another, immense domestic gold reserve began as cachés of Nazi and Japanese loot, seized by the allies, intended not as compensation to victims and survivors of the war, but as an "action fund" - for bribing foreign officials, influencing elections, and such - known as the Black Eagle Trust. Seagraves: "The idea for a global political action fund based on war loot actually originated during the Roosevelt administration, with Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson. During the war, Stimson had a braintrust thinking hard about Axis plunder and how it should be handled when peace came.... To eliminate any trace of original ownership, the Nazis had melted it down, and recast it as ingots hallmarked with the swastika and black eagle of the Reichsbank." The "egg" of the Black Eagle Trust was laid at the secret Bretton Woods conference in 1944, when representatives of forty-four nations met to plan the postwar global economy.

This has been verified by documents and official sources. One of them is former CIA Deputy Director Ray Cline [yet another Iran-contra conspirator], who was aware of Nazi and Japanese gold recoveries in 1945. "As recently as the 1990's," the Seagraves write, "Cline continued to be involved in attempts to control Japanese war-gold still in the vaults of Citibank.... Captain Lansdale returned to Tokyo in November 1945 with Robert B. Anderson."

General MacArthur then accompanied Anderson and Lansdale on a covert flight to manila, where they set out for a tour of the vaults Santy already had opened. In them, we were told, Anderson and MacArthur strolled down row after row of gold bars stacked two meters tall'. From what they saw, it was evident that over a period of years Japan had looted many billions of dollars in treasure from all over Asia. What was seen by Anderson and MacArthur was only the gold that had not reached Japan. Far from being bankrupted by the war, Japan had been greatly enriched." And so had the U.S. after the war when the pelf was seized and cabbaged away as a covert foreign policy slush fund.

8) David Lee Preston, "Hitler's Swiss Connection," Philadelphia Inquirer, Jan. 5, 1997.

9) Jay Bushinsky, "Suspected financial ties to al Qaeda," San Francisco Chronicle, March 12, 2002.

10) Lucy Komisar, "Shareholders in the Bank of Terror? Salon, March 15, 2002. See,

11) For Guyatt's reconstruction, See Gary Weadon excerpt, "Nazi Gold," chapter 10.
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:59 am


by Alex Constantine

"The first prisoner [at Guantanamo] formally charged with committing war crimes was 34 year-old Yemeni Salim Ahmed Hamdan, Osama bin Laden's driver.... His military-appointed attorney Navy Lieutenant Commander Charlie Swift questioned the suitability of four members of the panel judging him, contending they had PERSONAL CONNECTIONS WITH THE 9/11 ATTACKS and the subsequent war on terror' and as such, would be prone to partiality...."

- News wires, August 29, 2004

"Any terrorist offence is the result of an intelligence failure..."

- Indian Intelligence Official

Two months after the horror show in Manhattan, a federal grand jury issued subpoenas for the records of the Holy Land Foundation. The same day, federal agents froze the assets of InfoCom Corp., an Internet provider in Richardson, Texas. Both companies relocated to Richardson and opened on opposite sides of the street at the same time. InfoCom had been raided five days before the WTC meltdown.

When a platoon of 80 federal officers pulled the plug, 500 websites crashed.1

Agents of the FBI, Secret Service, INS, IRS and multiple branches of law enforcement pored over the company's files and copied every hard disk on the premises for four days.

The charity and the Net provider were symbiotic. Ghassan Elashi, marketing vice president of InfoCom, was chairman of the Holy Land Foundation, a faith-based terrorist front, the government charged, represented by the law firm of Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld. After the raid on the foundation, the Boston Herald hit on the fact that the charity was represented by "a powerful Washington, D.C. law firm" appended to the Bush White House, one that had "earned hefty fees representing controversial Saudi billionaires as well as a Texas-based Islamic charity fingered last week as a terrorist front." Akin, Gump has handled the knotty legal affairs three wealthy Saudi businessmen (Khalid bin Mahfouz, Salah Idris and Mohammed Hussein Al-Amoudi) who are key suspects in the financing of Al Qaeda's war.

Partners at Akin, Gump include James C. Langdon, a close friend of G.W. Bush, and George R. Salem, chairman of the Republican party's Arab outreach program in the 2000 campaign; also Barnett A. Sandy' Kress, a former Dallas School Board president, appointed by Bush to a post as an unpaid consultant on education policy to the White House.

This firm, the Herald reported, keeps "an office in Riyadh and is a registered foreign agent of the Saudis. It was paid $77,328 in lobbying fees by the Saudis during the first six months of 2000, public records show."1

In 1999, Saudi authorites placed bin Mahfouz under house arrest after the discovery that his bank, National Commercial, "funneled millions to charities believed to be serving as bin Laden fronts. One of his business partners, Al-Amoudi, was represented by Akin Gump." After the press reported in 1999 that the Feds were also investigating Al-Amoudi's Capitol Trust Bank, Akin Gump quickly issued a press release on behalf of their client denying any connections to terrorism. The denial crumbled, though, when it was reported that a year before, Akin Gump had co-sponsored "an investment conference in Ethiopia with Al-Amoudi."2

Attorneys are paper mercenaries in the ditches in a strategy-of-tensions war engineered for profit and the advancement of "conservative" geopolitical aims.

When the victims and survivors of 911 filed a trillion-dollar lawsuit against the Saudi ruling family, the kingdom assembled an immense legal team to deflect the accusations.

Newsweek's web site reports: "Their opening defense salvo in what promises to be a bruising legal battle was fired last week when a trio of lawyers from Baker Botts, a pricey and prestigious Houston-based legal firm, filed a motion on behalf of Prince Sultan bin Abdul Aziz, the Saudi defense minister."

The defense fell back on a claim of diplomatic immunity and motioned to dismiss.

But in documenting their motion, the Baker-Botts team "presented highly detailed new evidence of the Saudi government's role in funneling millions of dollars to a web of Islamic charities that are widely suspected by U.S. officials of covertly financing the operations of Al Qaeda and other international terrorist groups."

The Sultan's right honorable and learned legal defense attorneys were paid millions of dollars in retainers. They brought along piles of affidavits and cancelled checks, admitting in a brief that His Highness had contributed over $2 million to the International Islamic Relief Organization, a Saudi charity raided by federal agents, and disbursed a total of $52,000 in grants to the World Assembly of Muslim Youth, yet another organization on the FBI's charitable-front blacklist.3

Former Secretary of State James Baker is a senior partner at the Sultan's legal firm. Robert Jordan, one of President Bush's personal attorneys, is U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia.

Some legal firms retained by the Saudis in the 911 families' suit:

• Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering/Prince Mohammed al Faisal
• Kellog, Huber, Hansen, Todd & Evans/Prince Turki al Faisal
• Jones, Day/the Binladin Group
• Ropes & Grey/Khaled bin Mahfouz
• White & Case/the Al-Rajhi Banking Group
• King & Spalding/the Arab Bank and Youssef Nada
• Fulbright & Jaworski/Nimir Petroleum.4

Meanwhile, in Guantanamo, the Defense Department's prosecutorial Kangaroos oversaw a tribunal that has drawn fire from human rights activists since the word "detainee" was first breathed by Donald Rumsfeld. On June 12, 2004, New York Times Magazine ran a feature on Naval Lt. Commander Charles Swift, a defense attorney appointed by the Defense Department to represent the accused at the Cuban tribunal.

Swift and his legal team submitted a provocative friend-of-the-court brief to the Supreme Court, the Times' Jonathan Mahler reported, "in which, among other things, they compared their commander in chief, President Bush, to the villain of the American Revolution, King George III."

In April, Swift took it the next step - he filed a suit against Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and President Bush in a Seattle federal courtroom, arguing that the tribunal for his client - still not charged or given a trial date - violates the Constitution, the Geneva Conventions, federal law and the Uniform Code of Military Justice.4

"An optimist by nature," Mahler noted, "Swift was inclined to believe that the post-9/11 military-tribunal process would be fair. But over the course of the spring last year, as the Defense Department continued to define the workings of the military tribunals, his hopefulness began to fade." Swift was told that hearsay was permissible in court. He could only file appeals to the four-member review panel selected by Rumsfeld.

"What is more, the Defense Department (in effect, the prosecution) was not only defining the crimes worthy of trial by military tribunal but also doing so only after hundreds of suspects were already in custody and had been repeatedly interrogated.

"It was like a Monty Python movie," Swift said. "The government had this wonderful suit of armor, a lance and a sword. And I had been given a sharp stick..."5



1) Maggie Mulvihill, "White House Connection - "Saudi Agents Close to Bush," Boston Herald, December 12, 2001. On September 7, 2004, UK's Register reported that the FBI "suspected that the Holy Land Foundation was being used to filter money through to Middle East terrorists and so shut it down." The proprietors were arrested "on 18 December 2002 on charges of dealing illegally with Mousa abu Marzook and illegally exporting computer equipment and technology to Libya and Syria." ... convicted/

2) See, The Guardian, Sept. 10, 2001.

3) Anon., "A Legal Counterattack,"

4) Ibid.

5) The Guantanimobile Project, Newswatch web page, "Military Lawyer Files Suit Against Tribunal System," August 29, 2004 ... ourts.html
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:59 am


by Alex Constantine

Prelude: Abu Sayyaf & the CIA'S Terror Incubator in the Philippines

It's generally agreed that the same arm of Al Quaeda responsible for the 1993 WTC bombing returned on 9/11/01 to finish the job. It's a reasonable assumption that the first attempt to level the towers, and the subsequent paths of blind cleric Rahman's fellow conspirators, should provide some answers to questions left in the wake of 911 concerning its obscure history and sponsorship.

Media histories of al-Queda trace its roots to Saudi Arabia. Founder Osama Bin Laden pushed early funding through the International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), as arranged in meetings between al Qaeda's inner-circle and the charity's directors. (The Saudi government funded terrorist attacks on Israel in utter secrecy throughout most of the 1990's via charities in Virginia and Florida.1) Ayman al-Zawahiri, bin Laden's lieutenant, was employed by the IIRO in Albania. The Philippine branch office was run by Osama's brother-in-law (1986-94), who made a hand-off of cash to the Abu Sayyaf, an al Quaeda offshoot.2

The DoD, CIA and other opaque branches of government (oh, and the Mafia), drawn by the lure of Japanese and German gold (see part 5), maintained a particularly busy presence in the Philippines as the Marcos kleptocracy declined and fell. Khashoggi's Iran-contra ally, Oliver North, oversaw "back door" shipments of the recovered gold, much of it to Arab governments, some of it to Middle Eastern terrorists trading on the black market. North met with Osama Bin Laden's money men often to negotiate exchange of the gold.3

The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), like Al Quaeda, owed its existence to the intelligence establishment. The ASG was co- founded by Edwin Angeles, an undercover agent for the Defense Intelligence Group at the Department of National Defense, Republic of the Philippines. His Muslim handle was "Ibrahim Yakub" and as the organization's operations officer and chief recruiter, he was largely responsible for the spread - and criminalization - of the Abu Sayyaf.

Filipino television news reporter Arlyn de la Cruz, in her history of the ASG, writes that Angeles/Yokub "holds the key to the deep intricacies of how some government agencies manipulated the rawness of the Abu Sayyaf during its early years." This observation still applies, and can be said of al Quaeda, the CIA-bred Taliban mutation, as well.

It was Angeles "who actually introduced the idea of kidnapping as part of the fund-raising activities of the Abu Sayyaf," she recalls - this would be the abduction of a wealthy woman in Davao. "Edwin planned the abduction and even initiated the plan himself." The victim was held not far from the Brigade Headquarters of the Philippine Marines in Tabuk. She was released after her family paid the million-pesos ransom to Abu Sayyaf.

The next abductee was Luis "Ton-Ton" Biel, a five year-old child, and his grandfather ... then Claretian priest Bernardo Blanco. Soon, the media were requesting interviews, and "Yokub" stepped before the cameras to act the role of lethal but well-spoken religious lunatic. Angeles, according to Cruz, was a "good speaker, a good actor. He spoke like a Leftist leader espousing Fundamentalist principles."4

The May 16 2004, an accidental blast at the Evergreen Hotel in Davao was a clear statement that the "Al Quaeda" offshoot still functions as an intelligence front, a proxy army of the National Security Council that exists to justify intervention in the Philippines.

The explosion - publicized in the States as the work of the dread ASG - was set off by a store of dynamite belonging to one Michael Meiring, an African-born, naturalized, proverbially Ugly American citizen. Meiring claimed that Abu Sayyaf's mad dogs had lobbed a grenade into his hotel room, an alibi proven to be false upon examination of the scene by local police. Meiring was so badly injured that both of his legs had to be amputated at the knees.

The dynamite, the Manila Times reported, also tore off his "mantle of obscurity," exposing the accident-prone Ugly American "and his numerous American and Filipino partners, to the public limelight."6 From the rubble at the Evergreen Hotel emerged the story of "a complex man, whose trail leads back to South Africa and boxes supposedly containing US Federal Reserve notes and bonds obtained from the Abu Sayyaf." The Times reported that employees of the hotel "claimed that while they were cleaning Meiring's room before the explosion, he warned them not to touch two metal boxes, which he said contained important documents. Police investigators said they recovered blasting caps and ammonium nitrate from the room, where Meiring had stayed since Dec. 14 2001."

Meiring refused to talk to Philipine police. Bloodied and burned by the explosion, he was whisked out of the country on a chartered plane, according Col. Lino Calingasan, a local immigratiion official, by agents of the FBI and NSC. "American David Hawthorn, a close friend of Meiring, claimed the blast victim had confessed passing to Mandela's government the proceeds of a box of old US federal notes." That box was one in a set of twelve, containing an estimated $500-million in counterfeit American notes.

Hawthorn had been shown a letter from the South African government and a US Treasury permit to support his story. Hawthorn also saw a packing list' that had "a cover sheet printed with the words US ARMY,' the Army seal, some numbers and a group of upper case letters. Meiring, he said, claimed the list represented the serial numbers of the missing notes, dating back to 1937. Similar boxes' were recovered by United States Secret Service and the Philippine Central Bank late last year. Other counterfeit bonds and currency were also recovered from a hotel in Davao a few months ago. It has been reported that these were to be ... shipped to Las Vegas, Nevada."

Philippine police discovered that Meiring, the NSC amputee, had run with neo-nazis and Islamic radicals alike, including the Abu Sayyaf and other radical fronts. His key contact in Nevada was financier James Rowe of Nevada, an executive producer for Wild Rose Productions, an independent documentary production company in New Green Valley, near Las Vegas. Rowe, in turn, ran with white supremacists and tax rebels in Nevada, also neo-nazis in the United States and Germany. Another of Meiring's contacts back home was Chuck Ager, an ultracon mining engineer in Colorado. Another was Nina North (possibly an alias), a CIA operative who took over "back door" financial transactions in black market gold formerly conducted by Oliver North. Another was Filipino-American Bob Gould, a tax protester from Hayward, California in league with Fred Obado, leader of the Kodar Kiram terrorist cell, son of Sultan Jumalul Kiram.

Meiring operated a shell company called PAROUSIA - a term used by right-wing Christian evangelicals, a reference to the second coming of Christ.

But Meiers wasn't the only home-grown terrorist running loose in the Philippines: "Three Vietnamese terrorists arrested last year for plotting to blow up the Vietnamese Embassy here were assets of the US intelligence community," the Times reported.7


Robert J. Freidman, a journalist for the Village Voice, wrote one of the most signally important articles of the previous decade, "The CIA and the Sheikh."5 The feature was an inventory of critical leads, eroded over time, sadly, by opportunities lost.

If the killers of Rabbi Meir Kahana, the vitriolic leader of the Jewish Defense League, had been captured and sentenced, Freidman contends, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing - and by extension, 911 - would have never have occurred.

"On November 5, 1990," Freidman wrote, "El Sayyid Nosair, a pudgy, bearded 34-year-old Egyptian American and a core member of the El Salaam Mosque, calmly walked up to the podium of a conference room in the Halloran House, a midtown Manhattan hotel, after Kahane had finished a one-hour speech. Moments later, Kahane was shot once in the throat at point-blank range with a .357 magnum, and Nosair bolted outside. During a running gun battle down Lexington Avenue, Nosair was wounded by an off-duty postal inspector and finally captured by New York City police."

An FBI informant told Freidman that Nosair frequented the El Salaam Mosque in Jersey City. Nosair was close with Sheikh Abdel Rahman. "I told them that, four days before, I saw with my own eyes the Sheikh meeting with Nosair at a Lebanese restaurant on Atlantic Avenue in Brooklyn. It was 7 p.m. There was Nosair, the Sheikh, a person escorting the Sheikh, and another person I don't know. They were deep in conversation."

After the arrest of Kahane's assailant, police found evidence that Kahane's murder "was just the first in a planned spree. Scrawled on a bank calendar in Nosair's home was a hit list' that included the names of a U.S. representative, two federal judges, and a former assistant U.S. Attorney."

The secretive clutch of Muslims from the Mosque often met with Nosair to discuss means of destroying symbols of the Israeli-loving Babylon they despised, "the Empire State Building, the Statue of Liberty." The World Trade Center.

"Many are wondering why there wasn't a comprehensive, wide-ranging investigation of Meir Kahane's murder," Friedman reported. "What investigators would have found if they had done their job thoroughly is that Sheikh Abdel Rahman and El Sayyid Nosair were at the heart of a far-flung terrorist conspiracy."



1) John Loftus, "What Congress does not know about Enron and 9/11," May 31, 2002,

2) Dore Gold, "The Suicide Bombing Attacks in Saudi Arabia: A Preliminary Assessment," Jerusalem Issue Brief, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, Vol. 2, No. 28, May 13, 2003,

3) Edith Regalado, "CIA whisks away Brit-Am blast victim; now in US," Philippine Star, July 9, 2002.

4) Anon., "Edwin Angeles: The spy who came in from the cold,", ... bandit.htm

5) Robert J. Freidman, "The CIA and the Sheikh," Village Voice, March 30, 1993.

6) See, for a summary of the Manila Times series written by Dorian Zumel-Sicat and Jeannette Andrade, May 29, 2002 through May 31, 2002. Also see, Manila Times' news reports to June 19, 2002.

7) Ibid.
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 6:59 am


by Alex Constantine

Emad Salem, the FBI informant - also the government's key witness in the trial of Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman and ten followers accused of plotting to blow up the UN, an FBI office and two tunnels - was a hopeless confabulator by his own admission. And a loaded one: Salem was paid a million dollars for his testimony.

The Egyptian bodyguard for Shiekh Rahman admitted under questioning that he had lied for years about his past. He boasted to his FBI handlers that he'd been "an intelligence officer in the Egyption army," when in fact, Salem said, he'd been a lowly "technical officer." He freely offered that on one occasion, as the New York Times reported in March 1995, "he even lied under oath in a criminal trial in Manhattan, saying he had been wounded trying to protect President Anwar Sadat of Egypt when he was assassinated in 1981."1

Defense attorney William Kunstler investigated and discovered that Salem was a lieutenant colonel in the Egyptian army, an unreliable witness, one "who never stopped working for the Egyptian government." Kunstler grumbled that Salem - a bigamist with one wife in New York and another in Egypt - was devoid of character: "He divulged that he had had amnesia since January of 1992, and that he had been going to a psychiatrist by the name of Dr. Stein to help him with this situation..."

It devolved under questioning that Mr. Salem had received a quarter million to one million dollars for his services as an FBI informant cum agent provocateur. In one meeting with FBI, Agent John Anticev - secretly taped by Salem - there was an argument over escalating expenses:

Anticev: ... It's like a little out of the ordinary.

Salem: Okay. Alright. I don't think it was. If that's what you think guys, fine, but I don't think that because we was start already building the bomb which is went off in the World Trade Center. It was built by supervising supervision from the Bureau and the D.A. and we was all informed about it and we know that the bomb start to be built. By who? By your confidential informant..."3

Defense attorney Ron Kuby listened to the tape and commented: "We have received information that [Salem] was visually observed at the scene of the bombing shortly after the bombing took place. Shortly after that, he was admitted to the hospital, suffering from an ear problem that was consistent with exposure to blast. The mastermind is the government of the United States."4

Apart from the compensation that Salem received as an FBI asset, he was also funded, according to Kunstler, "by other sources linked to foreign governments, including money from an organization founded [by] Rabbi Meir Kahane."

"He's just a dirty son-of-a-bitch," Kunstler opined.5

So were the zealots in Rahman's Koran-happy wrecking crew. Four of the bombers were convicted in 1994 on charges of conspiracy, possession of explosives and assault. The defendents confessed that they were incited to murder by US support for Israel. Ramsey Yousef, the bomb plot's "mastermind," proclaimed at his sentencing hearing in January 1998: "Yes, I am a terrorist and proud of it as long as it is against the U.S. government."6

Sheik Omar Rahman was one of three "spiritual" guides on Yousef's cratered path through life. Though the cleric had been placed on the national watch list, he entered the US with ease, thanks to a much-disputed" visa issued to him by a CIA agent. Robert Freidman wrote that Rahman was "infamous throughout the Arab world for his role in the assassination of Egyptian president Anwar el-Sadat."7

TIME MACHINE: Egypt. The government was gripped by a civil war with Islamic warriors , including hundreds of CIA- trained guerrillas in the Afghan struggle. The main contender for power was an army led by fundamentalist Mohammed Shawky al-Istambouli, brother of Khalid al-Istambouli, an army lieutenant. Khalid and Ayman Zawahiri, both assets of the CIA, led the death squad that murdered Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in October 1981. This faction spun-off from a larger army, the Dawa and Sharia, the umbrella group for all Mujahedins fighting in the war against Soviet Russia, covertly sponsored by the U.S. French, British and Israelis. Al-Istambouli traveled to Peshawar, the Mujahedin base of operations, in 1983, and transfered funding from Iran to Afghanistan. Al-Istambouli was sentenced to death in absentia by an Egyptian court in December 1992 for plotting to overthrow Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's government and kill Egyptian leaders...8

The charge that the Sheik operated with CIA sanction comes from a number of sources, including an anonymous government official who leaked that a CIA officer assigned as a consular official approved the Sheik's visa from the Sudan after the consulate approved it, according to the New York Times on July 14, 1993. Egyptian President Mubarak suggested that the visa had been issued to Rahman as a payoff for "services" rendered.

The Atlantic Monthly reported in 1996 that early off, "the sixty or so CIA and Special Forces officers based [in Afghanistan] considered [Rahman] a "valuable asset," according to one of them, and overlooked his anti-Western message and incitement to holy war because they wanted him to help unify the mujahideen groups..."8

"The sheik has been a CIA agent since his days in Afghanistan," Mubarak told Egypt's al-Gomhuria newspaper. "He still earns a salary."9

Researcher Paul Thompson has compiled a sourced timeline for the Internet that dispels the notion that Rahman was an independent operator:

"Abdul-Rahman was heavily involved with the CIA and [Pakistan] ISI efforts to defeat the Soviets in Afghanistan, and became famous traveling all over the world for five years recruiting new mujaheddin. [Atlantic Monthly, 5/96] He is "infamous throughout the Arab world for his alleged role in the assassination of Egyptian president Anwar el-Sadat." Abdul-Rahman immediately begins setting up a terrorist network in the US. [Village Voice, 3/30/93] He is known to have befriended bin Laden while in Afghanistan, and bin Laden secretly pays Abdul-Rahman's US living expenses. [Atlantic Monthly, 5/96, ABC News, 8/16/02] Abdul-Rahman's ties to the assassination of Rabbi Meir Kahane in later 1990 is ignored. As one FBI agent says in 1993, he is "hands-off. It was no accident that the sheikh got a visa and that he's still in the country. He's here under the banner of national security, the State Department, the NSA, and the CIA." A very high- ranking Egyptian official says Abdul-Rahman continues to assist the CIA in recruiting new mujaheddin after moving to the US. This official says, "We begged America not to coddle the sheikh." Egyptian intelligence warns the US that Abdul- Rahman is planning new terrorist attacks, and on November 12, 1992, terrorists connected to him machine-gun a busload of Western tourists in Egypt. But still he lives freely in New York City. [Village Voice, 3/30/93] He is finally arrested in 1993 and convicted for assisting in the 1993 WTC bombing. [Atlantic Monthly 5/96]"10



1) Anon., "N.Y. Terror Trial Witness Tells What a Liar He Was," San Francisco Chronicle, Wednesday, March 8, 1995.

2) Transcript of Paul DeRienzo's interview with William Kunstler, Broadcast on WBAI in New York on August 3, 1993. ... =printable

3) Tape transcript concerning Salem's expenses: board=1;action=display;threadid=11621

4) James S. Adam, "Troubling Questions in Troubling Times," October 5, 2001.

5) DeRenzo.

6) 'Proud terrorist' gets life for Trade Center bombing, CNN report, US News Story Page, January 8, 1998.

7) Robert J. Freidman, "The CIA and the Sheikh," Village Voice, March 30, 1993.

8) Mary Ann Weaver, "Blowback," The Atlantic Monthly, May 1996.

9) Freidman

10) Paul Thompson, "Complete 911 Timeline: Incompetence, bad luck, obstr. of justice," Project: Complete 911 Timeline, Open-Content project. ... competence
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Re: Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists, by Alex Consta

Postby admin » Tue Jun 27, 2017 7:00 am


by Alex Constantine

"I have, for better or worse, a track record..."

- Richard Armitage, Senate Confirmation Hearing, March 15, 2001.

Meanwhile, back at the Iran-contra ranch, on February 24, 1986, 4:44 pm, a furious military intelligence agent contracted by the CIA, DIA and ISA dialed (202) 695-4351, the desk of Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage, to inquire about "his alleged involvement in a house of prostitution for senior military officers, intelligence agents, and informants in Southeast Asia." Scott Barnes, the interrogator, also wanted to know "about his work with Vang Pao and drug money laundering."1 Barnes had discovered these connections while on assignment in South Vietnam searching for POWs. He didn't find POWs, exactly. What he found in Vietnam was American pilots with CIA connections imprisoned on charges of attempting to smuggle opium out of the country AFTER the war.

Four days later, he was on the phone with Dave Hall, assistant special agent in charge of the Inspector General's office, to discuss Armitage's "connection with drugs and prostitution in Southeast Asia and his continued involvement with Mr. [Patrick] O'Rourke running guns." The IG inspector said that he had heard of "a possible connection," and put up, "former Ambassador Phil Habib was also involved." An Army major general had written the IG to expose "Armitage's and Habib's alleged involvement in prostitution in a Da Nang house of prostitution and in [money] laundering out of Southeast Asia to the Philippines and to Sidney, Australia, using Air America, Vang Pao connections and secret airlines."1

Drugs? Hookers? Secret airlines? Karen Hughes wouldn't approve. The pimp climbed the geopolitical step-ladder of power...

1978: Armitage joins the staff of Senator Robert Dole of Kansas.

1980-81: He joins the presidential campaign of Ronald Reagan, is appointed as senior advisor to the new president's Interim Foreign Policy Advisory Board.

1985: Ferdinand Marcos is making a mess of it in the Philippines. The embattled dictator is toying with the notion of reinstating General Fabian Ver as armed forces chief of staff. The General has been fingered by the Agrava Commission for complicity in the 1983 murder of President Begnino S. Aquino at an airstrip by gun-slinging terrorists. Nonetheless, Marcos refuses stubbornly to appoint anyone but General Ver to the post, an "interim" chief of staff is installed, Reagan wrings his hands and sweats it out.

There are plans to dismantle Marcos and his dictatorship. In January, a well-dressed wing formation of American officials swoop into Manila. It is Paul Wolfowitz, assistant secretary of state for East Asia, Richard Childress of the NSC, Richard Armitage, assistant secretary of defense for international affairs. They've come to whip Marcos into line, insisting that he "reform" his military forces to crush the scattered but rising "Communist" backlash - that is, starving peasants pushing against unemployment, death squad rule, crony capitalism and general squalor - without provoking further scandals that could return to haunt the Reagan administration...2

Since, Armitage has been a familiar face in government - as a spook, he never really leaves it. Amongst positions held by him since leaving public service in 1993, according to an Internet profile, count "a member of the Board of Directors of the General Dynamics Electric Systems, Inc.; a member of the Board of Visitors of the United States Naval Academy; holder of the Brig.Gen. H. L. Oppenheimer Chair of Warfighting Strategy at the Marine Corps University; a member of the National Defense Panel; a member of the Board of Directors of the Roy F. Weston, Inc., and of the U.S.-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce; Chairman of the Board of Visitors of the National Defense University, a member of the Secretary Navy Committee on Women in the Navy and Marine Corps; a member of the Board of Visitors of the Naval War College and of the Advisory Board of the ManTech International Corporation... He has received numerous military decorations from the Governments of Thailand, Republic of Korea, Bahrain, and Pakistan. He has been awarded the Department of Defense Medal for Distinguished Public Service four times..."

He's been a puffy-chested diplomat, military strategist, drug runner, money launderer and "solicitor." The rewards can be enormous ... And a good "counter-terrorist" who knows the ropes, with the right connections ...

He was one of the signatories of the notorious Project for the New American Century (PNAC) letter to President Clinton in 1998. Armitage was a board member for CACI, a private military contractor (with revenues of $1.5 billion in 2004), headquartered in Arlington Virginia. CICI employed four of the salacious, murderous interrogators at Abu Ghraib prison.

In 1989, the year Marcos died of kidney failure in Hawaii, Bush was in the White House and Armitage returned to the Philippines to "negotiate military bases." He would "negotiate military bases" for the next three years.

A voice whispers, "what was he really doing over there?" The Independence web site offers a peek at his secret life: "Richard Armitage became Deputy Secretary of State in March 2001." A few months after George W. Bush was selected president, Armitage moved over to "agent in place" status. And a well-qualified one: "He was a professional ASSASSIN in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia during the Vietnam war. He led ASSASSIN teams similar to the PHOENIX program that killed and tortured tens of thousands of Asians."

That's right. "COUNTER-terrorist."

"After Vietnam he worked for the Defense Department on arms sales in Iran and other countries.... He was an intimate insider in the Iran/Contra illegalities. He has been accused of links to illicit gambling, drug smuggling and expansion of organized crime in Russia, Central Asia and the Far East..."3

This is the man who would play a leading role in Middle East "security" policies under G.W. Bush.

Prior to his appointment to the State Department, Armitage was a board member of Database Technologies (DBT) ChoicePoint Inc. ChoicePoint is a partner of the vast "data mining" company Science Applications International Corp. The SAIC web site proclaims it has developed a strategic alliance with ChoicePoint Incorporated to provide our clients with quick and effortless information retrieval from public records data. ChoicePoint Incorporated maintains thousands of gigabytes of public records data.'"

Picture, for a moment, a secret "strategic alliance" between Science Applications International Corp., in San Diego, the penultimate, classified military-industrial-intelligence contractor, and mass-murderer Armitage, in control of all those gigabytes.

The emerging world as Armitage saw it during his Senate confirmation hearing in March 2001: "American leadership will be the central reality of the international system for as far as the eye can see..."

And he meant it.



1) Scott Barnes with Melva Libb, "BOHICA," Scott Barnes, Bohica Corp., 1987. Phil Habit was known as "Mr. Foreign Service" to his subordinates. Babib was raised in Brooklyn and joined the service after WW II. Habib was at the forefront in negotiations to end the Vietnam War, ambassador to East Asia under President Gerald Ford. From 1981-83, he was Reagan's special envoy to the Middle East. Raymond Bonner of the New York Times writes, "Some of the missions he undertook in his career are still not known about publicly. Nor will they be, at least not from Habib."

2) Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, New York Times Books, 1987.

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