Whitney Webb Links to her Articles

There is no shorter route to power than through the genitals of male leaders. This principle guided the Lolita Gambit, played by the Mossad through its "Agent" Jeffrey Epstein

Re: Whitney Webb Links to her Articles

Postby admin » Wed Feb 04, 2026 10:18 pm

Part 3 of 4

Clive Davis: The Hidden Power Behind Combs’ Bad Boy Records

Eventually, Andre Harrell felt Combs was getting too “cocky” in his position at Uptown and fired him in 1993. Nevertheless, the two remained friends, with Harrell becoming the godfather to Combs’ son Justin, who was born later that same year. Combs, shortly after leaving Uptown, created Bad Boy Records with Kirk Burrowes in 1993. Combs’ new label quickly entered into a distribution deal with Arista Records worth $15 million. Davis says he met Combs when Combs was 23 years old and that, soon after meeting, Davis “helped introduce [Combs] to the right music executives who could assist him in ushering in ‘the forthcoming Hip Hop revolution.'”

Bad Boy Records’ prolonged success was ensured by its early deal with Arista (which later expanded into a joint venture) as well as the man who would become Combs’ second record mentor in the music industry, Arista’s founder and president Clive Davis. Davis’ Arista was originally founded as part of Columbia Pictures’ music label portfolio. At the time Arista entered into its joint venture with Combs’ Bad Boys, the label had been sold by Columbia Pictures to BMG, a German media company. However, Davis controlled Arista as if it were his own personal fiefdom until 2000, when he left the label due to BMG’s age restriction policy for executives. Bad Boy Records ended what had then become a joint venture with Arista a few years after Davis’ departure. Shortly thereafter, Bad Boy attached itself to Bronfman-controlled interests in the music industry, which will be revisited in Part II of this series.

Clive Davis grew up in Crown Heights, the son of a middle-class Jewish electrician and salesman. He excelled at Erasmus Hall High School and was a member of the New York City branch of the National Honor Society dubbed Arista, which would later serve as inspiration for the name of his label at Columbia Pictures. His early academic success earned Davis a full scholarship to New York University. He then attended Harvard Law School, from which he graduated in 1956.

Two years following his graduation, Davis joined “…the large, white-shoe firm, Rosenman, Colin, Kaye, Petschek, and Freund. Sam Rosenman was counsel to Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman; Ralph Colin’s clients included William Paley and CBS.”xvi Other notable clients of Rosenman & Colin LLP include two offshore banks owned by Bruce Rappaport that had served as “repositories of illicit funds from several illegal operations,” specifically related to drug trafficking. Rappaport, as noted in One Nation Under Blackmail, boasted close ties to the CIA, particularly via his close friend William Casey, as well as to Israeli intelligence and organized crime. Rappaport was particularly affiliated with organized crime networks that included Semion Mogilevich, an Eastern European mob boss who became a close business associate of Robert Maxwell in the late 1980s.

Clive Davis’ storied career in the music industry began via his earlier career at Rosenman & Colin. While working at the firm (which –– as previously noted –– counted CBS as a client), Davis was hired to become assistant counsel of the CBS subsidiary, Columbia Records. He became the label’s general counsel a year later. Davis had been hired by Harvey Schein, a former colleague of Davis’ at Rosenman & Colin.

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Clive Davis in 1960 – Source

Schien was a protégé of William Paley, the long-time head of CBS and “father of modern broadcasting.” Paley, the son of Ukrainian Jewish immigrants, had worked building up CBS into the main network of radio and main record label in the United States, having a profound effect on mass media and the shaping of Americans’ musical tastes and political perceptions. During World War II, Paley served in the Office of War Information, becoming Chief of Radio of the U.S. military’s Psychological Warfare Division. Paley developed a very close relationship with scions of the Rockefeller dynasty, David and Nelson, as well as others close to the Rockefellers, like former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. David Rockefeller and Kissinger both later eulogized Paley at his funeral in 1990, with Kissinger also serving as the chairman of Paley’s foundation.

In the mid-1980s, Paley personally ensured that Laurence Tisch would take over CBS (including its record labels). As noted earlier in this piece, Tisch, in 1991, served as a founding member of the so-called “Mega Group” alongside Leslie Wexner, Charles and Edgar Bronfman and Lew Wasserman protégé Steven Spielberg, among others.

Clive Davis’ infamous and undeniably “revolutionary” tenure as President of CBS Records (1967-1973) is most aptly characterized by the transition from the jazz, folk, and pop ethos of the 1950s to the industry-wide embrace of rock in the 1970s. Somewhat akin to the careers of Andre Harrell or Combs, he was a relatively young label executive well-placed to take advantage of shifting cultural trends, effectively making his name synonymous with an emergent genre for a time.

In Davis’s self-hagiographizing, he had an epiphany at the 1967 Monterey Pop Festival and became determined to pivot to rock music. “I sensed change. I don’t know, even now, how I knew”.xvii Of course, this was an exaggeration, as rock had already been dominating the singles charts for more than a decade. Davis’ legacy in this period as it relates to rock music was essentially ensured after he poached an assembly of Monterey acts from their minor labels along with those who were still languishing in obscurity.xviii During his tenure at Columbia Records, Davis managed and/or signed Bob Dylan, Janis Joplin, The Electric Flag, Santana, Bruce Springsteen, Billy Joel, Chicago, Loggins & Messina, Aerosmith, Earth Wind & Fire, and the Grateful Dead.

While Davis had been successful at CBS, he left the company under a cloud of scandal. Davis became a focus of an investigation led by the US Attorney’s Office in Newark, a probe that would later become known as Project Sound. As part of the investigation, “allegations began to surface in the press that CBS Records had bribed black radio stations and done business with an organized crime figure.” The scandal ultimately led to Clive Davis’ decision to make a deal in 1971 with two record producers tied to Motown Records, Kenny Gamble and Leon Huff.xix Davis had sought out Gamble and Huff due to a desire to “conquer the R&B charts.” As part of the negotiations, Davis allowed Gamble’s and Huff’s company to promote the music that, per the deal, was produced and distributed by CBS.

Perhaps unknown to Davis at the time, Gamble’s and Huff’s company and its promotional efforts engaged in the practice of payola, the illegal practice whereby firms pay radio stations to play singles without disclosing that payments were made. CBS was implicated in the arrangement through David Wynshaw, Clive Davis’ closest aide at CBS.xx Press reports soon stated that CBS music subsidiaries were being investigated for bribing radio stations, not just with money, but also drugs and sex, in order “to increase use of its products on black-oriented radio stations.”

CBS, in connection with the Project Sound probe, uncovered that Davis had left a “trail of phony invoices” totaling at least $94,000 over six years that were meant to cover up Davis’ use of funds for personal parties and renovations to his properties.xxi Davis was ultimately fired by CBS as a result.

Soon, the CBS “payola” scandal took on a darker hue. In February 1972, a few days after Davis had been fired from CBS, eight people were indicted in Newark on conspiracy and smuggling charges connected to a “multimillion dollar heroin ring operating in Italy, Canada, and the United States.”

The connective tissue between CBS and this drug bust soon became apparent. A woman, recently fired from CBS for being “doped up” at work, had been indicted after working for a food stand that doubled as a front for the heroin ring in question. Patsy Falcone, aka Pasquale Falconio, an associate of the Genovese crime family, had also been indicted. Investigators found that Falcone also had a tie to CBS by way of his “friendship” with Davis’ protege David Wynshaw as well as via Frank Campana, a former CBS A&R man with whom Falcone had started a management company. Falcone and Campana’s company managed several acts signed to CBS. Investigators later stated that Davis’ name had been mentioned by Falcone in bugged telephone conversations and that evidence found on Falcone had listed Wynshaw as a “source for prostitutes.”

Documents incriminating Wynshaw were reportedly found on Falcone at the time of his arrest. It was later reported that, “with the help of Dave Wynshaw, Falcone bilked CBS Records. The two men set up sham companies in… New Jersey… CBS unwittingly paid more than $75,000 to these nonexistent operations.”xxii Wynshaw figured prominently into Davis’ downfall as it was Wynshaw who had both helped facilitate the money funneled to Falcone and who had written up false invoices that obscured the payments that Davis had used for personal enrichment. It was also believed that Wynshaw’s role involved laundering money that was used for “off-the-record” items, like procuring drugs and prostitutes for CBS parties, conferences, & artists, leading him to be colloquially known as “Clive’s pimp” at the label.

As a Rolling Stone article from the period speculated based on industry rumors at the time, Davis’ unceremonious firing by CBS over personal enrichment and embezzlement of funds (of $94,000, then deemed paltry by industry insiders) may have been a strategic attempt to get ahead of the larger “Drugola” scandal and the possibility that federal investigators might pursue charges against Davis, his trusted aide Wynshaw, and others at the company.

Despite the scandal, Davis quickly found his way back into the industry. A little over a year after having been fired from CBS/Columbia, in the summer of 1974, Davis was hired as a consultant for Bell Records, “a barely profitable subsidiary of Columbia Pictures (no corporate relation to CBS).” According to a 1977 New York Times article, “Davis’s consulting took the form of letting go most of [Bell’s] performers and the executives who had signed them, retaining only a handful as the basis for a renamed company, Arista, with himself in the president’s chair.”

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Clive Davis signs a young Whitney Houston to Arista Records – Source

Arista’s formation and success relied heavily on Alan Hirschfield, a major entertainment executive who had recently become CEO of Columbia Pictures. Hirschfield was instrumental in bringing Davis on as a consultant for Bell and who supported Davis’ formation of Arista. Davis, as well as Hirschfield’s family, have framed Hirschfield as having essentially co-founded the label with Davis.

Hirschfield had found himself serving in the top post in Columbia Pictures thanks to the same connection that saw him become at top executive at other entertainment conglomerates, like Fox and Warner Brothers. That connection was to Allen & Company, as Hirschfield’s father Norman was a close friend and associate of Charles and Herbert Allen, the founders of the company. Norman Hirschfield also worked for Allen & Co., particularly in its natural gas division and also in scouting other “business opportunities” for the firm. Later, in the 1970s and 1980s, when Allen & Co. took a stake in a major entertainment firm, Columbia included, they ensured their interests were represented through the installation of Norman’s son, Alan Hirschfield, in a top executive post.

Charles and Herbert Allen and their firm Allen & Co. have documented ties to intelligence-linked figures and scandals, as well as organized crime. As noted in [url]One Nation Under Blackmail[/url], the Allen brothers had significant organized crime connections, particularly via companies based in the Bahamas that were run and developed by close associates of Jewish mobster and co-founder of the National Crime Syndicate, Meyer Lansky. In addition, Allen & Co. was a client of the CIA-linked David Baird Foundation and Charles and Allen and David Baird had several dealings with an associate of mob boss Moe Dalitz and Alexander Guterma, who was a key part of the United Dye scandal that had also ensnared figures like Roy Cohn. Allen & Co. also financed Earl Brian’s efforts to buy out Inslaw Inc. as part of the PROMIS scandal (discussed in greater detail shortly) and had other close business ties to Brian, including being significant shareholders in Brian’s company Hadron.

The Allen brothers also had significant ties to Leslie Wexner’s mentors, Max Fisher and Alfred Taubman. Taubman had been close to the Allens since the 1950s. For Fisher, the connection was forged at the time he was heading up United Brands, the CIA-linked company that Fisher took over the same year that its former top executive, Eli Black, suspiciously fell to his death from the 44th floor of the Pan Am building in Manhattan. Black was the father of Leon Black, the Drexel Burnham Lambert executive who would later found Apollo Global Management and become a very close and now notorious associate of Jeffrey Epstein. While still at United Brands, Fisher joined Taubman and the Allen brothers in a joint venture that culminated in the takeover of the Irvine Ranch in California.

The overlap doesn’t end there. Columbia Pictures’ Alan Hirschfield was a close associate of lawyer Allen Tessler and served alongside Tessler as a top executive at Data Broadcasting Corporation. Tessler was the family lawyer for the organized crime-linked Gouletas family and their real estate empire. Tessler also later joined the board of Leslie Wexner’s The Limited in 1987. Evangeline Gouletas shared an office space with Epstein during this time, which also coincides with the development of the close-knit relationship between Wexner and Epstein.

Another key client of Tessler’s was the aforementioned Earl Brian, who had close ties to Allen & Co. and was one of the masterminds of the PROMIS scandal that involved MCA, organized crime, US intelligence and Israeli intelligence (with Robert Maxwell facilitating aspects of the scheme on behalf of Israel). Tessler’s law firm, Shea & Gould, also represented organized crime clients like Carmine de Sapio, a close friend of Roy Cohn’s, and also had significant connections to William Casey, Reagan’s CIA director. Tessler, who was chairman of Wexner’s The Limited’s Finance Committee by 1990, came into direct contact with Epstein some time around this period as well. Tessler appears in Epstein’s infamous “black book” with two addresses and four different phone numbers listed. Among the numbers listed is Tessler’s line at Data Broadcasting, where he and Hirschfield worked side-by-side. The company had been acquired by Earl Brian’s firm Infotechnology in 1987.

In other words, Clive Davis’ ascent to become a major music executive was aided largely by figures tied to same clandestine network composed of intelligence-linked and organized crime elements that also forms the basis for the network that would also later figure prominently in the rise of Jeffrey Epstein. This is also evident in Davis’ close friendship with the family of the Mega Group’s Laurence Tisch, particularly his nephew Jonathan who took over the family business Loews Corp in 1989. This connection later led Davis to donate several million to the Tisch School of the Arts at NYU, producing the Clive Davis Institute of Recorded Music under the Tisch School umbrella. It is also notable that the “drugola” scandal linked to Davis had ties specifically to the Genovese crime family, an organized crime network also linked to MCA, Morris Levy, Roy Cohn and Leslie Wexner, as noted earlier in this piece.

Mentors in Crime

After the scandal around Combs began to break, Clive Davis, as well as Andre Harrell of Uptown and Russell Simmons of Def Jam/Rush Management, have been accused of propelling Combs into the patterns of criminal behavior for which he is now infamous. For instance, one-time rival (and former friend of Combs) Suge Knight has claimed that Davis, Harrell and Simmons used “alcohol, drugs” – specifically cocaine – to “compromise” Combs’ “manhood.” This is particularly significant in the case of Davis’ ties to the “Drugola” scandal, which involved using sex, drugs and bribes to specifically target “black-oriented radio stations” and music. Claims similar to those made by Knight have since been echoed by Combs’ former bodyguard Gene Deal.

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Clive Davis and Sean Combs – Source

It is worth noting here that Davis’ protégé L.A. Reid, who took over Arista Records from Davis, has also been accused of sexual misconduct and assault. Reid, alongside Combs, were both instrumental in the success of recording artists Justin Bieber and Usher. Knight has argued that Davis, Simmons and Harrell first “compromised” Combs and then Combs went on to use alcohol, drugs, and gay sex to “control” younger artists like Usher and Bieber. Notably, Combs’ entry into the world of Andre Harell, Simmons and, shortly thereafter, Clive Davis, coincides with the development of his obsessive drive to record everything, presumably for blackmail-related purposes. For instance, music video director Cole Bennett asserted that Combs told him that he’d begun recording “footage of everything” in 1992 and even advised Bennett to do the same.

In addition, Kirk Burrowes, the co-founder of Bad Boy Records with Combs, has claimed that Combs sought to compromise him using this same method. Burrowes has filed a lawsuit against Combs, claiming Combs subjected him to “repeated sexual harassment, physical aggression and forced compliance with degrading sexual acts” throughout the 1990s. Burrowes claims that Combs targeted him with “unwanted sexual advances” including acts of “nudity, sexual overtones, voyeurism and acts of exhibitionism,” some of which allegedly took place during business meetings, and that this was part of a larger “campaign of control.” The outcome of this campaign, per Burrowes, was the use of “physical violence, blackmail, career sabotage and financial extortion” to force Burrowes out of his 25% stake in Bad Boy Records. Though Davis was a key part of the early creation and formation of Bad Boy Records, he is not named in Burrowes’ suit.

However, Combs may have been “controlled” in a similar way by Davis, per some sources. Suge Knight, for instance, has alleged that he was told by the former head of Interscope Records, Jimmy Iovine, that Combs had regularly engaged in sexual acts with Davis, suggesting that his relationship with Davis and Davis’ early, crucial involvement with Bad Boy were built on the back of sexual favors. This is certainly possible given the well-known mechanism within the entertainment industry of sexual favors as a way to secure lucrative roles and deals –– e.g. the Harvey Weinstein scandal. In addition, Davis notably came out publicly as bisexual in a memoir published when he was 80 years old, where he writes that he began to openly engage in sex with the same gender in the 1980s. Combs’ alleged bisexuality has been a major topic of discussion in relation to the scandal leading up to his arrest last year. Knight has also claimed that Russell Simmons and Andre Harrell had also engaged in similar behavior with each other. Notably, the network behind Clive Davis, which overlaps with that behind Epstein, also involved similar “sugar daddy”-style relationships. These include rumors that Epstein and his long-time benefactor Leslie Wexner were intimate, e.g. former State of Ohio Inspector General David Sturtz telling journalist Bob Fitrakis that Epstein was Wexner’s “boyfriend.”

The Rat Pack

Given that Russell Simmons is one of the men alleged to have mentored Combs in this type of criminal behavior, it is worth taking a look also at some of the recent allegations that have been made against Simmons and some of his associates, who – like Simmons – also boasted close ties to Combs.

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From left: Andre Harrell, Sean Combs, Russell Simmons – Source

Beginning in 2017, Russell Simmons was hit with a slew of rape and sexual harassment lawsuits and accusations. One of Simmons’ earliest accusers, model Keri Claussen Khalighi, alleged that Simmons raped her in full view of the director Brett Ratner in 1991. Before the 2017 allegations, police had previously probed Simmons and Ratner for claims of jointly engaging in sexual battery back in 2001. Over a dozen women have since accused Simmons of sexual misconduct or crimes, while Ratner himself has been separately accused of similar crimes, including rape, by at least 10 women. Following the barrage of accusations, Simmons has laid low in Bali, Indonesia, embracing life as a “stateless” US citizen in a bid to evade the court’s jurisdiction. As will be explained in greater detail shortly, Ratner fled to Israel but is now planning a comeback, currying favor with the Trump family to that effect.

Ratner is a long-time close associate of Simmons, with some reports calling Ratner a “protégé” of Simmons. Simmons is credited with helping start Ratner’s career, as the two met while Ratner was still in film school (NYU’s Tisch School) and Ratner began filming music videos for Simmons-managed artists like Public Enemy soon after their meeting. Ratner also filmed a music video for Combs’ longtime associate Heavy D, who had first gotten Combs his internship at Uptown, in 1994. Getty images alone hosts hundreds of photographs of Ratner and Simmons partying together over the years.

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Brett Ratner on the cover of Hollywood Reporter – Source

Ratner, like Simmons, was also a very close associate of Combs, bringing Combs as his guest to several premieres of his films. Ratner was also a frequent attendee of numerous Combs-hosted parties as well as charity fundraisers. They also arrived together at prominent award shows and Ratner also filmed music videos for Combs, such as his 2001 single “Diddy.” Combs selected Brett Ratner and Ron Burkle, among others, to be his guests of honor when he delivered a commencement address to his alma mater Howard University in 2014.

Ratner’s close association with both Simmons and Combs is notable for a few reasons. First, there is the fact that Ratner, as previously mentioned, was accused by several actresses of sexual misconduct, resulting in him being dropped from his agency and the “canceling” of his Hollywood career. In addition, Ratner took overdirecting the X-Men series from Bryan Singer, with whom Ratner is reportedly close. Singer has been accused of pedophilia and sordid affiliations with the Digital Entertainment Network (DEN), which was run by pedophile Marc Collins-Rector and also involved child star turned crypto mogul Brock Piece. (For Unlimited Hangout’s past reporting on DEN and Pierce, see here)

Second, there is the man that Ratner considers his father –– Alvin Malnik. The feeling is apparently mutual, with Malnik referring to Ratner as one of his sons. The close-knit tie is telling as Malnik has very significant organized crime ties, particularly to Meyer Lansky. Not only that, but according to a Forbes investigation cited by the LA Times, Malnik “invented the black art of money-laundering, taking mob money and routing it to legitimate ventures.”

Forbes wrote that:

In the 1960s, Miami lawyer Alvin Malnik set up the Bank of Commerce in the Bahamas. Mob money flowed into its secret numbered accounts by the hundreds of millions–[mob financier Meyer] Lansky money, most of it–and then out again into Tibor Rosenbaum’s International Credit Bank of Switzerland before returning to the United States for investment.


For those familiar with One Nation Under Blackmail, both Lansky and Rosenbaum also had significant ties to the Israeli intelligence apparatus, especially Rosenbaum who helped finance keys aspects of Israeli intelligence, including via the means that Malnik reportedly helped to develop.

In addition, Malnik’s other ties to Lansky were considerable. For instance, Malnik had previously been banned from working in New Jersey casinos due to state regulators confirming his ties to Lansky and Sam Cohen, another mobster. Malnik had even been named Lansky’s “heir apparent” by Reader’s Digest upon Lansky’s 1983 death, while the Miami News noted that Lansky had wanted Malnik to take over all of his “legitimate enterprises” after this death. That article also cited federal agents that claimed that Malnik also stood to inherit “Lansky’s lucrative gambling, pornography, prostitution, labor racketeering and extortion operations.” Malnik also had a close association with Joel Steinger, a notorious fraud that operated a massive Ponzi scheme targeting the elderly and terminally ill. Steinger, like Malnik, had developed close ties to Lansky personally by the 1970s and married the daughter of a Miami banker alleged to be a close Lansky associate.

In addition, Malnik was involved in strange ways with Michael Jackson in his later years. As noted previously, billionaire Ron Burkle ––- who also cultivated close ties to Bill Clinton and Jeffrey Epstein, along with Combs himself –– had significant connections to Jackson during this same period. The Malnik-Burkle-Jackson connection, as well as Burkle’s significant ties to both Epstein and Combs, will be covered in Part II of this series.

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Ratner (left) with Michael Jackson and Sean Combs in an undated picture at Ratner’s Beverly Hills home – Source

Malnik’s own “protégé,” his adopted son Brett Ratner, claims to have also fostered a close relationship early on with Meyer Lansky himself. In a 2011 interview, Ratner stated the following:

“I grew up on Miami Beach. I lived on Collins Avenue at the Carriage House on 54th Street. And two doors down was the Imperial House where every day after school I would ride my bike and I would walk down the street with an old man who would walk his dog. We would walk together and everyone at the store would kiss my ass when I was with him. He would take me to this restaurant called the Villa Capri and everybody was always treating me so nice. I didn’t realize it until I was in line at the supermarket with my mom and I opened up Rolling Stone and I saw his picture on the back. It was Meyer Lansky’s obituary. Everybody thought it was weird because he was 80 and I was 12. He was the biggest gangster in the world and he was like my best friend as a kid.”


While some may discount this claim as fantasy on Ratner’s part, his close ties to Malnik –– Lanksy’s “heir” –– during the same period of his alleged association with Lansky lends the story credence. In addition, it is worth noting that Ratner’s “big break” that allowed him to become a famous director came somewhat unexpectedly in his “mediocre” film school career via Steven Spielberg. As previously noted, Spielberg was a protégé of Wasserman and Schienberg of MCA, a company with significant mob (and intelligence) affiliations, while Wasserman himself was connected to Lansky’s network via his long-time tie to Lansky associate Moe Dalitz. Spielberg is also a reported member of the previously mentioned “Mega Group” that unites Spielberg with organized crime-linked oligarchs like Epstein’s main benefactor Leslie Wexner, among others.

Ratner would later follow the Lansky model of evading charges and scrutiny for illegal activities by immigrating to Israel. After he was accused of extreme sexual misconduct, including alongside Simmons, Ratner fled to Israel. A week before his escape, Ratner had been Benjamin Netanyahu’s special guest, along with former Epstein defense lawyer Alan Dershowitz, at the United Nations. Articles on Ratner’s trip to the UN with Netanyahu noted that Ratner is a former close business associate of Australian media tycoon James Packer, who has been closely linked to Netanyahu. Packer’s business venture with Ratner, RatPac Entertainment was notably partnered for several years with Dune Entertainment, the film business of Trump’s former Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin. Mnuchin left the venture shortly after joining the first Trump administration, which coincided with many of the accusations against Ratner being made public, crippling the firm’s once meteoric rise.

Packer, for his part, was a key part of the corruption trial that continues to dog current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but has taken a backseat following the onset of the Israel-Gaza War in October 2023. Packer’s ties to both Netanyahu as well as former Mossad chief Yossi Cohen were deemed so extensive that they were considered a “national risk” in court testimony. Packer also once threatened to “sic” Mossad operatives on businessmen and was seeking to form a cybersecurity venture with Mossad-linked individuals around the same time he created RatPac with Brett Ratner. In addition, Packer was known to have partied with Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, including on the yacht of Australian trucking magnate Lindsay Fox in 1995 when Epstein and Maxwell were the “guests of honour” on the cruise. Furthermore, Packer has also come under scrutiny for his ties to Stanley Ho, a casino magnate with ties to Chinese organized crime and to the Clinton-era scandal “Chinagate,” which also involved Epstein. As it relates to Epstein, a star in many of Ratner’s films with close social ties to the director, Chris Tucker, would later find himself on infamous Epstein-brokered plane trips alongside Bill Clinton and Kevin Spacey.

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Brett Ratner sits between Elon Musk and Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago in January 2025 – Source

The Combs-Simmons-Ratner clique have a history of cultivating ties to Donald Trump. For instance, one image photographed by Getty shows Ratner on stage with Combs at Russell Simmon’s “Art for Life Palm Beach” event honoring Combs in 2005. The event was hosted at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago and attended by the Trumps. The Trumps also attended some premieres of Ratner’s films. Trump became closely associated with Combs beginning in the 1990s. While those ties will be discussed in detail in Part II of this series, it is worth noting that First Lady Melania Trump has teamed up with the self-exiled Ratner, who is now directing a documentary about her life that is due to launch on Amazon Prime later this year. The First Lady is an executive producer of the film, which began production shortly after her husband’s 2024 election win.

In addition, according to New York magazine, Ratner was recently seen visiting Mar-a-Lago along with the aforementioned James Packer, where they were photographed dining with Trump and Elon Musk earlier this year. A month later, it was reported that Packer bought a Trump-owned property neighboring both Mar-a-Lago’s private club and the Trump estate there. The property was previously used by close Trump associates visiting Mar-a-Lago and by the Secret Service during his first presidential term. Ratner has reportedly been involved in “fanning” the closeness between Trump and Packer that resulted in the property sale. Notably, Packer had previously bought a property neighboring another state leader, Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, back in 2016. In addition, Ratner and the Trump family, as well as Russell Simmons, were among the guests invited to the wedding of Al Malnik’s son, Jarod Malnik, in early 2024.
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Re: Whitney Webb Links to her Articles

Postby admin » Wed Feb 04, 2026 10:18 pm

Part 4 of 4

A Conspiracy Hiding in Plain Sight

Ultimately, in tracing the network in which Combs had become deeply enmeshed by the early and mid-1990s, we are left with deep connections to intelligence-linked elements of organized crime. This same network of organized criminals also played a key part in enabling the activities of sex criminal and intelligence asset Jeffrey Epstein, from at least the 1970s onward, as detailed in the book One Nation Under Blackmail.

With such connections established, the question then becomes –– what did this group seek in someone like Sean Combs, and more broadly, in exerting its influence over the entertainment industry and specifically African-American music?

While speculative, it appears that various connections leading back to MCA and its influence can help us arrive at one unsettling possibility. During this period, not only was MCA a dominant force in entertainment (and early hip-hop specifically), but Laurence Tisch –– through his 1985 takeover of CBS –– controlled another key branch of the music industry through 1995. With the Bronfmans taking over MCA, and later Def Jam and Warner Music (as will be noted in Part II), the influence of the so-called “Mega Group” billionaires over the music industry became extremely significant during the 1990s. With Combs teaming up with Clive Davis, with significant ties to this same network, to form his own label Bad Boy Records in 1995, this tiny group of billionaires had the ability to shape hip-hop, the cultural engine of the African-American community, in major ways.

The same year that the Bronfman and Tisch clans formally joined forces with Leslie Wexner and others like MCA-linked Steven Spielberg via the “Mega Group,” American record labels had allegedly begun to conspire to promote crime in hip-hop lyrics with the ostensible goal of facilitating the filling of private prisons, as those that ran the record labels were allegedly deeply connected to private prison firms. An account from an anonymous industry insider details how, in 1991, he was invited to a clandestine meeting where he was forced to sign a non-disclosure agreement. He recounted the events of that meeting as follows:

Quickly after the meeting began, one of my industry colleagues (who shall remain nameless like everyone else) thanked us for attending. He then gave the floor to a man who only introduced himself by his first name and gave no further details about his personal background. I think he was the owner of the residence but it was never confirmed. He briefly praised all of us for the success we had achieved in our industry and congratulated us for being selected as part of this small group of “decision-makers”. At this point, I begin to feel slightly uncomfortable at the strangeness of this gathering.

The subject quickly changed as the speaker went on to tell us that the respective companies we represented had invested in a very profitable industry which could become even more rewarding with our active involvement. He explained that the companies we work for had invested millions into the building of privately owned prisons and that our positions of influence in the music industry would actually impact the profitability of these investments. I remember many of us in the group immediately looking at each other in confusion. At the time, I didn’t know what a private prison was but I wasn’t the only one. Sure enough, someone asked what these prisons were and what any of this had to do with us. We were told that these prisons were built by privately-owned companies that received funding from the government based on the number of inmates. The more inmates, the more money the government would pay these prisons. It was also made clear to us that since these prisons are privately owned, as they become publicly traded, we’d be able to buy shares.

Most of us were taken back by this. Again, a couple of people asked what this had to do with us. At this point, my industry colleague who had first opened the meeting took the floor again and answered our questions. He told us that since our employers had become silent investors in this prison business, it was now in their interest to make sure that these prisons remained filled. Our job would be to help make this happen by marketing music that promotes criminal behavior, rap being the music of choice. He assured us that this would be a great situation for us because rap music was becoming an increasingly profitable market for our companies, and as employees, we’d also be able to buy personal stocks in these prisons. Immediately, silence came over the room. You could have heard a pin drop.


While efforts have been made over the years to dismiss this account as fantasy and/or conspiracy (despite it being deemed credible and promoted by prominent figures in hip-hop), other accounts from this period suggests that it should not be so easily discounted. For instance, Portia Maultsby, Professor Emerita of Folklore and Ethnomusicology at Indiana University, has been quoted as stating that:

In the early 1990s, a former graduate student, then keyboardist for Stevie Wonder, called me upset that some record labels were actively recruiting Black men with criminal records to record rap. He believed that they were encouraging criminal acts among this group.


In addition, prominent rappers have claimed, from the 1990s onward, that the music industry is financially entangled with the private prison industry and encourages “criminal behavior” through hip-hop due to those entanglements.

While some outlets have noted that private prison companies and record labels share major index managers like Vanguard among their top shareholders, the ties between the two industries are significantly deeper and directly involve organizations mentioned throughout this article.

Clinton, not unlike Ronald Reagan, was very “under the thumb” of MCA’s Lew Wasserman. Wasserman began backing Clinton’s presidential campaigns in 1992, but had first met Clinton back when he was governor of Arkansas, where his administration notoriously enabled illicit Iran-Contra-linked activities. Lew Wasserman would later broker the close ties between Clinton and his grandson, Casey Wasserman (who like Clinton, was an Epstein associate). This led to the Wasserman Foundation becoming one of the main donors to the controversial Clinton Foundation. Wasserman, as well as his protégé Steven Spielberg, were major donors to Clinton’s 1996 re-election campaign, so much so that it earned them overnight stays in the White House’s Lincoln bedroom. In addition, other Mega Group figures like Edgar Bronfman were also major donors to Clinton. Bronfman and Wasserman both received the Presidential Medal of Freedom during Clinton’s presidencies. Notably, companies tied to Bronfman and Wasserman, i.e. MCA/Universal, played a major role in lobbying for the passage of the 1996 Telecommunications Act, which Clinton signed into law and which allowed extreme industry consolidation and the formation of de facto monopolies in entertainment and beyond.

Image
Lew and Edith Wasserman with Bill Clinton in 1999 – Source

A few years earlier, in 1994, Bill Clinton had signed a controversial crime bill which enacted several “funding incentives blamed for driving mass incarceration.” Though mass incarceration existed before the 1994 crime bill (largely beginning in the administration of the MCA-controlled Ronald Reagan), that bill is blamed with exacerbating the crisis, which has disproportionately impacted the African-American community and benefited two companies in particular. Those two companies were the biggest private prison companies in the United States at the time, and they still are today. One was the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), now known as CoreCivic, while the other was Geo Group, formerly Wackenhut Corrections Corporation (WCC). Notably, WCC’s IPO took place the same year as the passage of the crime bill, 1994, which notably coincides with the account of the 1991 clandestine meeting where it was claimed that the private prison companies would go public once the music industry had began to promote violence and crime in hip-hop lyrics for the benefit of private prison companies like Wackenhut.

WCC was formed in 1984 as a subsidiary of the Wackenhut Corporation. WCC’s parent company, Wackenhut, developed significant ties to MCA during the 1980s. As detailed earlier, Wackenhut had entered into a joint venture with the Cabazon Reservation to covertly develop weapon systems for CIA-backed paramilitaries that also repurposed the PROMIS software for espionage purposes. Top MCA executive Eugene Gianquinto was directly involved with companies that later joined the Cabazon-Wackenhut operation and later took credit for quashing the federal investigation into MCA’s mob ties. In addition, Allen & Company and Earl Brian, who were connected with the PROMIS scandal, were also significantly tied to Alan Hirschfield, who is said to have co-founded Arista Records with Clive Davis, which spawned Combs’ Bad Boy Records in 1993.

Evidence of MCA’s close ties to the CIA, beyond those indicated by the PROMIS scandal, were noted by Lew Wasserman biographer Dennis McDougal. McDougal received a response from the CIA, in response to a FOIA request, “that seventeen separate computer searches revealed MCA did work with the CIA. The CIA refused to release any of its MCA documents on grounds that it might endanger national security.” Melanie Carlson, writing for Covert Action Magazine, also thoroughly detailed MCA’s ties to the mob, the CIA, the PROMIS scandal and the death of journalist Danny Casolaro in a 2024 investigation.

Like MCA, Wackenhut also had ties to the CIA. Between that point and the passage of the 1994 crime bill, figures like Frank Carlucci and Bobby Ray Inman, both former CIA deputy directors, served on Wackenhut’s board. Carlucci also had unusual connections to the network around Robert Booth Nichols, the organized crime-linked figure who had brought together Wackenhut, the Cabazon Indian reservation and MCA as part of the PROMIS scandal. In addition, before becoming Reagan’s CIA director William Casey, one of the October Surprise/Iran-Contra architects, had been Wackenhut’s outside legal counsel. In 1992, two years before the Clinton crime bill was passed, SPY Magazine reported on extensive ties between Wackenhut and the CIA, citing CIA operatives and former Wackenhut executives who noted that Wackenhut allowed the CIA to use its offices as fronts for its activities. The SPY investigation also noted how many of the figures who connected Wackenhut to the CIA were also key cogs in the Iran-Contra affair, which is also indicated by Wackenhut’s role in the PROMIS scandal.

This is significant as some of those same figures tied directly to the CIA-Wackenhut connection, like Richard Secord, were also tied to Leslie Wexner and Jeffrey Epstein’s efforts to relocate the Iran-Contra airline of infamy, the CIA-linked Southern Air transport, to Columbus, OH for the express benefit of Wexner and his clothing empire. After Wexner and Epstein’s efforts were successful, the airline’s main flights were between Columbus and Hong Kong. As noted in One Nation Under Blackmail, that effort, which also coincides with Epstein’s most of his 17 visits to the Clinton White House, was explicitly considered by some Ohio law enforcement officials to be tied to clandestine and criminal activities, most likely arms trafficking given Epstein’s background in covert arms trafficking networks in the 1980s. In addition, Epstein’s main contact at the White House during that time, Mark Middleton, was a central part of the “Chinagate” scandal, one major aspect of which involved the smuggling of cheap Chinese weapons into American urban areas after Chinese gun imports were banned early on in the Clinton administration. Prior to that ban, the US had been China’s top market for guns.

A significant cache of weapons being smuggled by this network into Oakland, CA was intercepted by the FBI in what is now remembered as Operation Dragon Fire, which was – at that point – the largest seizure of illegal automatic assault weapons in US history. The main individuals behind the illicit gun smuggling were tipped off and managed to flee the US prior to the FBI’s planned sting operation. However, the main company involved – China’s Norinco – had notable ties, not just to the “Chinagate” scandal itself, but also to Epstein’s former mentor and weapons dealer, Douglas Leese. The company was also allegedly involved with past arms deals that had involved both Leese and Epstein. In addition, when Clinton was serving as governor of Arkansas, he had significant connections to Iran-Contra-linked arms and drug trafficking, meaning he had a prior, documented history of enabling illicit arms smuggling operations while in public office and just prior to becoming US president.

6. Question to CIA Director: "Forget the Drugs, How Did the Guns Get Here?"
Health Policy Politics
Aug 3, 2015

1996 CIA Director town hall meeting regarding allegations that the CIA was working with the cocaine industry to bankroll Contra rebels in Nicaragua. In 1996, journalist Gary Webb unloaded a three-part series for The San Jose Mercury-News alleging that the Central Intelligence Agency helped spark America’s crack cocaine epidemic by enabling drug traffickers tied to the Nicaraguan Contras to ship into the country and use the proceeds to fund their insurgency against the Sandinista government. Published on the Mercury-News’ website, thereby making it available to all, the series, “Dark Alliance,” became one of the first viral news pieces of the Internet era.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/mov...
https://en.wiki2.org/wiki/Gary_Webb
https://en.wiki2.org/wiki/Oscar_Danil...



Transcript

I hope you can understand as I am if
nothing else this is a beginning of a
healing process the lady in the black
and white and then the gentleman in the
jean jacket and then we're going over to
this side thank you very much uh you
said we only yeah I'll try to cut it
down because I do have a million and one
things to say but one of the things I
would be concerned about if I was the
director we've held um with the Cold War
we've held Russia at Bay for 40 years at
least don't you feel kind of strange
that we can't hold a third world country
at Bay that they have
infiltrated that they have infiltrated
South Central LA this is a community
with really no money no power and all of
a
sudden These Arm not only drugs but arms
I was in the police academy all the
police officers here should be upset
because all of a sudden they gave we had
little guns like toy guns to play with
and these guys were coming out with
things that you know they were having
war over there forget the drug part how
did the guns get here give us some
explanations you you the president and
everybody else should be highly upset
and say how did this cancer get here how
did it happen I've been here I've been
coming here giving lectures to these
kids I left these kids today they are
they are a bungle of nerves I look at
them I know their moms and dads have
been on crack cocaine they cannot even
sit in their seats so make sure your
statements are brief are your questions
please Mr
director Mr
director please allow the director to
respond you see you're quite right if we
have to we want to interdict drugs stop
drugs from getting to these
Shores then you're going to have to rely
on all the skill
that we can mount in the government
whether it's from the Central
Intelligence Agency or the drug
enforcement
agency Russia could not even get here
third world countries are just walking
in just doing whatever they want are you
guys that incompetent
we
excuse
me wait just a
minute excuse me please the more you
applaud the more we will use up the time
here please allow all of these folks who
want their questions asked and answered
rather please allow that to
happen


At the same time that Wackenhut and CIA-connected figures were apparently helping repurpose Iran-Contra assets for the sake of flooding the US black market with cheap yet illicit weapons, the same network was also littering US urban areas with drugs, specifically crack cocaine. As reported by the late Gary Webb in his iconic Dark Alliance series (and subsequent book of the same name), a massive drug ring in California was peddling crack cocaine specifically to Latino and African-American urban communities during the 1990s, with millions in profits being used to finance CIA-backed paramilitary groups in Nicaragua. It was argued at the time that this represented a continuation of the Iran-Contra nexus that came under scrutiny in the 1980s and the CIA’s clandestine efforts to finance the Nicaraguan “Contras” through illicit means. After Webb’s Dark Alliance series concluded, the outlet that had run it –– the San Jose Mercury News –– published an editorial noting that Webb’s work “can only feed longstanding rumors in black communities that the U.S. government ‘created’ the crack cocaine epidemic to kill and imprison African-Americans and otherwise wreak havoc in inner cities.”

Central to the CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine nexus were Nicaraguan asset and eventual DEA informant Oscar Danilo Blandón, one of the largest importers and suppliers of cocaine at the height of the crack epidemic, and his one-time business partner Freeway Ricky Ross, who hailed from Compton and who grew to operate an interstate crack ring that helped launder and finance the covert war on the Nicaraguan Sandinistas. In 1991, during one of his prison stints, Freeway Ricky Ross was cellmates with one of the other top crack dealers in Los Angeles, Michael “Harry O” Harris. As investigative researcher John Potash details in The FBI War on Tupac Shakur, Gary Webb asserted that Ross was effectively the national point man for the trafficking operations that were remotely manipulated by former Vice President Bush and CIA Director William Casey in the 1980s.xxiii His eventual cellmate Harry O was one of his top understudies. Potash writes:

Other findings further support the notion that Death Row Records dually worked as a front company for various U.S. Intelligence operations. Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Gary Webb was the first to link Death Row Records to the CIA from the record company’s inception. Webb quoted the probation officer of national crack trafficker Freeway Ricky Ross. That probation officer cited a silent partner of Death Row, a Michael “Harry-O” Harris, as one of Ross’ two understudies.

New Yorker magazine and other media outlets described how Vice-President George Bush helped run key components of the CIA/Contra/Crack operations with CIA Director William Casey. Webb detailed the CIA cocaine trafficking network that went from Nicaraguan Contras, such as Danilo Blandón, to Freeway Ricky Ross. A CIA Inspector General backed these findings about the CIA trafficking cocaine in 1998. Webb claimed that Ross was their national point man, trafficking “multimillion-dollar cocaine shipments across America.” This would have made Michael Harris and Death Row Records important assets for the intelligence community.

Evidence suggests that Ricky Ross worked closely with CIA-collaborating cocaine traffickers such as Danilo Blandón and Ron Lister in the ’80s. Also, at that time, Lister met regularly with former CIA Covert Operations director Bill Nelson, who had worked under George H. W. Bush at the CIA.xxiv


Freeway Ricky Ross & Gary Webb - CIA Drug Conspiracy (1996)
MOBFAX
Oct 9, 2022

Freeway Ricky Ross & Gary Webb - CIA Drug Conspiracy (1996)



Transcript

now the second CIA story which is about
a most unusual trip said the CIA
director made to the West Coast on
Friday it was to respond to charges
concerning the crack cocaine epidemic of
the 1980s Jeffrey K of KCET Los Angeles
reports
please join me in welcoming Mr John
George
[Applause]
IA director John Deutsch faced a largely
hostile audience Friday afternoon at a
community Forum in South Central Los
Angeles
thank you congresswoman Melinda McDonald
for holding this public meeting
for giving me the opportunity
to talk with members of this community
about charges that the CIA
introduced crack cocaine
into South Central Los Angeles in the
mid-1980s
it is an appalling charge
it is an appalling charge that goes to
the heart
of this country
there's a charge that cannot go
unanswered
Deutsch pledged a thorough investigation
his extraordinary public relations
mission to Watts came in response to a
public outcry over a report by a
California paper the San Jose Mercury
News the three-part series dark Alliance
appeared in August on the internet as
well as in print although the Articles
Drew criticism by several major
newspapers they raised a firestorm of
outrage and prompted official inquiries
the newspaper asserted that members of
the cia's Army in Nicaragua helped spark
a crack cocaine explosion in urban
America in the 1980s
the report said two nicaraguans Danilo
Blandon and Norwin Meneses sold tons of
cocaine to Los Angeles drug dealer Ricky
Ross the article said blondon and
Manassas funneled millions of dollars in
profits to cia-backed rebels fighting
the leftists sandanista government in
Nicaragua the article showed no direct
link to the CIA but did include a
photograph of Manassas on the right with
Adolfo calero in the center a leader in
the cia-funded rebel Army known as the
contras much of the information in the
articles is not new allegations of
Contra drug connections have been the
subject of congressional probes news
stories and books what is new is the
link the article suggests between the
wholesalers and the retailers between
men said to be associated with the
cia-backed contras and sales of crack
cocaine on the streets the series was
written by reporter Gary Webb
did the CIA put drugs into black
community
we don't have any evidence so far that
they did it directly and what we have
evidence of is that men working for a
CIA run Army did do that with the
knowledge of the CIA that's the part we
don't know that's the part we don't know
I mean what we know is that these guys
were working for the CIA army they were
meeting with CIA agents before and
during the time they were doing this
what happens from there is sort of where
we ran into the wall of National
Security
on Friday CIA director Deutsch did not
directly address the broad question of
whether the CIA knew about drug dealing
instead he cautiously denied a
conspiracy as of today we have no
evidence of a conspiracy by the CIA to
engage in encouraging drug traffickers
in Nicaragua or elsewhere in Latin
America during this or any other period
however I am going to wait and see what
the results are of this inspector
General's investigation
even without hard evidence connecting
the CIA with drug dealing many have
accepted that conclusion a standing
room-only crowd of about 1500 attended a
forum on the subject in September La
congresswoman Maxine Waters was one of
the organizers now there are people who
will say well this one is Maybe
maybe it was just the people from
Nicaragua and other places
who were kind of CIA connected
maybe they just turned their heads maybe
they just kind of blinked and said well
it doesn't make any difference
whether they delivered the kilo
themselves or they turned their heads
while somebody else delivered it they're
just as guilty
Waters has made this issue a priority we
are going to pass out
the San Jose Mercury News articles
in the hands of activists reprints of
the series have become political
pamphlets they see the Articles as
confirmation of a long-suspected
conspiracy we're here today to put a
face on our outrage and our
disappointment in what we know is a
government Ploy in a setup to decimate
our community
[Applause]
the palpable anger has its roots in the
spread of a drug many compared to a
plague crack cocaine hit hard in the
inner city starting in the early 80s the
drug is relatively cheap and highly
addictive it's spread quickly the crack
business was lucrative for high-powered
dealers like Ricky Ross the man cited in
the series Ross now in federal prison in
San Diego became an overnight
millionaire and I had a as much as maybe
a million a day two million a day
sometimes maybe more you know a few days
not this wasn't every day though it was
like we had days that that's how much
you were taking in right in one day Ross
says he complained to his supplier
Danilo Blandon that he had difficulty
counting all the money So eventually he
bought us a money machine you know and
he brought over to us and and it is it
eased the pain you know a lot
but eventually it even got too much for
them for one money machine we had we
wound up getting three money machines to
count it
because one money machine would just be
running running running and then we'd
have money stacked and we had people
that uh all they would do all day was
count money
eventually
full-time money counters yeah
even though Ross is a central figure in
this story he can shed little light on
the people he dealt with blend on and
um what did you know about him you did
you know his name
no just just Danilo Danilo and Lisa call
him Nika you don't even know his last
name no did he ever talk about the
government the US government no never
d-e-a-c-i-a no nothing
while Ross Made Easy Money Dr exalina
Bean was coping with cocaine's tragic
consequences at the neonatology ward at
Martin Luther King Hospital in La she
saw 60 babies a month born with cocaine
in their systems today Bean's anger
embodies a common view that the black
community has been victimized
child every baby every child of a
substance abusing mother and a substance
abusing family should be considered a
victim of violence and be entitled to
Restoration
congresswoman Waters says the strong
reaction to allegations of government
involvement in the crack trade is not
surprising that's because the drug has
touched so many lives one thing that's
very striking when you're out there
people would get up and they'll start
crying
I have women who have gotten up and told
stories about they haven't seen their
daughter for years their daughter's on
crack they have the babies every
audience that I go into there's always a
sizable number of people who've had it
in their families Sons daughters nieces
nephews cousins so this uh this Scourge
has touched a lot of people and there's
a lot of pain out there I mean just a
lot of pain pressure from Waters and
other elected officials has led to
Congressional and agency investigations
the hearing of the standard intelligence
committee will proceed
at a recent senate committee meeting
inspectors General from the CIA and
justice department promised thorough
reviews the committee also heard from a
former Senate investigator Jack Blum who
in the late 80s looked into drug
trafficking by the contras the answer
you get to the questions you ask depends
totally on how you frame the question
if you ask the question
did the CIA sell drugs in the black
neighborhoods of Los Angeles to finance
the Contra War the answer will be a
categorical no
now having said that
we have to go back to what is true
and what is true is the policy makers
absolutely close their eyes to the
criminal behavior of our allies and
supporters in that war
the policy makers ignored their drug
dealing their stealing and their human
rights violations
but while Blum lends Credence to some of
the allegations raised by the Mercury
News Major newspapers have criticized
the series the LA Times Washington Post
and New York Times have all run articles
saying the Mercury News overstated the
facts Leo wilinski is Metropolitan
editor of the LA Times
world's main weakness was the basic
allegation that the contras had made
Millions from dealing drugs on the
street of lost streets of Los Angeles
working through at Northern California
drug dealer wilinsky's reporters said
the Nicaraguan sent no more than 50
thousand dollars to the contras also
indicated that this drug ring was
responsible for beginning the crap
epidemic in Los Angeles and spreading it
like Johnny Appleseed across the country
found out those facts were untrue also
that crack started in various parts of
the country simultaneously and that
crack was already in Los Angeles far
before this uh this story ever took
place the other thing that was that was
questionable was the ties to the CIA
which they never said specifically that
the CIA was stealing drugs but there are
a lot of implications throughout the
article Waters says the criticisms
missed the point it's not about whether
or not uh this this trafficking ring
gave fifty thousand dollars at 50
million dollars to the contras the main
star story is that there has been a
connection made between the government
the CIA and its involvement in drug
trafficking to support the contrast
can American citizens ever tolerate this
kind of involvement or connection we
don't know whether how directed was
whether or not they just kind of winked
blank turn their backs but it needs to
be known and it seems to me that
everybody would be interested in getting
to the bottom of that
I will get to the bottom of it and I
will let you know the results of what I
found but if Friday's Forum was any
indication members of this community
have little faith in a CIA investigation
this man coming into this community at
this time
as far as we are concerned most of us in
this audience is a mandate to close the
investigation and to prepare us for him
to say six months down the line that the
CIA didn't do anything
audience members hurled a series of
angry accusations during the fiery
90-minute meeting one skeptical speaker
after another used the microphone to
voice anger and suspicion as you know as
well as everyone else that the CIA has
been dealing drugs throughout the world
and bringing drugs into this country
since Vietnam's War you brought them in
here in body bags you were in the Golden
Triangle so you're going to come in this
community and insult us and tell us that
you're going to investigate yourself you
got to be crazy
Deutsch said repeatedly that any
wrongdoers would be brought to justice
as he prepared to leave he told an
emotional audience he would take the
charges seriously
thank you
thank you for uh
thank you for letting me come here today
uh
you know I have uh I've learned
something
I've learned how important it is uh
for our government and for our agency
to get on top of this problem and stop
it
I just want to say uh
that I came today to try and describe
the approach that I'm taking the
approach that I'm taking
to address these serious charges but I
go away
with a better appreciation of what's on
your mind and I go away with a
conviction
that we're going to do more to stop
drugs from coming into the United States
thank you very much
The Forum broke up in distrust and Chaos
just as it had begun meanwhile members
of California's Congressional Delegation
say they will push hard for answers to a
fundamental question what did the
government know about drug dealing
underscore the word accusations that are
nothing short of explosive they are that
the CIA knowingly and intentionally did
what amount to pump crack cocaine into
Los Angeles to help fund rebels in
Nicaragua whether or not these claims
prove true the anger they produced is
very real
the justice department in Congress are
investigating and so is CBS News here's
what correspondent Bill Whitaker can
report to you tonight
the decade and a half crack epidemic has
exacted a ruinous toll it breaks my
heart
for 10 years Eloise Dangerfield has been
rescuing the littlest victims crack
babies from the death grip in which the
drug has ensnared much of South Central
Los Angeles we see a lot of our children
being neglected and they abandoned
um and all of this is behind
crack
along with crack came the thud of police
trunches a boom in drug arrests and
homicides read it but you can't just
keep it to yourself so when Ellie's
black citizens heard of the San Jose
Mercury News reports claiming cia-backed
contras opened the first pipeline for
Colombian cocaine to their communities
their first reaction shocked their
second anger you want to know why black
people don't believe in the government
because we know what the government is
capable of
my God my God
what's next
facing life in prison LA's biggest crack
dealer now is saying he was a pawn and a
CIA plot and his argument was convincing
enough that a federal judge postponed
sentencing to consider evidence that his
main supplier was an agency offered
you know his whole intentions was for me
to make more money the more money I made
the more money he made and I guess the
more money that uh he would have to help
sponsor the war there is no evidence
directly linking the CIA to the drug
sales and the CIA says its own internal
investigation has found no connection
yet here at Ground Zero of the crack
explosion the story simply won't go away
and new circumstantial evidence raises
new questions
it's basically immoral I mean prominent
LA attorney Harlan Braun insists there
is strong evidence of a CIA drug
connection Braun is no radical in fact
he represented one of the LAPD officers
in the Rodney King case earlier he
handled a law enforcement corruption
case and filed this motion it details a
1986 house search in which deputies
found a man who identified himself as a
CIA agent and sees documents indicating
drug money was being used to purchase
military equipment for Central America
Braun says most of the evidence was
seized later by federal agents the rest
currently under Court seal Braun once it
released someone in Washington made a
decision that they were going to deal in
drugs or ignore the conscious dealing in
drugs which basically assisting them
because it was too important to defeat
the sandinistas in Nicaragua Eloise
Dangerfield says it's all too horrible
to contemplate we want to know but I
don't think we really want to know
knowing might ease the pain she says but
it won't end the suffering
in Los Angeles this is Bill Whitaker for
eye on America
all of this comes as the director of the
CIA was in Los Angeles today trying to
put down reports that the CIA in the
past connived to spread cracked cocaine
in America's inner cities Jero Bowen has
our report about that
it was an extraordinary sight today CIA
director John Deutsch on a high school
stage defending America spy agency
against reports it sold crack cocaine in
LA's black neighborhoods to fund the
contras up till the present I have no
evidence of a conspiracy
of the CIA to be involved in drug
trafficking but I'm keeping my mind open
the CIA connection was reported this
summer by the San Jose Mercury News and
kept alive on the internet but several
major newspapers discounted the charges
causing the Mercury News to issue a
disclaimer that it had not directly
implicated the agency but here in LA's
black community the belief remains that
somehow someway the U.S government if
not the CIA was involved in the crack
epidemic that ravaged a generation of
African Americans
personally I have two sisters who've
been strung out 15 years I have a
brother who almost overdosed and
Gillette fellows is editor of the LA
Watts times the CIA knows about
everything that happens in the world for
that amount of illicit substance to any
of this community nobody here believes
that that that uh the authorities should
know about it we they have to know 83
you started running guns right and drugs
former CIA pilot Robert Plumley admits
he was among those who flew the
clandestine missions to supply weapons
to the Nicaraguan contras and among the
pilots ordered to fly drugs back to the
U.S orders plumly says came not from CIA
headquarters but from individuals acting
on their own I do not want to see a race
riot over an outright lie the CIA did
not as a government entity
fabricate this drug movement in South
Central LA no one is talking of riots
the more common word is Revenge you want
to put a face on this this Specter this
Boogeyman somebody have to be we want to
blame somebody
that's what most people want to do they
want to see a lynching
you want to hang somebody
and that is why CIA director deutsche's
visit may be a mission impossible Jerry
Bowen CBS News Los Angeles
in and around South Central Los Angeles
reaction to last night's unprecedented
public meeting was predictably skeptical
what are they going to say yes they put
drugs into the community I don't think
so sure the government was in don't you
believe that security was extremely
tight as CIA director John Deutsch
defended his organization against
charges it brought cocaine into Southern
California's African-American
communities as of today we have no
evidence of a conspiracy by the CIA to
engage in encouraging drug traffickers
in Nicaragua or elsewhere in Latin
America so you're going to come in this
community and insult us and tell us that
you're going to investigate yourself you
got to be crazy
during the hour and a half meeting
Deutsch was booed and jeered so often
that congresswoman Juanita millender
McDonald had to control the crowd wait a
minute if you don't like what's going on
here please leave now
but they weren't about to let Deutsche
off the hook that easily give us some
explanation
and say how did this cancer get here
how did it happen oh it has to stop a
search and I hope that you'll help to
put an end to it because we are tired
and we're hurt and we're angry CIA
employees and I
share your anger as the CIA Caravan
pulled away many were left unconvinced
and unimpressed for the most part it
didn't do nothing for me it didn't bring
back none of my dead friends it didn't
bring back none of these crackhead
mothers or crackhead babies CIA director
Deutsch and the other government leaders
promised to bring back answers and
Justice to the community but the feeling
here is that no matter what the truth
may be the CIA will never admit it
Manuel gallegas CBS News Los Angeles


Harry O would have become a silent partner in Death Row Records with Suge Knight, Dr. Dre, The D.O.C, and corrupt defense lawyer David Kenner.xxv This is significant to this story and the Sean “Diddy” Combs investigation at large, as not only was Death Row an intelligence front, but it was also teeming with dirty cops and corrupt informants who’d been assigned to moonlight as security guards at the label for drugs/weapons dealing, informing, and COINTELPRO purposes.xxvi This includes the intentional sabotage of the Bloods and Crips gang truce (both gangs with which Harry O intimately collaborated in his crack distribution efforts, as well as the Cali Cartel) and the fabrication and exploitation of the East vs. West rap feud that would ultimately lead to the seemingly government-sanctioned murders of both activist rapper Tupac Shakur and Biggie Smalls, operations in which both Sean Combs and Suge Knight seemingly played pivotal roles. In Part II of this series, we will examine the East vs. West rap feud and the deaths of Tupac and Biggie, as well as their relevance to the Sean Combs story, in greater detail.

More recently, Freeway Ricky Ross — now once again free after he successfully appealed his life imprisonment without the possibility of parole sentence on the grounds that the three strikes law had been misapplied — appeared on the podcast of hip hop journalist DJ Vlad and revealed that not only had he and Death Row silent partner Harry O been cellmates at the time that Michael Harris introduced Suge Knight to attorney David Kenner, but that Ross was initially going to be another “silent partner” in the label. According to Ross, this partnership only dissolved when he was released from prison prior to Harry O and got in contact with Suge Knight. Seemingly in order to protect his own drug-supplying stake in the Death Row enterprise, Michael “Harry O” Harris warned Ross off from working with Suge. Ross, in deference to street codes, declined to go behind Harry O’s back and supply Knight. Per Ross, back in 1991 at the time that Death Row was formed, he used to sit in at the no-contact visit meetings between Knight, Kenner, and Harris while he and Harris were incarcerated together. Once the label was up and running, it quickly turned to cocaine trafficking, arguably a branch or mutation of the same CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine nexus for which assets like Freeway Ricky Ross and Michael Harris had earlier been burned and for which journalist Gary Webb was excessively attacked (and as some believe, murdered) to cover up.

These music industry, organized crime, intelligence, and federal law enforcement connections are also hugely significant as Death Row –– in conjunction with Combs’ Bad Boy Records –– was one of the primary Trojan horses by which “gangster rap” was injected into the culture, often at the expense of more radical, activist or outright revolutionary hip hop acts who, if they refused to cater to the whims of certain record executives, would see their commercial prospects suffer. One of the mechanisms for the dissemination of drug and crime glorifying culture was the cruel and deliberate coercion and corruption of conscious rappers (see: Potash’s FBI War regarding Suge Knight’s pushing of drugs on both Dr. Dre, who’d previously preached abstinence, and Tupac).xxvii

There is also the case of films like New Jack City, which involved Combs’ mentor Andre Harrell and arguably romanticizes crack dealing. The film was also made by Warner. Warner, as previously noted, was built out of the association of its long-time head, Steve Ross, with Meyer Lansky associates. Ross himself had become close to Robert Maxwell, an intelligence asset tied to organized crime and a key figure in the Epstein network as well as the PROMIS scandal, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, a time when Maxwell was attempting to gain a foothold in New York City. This further suggests that mob-linked or mob-adjacent entertainment companies were working to culturally engineer African-American culture for the benefit of CIA-linked crack dealing and, ultimately, CIA-linked companies like Wackenhut that dominated the private prison industry.

Given the above, all the elements of a perfect storm to perpetuate mass incarceration of African-Americans were put into place along the same timeline and by many of the same actors –– actors deeply tied to the CIA and organized crime. When we add the alleged efforts to stoke violence in hip-hop, as exemplified by Combs’ and his Bad Boy Records after he had become enmeshed in this very network as well as his West Coast rivals, we have yet another component that suggests this network used its influence over the hip-hop industry to socially engineer criminal behavior, while also ensuring that cheap, addictive drugs and cheap guns simultaneously flooded urban African-American communities.

The MCA and CIA-connected Wackenhut would have reaped mass profits from this apparent operation, as the number of prisoners in its private prisons swelled. However, other major multi-national corporations who utilized inmate labor from these prisoners benefitted as well. A litany of American companies, like WalMart and Microsoft, are among those who have a long history of profiting handsomely from inmate labor. Several of these corporations include companies run by the “Mega Group” billionaires, like Lester Crown’s General Dynamics, a major military contractor, and Leslie Wexner’s Victoria’s Secret (though the lingerie firm claimed to have ended the contract after it became public knowledge in the late 1990s).

This context certainly zooms out significantly from the specific Combs scandal that began to unravel at the end of 2023. However, it also helps us understand the case. Combs appears to have been brought into a network where he was controlled through sex and drugs, and then made a celebrity. As a celebrity, he used his own music, his record label and his influence to control other upcoming rappers and musicians while also helping shape the future of hip-hop toward that allegedly sought by music industry executives and their clandestine partners in the CIA, the mob and the private prison industry.

Combs, from the early 1990s onward, appears to have been a key frontman for this network and its ambitions. He was likely not the sole mastermind or beneficiary of all of the scandalous parties, sexual violence, public promotion of violence, and alleged blackmail in which he engaged. He was a product of a network and a system that –– in the case of Combs –– was seeking to target and corrupt the broader African-American community in similar ways. Ultimately, Combs, like some other prominent entertainers, was servile to his music industry masters. He worked within a system those masters controlled and attempted to expand his own influence and power within that system, but –– at the end of the day –– he was never in charge.

In the next installment of this series, we will explore Combs’ expanding influence in hip-hop and also in other industries, like retail, again all courtesy of the very same network outlined in this piece. While Combs publicly projected power and success, both of those things were conditional and, like Epstein, now exposed, he is due to take the fall in order to take the heat off of the people behind the curtain.

_______________

References:

i. Zack O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings: Diddy, Dr. Dre, Jay-Z, and Hip-Hop’s Multibillion-Dollar Rise (Little, Brown and Company, 2018), Ch. I

ii. David McGowan, Programmed to Kill: The Politics of Serial Murder (iUniverse, Inc., 2004), p. 101

iii. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. I

iv. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. I

v. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. I

vi. The abuse charges against Fr. Lynch stemmed from an FBI probe launched in July 1987 (the summer prior to Combs departing for college) that was initiated after lay teachers at the academy complained about Lynch’s and Brady’s behavior with students. Fr. Lynch was jointly indicted around the same time as his boss Principal Brady, but was ultimately exonerated by the Hon. Justice Burton Roberts when a letter was produced during cross-examination that showed the FBI coerced student John Schaeffer into falsely accusing his former instructor under the false pretense that he wouldn’t be required to testify. There were also clear contradictions in the dates of the alleged abuse in Schaeffer’s testimony.

Furthermore, as contended by Fr. Lynch’s defenders, the case against him was potentially politically motivated by his activism as well as other on-going corruption investigations in NYC including the Wedtech scandal, which first broke in 1986 and was named after a DOD-contractor based in the Bronx who secured governmental contracts through fraud, bribery, and other illegal means. The numerous scandals that beset New York municipal politics in the late 1980s led to Rudy Giuliani’s successful prosecution of Bronx Democratic Party leader Stanley Friedman on federal corruption charges. Friedman was a law partner of Roy Cohn, a notorious mob lawyer also known for having been Donald Trump’s mentor. Friedman’s protege, Bronx borough president Stanley Simon, resigned amid pending criminal charges stemming from his involvement with Wedtech. In 1988, long serving US Rep. Mario Biaggi of the Bronx was ultimately convicted by Giuliani on bribery, extortion, tax evasion, and obstruction charges in connection to Wedtech, shown to have accepted bribes from the Bronx company in return for the procurement of federal contracts. Bronx congressman Robert Garcia also resigned after Giuliani convicted him on bribery and extortion charges related to Wedtech in 1989—the ruling was later reversed on appeal. Note that the Wedtech and MSMA sex abuse scandals both revolved around the Bronx and that their court proceedings overlapped. While speculative, the FBI and DA office’s willingness to use dirty tricks in pursuit of a conviction of Fr. Lynch may have meant to distract from Wedtech, which was beginning to knock on the door of the Reagan administration, posing a danger to press secretary Lyn Nofziger and ultimately leading to AG Edwin Meese’s resignation in 1988.

vii. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. 2

viii. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. 2

ix. O’Malley-Greenburg, 3 Kings, Ch. 2

x. John Potash, The FBI War on Tupac Shakur: State Repression of Black Leaders From the Civil Rights Era to the 1990s (Microcosm Publishing, 2021), Ch. “CIA & Time Warner’s Grip on the Music Industry”

xi. Frederic Dannen, Hit Men: Powerbrokers and Fast Money Inside the Music Business (Vintage Books, 1991), pp. 37-8, 42-6, 53

xii. John Potash, The FBI War on Tupac Shakur, Ch. “CIA & Time Warner’s Grip on the Music Industry”

xiii. Frederic Dannen, Hit Men, pp. 26-27

xiv. John Potash, The FBI War on Tupac Shakur, Ch. “Tupac’s FBI File, Republican Attacks, Harassment Arrests, & Specious Lawsuits”

xv. Derrick Parker with Matt Diehl, Notorious C.O.P. (St. Martin’s Press, 2006), Ch. “Jacking the Rapper: The ‘Puff Daddy’ Era—Rap Legends Born into Blood”

xvi. Frederic Dannen, Hit Men, p. 67

xvii. Ibid., p. 75

xviii. Ibid. p. 75

xix. Ibid., p. 87

xx. Ibid., p. 91

xxi. Ibid., p. 86

xxii. Ibid., p. 92

xxiii. John Potash, The FBI War on Tupac Shakur, Ch. “Death Row Signs Tupac”

xxiv. Ibid.

xxv. John Potash, The FBI War on Tupac Shakur, Ch. “Death Row Police & Suge Knight Work to End Gang Truce”

xxvi. Ibid.

xxvii. Ibid.
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