Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni
Posted: Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:33 am
Sultanu-L Ghazi Ghiyasu-D Dunya Wau-D Din Tughlik Shahu-S Sultan.
Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah ascended the throne in the palace of Siri in the year 720 H. (1320 A.D.) *** In the course of one week the business of the State was brought into order, and the disorders and evils occasioned by Khusru and his unholy followers were remedied. *** The people in all parts of the country were delighted at his accession. Rebellion and disaffection ceased, peace and obedience prevailed. * * * On the day of his accession, he ordered all the surviving relatives of 'Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din to be sought out, and he treated these ladies with all due respect and honour. The daughters of 'Alau-d din he married into suitable families. He severely punished the men who unlawfully married Khusru to the widow of Kutbu-d din three days after her husband's murder. The maliks, amirs, and other officers of his predecessors, he confirmed in their possessions and appointments. When he attained the throne, his nobleness and generosity of character made him distinguish and reward all those whom he had known and been connected with, and all those who in former days had showed him kindness or rendered him a service. No act of kindness was passed over. * * * His eldest son1 [Barni follows the general practice of using the regal title by anticipation.] showed great elevation of character. To him he gave the title of Ulugh Khan, with a royal canopy, and he declared him his heir apparent. To his four other sons he gave the titles respectively of Bahram Khan, Zafar Khan, Mahmud Khan, and Nusrat Khan. Bahram Abiya he honoured with the name of brother, and the title Kishlu Khan. To him also he entrusted Multan and Sindh. Malik Bahau-d din, his brother's son, he made Naib Barbak, and Malik Bahau-d din, his sister's son, he made 'ariz-i mamalik (muster- master), with the territory of Samana. * * * The excellence of his government is said to hare inspired this verse of Amir Khusru's —
*** In the generosity of his nature, he ordered that the land revenues of the country should be settled upon just principles with reference to the produce. *** The officers of the Exchequer were ordered not to assess more than one in ten, or one in eleven upon the ikta's, and other lands, either by guess or computation, whether upon the reports of informers or the statements of valuers. They were to be careful that cultivation increased year by year. Something was to be left over and above the tribute, so that the country might not be ruined by the weight of taxation, and the way to improvement be barred. The revenue was to be collected in such a way that the raiyats should increase their cultivation; that the lands already in cultivation might be kept so, and some little be added to them every year. So much was not to be exacted at once that the cultivation should fall off, and no increase be made in future. Countries are ruined and are kept in poverty by excessive taxation and the exorbitant demands of kings. The Hindus were to be taxed so that they might not be blinded with wealth, and so become discontented and rebellions; nor, on the other hand, be so reduced to poverty and destitution as to be unable to pursue their husbandry.1 [Many pages follow in eulogy of the character and government of Ghiyasu-d din, but these are expressed in such general terms as not to be of much interest.] * * *
In the year 721 H. (1321 A.D.) the Sultan sent his eldest son, Ulugh2 [The printed text and one of the two MSS. here fall into the error of writing this title, "Alaf Khan," as it always appears in Briggs and Elphinstone.] Khan, with a canopy and an army against Arangal and Tilang. Several of the nobles and officers, both of the old and new dynasty, were sent with him. The prince set out with great pomp, and when he arrived in Deogir, the officers and forces of that place joined, and marched with him to Tilang. Awe of the majesty of the Sultan, and fear of Ulugh Khan, drove Laddar Deo and all the rais and mukaddims to seek shelter in the fortresses; they never dreamed of opposing the Khan (in the field). He arrived at Arangal, and invested the mud fort. He then sent some of his officers to spoil the land of Tilang, to collect plunder, and bring in forage. They brought in spoil and fodder in abundance, and the army pushed on the siege in full confidence. The mud fort and the stone fort of Arangal were both garrisoned with numerous Hindus, who had gathered in muniments from all quarters. Maghribis, 'aradas, and manjaniks were brought into use. Sharp conflicts daily occurred. Fire was discharged3 [Atashha mi-rekhtand.] from the fort, and many were killed on both sides; but the army of Islam had the advantage, the garrison was reduced to distress, and the mud fort was on the point of being taken. They resolved to surrender, and Laddar Deo the Rai, with mukaddims, sent basiths to Ulugh Khan to make terms. They offered treasure and elephants and jewels and valuables, and begged that the Khan would accept these with tribute, as Malik Naib Kafur had done in the reign of 'Alau-d din, and would then retire. The Khan would grant no terms, but resolutely determined to reduce the fort and capture the Rai. So the basiths returned disappointed and dejected.
When the besieged were thus reduced to extremities, and were suing for peace, very nearly a month had passed since any couriers had arrived from the Sultan, although the Khan had previously received two or three letters every week. This want of intelligence from the court caused some uneasiness in the minds of the Khan and his officers; they imagined that some of the posts on the road had been destroyed, and that consequently the couriers had been unable to prosecute their journeys with the news. It also caused apprehension and misgivings to spread among the troops, and stories were carried from one to another. 'Ubaid the poet, and Shaikh Zada-i Dimashki, two evil-disposed, turbulent fellows, who by some means had been introduced to the Khan, formed the strife, and spread false reports among the soldiers, to the effect that the Sultan was dead, that the government had been overthrown, that a new prince now sat upon the throne of Dehli, and that the way was quite closed against all couriers and messengers. So every man took his own course. These two malicious men trumped up another false story. They went to Malik Tamar, Malik Tigin, Malik Mall Afghan, and Malik Kafur, keeper of the seal, and told these nobles that Ulugh Khan looked upon them with envy and suspicion, as generals and nobles of the reign of Alau-d din, and as obstacles to his attaining the throne; that their names were written down in a list as men to be disposed of, and that they would be all seized at once and beheaded. These nobles were aware that these two treacherous men were constantly about Ulugh Khan, and so they credited their statements. They therefore agreed to take flight, and, joining together their followers, they left the camp. Through this defection a panic fell upon the army, trouble and tumult arose, and no man thought of another. This event was very opportune for the besieged Hindus, and saved them. They sallied forth and plundered the baggage of the army, and Ulugh Khan with his immediate followers retreated to Deogir. The soldiers were worn out, and fell in all directions. As they retreated, couriers arrived from the court, bringing news of the health and safety of the Sultan.
Differences arose among those 'Alai nobles who had fled from the army, each of them pursued his own course. Their soldiers and servants perished, and their horses and arms fell into the hands of the Hindus. Ulugh Khan reached Deogir in safety. Malik Tamar, with a few horsemen, plunged into the Hindu territories, and there perished. Malik Tigin of Oudh was killed by the Hindus, and his skin was sent to Ulugh Khan at Deogir. Malik Mall Afghan, 'Ubaid the poet, and other revolters, were made prisoners, and were also sent to Deogir. The prince sent them on alive to his father. The wives and children of the revolters had been already seized. The Sultan held a public darbar in the plain of Siri, when 'Ubaid, the poet, and Kafur, the seal-keeper, and other rebels, were impaled alive;1 [Zindah bardar kardand, — that is, crucified or impaled alive. Firishta says they were buried alive.] some of the others, with their wives and children, were thrown under the feet of elephants. Such a terrible punishment was inflicted as long inspired terror in the breasts of the beholders. All the city trembled at the vengeance taken by the Sultan.
Four months afterwards the Sultan sent strong reinforcements to the prince, and directed him to march against Arangal once more. He accordingly entered the country of Tilang, took the fort of Bidr, and made its chief prisoner. From thence he proceeded to Arangal for the second time. He invested the mud fort, and after plying it for a few days with arrows from the nawaks, and stones from the maghribis, he captured the whole place. Rai Laddar Deo, with all his rais and mukaddims, their wives and children, elephants and horses, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was sent to Dehli, and at Tughlikabad and Siri there were great rejoicings. The prince sent Laddar Deo Rai, of Arangal, with his elephants and treasures, relations and dependents, to the Sultan, under the charge of Malik Bedar, who had been created Kadar Khan, and Khwaja Haji, naib of the 'ariz-i mamalik. The name of Arangal was changed to Sultanpur, and all the country of Tilang was conquered. Officers were appointed to manage the country, and one year's tribute was taken. The prince then marched towards Jajnagar,1 [The Jajnagar on the Mahanadi in Cuttack referred to by Briggs. Firishta, I., 260.] and there took forty elephants, with which he returned to Tilang. These he sent on to his father.
At the time when Arangal was taken, and the elephants arrived from Jajnagar, several Mughal armies attacked the frontiers, but the armies of Islam defeated them and sent their two generals as prisoners to the court. The Sultan had made Tughlikabad his capital, and the nobles and officials, with their wives and families, had taken up their abode there, and had built houses.
About this time certain noblemen came from Lakhnauti, complaining of the oppressive laws under which they were suffering, and informing the Sultan of the distress and tyranny under which they and other Musulmans laboured. So the Sultan resolved to march against Lakhnauti, and he sent couriers to summon Ulugh Khan from Arangal. He made him his vice-gerent, and placed all the affairs of the kingdom under his management during his own absence. He then marched to Lakhnauti, and so conducted his forces through the deep waters and mire and dirt, on this distant march, that not a hair of any man's head was hurt. Fear and respect for the Sultan had spread through Khurasan and Hindustan, and all the countries of Hind and Sindh, and the chiefs and generals of east and west, had trembled in fear of him for many a year (karn). When the Sultan reached Tirhut, the ruler of Lakhnauti, Sultan Nasiru-d din, came forth with great respect to pay homage to the Sultan; and without the sword being called into requisition, all the rais and ranas of the country made their submission. Tatar Khan, foster-son (pisar i khwanda) of the Sultan, held the territory of Zafarabad; and a force having been assigned to him, he brought the whole country under the imperial rule. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Sunar-ganw made some resistance; but a cord was thrown upon his neck, and he was conducted to the Sultan. All the elephants of the country were sent to the royal stables, and the army acquired great spoil in the campaign. Sultan Nasiru-d din had shown great respect and submission, so the Sultan gave him a canopy and a baton, sent him back, and placed Lakhnauti under his rule. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Sunar-ganw, was sent to Dehli with a rope round his neck, and the Sultan returned towards his capital triumphant. * * *
When Ulugh Khan received information of the Sultan's hastening homewards to Tughlikabad, he ordered a temporary erection to be raised at Afghanpur, about three or four kos from the city, where the Sultan might stay for the night and take rest, before marching on the following day into the city with pomp and triumph. *** Sultan Tughlik Shah arrived in the afternoon and stopped. Ulugh Khan, and all the great nobles and officers, had gone forth to meet him, and had conducted him thither with great ceremony. The Sultan's table had been spread, and he took food; the nobles came out to wash their hands. A thunderbolt from the sky descended upon the earth, and the roof under which the Sultan was seated fell down, crushing him and five or six other persons, so that they died.1 [The reticence of Barni upon this catastrophe favours the suspicion that it was the work of design; not an accident. Firishta, however, notices this suspicion, but to discredit it.]
Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah ascended the throne in the palace of Siri in the year 720 H. (1320 A.D.) *** In the course of one week the business of the State was brought into order, and the disorders and evils occasioned by Khusru and his unholy followers were remedied. *** The people in all parts of the country were delighted at his accession. Rebellion and disaffection ceased, peace and obedience prevailed. * * * On the day of his accession, he ordered all the surviving relatives of 'Alau-d din and Kutbu-d din to be sought out, and he treated these ladies with all due respect and honour. The daughters of 'Alau-d din he married into suitable families. He severely punished the men who unlawfully married Khusru to the widow of Kutbu-d din three days after her husband's murder. The maliks, amirs, and other officers of his predecessors, he confirmed in their possessions and appointments. When he attained the throne, his nobleness and generosity of character made him distinguish and reward all those whom he had known and been connected with, and all those who in former days had showed him kindness or rendered him a service. No act of kindness was passed over. * * * His eldest son1 [Barni follows the general practice of using the regal title by anticipation.] showed great elevation of character. To him he gave the title of Ulugh Khan, with a royal canopy, and he declared him his heir apparent. To his four other sons he gave the titles respectively of Bahram Khan, Zafar Khan, Mahmud Khan, and Nusrat Khan. Bahram Abiya he honoured with the name of brother, and the title Kishlu Khan. To him also he entrusted Multan and Sindh. Malik Bahau-d din, his brother's son, he made Naib Barbak, and Malik Bahau-d din, his sister's son, he made 'ariz-i mamalik (muster- master), with the territory of Samana. * * * The excellence of his government is said to hare inspired this verse of Amir Khusru's —
"He never did anything that was not replete with wisdom and sense.
He might be said to wear a hundred doctors' hoods under his crown."
*** In the generosity of his nature, he ordered that the land revenues of the country should be settled upon just principles with reference to the produce. *** The officers of the Exchequer were ordered not to assess more than one in ten, or one in eleven upon the ikta's, and other lands, either by guess or computation, whether upon the reports of informers or the statements of valuers. They were to be careful that cultivation increased year by year. Something was to be left over and above the tribute, so that the country might not be ruined by the weight of taxation, and the way to improvement be barred. The revenue was to be collected in such a way that the raiyats should increase their cultivation; that the lands already in cultivation might be kept so, and some little be added to them every year. So much was not to be exacted at once that the cultivation should fall off, and no increase be made in future. Countries are ruined and are kept in poverty by excessive taxation and the exorbitant demands of kings. The Hindus were to be taxed so that they might not be blinded with wealth, and so become discontented and rebellions; nor, on the other hand, be so reduced to poverty and destitution as to be unable to pursue their husbandry.1 [Many pages follow in eulogy of the character and government of Ghiyasu-d din, but these are expressed in such general terms as not to be of much interest.] * * *
In the year 721 H. (1321 A.D.) the Sultan sent his eldest son, Ulugh2 [The printed text and one of the two MSS. here fall into the error of writing this title, "Alaf Khan," as it always appears in Briggs and Elphinstone.] Khan, with a canopy and an army against Arangal and Tilang. Several of the nobles and officers, both of the old and new dynasty, were sent with him. The prince set out with great pomp, and when he arrived in Deogir, the officers and forces of that place joined, and marched with him to Tilang. Awe of the majesty of the Sultan, and fear of Ulugh Khan, drove Laddar Deo and all the rais and mukaddims to seek shelter in the fortresses; they never dreamed of opposing the Khan (in the field). He arrived at Arangal, and invested the mud fort. He then sent some of his officers to spoil the land of Tilang, to collect plunder, and bring in forage. They brought in spoil and fodder in abundance, and the army pushed on the siege in full confidence. The mud fort and the stone fort of Arangal were both garrisoned with numerous Hindus, who had gathered in muniments from all quarters. Maghribis, 'aradas, and manjaniks were brought into use. Sharp conflicts daily occurred. Fire was discharged3 [Atashha mi-rekhtand.] from the fort, and many were killed on both sides; but the army of Islam had the advantage, the garrison was reduced to distress, and the mud fort was on the point of being taken. They resolved to surrender, and Laddar Deo the Rai, with mukaddims, sent basiths to Ulugh Khan to make terms. They offered treasure and elephants and jewels and valuables, and begged that the Khan would accept these with tribute, as Malik Naib Kafur had done in the reign of 'Alau-d din, and would then retire. The Khan would grant no terms, but resolutely determined to reduce the fort and capture the Rai. So the basiths returned disappointed and dejected.
When the besieged were thus reduced to extremities, and were suing for peace, very nearly a month had passed since any couriers had arrived from the Sultan, although the Khan had previously received two or three letters every week. This want of intelligence from the court caused some uneasiness in the minds of the Khan and his officers; they imagined that some of the posts on the road had been destroyed, and that consequently the couriers had been unable to prosecute their journeys with the news. It also caused apprehension and misgivings to spread among the troops, and stories were carried from one to another. 'Ubaid the poet, and Shaikh Zada-i Dimashki, two evil-disposed, turbulent fellows, who by some means had been introduced to the Khan, formed the strife, and spread false reports among the soldiers, to the effect that the Sultan was dead, that the government had been overthrown, that a new prince now sat upon the throne of Dehli, and that the way was quite closed against all couriers and messengers. So every man took his own course. These two malicious men trumped up another false story. They went to Malik Tamar, Malik Tigin, Malik Mall Afghan, and Malik Kafur, keeper of the seal, and told these nobles that Ulugh Khan looked upon them with envy and suspicion, as generals and nobles of the reign of Alau-d din, and as obstacles to his attaining the throne; that their names were written down in a list as men to be disposed of, and that they would be all seized at once and beheaded. These nobles were aware that these two treacherous men were constantly about Ulugh Khan, and so they credited their statements. They therefore agreed to take flight, and, joining together their followers, they left the camp. Through this defection a panic fell upon the army, trouble and tumult arose, and no man thought of another. This event was very opportune for the besieged Hindus, and saved them. They sallied forth and plundered the baggage of the army, and Ulugh Khan with his immediate followers retreated to Deogir. The soldiers were worn out, and fell in all directions. As they retreated, couriers arrived from the court, bringing news of the health and safety of the Sultan.
Differences arose among those 'Alai nobles who had fled from the army, each of them pursued his own course. Their soldiers and servants perished, and their horses and arms fell into the hands of the Hindus. Ulugh Khan reached Deogir in safety. Malik Tamar, with a few horsemen, plunged into the Hindu territories, and there perished. Malik Tigin of Oudh was killed by the Hindus, and his skin was sent to Ulugh Khan at Deogir. Malik Mall Afghan, 'Ubaid the poet, and other revolters, were made prisoners, and were also sent to Deogir. The prince sent them on alive to his father. The wives and children of the revolters had been already seized. The Sultan held a public darbar in the plain of Siri, when 'Ubaid, the poet, and Kafur, the seal-keeper, and other rebels, were impaled alive;1 [Zindah bardar kardand, — that is, crucified or impaled alive. Firishta says they were buried alive.] some of the others, with their wives and children, were thrown under the feet of elephants. Such a terrible punishment was inflicted as long inspired terror in the breasts of the beholders. All the city trembled at the vengeance taken by the Sultan.
Four months afterwards the Sultan sent strong reinforcements to the prince, and directed him to march against Arangal once more. He accordingly entered the country of Tilang, took the fort of Bidr, and made its chief prisoner. From thence he proceeded to Arangal for the second time. He invested the mud fort, and after plying it for a few days with arrows from the nawaks, and stones from the maghribis, he captured the whole place. Rai Laddar Deo, with all his rais and mukaddims, their wives and children, elephants and horses, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was sent to Dehli, and at Tughlikabad and Siri there were great rejoicings. The prince sent Laddar Deo Rai, of Arangal, with his elephants and treasures, relations and dependents, to the Sultan, under the charge of Malik Bedar, who had been created Kadar Khan, and Khwaja Haji, naib of the 'ariz-i mamalik. The name of Arangal was changed to Sultanpur, and all the country of Tilang was conquered. Officers were appointed to manage the country, and one year's tribute was taken. The prince then marched towards Jajnagar,1 [The Jajnagar on the Mahanadi in Cuttack referred to by Briggs. Firishta, I., 260.] and there took forty elephants, with which he returned to Tilang. These he sent on to his father.
At the time when Arangal was taken, and the elephants arrived from Jajnagar, several Mughal armies attacked the frontiers, but the armies of Islam defeated them and sent their two generals as prisoners to the court. The Sultan had made Tughlikabad his capital, and the nobles and officials, with their wives and families, had taken up their abode there, and had built houses.
About this time certain noblemen came from Lakhnauti, complaining of the oppressive laws under which they were suffering, and informing the Sultan of the distress and tyranny under which they and other Musulmans laboured. So the Sultan resolved to march against Lakhnauti, and he sent couriers to summon Ulugh Khan from Arangal. He made him his vice-gerent, and placed all the affairs of the kingdom under his management during his own absence. He then marched to Lakhnauti, and so conducted his forces through the deep waters and mire and dirt, on this distant march, that not a hair of any man's head was hurt. Fear and respect for the Sultan had spread through Khurasan and Hindustan, and all the countries of Hind and Sindh, and the chiefs and generals of east and west, had trembled in fear of him for many a year (karn). When the Sultan reached Tirhut, the ruler of Lakhnauti, Sultan Nasiru-d din, came forth with great respect to pay homage to the Sultan; and without the sword being called into requisition, all the rais and ranas of the country made their submission. Tatar Khan, foster-son (pisar i khwanda) of the Sultan, held the territory of Zafarabad; and a force having been assigned to him, he brought the whole country under the imperial rule. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Sunar-ganw made some resistance; but a cord was thrown upon his neck, and he was conducted to the Sultan. All the elephants of the country were sent to the royal stables, and the army acquired great spoil in the campaign. Sultan Nasiru-d din had shown great respect and submission, so the Sultan gave him a canopy and a baton, sent him back, and placed Lakhnauti under his rule. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Sunar-ganw, was sent to Dehli with a rope round his neck, and the Sultan returned towards his capital triumphant. * * *
When Ulugh Khan received information of the Sultan's hastening homewards to Tughlikabad, he ordered a temporary erection to be raised at Afghanpur, about three or four kos from the city, where the Sultan might stay for the night and take rest, before marching on the following day into the city with pomp and triumph. *** Sultan Tughlik Shah arrived in the afternoon and stopped. Ulugh Khan, and all the great nobles and officers, had gone forth to meet him, and had conducted him thither with great ceremony. The Sultan's table had been spread, and he took food; the nobles came out to wash their hands. A thunderbolt from the sky descended upon the earth, and the roof under which the Sultan was seated fell down, crushing him and five or six other persons, so that they died.1 [The reticence of Barni upon this catastrophe favours the suspicion that it was the work of design; not an accident. Firishta, however, notices this suspicion, but to discredit it.]