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Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:19 pm
by admin
Jeffrey Epstein Helped Broker Israeli Security Agreement With Mongolia
by Murtaza Hussain and Ryan Grim
Dropsite News
Sep 28, 2025
https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/jeffrey- ... urity-deal

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Jeffrey Epstein used his political network and financial resources to help broker a security cooperation agreement between the governments of Israel and Mongolia, according to a trove of leaked emails from former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. This new set of emails between Barak and Epstein has largely been ignored by the mainstream press, but includes crucial new context on Epstein’s operation.

It’s well known that Epstein had personal ties to Israel, including to senior political officials like Barak and Ehud Olmert, and that he donated to organizations like Friends of the IDF. But Epstein’s activities in Mongolia show, for the first time, that he facilitated a deal that led to a security agreement between Israel and other nations.

The leaked emails were released by Handala, a pro-Palestinian hacking group with speculated ties to Iran. The documents were posted by Distributed Denial of Secrets, a non-profit whistleblower and file-sharing website. Although the emails lack cryptographic signatures, they contain a vast amount of unpublished private photographs and documents from Barak and his inner circle, including information that was not publicly known at the time. (More on the verification at the bottom of this article.)

Messages spanning from 2013 to 2016 show intimate, oftentimes daily correspondence between Barak and Epstein. Their conversations address political and business strategy as Epstein coordinated meetings for Barak with other members of his elite circles. In 2008, Epstein pled guilty to charges of “procuring a minor for prostitution”; Barak has denied knowledge of Epstein’s sex trafficking and abuse of minors.

This article is the first in a series that will explore Epstein’s work on behalf of Israeli military interests, particularly as it relates to his role in the development of Israel’s cyber warfare industry.

The rise of Israel’s cyber surveillance and weapons industry has been one of the most significant geopolitical developments of the past two decades, making sophisticated hacking tools available as “turnkey” packages to police and military around the world. The spread of “zero-click” exploits that require no interaction from targets, coupled with the proliferation of web-connected devices in homes, offices, and manufacturing facilities, has transformed what is possible for spy agencies and those in their orbit.

In the shadows of Israel’s cyber boom was Jeffrey Epstein, who exploited his network of political and financial elites to help Barak, and ultimately the Israeli government itself, to increase the penetration of Israel’s spy-tech firms into foreign countries. Epstein actively supported the Israeli intelligence industry via venture capital investments and contributions to charitable organizations – “non-governmental” entities that laid the foundation for official Israeli security deal-making. The story of Israel’s 2017 security agreement with Mongolia is a window into the true nature and scope of Epstein’s operation.

Doing this work is not cost-free—even the relatively modest first story below invited baseless legal threats—and it’s only possible with support from our readers. If you haven’t already, please upgrade to a paid subscription or make a one-time contribution.

Image
Ehud Barak in Mongolia in April 2013, sent in an email with the subject line, “Me and double dabeshet camel.”

How Jeffrey Epstein Helped to Broker an Israeli Security Agreement With Mongolia
By Murtaza Hussain and Ryan Grim

In April 2013, almost exactly one month after leaving his post as Israel’s Defense Minister, Ehud Barak visited Mongolia to meet President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj and top security officials. The Mongolia plan had been set in motion in January of that year, while Barak, the country’s former prime minister, was still serving in the Israeli government. The broader goal of the meeting was to promote the Israeli defense industry’s introduction into the Mongolian market, while seeking business opportunities for clients of Barak’s consulting business. During his visit, Barak received a tour of the Special Operations Forces Training Center near Ulaanbataar.

Not physically present, but helping coordinate events behind the scenes, was Jeffrey Epstein, according to a trove of hacked emails between Epstein and Barak posted by Distributed Denial of Secrets and confirmed as authentic by Drop Site. Epstein, a New York financier and elite fixer who later became notorious for his role as a sex trafficker of underage girls, died in jail in 2019. In addition to his criminal activities, he also used his elite connections to broker an agreement for Israel, the emails reveal.

Barak’s visit to Mongolia aligned with a visit by Terje Rød-Larsen, president of the International Peace Institute, a non-profit think tank specializing in multilateral diplomacy. Barak and Rød-Larsen were both members of Epstein’s social circle, and well-acquainted; Rød-Larsen was a key mediator in the 1993 and 1995 Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, when Barak led the Israel Defense Forces. Before Barak left government, at least by 2010, the two maintained an informal backchannel in Barak’s personal email inbox, scheduling meetings and sharing articles on international diplomacy.

On April 21, 2013, Barak arranged a meeting at Epstein’s New York mansion for an “overview of the coming days.” The next day, Rød-Larsen sent Barak an email with details for a proposed advisory team consisting of “internationally-recognized experts” who could facilitate foreign investment in key industries in Mongolia. The draft proposal highlighted the great “opportunity” of Mongolia’s “massive natural resources (mostly minerals and metals),” promising to accelerate Mongolia’s economic growth and bolster its international status. Barak replied to Rød-Larsen’s proposal: “Thoughtful, far looking and necessary.”

Re:
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
4/21/2013, 7:09:12 PM /Search

630

On Sunday, April 21, 2013, ehud barak wrote:
Shall we meet 6pm at your place for a. Overview of the coming days?
EB
Sent from my iPhone
On Apr 21, 2013, at 16:48, Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]> wrote:
i will be back tonight at 5
************************************************
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may constitute inside information, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of Jeffrey Epstein

Correspondence between Barak and Epstein in April 2013 shortly before his departure for Mongolia. (All timestamps for the emails are Asia/Kabul local time).


Re: Fw:
From: ehud barak <[email protected]>
To: Terje Rod-Larsen <[email protected]>
4/22/2013, 3:57:04 PM /Inbox!47

Dear Terje
I believe it is a very goody idea. Thoughtful, far looking and necessary.
Best regards
Ehud
Sent from my iPhon

On Apr 22, 2013, at 13:50, Terje Rod-Larsen <[email protected]> wrote:

From: Andrea Pfanzelter
To: Terje Rod-Larsen
Sent: Mon Apr 22 06:15:03 2013
Subject:
DRAFT
The International Advisory Team for Mongolia

Background
Mongolia is going through a dramatic process of transition. With the end of the Soviet Union, Mongolia went through a peaceful revolution, introducing a multi-party system and a market economy.
Twenty years later, Mongolia has become one the fastest growing economies in the world (thanks mainly to its rich natural resources) and a beacon of democracy (e.g. by Chairing the Community of Democracies and joining the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe).

Barak’s response to Rød-Larsen’s proposal for the Mongolia Advisory Board in April 2013.


Correspondence between Barak and Epstein in April 2013 shortly before his departure for Mongolia. (All timestamps for the emails are Asia/Kabul local time).

The archived conversations show Barak and Epstein arranged two more meetings in New York on April 22 and April 24. Barak landed in Ulaanbataar in the evening of April 26, according to an itinerary emailed by the Consul General of Mongolia to Israel. Early the next morning, Barak tried to reach Epstein for a final phone call: “Jeff hi[.] I can’t reach you on any phone. Pl try calling me. In about an hour I shall start meetings here. It’ll be more complicated.”

Re: pl call
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
4/27/2013, 4:43:51 AM /Inbox!47

i tried call me now 212 533 3739

On Fri, Apr 26, 2013 at 5:42 PM, ehud barak <[email protected]> wrote:
Jeff hi
I can't reach you on any phone. Pl try calling me. In about an hour I shall start meetings here. It'll be more complicated.
Best
EB
Sent from my iPhone

On Apr 26, 2013, at 16:54, Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected] wrote:
Imon my cell 212 533 3739
--
************************************************
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may constitute inside information, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of Jeffrey Epstein


Barak’s message to Epstein shortly after arriving in Mongolia to participate in meetings with Mongolian officials in late April 2013.

On April 27, 2013, the itinerary shows Barak met with the Secretary of the National Security Council of Mongolia, Enkhtuvshin Tsagaandari, followed by President Elbegdorj, the Foreign Minister, and the Defense Minister. At Barak’s request, the CEO of Israel Weapon Industries (a spin-off of state-owned Israel Military Industries) delivered a gift to Tsagaandari, a Jericho pistol in a box engraved with the date, and a message: “in appreciation of friendship, cooperation, and good faith.”

Image
Jericho pistol gifted to Secretary of the National Security Council of Mongolia, Enkhtuvshin Tsagaandari. Photo sent by the CEO of Israel Weapons Industries to Ehud Barak on April 17, 2013.

Barak saw clear opportunities for profit in Mongolia. During the visit, Barak sent an email to Russian-Israeli oligarch Viktor Vekselberg, asking to speak urgently on the phone. In the days leading up to the trip, Barak had negotiated a consulting agreement to develop energy, mining, and other industrial opportunities for Vekselberg’s Renova Group conglomerate. Barak wrote to Vekselberg on April 28: “I’m in Mongolia. Already met with most of the leaders from the President downwards and several business people…I have a thought that could probably help.”

On April 29, in between meetings with Mongolian officials and events marking Mongolia’s presidency of the Community of Democracies, Rød-Larsen chaired a panel discussion on the Arab Spring at a democracy promotion event in Ulaanbataar, which Barak joined as a participant. The same day, Rød-Larsen signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Mongolian Foreign Minister Luvsanvandan Bold to deepen the country’s cooperation with IPI.

Epstein began recruiting his associates to participate in IPI’s Mongolia advisory council. On September 28, 2013, Epstein emailed Barak to float the idea of working alongside Lawrence Summers, a Harvard economist who served in the Clinton and Obama administrations: “spent the afternoon with Larry Summers, I think he would work well with you.” Barak responded affirmatively: “I think greatly of him especially in re to advise for Sovereign Heads. We can complement each other effectively with a lot of synergies.”

In December 2013, IPI submitted a “Mongolia Presidential Advisory Agreement” to Mongolian authorities, establishing the group of experts who would advise on institutional reforms to promote “global peace and security.” The agreement also stipulated a $100,000 payment to each member of the Mongolia Presidential Advisory Board, according to a 2020 investigation by Norwegian newspaper Dagens Næringsliv (DN).

On January 24, 2014, the Advisory Board held its inaugural meeting at the Intercontinental Hotel in Davos, Switzerland, attended by the Mongolian President and National Security Advisor, Rød-Larsen, and Lawrence Summers. Joining by telephone were Kjell Bondevik (former PM of Norway), Kevin Rudd (former PM of Australia), Barak, and Epstein. Epstein’s professional affiliation in the meeting agenda was listed as “financier.”

The Davos meeting coincided with that year’s World Economic Forum (WEF), an annual gathering of global elites. News reports confirm Summers attended that year’s confab. The Intercontinental Hotel is a hub of action at Davos, and that same evening, according to photos posted online, WEF founder Klaus Schwab attended “Mongolia Night” with the nation’s president.

According to draft minutes from the meeting attached in an email to Barak from the IPI, Summers proposed that Mongolia create a sovereign wealth fund to invest “aggressively” in equities using proceeds from commodity exports. He also advised improving relations with the multinational mining company, Rio Tinto. Epstein recommended an evaluation of “all of the country’s financial structures and institutions,” in addition to the sovereign wealth fund. Barak advised that Mongolia’s armed forces should focus on “internal security issues,” especially “the need for good intelligence.” Bondevik described the importance of civil society programs and the “Scandinavian welfare model” as a method of promoting good governance.”

Notes From Mongolia Presidential Advisory Board Meeting
64.9KB ∙ PDF file
Download


Notes from Mongolia Presidential Advisory Board meeting

Davos, 24 January 2014

The inaugural meeting of the Mongolia Presidential Advisory Board was held in Davos on 24 January.

Taking part in person were:
 
• Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj, President of Mongolia • Lundeg Purevsuren, National Security and Foreign Policy Advisor to the President of Mongolia
Larry Summers, former Secretary of the US Treasury, former President of Harvard University, Charles W. Eliot University Professor, Harvard University
• Terje Roed-Larsen, former Deputy Prime Minister of Norway, President of the International Peace Institute (IPI)

Joining via telephone were:

• Ehud Barak, former Prime Minister of Israel
• Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway, President of the Oslo Center for Peace and Human Rights
Jeffrey Epstein, Financier
• Kevin Rudd, former Prime Minister of Australia

The Board was supported by a Secretariat comprised of Andrea Pfanzelter, Director of the IPI Vienna Office, and Walter Kemp, IPI Director for Europe and Central Asia.

The President began by thanking all members of the Board for agreeing to take part in this initiative, and to provide the President, and by extension Mongolia, with expertise to develop his country in a sustainable, stable and democratic way.

He observed that there is a tendency for people to think of Mongolia’s past (particularly Genghis Khan) rather than its future. The President underlined the country’s peaceful transformation from dictatorship to democracy over the past twenty years. He noted that he wants to create a new image for his country, and to develop opportunities for the future.

Mr. Bondevik highlighted the “Scandinavian welfare model”, including the comprehensive public responsibility for all facets of life, a strong role for the state in all policy areas, the active engage of civil society, strong organizations of employees and employers, and respect for the equal rights of all citizens. He underlined the safety of income (including employer-provided or public insurance), relatively low differences in income level, gender equality, and high participation rates in elections. Other elements of the Scandinavian model are: equal opportunity; social solidarity; security for all; job security; economic growth; innovation; and flexibility to meet new challenges. He mentioned the sovereign equity fund that is saving revenue from North Sea oil and gas for future generations.

The President noted that a law on creating future/sovereign wealth fund is currently going through parliament. He said that he would arrange for the law to be translated into English and shared with interested members of the Board.

Mr. Summers commented on fiscal policies and macro-economic tools. He noted that Mongolia currently has a relatively low credit rating and that the cost of borrowing is 5% (500 basis points) higher than for the US Treasury. This suggests a perception of high risk. Therefore it is important to bring the credit spread down. He noted that investor confidence could be increased by resolving issues between Rio Tinto and the Government of Mongolia in relation to the Oyu Tolgoi mine. A solution should be found in line with international obligations and honouring contracts that have been signed. The government should make it clear that it expects others to do the same. Such a negotiated solution would improve Mongolia’s credit worthiness and bring down interest costs.

In terms of the “future fund”, he advised to draw on best world practices to use proceeds from commodity exports. He advised the President to invest more aggressively than some other sovereign funds, i.e. in equities and not just government debt.

Mr. Epstein noted that it is important to look at all of the country’s financial structures and institutions – the sovereign wealth fund is only one part of it.

Mr. Rudd noted that Australia is a long-standing friend of Mongolia and, like Mongolia, is a big country with a small population. He recalled how a century ago Australia’s economy was based on agriculture and mining. Mining is the largest pillar in Australia’s economy, responsible for ten percent of the country’s wealth. Managing this non-renewable resource effectively is vital for the future. He underlined the importance of diversifying the economy.

He stressed the importance of honouring contracts for the sake of the country’s international reputation, particularly for attracting FDI. He noted the sometimes ruthless approach of mining companies, and underlined the importance of effective legislation. He suggested that the Mongolian government engage 2-3 experts to provide advice on best practices in the mining industry (like regulation, environmental protection).

On the issue of the pension fund in Norway, Mr. Bondevik stressed the need to resist the temptation to spend money from the sovereign equity fund for state projects, since that could overheat the economy and deplete resources for future generations.

Mr. Barak noted that he knows Mongolia well from several visits, and is familiar with its security situation and armed forces. He stressed that there is no threat of invasion from Mongolia’s neighbours. Therefore, the country’s limited armed forces should focus on internal security issues and making democracy safe. They should be versatile, agile and mobile and should be able to shift their centre of gravity quickly from one side of the country to the other. Because of the large size of the country and the small size of the security services, he stressed the need for good intelligence. He also stressed the need for a quick-deployment hospital unit, i.a. for disaster response.

Concerning next steps, the President expressed his desire for expert advice on the specific issue areas. He suggested that this could be done both through meetings of the Advisory Board, as well as consultations with, and visits by, individual members of the Board.

Mr. Roed-Larsen said that IPI would develop a concept paper containing proposals on democracy, stability, social welfare, and security in Mongolia. Areas to be taken into consideration would include:

• The public profile of Mongolia;
• Mongolia’s social welfare programs, to the benefit of the people;
• Mongolia’s fiscal policies and macroeconomic tools, including the structure and functions of the sovereign fund and its investment portfolio;
• Mongolia’s “Third Neighbors” policy and suggestions for how to further develop this cornerstone in the country’s foreign policy;
• Recommendations on how to further promote democracy in Mongolia as well as regional security context, based on further development of Mongolia’s democratic and human rights agenda for the people’s well-being and security.

The concept paper will be produced within the next 4 months, with the aim of the development and implementation of a comprehensive and operational plan within the next 3 years.


Bondevik would later deny that Epstein was present at the meeting, telling DN that, “I do not remember Epstein participating in our conference calls and his name was not mentioned in this context.” Drop Site’s email to The Oslo Center, an NGO that lists Bondevik as its founder and executive chair, went unanswered. Epstein and Barak continued to correspond regularly, with Epstein counseling the former Israeli politician on how to leverage his contacts to make money. On February 21, Epstein wrote to Barak, “with civil unrest exploding in ukraine syria, somolia [sic], libya, and the desperation of those in power, isn’t this perfect for you.” Barak replied: “You’re right [in] a way. But not simple to transform it into a cash flow. A subject for Saturday.”

Re:
From: ehud barak <[email protected]>
To: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
2/22/2014, 2:06:06 AM /Search

You're right I n a way. But not simple to transform it into a cash flow. A subject for Saturday.
Best
EB
Sent from my iPhone
On Feb 21, 2014, at 15:10, Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected] wrote:

with civil unrest exploding in ukraine syria, somalia, libya, and the desperation of those in power, isn't this perfect for you
--

************************************************
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may constitute inside information, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of Jeffrey Epstein

Barak and Epstein frequently exchanged messages about political subjects, including this message from February 2014 on finding more clients for Barak.


By February 24, 2014, Barak had not yet been paid for his participation in the Advisory Board, and he sent an email to Epstein: “Thx for the time and energy you invest in supporting my efforts to bring home more bread...should I send Terja [sic] my Transfer info? Or wait for him to approach me?”

Epstein replied: “yes to terje, im always there for you.”

“We Should Send it to Jeff”

Epstein’s involvement with the Advisory Board deepened further in the following months. On April 28, 2014, he emailed Barak to set up a phone call to discuss Mongolia. Barak, though a year out of government, was still heavily involved in unofficial national security engagements— high-level state visits as a private citizen, consultation on security issues—sometimes followed by an official agreement with the Israeli government.

On May 2, 2014, Epstein pinged Barak to remind him to deliver a Mongolia proposal to Rød-Larsen. The following day, Barak sent Rød-Larsen a detailed policy memo covering military intelligence, emergency services, and a national rapid response force. He offered a plan to “modernize Sigint, Humint and Visint capabilities”—referring to electronic surveillance and the building of spy networks—“including UAV’s and mobile cellular networks monitoring systems.” The memo also recommended procurement of anti-tank missiles, high-precision artillery, and air defense systems. The proposal’s letterhead bears the official Emblem of Israel, which requires approval from the Israeli Minister of the Interior, over Barak’s name.

Barak Proposal
906KB ∙ PDF file

Download

Ehud Barak
Tel Aviv, May 3, 2014
H.E. Mr. Terja Larsen
For the Intention of the Office of the president of The Republic of Mongolia

Dear Terja

National Security Action Items for the Republic of Mongolia.

General

In the aftermath of my visit to Mongolia on May 2013 and our TeleConference on January 2014 I have formed the following recommendations for Action Items in the arena of National Security

This is a modular plan which could be implemented in phases according to priorities, preferences and choices as well as budget constraints or intra services procedural obstacles.

Action Items

1. Support for the shaping of a National Defense Security Strategy and Doctrine congruent with the needs of Mongolia in the 21st Century.

2. Support the planning and build up of National Rapid Response Forces - for National emergencies, national disasters or insurgency and security threats.

3. As a part of this effort, in accordance with the paradigm which will be chosen by the President of Mongolia, it is proposed to take the following steps:

a) National Intelligence Systems Reform

Modernize Sigint , Humint and Visint capabilities including UAV's and mobile cellular networks monitoring systems with the best available technologies and practices, to cover Internal and external threats.

It should be an overall 4 - 8 years plan with clear priorities from which a 1-2 year plan will be derived for the most urgent and critical systems. Procurement and training should be planned as well.

b) Special Forces

Standardization of special forces weapons and training methods. Making them the National Rescue and Search Unit for civilian accidents as well as the National Anti Terror Unit.

c) Cost effective Fighting Force

Modernization of armed services with advanced weapon systems:

(1) Anti Tank shoulder mounted long range guided missiles (Spike etc.)

(2) Artillery - high precision munition and weapon system.

(3) Field Intelligence integration with National Intelligence Systems and Drones (UAV's).

(4) Helicopter mobility for small size forces.

(5) Long Range Ground surface mobility for larger units.

(6) Point Air Defense protection for selected Presidential Instalations.

d) Mobile AirBorne Hospital for National Emergency Response Unit, (natural disaster, insurgency, terror etc.) based on experience acquired by friendly nations.

SUMMARY

* This approach, if well coordinated, can significantly improve within short time frame the operational effectiveness for emergency situations and provide better external/internal nationwide intelligence coverage at all times.
• The plan can lead to reduction in size of forces and maintenance costs over the long term
* It will make National Emergency Agencies both more efficient and much more self confident.

4. More detailed work should be followed and the execution through a working plan should be spread over 1 - 2 years for high priority projects and 4 - 8 years for the rest of the plan.

5. I would like to re-emphasize that beyond the above mentioned plan, I am ready to support Mongolia on other issues like modern agriculture, water managment (including for the mining industry) and modern medical and diagnostic centers - based on Israeli experience in those areas.

Ehud Barak
Former Prime Minister and Minister of Defense of the State of Israel


Barak likely stood to gain personally from these policy proposals. In the closing paragraph of the memo, Barak offered “to support Mongolia on other issues like modern agriculture, water [management] (including for the mining industry) and modern medical and diagnostic centers - based on Israeli experience in those areas.” Barak was concurrently pursuing his own agreements with several Israeli companies in the fields of mining, agri-biotech, and medical equipment, according to his emails.

For the next year, progress stalled: IPI tried unsuccessfully to schedule a one-on-one follow-up meeting between Barak and President Elbegdorj in late 2014. Then, in March 2015, Epstein loaned Barak $1,000,000 to fund an early-stage Israeli startup called Reporty Homeland Security. The company was co-founded by Pinhas Buchris, a former commander of both Israel’s Unit 8200 military intelligence unit and Unit 81, a high-tech intelligence unit. Reporty (now rebranded as “Carbyne”) enables emergency dispatchers and security services to retrieve precise location data and live video/audio feed from phones. The company was being piloted in local municipalities in Israel, and they planned for an international launch in November 2015.

Re: NY this week
From: From: Jeffrey E. <[email protected]
To: ehbarak <[email protected]>
9/27/2015, 4:37:08 AM /Inbox!9

Yes

On Saturday, 26 September, 2015, ehbarak <[email protected]> wrote:

Hi Jeff
Ok. Terja Larsen as well?
Best
EB
Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 27, 2015, at 22:39, jeffrey E. <[email protected] wrote:

any interest in the mongolian president monday night dinner at my house

On Sat, Sep 26, 2015 at 3:29 PM, ehbarak <[email protected]> wrote:

Hi Jeff
We're back Sunday afternoon. Will be glad to meet. Now in Aspen. Met Larry Summers. Had a dinner with Josh C. Ramo, Ito from Media lab. Met many others.
Let's set a time. We leave NY on Thursday.
Best
EB

Sent from my iPhone
On Sep 26, 2015, at 10:20 jeffrey E. <[email protected] wrote:

im in town all week

Epstein inviting Barak to dinner at his home in September 2015 with Rød-Larsen and Mongolian government officials.


On September 26, 2015, Epstein invited Barak, Rød-Larsen, President Elbegdorj and Foreign Minister Lundeg Purevsuren to his home in New York for dinner. Purevsuren emailed Barak and his wife later to say he enjoyed the meeting, and made plans to visit Israel. Five days after the dinner, on October 1, Rød-Larsen authorized payment of $100,000 to Epstein from IPI funds earmarked for the Mongolia Advisory Board, according to the Norwegian newspaper Dagens Næringsliv (DN). IPI has denied that Epstein ever received any payment from the Institute and DN found no explicit confirmation Epstein received the funds.

Image
Ehud Barak and wife Nili Priel eat dinner at Epstein’s mansion (September 2015)

Internal IPI emails obtained by DN show another effort by Rød-Larsen to compensate Epstein. In January 2016, after Board member Kevin Rudd refused payment for his participation, Rød-Larsen proposed to give Rudd’s share to Epstein. He wrote in an email: “For forms sake we should send it to Jeff, however I am sure we will get it back many fold!”

For the next several months, Epstein and Barak pitched Reporty’s emergency response platform to potential investors. According to the leaked emails, Epstein arranged for Barak and Reporty co-founder Amir Elichai to meet Peter Thiel’s Valar Ventures partners Andrew McCormack and James Fitzgerald in New York in February. After the meeting, McCormack sent a follow-up email politely declining to invest; Valar was not convinced Reporty could “replace” legacy emergency notification systems. Elichai asked McCormack to reconsider: “We are not asking/forcing [governments] to change their current systems...We want to be the ‘Man in the middle.’”

The former prime minister used his national security résumé to open more doors: he pitched Reporty to Singapore National Security Minister Teo Chee Hean, and secured a pilot program with the Singaporean government. Barak introduced Elichai to an Israeli investor in Brazil who offered to pitch Reporty to the Rio de Janeiro head of security services.

According to investor materials emailed to Barak, the Reporty team also planned to deploy in Mongolia. A May 2016 investor presentation slide displayed a ‘pin’ on Mongolia with an annotation: “New region coming soon.”

Image
Reporty Homeland Security, May 2016 investor presentation emailed to Barak.

In late 2017, Mongolian and Israeli security officials met in Ulaanbaatar. They agreed to cooperate on emergency services, and discussed “introducing Israeli advanced technology into [the] Mongolian emergency service.” In 2019, medical officers from the Israel Defense Forces participated in joint military exercises with the Mongolian Armed Forces for the first time.

While he played a vital part in helping lay the groundwork for the 2017 agreement between the two countries, based on his private correspondence with Barak it is unclear if Epstein helped execute this final step. Epstein’s emails to Barak’s personal inbox abruptly stopped shortly after April 22, 2016, the week of Ghislaine Maxwell’s deposition about her email contact with Epstein in Giuffre v. Maxwell in the Southern District of New York. Barak’s use of his personal email also tapered off around this time.

“Enjoy the Island”

Epstein’s alleged ties to foreign governments and intelligence agencies have been a source of speculation for years. But his role in the Mongolia Advisory Board plan and his intimate contacts with Barak, private sector tech firms tied to Israel’s security establishment, influential non-governmental organizations, and senior foreign government officials, show for the first time that he engaged in activities that altered the relationship between states—in this case, building formal security ties between the government of Israel and Mongolia.

After Epstein’s death in prison, some members of the Mongolia Advisory Board suffered fallout from their connections to him. Rød-Larsen resigned as the president of the IPI in 2020, after revelations that he received a personal loan from Epstein in 2013. The IPI has denied that the loan was connected to Institute activities or finances.

When the scandal of Rød-Larsen’s ties with Epstein became public, IPI issued a statement condemning Epstein, and hired ”Big Four” accounting firm KPMG to conduct a forensic audit. The auditors found five donations to IPI from Epstein-affiliated corporate entities between 2010 and 2019, totaling $650,000. IPI tax filings showed three contributions from Epstein in 2017 alone, amounting to $375,000. The organization announced that it would donate the equivalent sums to support victims of human trafficking and sexual assault.

IPI declined to comment on issues related to the prior leadership of the organization. Messages sent to an address associated with Larsen did not receive reply. Barak did not respond to a request for comment. Barak has previously denied his continued role in Israeli agreements after leaving office.

In the years since Barak’s ties to Epstein became publicly known, the former Israeli prime minister has attempted to downplay their connection. Barak admitted to visiting Epstein at his Manhattan residences and private Caribbean island, and he acknowledged working with Epstein to find business opportunities after leaving public office in Israel. But he said he only saw Epstein “on occasion,” and had no knowledge of his involvement in sex trafficking or abuse of young girls. Describing the disgraced financier as an enigma whose illegal private activities were kept secret, Barak called Epstein “a terrible version of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.”

The emails reveal a close friendship between the two men. They bonded over music and mathematics, and Epstein at one point wrote Barak: “there are very few people that I enjoy spending time with, you are unique.” Barak often leaned on Epstein for guidance, and in his February 24, 2014 email about payment for the Mongolia Advisory Board, Barak signed off by sending a Skype contact to Epstein and asking him to provide a direct personal evaluation.

“Let me know once you’ve talked to him. And your impression,” Barak wrote. “In the meantime enjoy the Island.”

The Leaked Ehud Barak Emails

The two email accounts belonging to former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and leaked by the “Handala Hack Team” in October 2024 contain numerous corroborated details and contact information from Barak and his family and friends, as well as dozens of previously unpublished images and scanned documents from his personal and professional life. These materials reveal information that was not publicly available at the time the email leaks occurred, including a mention of Epstein’s “birthday book,” as well as private photographs, contracts, and memos from Barak’s work with the Mongolia Advisory Board and other consulting roles.

Handala announced the leaked “Israel Prime Minister Emails” on October 2, 2024. The release was accompanied by several of Barak’s private photos, including a “mirror selfie,” a Crusader-inspired knight costume, and the former prime minister’s Israeli passport. Other emails from the leak were previously reported by Reason Magazine in a story about Epstein’s connections to Barak and individuals in the global tech sector.

Handala is a pro-Palestinian hacking group that first appeared in December 2023, targeting mostly Israeli institutions and political figures for data theft and public leaks.

Researchers have speculated that Handala is affiliated with Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence. An analysis of the release by Drop Site News discovered a consistent email exporter timestamp offset corresponding to a local timezone of UTC+04:30 (Asia/Kabul, or Iran Daylight Time). Iran stopped observing Daylight Savings Time on September 22, 2022. The Handala dataset coverage ends in 2018, suggesting the files may have been exfiltrated several years before they were published.

Waqas Ahmed contributed reporting

Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:21 pm
by admin
Jeffrey Epstein and the Mossad: How The Sex-Trafficker Helped Israel Build a Backchannel to Russia Amid Syrian Civil War. Hacked emails show how Jeffrey Epstein and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak tried to engineer a Russian-led solution to remove Bashar al-Assad.
by Murtaza Hussain and Ryan Grim
Oct 30, 2025
https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/jeffrey- ... pose-assad

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Image
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin shakes hands with Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak as they meet September 6, 2010 in Sochi, Russia. Handout photo by Ariel Hermoni/ Israeli Defense Ministry via Getty Images.

Jeffrey Epstein facilitated efforts to open a backchannel between Israel and the Kremlin during the Syrian civil war, according to leaked emails from former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

The trove of emails, exchanged at the height of the Syrian civil war between 2013 and 2016, reveal Epstein’s successful efforts to secure a private meeting between Barak and Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss a Russian-brokered end to the conflict, including winning Russian support for a negotiated removal of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Epstein was an invaluable resource for Israel’s former prime minister, who also served as head of intelligence and defense minister throughout his career, sharing whispers from within Russian elite circles and intel on Putin’s interlocutors in Europe and the U.S—and even advising him on how to engage with the Mossad. Barak, fresh out of his role as Israeli defense minister, built a deep portfolio of investments and business relationships around the world with Epstein’s help.

On February 21, 2014, Epstein wrote to Barak, “with civil unrest exploding in ukraine syria, somolia [sic], libya, and the desperation of those in power, isn’t this perfect for you.” Barak replied: “You’re right [in] a way. But not simple to transform it into a cash flow. A subject for Saturday.”

These efforts also provided cover for covert diplomacy on behalf of the Israeli government. Together, Barak and Epstein sought to pressure the Obama administration to either intervene directly in the Syrian war, or make concessions to the Kremlin in exchange for Assad’s graceful exit. In their exchanges, Epstein expressed his frustration at the Obama administration’s failures to contain Tehran, as the two men searched for opportunities to promote U.S. strikes on Iran.

Despite securing a sit-down with Putin in the summer of 2013, they did not succeed in convincing Russia to support Assad’s ouster, but their negotiations set the stage for U.S.-Russia cooperation on disarmament of Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal a few months later.

Michael Oren, former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., wrote in his memoir that Israel’s diplomatic leadership was told to “avoid being perceived as a player” in Syria. Clandestine actors sought to shape agendas in Moscow and Washington, while Israeli officials denied involvement and used the media to legitimize “red lines” for air strikes inside Syria.

After their failed attempt to remove Assad, Barak and Epstein sought to leverage the Russian channel again in 2015, as Barak pushed for U.S. strikes on Iran and rejected Obama’s nuclear deal framework. Barak failed to convince the Obama administration to change course. The plot, nevertheless, illustrated Epstein’s knack for steering the superpowers toward Israel’s interests by leveraging a social network that intersected the Israeli, American, and Russian intelligence communities.

The leaked emails come from the same archive previously reported by Drop Site—materials released by the hackers known as Handala and disseminated by Distributed Denial of Secrets. The emails include extensive, previously unpublished documents and photographs from Barak’s inner circle including non-public information verified as accurate by Drop Site. Many documents from the Handala hack were independently validated by records released by the U.S. House Oversight Committee this month.

Our ongoing series reveals how Epstein used elite networks and quasi-official institutions to promote Israeli security interests and enrich his circle of friends and companions. This story follows the same pattern, with the highest of stakes: a chaotic war on Israel’s ever-expanding border, and the balance of power between the United States and Russia.

Barak did not respond to a request for comment. Epstein died in jail in New York during the first Trump administration. The news outlet The (b)(7)(D) previously reported on some of the correspondence.

Stories like this are not easy to do and are only possible with the support of readers. Consider a 501(c)(3)tax-deductible donation today.

“The Kremlin Holds the Keys”

In the early hours of May 9, 2013, former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak emailed his close friend Jeffrey Epstein with an urgent message. “R U awake? if yes, pl call,” Barak wrote Epstein, at 1 a.m. in New York. Shortly after they spoke, Barak emailed again to ask Epstein to keep their conversation private: “jeff pl don’t share the info with any of our friends.”

Epstein replied: “Of course not. I think you should let Putin know you will be in Moscow. See if he wants private time.”

Barak and Epstein built a backchannel to Putin in hopes of winning Russia’s support to remove Syrian president Bashar al-Assad from power, according to leaked emails from Barak’s inbox. Before approaching Putin, Barak and Epstein sought to use one of the major American newspapers to frame Israel’s narrative about the Syrian war, and telegraph a framework for peace talks led by the United States and Russia.

That spring, the Syrian civil war entered its third year. A popular uprising against the Assad regime had rapidly devolved into a brutal sectarian conflict fueled by foreign powers. The flow of Russian and Iranian weapons inside Syria and the threat of their diversion to Israel’s enemies were among Israel’s top security priorities.

Since the early days of the war, Israeli security leaders believed Assad’s downfall was imminent. Barak, then serving as Israel’s Defense Minister, told the Washington Post in December 2011 that Assad’s fall was “inevitable,” and a matter of “weeks...not a matter of months or years.”

More than a year later, Barak’s prediction had still not come true. With Russia and Iran’s support, Assad stubbornly clung to power. Israeli officials, recognizing the need to engage Russia, visited Moscow in January 2013 to discuss concerns about Syria’s chemical weapons stockpile falling into the hands of Hezbollah in Lebanon or Sunni militants linked to al-Qaeda.

Meanwhile, Israel escalated its operations within Syria’s borders. In late January, the Israeli air force conducted an airstrike on Damascus intended to halt the transfer of surface-to-air missiles to Hezbollah. Barak postured about the strikes at a security conference the following month: “When we say something we mean it.” He re-iterated his assertion that Assad’s fall “is coming imminently,” and when it happens, “this will be a major blow to the Iranians and Hezbollah.”

But Assad still refused to bend, and Hezbollah’s strategic gains on Israel’s borders increased the pressure to remove Iran’s man in Damascus. Rapprochement with the Kremlin offered a solution.

Barak stepped down from his post in March 2013 after the failure of his new political party to contest Knesset elections. His retirement from formal office, he said, meant that he now would have time to “study, write, live and enjoy.” Instead, he immediately began working with Epstein to conduct covert diplomatic work in support of Israeli security interests abroad.

The key to Barak’s backchannel diplomacy with Russia was his relationship with Viktor Vekselberg, a Russian-Israeli oligarch and owner of the multinational conglomerate Renova Group. Barak offered his services as a strategic consultant to Renova, a position that would generate a lucrative salary for himself and further his ambitions in the global mining and energy sectors, while enhancing his access to powerful figures in the Russian elite.

Barak kept Epstein abreast of every update on his courtship with Vekselberg. As Barak progressed toward a formal agreement with Renova, Epstein counseled Barak on contract negotiations, writing on April 27, “I think you should propose all up front. no need for a written agreement. until later.”

Beneath the surface of mundane contract details, Epstein and Barak worked on a covert plan with the support of Israeli intelligence—regime change in Damascus.

The Israeli military strategist, often described as “emotionally handicapped,” relied on Epstein to help him craft his messaging when dealing with other political officials and business elites. Epstein, for instance, asked Barak to wait until they could speak privately before Barak notified intelligence leaders of a deal with Vekselberg: “do not go to number 1 too quickly, I understnad more now so we should speak.” The euphemism “number 1” is a moniker used to refer to the head of the Mossad, dating back to Barak’s days as director of Israeli military intelligence, when the Mossad director’s identity was kept secret.

As the Renova contract was being finalized—a $1 million advance and a $1 million quarterly retainer—Barak planned a trip to Moscow on May 12 to meet with Vekselberg.

A few hours after Barak informed Epstein of his Moscow plans, Epstein shared some intelligence about one of Putin’s interlocutors, the head of the Council of Europe: “on may 20 [thorbjorn] jagland is going to see putin in sochi, jagland asked that I make myself availble to meet with him sometine in june, to explain how russia can structure deals in order to encourage western investment, I never met him, wanted you to know.” Barak, who was working closely with Epstein to cut deals in the Eurasian energy sector, wrote back: “i know Jagland for long time. probably we have to talk about it.”

Epstein responded with a short list of past and present American national security leaders who, his response implied, could also be useful in Russia talks. He wrote, “Ok, panetta??, Alexander, Clarke?”—likely referring to Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, NSA Director Keith Alexander, and Cybersecurity Czar Richard Clarke.

Re:
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
5/10/2013, 2:24:44 AM /Inbox!46

Ok, panetta??, Alexander, Clarke ?

On Thursday, May 9, 2013, ehud barak wrote:

i know Jagland for long time.probably we have to talk about it. EB
On May 9, 2013, at 8:58 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected] wrote:

on may 20 thorhbjorn jagland is going to see putin in sochi, jagland asked that I make myself availble to meet with him sometine in june, to explain how russia can structure deals in order to encourage western investment, I never met him, wanted you to know.
--

Email exchange between Epstein and Barak, May 9 and 10, 2013.


Upon his return from Moscow, Barak contacted George Tenet, former director of the CIA, to pitch a talk he (Barak) could give at Allen & Company’s Sun Valley event in July—a “summer camp” for billionaires and elite politicians to convene and negotiate deals. The topic? “Think of Syria, CW. (+background of Iran’s elections & nuke program, Global Terror, North Korea etc). Probably briefing for selected group.” Barak was not recorded on the guest list.

Sun V
From: ehud barak <[email protected]>
To: [email protected]
5/16/2013, 7:14:48 PM

/Inbox!46

Dear George
Think of Syria, CW. (+background of Iran's elections & nuke program, Global Terror,North Korea etc). Probably briefing for selected group.
Thanks
Best
Ehud

Sent from my iPad

Email sent by Barak to George Tenet, May 16, 2013.


In the meantime, Epstein and Barak crafted an op-ed for Barak to publish that could shape the narrative for a Russian-led transition in Syria that secured Israel’s interests.

On May 19, Barak sent Epstein a draft titled “The Kremlin Holds the Keys,” which argued that Assad’s regime had permanently lost its legitimacy, and Russia should take leadership to negotiate a swift end to the war, or see “years of bloody massacres…in a ‘no man’s land’ Syria.” A “post-Assad” Syria, wrote Barak, was a foregone conclusion; it was now up to Russia to decide whether or not to “convince Assad to leave,” or prolong the war.

Barak’s editorial proposed that the U.S. and its allies should accept a “price” for a Russia-led solution to the war. He acknowledged that removing Assad from power should not compromise Russia’s “interests and perspectives” in Syria—namely, Russia’s deep ties within the Syrian security apparatus, and its access to naval bases at Tartus and Latakia. He framed the chemical weapons threat as a decisive issue requiring initiative by the Russians, who knew “the generals of the chemical weapons units on a first name basis.”

The backdrop of Barak’s editorial was Russia’s looming delivery of advanced weapons systems to Syria, including anti-ship missiles and advanced air defenses, which threatened to further entrench Israel’s enemies. In the weeks prior, Israel began escalating its operations inside Syria, conducting more air strikes on Damascus to block Iranian missiles bound for Hezbollah; Russia responded by sending its warships into the Mediterranean.

Barak felt enormous urgency to secure a face-to-face meeting with Putin as soon as possible, before the conflict escalated further. Besides Epstein, he also requested comments from Ron Dermer, close confidante to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was preparing to become Israel’s next ambassador to the U.S. Barak wrote to Dermer, “i don’t care how you’ve corrected it. yours will be always better in clarity and conciseness than mine. try earlier. i don’t want events to overwhelm us.” Dermer swiftly returned a refined copy with more fluent English.

As was typical of Epstein’s style, he sent back a rough cut riddled with spelling and grammatical errors. Unlike Dermer’s narrower cut, Epstein significantly revised Barak’s piece, and added a new title: “Wait Until It’s Too Late.” Epstein’s draft was more forceful and polemical, scolding the U.S. for failing to act, and adding an unambiguous statement of Israel’s national interest that was absent in Barak’s draft: “Israel cannot simply wait until it’s too late.”

>>> Wait Until Its Too Late,- seems to be the new fashionable foreign policy .The unfolding tragedy in Syria has already cost 75 thousand precious lives and millions displaced .. The complex dilemmma recently illustrated in bright colors , by the recent juxtapostion of the evidence of nerve agents being used by the Assad regime against its own, alongside the vivid videos of executions and canibalisms carried out in the name of the rebel God. Though it appears red lines have been crossed , the world still hungers for waits for a coordinated plan of action.

>>> The human suffering has been staggering. In a region where the pursuit of happiness often takes a back seat to the pursuit of revenge , the very continuation of the blood letting will be a strong driving force for sectarian killings for many years to come. In addition, the conflict already has become a powerful magnet for various extremist groups greatly increasing the odds of the post Assad Syria ending up, at best , as Lebanon , a failed state, or further down the failed line as a somolia

>>> Another factor , often overlooked is the liklihood of the much wider use of chemical weapons with every unpunished round of its actual use. This is as a direct consequnece of the psychological thresholds being more easily breeched as impact of external deterrence wanes. With it comes the undenialble increased prospect of chemical weapons in the hands of terrorist groups, as the internal civil war sparks a much wider regional conflict. This could be as a direct result of Syrian attempts to transfer advanced weapon systems to Hezbollah . Israel cannot simply wait until its too late.

>>> Often overlooked but of paramount concern should be the strategic distraction caused by the intensive .risky and resource demanding attention needed in dealing effectively with the Syrian crisis. We cannot take our eyes off the ball. That nuclear ball is moving toward goal in the hands of the iranian military.

>>> Assad's armed forces are weak, and heavily affected by the attrition and infighting .

Though there are many players on the world stage that can destroy his airforce and air defence within a relatively short timeframe. that will not end the fighting or

Epstein’s edited draft of Barak’s op-ed, May 20, 2013.


Epstein did indeed wait until it was too late to send his edits; Barak wrote back: “Unfortunately we came to a deadline and had to sent somewhat less brilliant text. I hope one of the big three will buy it.”

The New York Times rejected Barak’s editorial. The Times’s international opinion editor wrote: “We are potentially interested but we feel that the key part of the piece is left vague. Proposing a Russian-mediated solution is only an appealing op-ed for us if the mechanics are spelled out. Barak is a military man and an experienced negotiator so I have no doubt he has something specific in mind…What does he think the price will be? What is the Russian incentive to budge now?”

Epstein had conveyed a similar criticism of Barak’s draft: “I thought the article should have more of a headline, so that you are clearly associated with a [position].” After the rejection from NYT, Barak wrote Epstein back: “U R Right.”

Epstein then expanded on his own aggressive view, arguing that the U.S. was waiting too long to intervene when it came to Palestinians and Iran: “I really like the Wait until its too Late, to be your critiqe of the communities foreign policy. Years ago , things moved slowly, stalin took weeks to defend. months of prepartion. strategies etc. today these things force decision, for good and for bad .. The U. S wait policy , the palestinain wait policy, iran wait policy,”.

Re:
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
5/21/2013, 11:47:44 PM /Search

I really like the Wait until its too Late, to be your critiqe of the communities foreign policy. Years ago , things moved slowly, stalin took weeks to defend. month of prepartion. strategies etc. today these things force decision, for good and for bad .. The U.S wait policy , the palestinain wait policy, iran wait policy,

On Tue, May 21, 2013 at 12:15 PM, ehud barak <[email protected]> wrote:

I thought the article should have more of a headline , so that you are clearly associated with a position,

Email exchange between Epstein and Barak, May 20 and 21, 2013.


Barak decided not to address the specific questions posed by the NYT editor. He wrote to his spokesman on May 21: “tell them they can get a full description of answers to all their questions in a different piece…not now because it will empty the main message.” The Times rejection was followed by rejections from Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal. The op-ed was eventually published, without Epstein’s changes, in The Telegraph on May 30, 2013.

“The messages were conveyed to the top players”

Upon returning to the Russian presidency in May 2012, Putin sought to neutralize widespread street protests which, he claimed, were fomented by external agents funded by U.S.-backed NGOs. Putin had a longstanding, mutually hostile relationship to the Clinton family. The protests against his election, which he pinned squarely on the shoulders of the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, ratcheted those tensions ever higher, foreshadowing a contest that would consume American politics in the years to come.

Watching the collapsing governments of the so-called “Arab Spring” from afar, and seeking to prevent a similar “color revolution” in Russia, Putin began a balancing act of centralizing political and economic authority while preserving channels for foreign capital investment. Epstein, close with former President Bill Clinton, had a role to play.

Epstein once bragged to a journalist that he “often flew to Moscow to see Vladimir Putin,” and enjoyed close ties with Russian business and political elites. The American financier specialized in moving money across borders, and his expertise would be useful in stemming capital flight from Russia amid Putin’s crackdown on “foreign agents.”

On May 22, 2013, Epstein informed Barak he’d received—and rejected—an invitation to meet with Putin at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum the next month: “Putin asked that i meet him in st petersburg the same time as his economic conference…i told him no, . If he wants to meet he will need to set aside real time and privacy.”

(no subject)
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
5/22/2013, 5:43:54 AM /Search

Putin asked that i meet him in st petersburg the same time as his economic conference I told him no, . If he wants to meet he will need to set aside real time and privacy, lets see what happens

Email from Epstein to Barak, May 22, 2013.


Barak found his own official reason to attend the conference: supporting a technology incubator in Moscow led by Vekselberg. The Kremlin was threatening to cut funding for the Skolkovo Innovation Center — Russia’s “Silicon Valley,” which Renova was heavily involved in developing.

Renova sent Barak an email with talking points to discuss in St. Petersburg and included the contact information for Putin’s foreign policy aide, Yury Ushakov, which Barak could use to request face-time with the president.

Barak reached out to Putin’s aide two days later, on May 26, to request a meeting with Putin in St. Petersburg just prior to the conference. “I would like to meet with President Putin for 30-40min at an early opportunity. Preferably before the main June Events,” Barak wrote, adding, “I’m fully aware of the intense burden on the President’s schedule these days, but I urge you to draw the President’s attention to my request.”

Epstein was eager to get an update about the Russians’ reply, and he emailed to confirm if Barak was coming to Henry Kissinger’s 90th birthday party in New York on June 3, 2013. That event would also be attended by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, the lead broker for U.S. policy on Syria and Iran. Barak replied: “I’ll attend Dr. K birthday. Re Putin I’ll talk to you later.”

[x]
John Kerry arrives at Henry Kissinger’s birthday party at St. Regis Hotel on June 3, 2013. Photo by Scott Rudd/WWD/Penske Media via Getty Images.

Ushakov’s chief of staff acknowledged Barak’s message on June 5, and passed along Ushakov’s direct phone number to coordinate the meeting details.

Then, on June 7, the first of Edward Snowden’s bombshell revelations on the NSA dragnet PRISM surveillance was published, casting a shadow over Barak and Epstein’s planning. Barak sent Epstein an email with subject line “NYT missing editorial,” referring to The New York Times editorial board’s “President Obama’s Dragnet,” a scathing piece on the PRISM revelations that day.

The two men recognized the Snowden leaks could undermine the Obama administration’s leverage in negotiations with Putin. Barak asked Epstein to read the article, in which the NYT editors claimed the president had “lost all credibility” by abusing his executive powers. Barak wrote, “Find and read it re our conversation about what could EH [attorney general Eric Holder] have done to help his boss.” Epstein replied: “any confirmation on st petersburg?”

Re: NYT missing editorial
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
6/7/2013, 6:09:42 PM /Inbox!45

any confirmation on st petersburg?

On Fri, Jun 7, 2013 at 9:40 AM, ehud barak <[email protected]> wrote:

Find and read it re our conversation about what could EH have done to help his boss.
EB

Sent from my iPhone

Email exchange between Epstein and Barak, June 7, 2013.


Despite making contact with Ushakov, Barak’s consulting company Hyperion had still not been registered for the conference. On June 10, Barak emailed Boris Collardi, CEO of Julius Baer, a Swiss private bank where he was also an advisor: “I need your office help. Russia is not yet orderly run place. I’ve got an official confirmation of a meeting with Putin but Hyperion’s registration file had not yet confirmed. Probably they never heard the name. I think that if JB will approach the organizing body […] on my behalf they will conclude it within hours.”

With Julius Baer’s help, Barak swiftly locked in his appointment. In less than 24 hours, Ushakov’s office confirmed the appointment time. Barak wrote back, trying to convey the urgency and importance of the meeting: “I’d never spent the time of the President and won’t do it now. The meeting IS important. So make sure it’s done during the SPEIF.”

The same week, Israeli intelligence officials used official channels to engage with other stakeholders in Syria, as Mossad director Tamir Pardo arrived in Ankara for talks with Turkish spy chief Hakan Fidan.

On June 12, Epstein sent Barak another piece of intelligence to prepare him for the meeting in St. Petersburg: “putin will re do his staff in the summer. bringing only very trusted people closer… more info on phone or face to face.”

Putin’s meeting with Barak was not logged on any SPIEF event calendars for the SPIEF conference. But Barak’s emails confirm a meeting scheduled for the evening of June 20, and a Russian journalist saw Barak waiting to speak with Putin again late in the evening of June 21, after Angela Merkel’s visit to the Hermitage.

On June 24, Barak sent an email back to Ushakov, reporting that the backchannel communication was successful. Barak confirmed that messages from Putin had been transmitted to relevant parties: “[Please] note and convey to your Boss that the two messages were conveyed yesterday night fully and accurately to the top players.” Barak’s email did not specify the identities of the players or the content of the messages.

The previous day, Edward Snowden arrived at Moscow’s Sheremetyevo Airport to seek asylum. Barak acknowledged Ushakov’s difficult position, and invited him to follow up later. “I understand that in the meantime new issues are crowding on your plate,” Barak wrote. If you need more details I’m on the same #.”

Messages
From: ehud barak <[email protected]>
To: Ushakov Yuri <[email protected]>
6/24/2013, 6:18:44 PM /Sent!16

Dear Yuri
I understand you have an extremely busy day.
Pl note and convey to your Boss that the two messages were conveyed yesterday nit fully and accurately to the top players. I understand that in the meantime new issues are crowding on your plate.
If you need more details I'm on the same #
Thanks again for arranging the meeting. Looking forward to stay in touch
Best
Ehud barak

Sent from my iPhone

Email from Barak to Yuri Ushakov, June 24, 2013.


“Getting Authorization Now For Iran”

Two months after the St. Petersburg conference, on August 21, 2013, opposition-controlled areas in Ghouta, Syria were struck by rockets containing sarin gas, killing and injuring thousands in the suburbs of Damascus. Ten days later, President Obama delivered a speech at the Rose Garden of the White House, announcing he’d seek congressional authorization for U.S. strikes on Syria, enforcing the “red line” he had drawn exactly one year prior.

Epstein emailed Barak as soon as news of Obama’s speech broke, on August 31, to propose publishing his shelved Syria narrative: “Time to write the wait ‘until too late’ op Ed ???” Barak responded, solemnly: “[U.S. strikes] might be launched before the op ed will be accepted by any major paper.” Epstein disagreed, suggesting any action would likely occur after the G20 summit on September 5, and Congress’s return the week after: “it will be at minmumm a week or two not before g20.” An hour later, Barak agreed: “After listening to POTUS speech, You’re probably right.”

Re:
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
9/1/2013, 2:51:40 AM /Search

I would use the opportunity to compare it with iran. the solutions become more compelx with time not less. i think many people would like your views on egypt. syria, etc. russias role.? i think you might point out the gassing of " women and children " is an expressions for the 20th centry . women are no longer equiv to children, . civilians. vs combatants . only.

On Sat, Aug 31, 2013a at 2:55 PM, ehud barak <[email protected]> wrote:

it will be at a minmumm a week or two not before g20

On Sat, Aug 31, 2013 at 12:03 PM, ehud barak <[email protected]> wrote:
it might be launched before the op ed will be accepted by any major paper
On Aug 31, 2013, at 1:06 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected] wrote:

Time to write the wait "until too late "op Ed???

Email exchange between Epstein and Barak, August 31 and September 1, 2013.


In the same email thread, Epstein offered Barak guidance on how to ratchet the pressure on the U.S. to strike Iran: “I would use the opportunity to compare it with iran. The solutions become more compelx with time not less. i think many people would like your views on egypt. syria, etc. russias role.? i think you might point out the gassing of ‘women and children’ is an expressions from the 20th centry. women are no longer equiv to children,. civilians. vs combatants . only.”

Epstein wished Congress would approve bombing Iran after bombing Syria, writing, “hopefully someone suggests getting authorization now for Iran. the congress woudl do it.” Barak did not draft or publish an op-ed on Epstein’s proposed theme at that time.

On September 9, 2013, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry floated the idea that Assad could avert strikes by surrendering “every single bit” of chemical weapons.

Reporters regarded Kerry’s comment as an “off-hand remark” or a gaffe, and a U.S. State Department spokeswoman tried to brush it off as a rhetorical comment. But Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov took the statement seriously, and offered a plan to peacefully impose international control over Assad’s stockpile. The next day, Obama expressed his approval of Lavrov’s proposal to avoid the use of force.

Putin published an op-ed in the New York Times, “A Plea For Caution,”attempting to sell the same solution to the American public. “It is alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in foreign countries has become commonplace for the United States,” he wrote. “Is it in America’s long-term interest? I doubt it. Millions around the world increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as relying solely on brute force, cobbling coalitions together under the slogan ‘you’re either with us or against us.’”

U.S. and Israeli positions rapidly converged toward an international framework for regime change that resembled Barak’s proposal, using chemical weapons disarmament as an on-ramp to a “transitional government” backed by the United Nations.

Israel’s ambassador to the U.S. explicitly called on the international community to remove Assad. Michael Oren told The Jerusalem Post, “We always preferred the bad guys who weren’t backed by Iran to the bad guys who were backed by Iran.” At the end of September, Oren stepped down from his ambassador post, replaced by Dermer—the silent editor of Barak’s summer op-ed. The UN mission to destroy Syria’s stockpile began in October, and UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon announced Russia-sponsored peace talks in Geneva soon after.

Russia became the indispensable broker after the Ghouta attack, exactly as Barak urged. But, in spite of the disarmament effort, the parallel peace talks in Geneva stalled out almost immediately over the question of Assad’s future. As a pre-condition for joining the Geneva talks, Kerry demanded Iran agree to Assad’s removal and a transitional government; Iran refused, and the peace process fell apart before it began. The U.S. and Israel ultimately accepted a Russia-led solution on chemical weapons, but failed to remove Assad from power.

“I am not political”

Jeffrey Epstein portrayed himself as an “apolitical” financier. But the backchannel diplomacy in Russia reveals him as a political “fixer” who arranged access to senior Russian political figures with the goal of advancing Israeli national security interests, often in direct contradiction to the United States’ national security strategy.

In April 2015, the U.S. and Iran agreed on a nuclear deal framework in Lausanne, Switzerland, a development that cut against the preferences of the Israeli government, as well as Epstein’s own expressed hopes for a U.S. attack on Iran. TIME magazine asked Barak to write an editorial on the subject. In his essay “Iran Has Escaped a Noose,” Barak argued that only tough sanctions and military force could restrain Tehran, and sanctions would become difficult to reassemble after a deal was signed.

Barak suggested instead a “surgical strike” on Iranian nuclear facilities, to set Iran “five years backward” and deter future cheating. “The possibility [of strikes] should not be rhetorically holstered,” he wrote, “It may, finally, later down the stream be the only language Iran understands.”

He sent the article to Epstein shortly after it was published, and asked to speak on the phone. The same day, he sent a video of Bill Clinton discussing negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear program in 1994. Barak wrote a note about Clinton’s video in an email to another colleague: “Obama is highly vulnerable among Democrats on the Iran issue…Clinton 21yrs ago…talked of North Korea but exactly the same words. NK is now a nuclear player.”

Barak once again leaned on Epstein to get a line to Moscow before the Iran nuclear deal was finalized. He visited New York City from April 21 to April 24, where received Epstein’s help to once again attend the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum that summer. Epstein connected Barak to Sergey Belyakov, a former Russian economic minister with ties to Russian intelligence, to help Barak get an invitation and set up meetings with senior Russian officials. Epstein also directed Barak to convey that senior Russian officials including Putin should also contact Epstein directly for meetings.

Epstein wrote on April 23, 2015: “I spoke to sergey…he will help. I suggest you send him a note that states that you think Putin and his advisors would benefit from spending some time with Jeffrey to discuss markets currency and the financial system in the new world of zero interest rates. and that I am not political. He has to answer certain questions.” Epstein’s request to again add Barak came as the Israeli government was attempting to manage an increasingly delicate balancing act in its ties with Moscow and Washington. He added: “when you receive the list [of Russians] from sergey, he asked that we prioritze who we would find most interesting.”

(no subject)
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>
4/23/2015, 6:50:30 PM /Search

I spoke to sergey afterwards. he will help. I suggest you send him a note that states . that you think Putin and his advisors would benefit from spending some time with Jeffrey to discuss markets . currency and the financial system in the new world of zero interest rates. and that I am not political. He has to answer certain questions. speak today

Email from Epstein to Barak, April 23, 2015.


As promised, Belyakov delivered Barak a formal invitation to speak on a panel at SPIEF, and a list of important names for Barak’s consideration. In St. Petersburg in June 2015, Barak met with Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov, Central Bank governor Elvira Nabiulina, and other Russian elites.

Epstein was not merely a fixer for Barak, but also a friend and advisor, who collaborated with him at high-levels to promote Israeli security interests. The correspondence between Barak and Epstein, as well as publicly released information about Epstein’s travel and activities during this period, point to a significant degree of collaboration between the two men, involving numerous governments in negotiations intended to serve Israeli security interests. In a note sent by Barak to Epstein after the St. Petersburg forum in 2015, he rattled off a long list of heads of state, senior officials, and business magnates he had met, reporting “great meetings” with all.

Around the same time, Epstein was known to have conducted meetings with several Obama administration officials, including former U.S. ambassador to Russia, and later CIA chief William Burns, as well as Obama White House counsel Kathryn Ruemmler. While shedding light on his efforts with Barak to secure Israeli interests in Syria, the emails leave open the question of other interactions that Epstein may have engaged in with U.S. and other government officials.

While the collaboration between the two men did not depose Assad or trigger a U.S. attack on Iran, the negotiated outcome in Syria did reduce the perceived threat to Israel. They also succeeded in opening a diplomatic channel between Moscow and Tel Aviv that would be vital to the next decade of war. Epstein had also helped make Barak a wealthy man shortly after he left his role as defense minister, in a collaboration that would last for years.

A day after sending his summary of the St. Petersburg trip, Barak messaged Epstein again to re-affirm his gratitude: “Thx for setting the whole thing together.”

Re: SPEIF
From: Jeffrey Epstein <[email protected]
To: ehud barak <[email protected]>

Yes, I did. Very much so.
Best
EB

Sent from my iPhone

On Jun 20, 2015, at 20:38, jeffrey Epstein <[email protected] wrote:

of course, glad you found it useful

On Sat, Jun 20, 2015 at 1:36 PM Ehud barak <[email protected]> WROTE:

Hi Jeff
Great meetings.
I've met Sergey and thanked him for everything.
I've met SS. He expressed interest in finding some area for actual cooperation.
I proposed that we will discuss it with you.
Meetings with central bank governor Ms. Nabiulina and foreign Min. Lavrov were both very good.
I've also briefly met Kudrin, Kostin(VTB) and Gref (sberbank).
And several former heads of state (sitting together through Putins interview with Charlie Rose). As well as Lord Mandelson.
I've also met the man that accompanied the Baroness when we met at your place. And several senior people from David's branch of the R family.
I still have to appear on one panel tomorrow.
Let's stay in touch. Late next week we're in NY.
Best
EB

Email exchanged between Epstein and Barak, June 19-21, 2015.

Re: Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:22 pm
by admin
Jeffrey Epstein Helped Israel Sell a Surveillance State to Côte d’Ivoire/. Leaked emails show the details behind talks between Cote d’Ivoire and Israel shepherded by Ehud Barak and Jeffrey Epstein
by Murtaza Hussain and Ryan Grim
Nov 07, 2025
https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/jeffrey- ... ked-emails

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[x]
Jeffrey Epstein with unidentified soldiers in Africa. Photo from Epstein’s “birthday book.”

Jeffrey Epstein and Ehud Barak were specialists in war profiteering. At the end of his tenure as Israel’s defense minister and after his supposed “retirement,” Barak embraced a role as a salesman of Israeli security services to embattled governments, opening the door for Israeli intelligence leaders to shape the security apparatuses of several African nations, including the country of Côte d’Ivoire.

Quietly facilitating these efforts was Jeffrey Epstein, who died in jail in 2019. Epstein wrote at one point to Barak: “with civil unrest exploding [...] and the desperation of those in power, isn’t this perfect for you.” Barak replied:, “You’re right [in] a way. But not simple to transform it into a cash flow.” Transforming unrest into cash flow, in the case of Côte d’Ivoire, involved brokering deals between the Israeli state and the embattled West African nation.

New details about Epstein’s role in Israeli intelligence operations in Africa have emerged from two sets of documents: an archive of leaked emails released by the Handala hacking group and hosted by non-profit whistleblower site Distributed Denial of Secrets and documents released by the U.S. House Oversight Committee last month. The latter set includes Epstein’s personal emails and appointment calendars, which provide clear evidence of Epstein’s involvement in Israel’s West African security negotiations in 2012, while Barak was still Israel’s Defense Minister.

The two men worked together as a conduit for Israel’s intelligence sector in Côte d’Ivoire, where Barak was welcomed as a representative of the Israeli government even after leaving public office. Epstein helped Barak deliver a proposal for mass surveillance of Ivorian phone and internet communications, crafted by former Israeli intelligence officials.

As in Mongolia, Epstein and Barak’s private deal-making evolved seamlessly into an official security agreement between Israel and Côte d’Ivoire in 2014. Since the agreement was signed, over a decade ago, President Alassane Ouattara has tightened his grip on power, banning public demonstrations and arresting peaceful protestors. In this October’s election, the octogenarian won a fourth term, in defiance of constitutional term limits, while opposition candidates were barred from participation.

Today, Ouattara continues to enjoy the support of Israeli security firms to help him maintain power. His Israeli-backed police state has squashed civic organizations and silenced critics. In the wake of the recent election, exiled activist Boga Sako Gervais denounced Ouattara’s authoritarian slide: “Under Ouattara, since 2011, freedoms of opinion, thought, and expression have been criminalized,” he said. “It has become forbidden to criticize the head of state.”

The story of Israel’s security agreement with Côte d’Ivoire is only one chapter in the saga of Epstein and Barak’s covert activities in Africa—it is reported here as the next entry in an ongoing series on Epstein’s ties to Israel’s intelligence.

Drop Site needs your help. An investigation we published last December is now the subject of a lawsuit filed by a top editor at the BBC. We stand firmly behind our journalism and will defend it vigorously. But we can only win—and we are confident we will—if we have the resources to fight. We’ve already spent roughly $40,000 defending our reporting, with significant ongoing legal and liability insurance costs ahead. Prolonged legal proceedings burden independent reporters and chill important work. But if our community of readers steps in to backstop us, that sends a message to litigants that they can file suit, but we can fight back.

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Epstein, Israel, Ivory Coast: How Israeli Intelligence Built a Police State In West Africa

In late 2010, a disputed presidential election in the west African nation of Côte d’Ivoire triggered political upheaval and violence that rapidly destabilized the country. The UN certified Alassane Ouattara as the winner of a November 2010 runoff vote. But the outcome was not accepted by the rival incumbent, Laurent Gbago. After months of violence, a French and UN military intervention was launched in April 2011 to remove Gbago and drive him from the country.

After Gbagbo’s exile, Ouattara inherited a security apparatus fractured by the crisis, and his own hold on power was uncertain. The new president announced that his government had foiled a coup plot against him by officers still loyal to Gbagbo in June 2012.

Five days after that announcement, the new Ivorian president, who had a long career as an economist at the International Monetary Fund and a reputation as a technocrat, traveled to Jerusalem to meet Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and discuss cooperation on science, technology, and counterterrorism. The following month, an Israeli delegation visited Côte d’Ivoire to field Ouattara’s questions about Israel’s security apparatus and rebuilding the Ivorian presidential army.

While Israeli and Ivorian officials sat in hotel conference rooms and took press photographs, American financier Jeffrey Epstein was across the globe, engaged in shadow diplomacy to develop further ties between Israel and the new Ivorian leader.

On June 18, 2012, the very same day Barak was meeting with Alassane Ouattara in Jerusalem, according to Epstein schedules released by the U.S. House Oversight Committee, his son David Dramane Ouattara was in New York City for an appointment with Epstein.

On September 12, three months later, Epstein met with Ouattara’s niece Nina Keita, whom he had known since at least 2002; as a young fashion model in Jean Luc Brunel’s Karin Models agency, she had traveled on his “Lolita Express” plane between New York and Paris. After Keita’s visit, records show that Epstein went straight to the Regency Hotel in New York for a private meeting with the Israeli defense minister.

The next month, Epstein flew to Africa. In a note to his assistant, he instructed her to arrange to switch planes in London before flying to Côte d’Ivoire, Angola, and Senegal. There are no flight logs documenting the Africa trip.

The flurry of visits appeared to pay dividends for Epstein, Barak, and the Israeli government. Two weeks after Epstein’s trip to Africa, the Ivorian Interior Minister Hamed Bakayoko was in Tel Aviv to meet with Barak and discuss a bilateral security accord focused on intelligence and cybercrime.

Date: Monday, June 18 2012 11:45 am
Subject: Schedule
From: Lesley Groff <[email protected]>
To: Epstein Jeffrey <[email protected]
cc: [DELETE] Lynn and Jojo [DELETE] Lynn and Jojo [DELETE] Richard Barnett [DELETE]

10:00 appt with [DELETE]

3:00 appt with Nina Keita and her cousin Dramane Ouattara and his wife Louise

6:30 Cocktail Reception for Premier of The Newsroom
7:30 Screening of The Newsroom
Time Warner Screening Room
One Time Warner center 10th Floor (entrance at 58th street)

Dinner to follow the screening at Porter House New York Time Warner Center, 10 Columbus Circle 4th Floor

AND

6:45 Judy Collins Live at the Metropolitan Museum of Art with Yoed Nir. Use the Museum's 83rd street and 5th ave entrance

Sent from my iPhone

From: Lesley Groff <[email protected]>
Sent: 9/21/2012 11:41:29 AM
To: Epstein Jeffrey <[email protected]
cc: Francis Derby [DELETE] Louella Rabuyo [DELETE] Janusz Banasiak [DELETE] Richard Barnett [DELETE]
Subject: Schedule

Importance: High

11:00 [DELETE]
11:30 [DELETE]
12:30 Lunch with Steven Kosslyn
1:30 conf call with Kosslyn's attorneys
3:00 Nina Keita
5:15 Go See Barak at Regency
7: Dinner with Michael Wood

Sent from my iPhone

Epstein’s assistant sends schedule for DC meeting with Barak. Source: House Oversight documents.


xxxx


Epstein discusses October travel with his assistant, including stop in Côte d’Ivoire. Source: House Oversight documents.


Barak has previously claimed his “private investments” with Epstein were conducted as a private citizen and unrelated to official Israeli state affairs. The documents released by the House in October, however, suggest that Epstein played the same “fixer” role while Barak was still the sitting Defense Minister of Israel. Barak did not respond to a request for comment.

Less than a year later, Barak resigned from the Israeli government. In 2011, Barak had split from Israel’s Labor Party and formed a small “centrist” faction called Independence. Despite his long history in government, including a past stint as prime minister, his tiny party was predicted to get wiped out in the January 2013 Knesset election.

He left his position as defense minister on March 18, 2013, before an agreement with Côte d’Ivoire was reached. Barak’s departure from government did not end his role negotiating security agreements for Israel, however. After he left his formal government role, emails and private records show that he finished negotiating the intelligence deal with Côte d’Ivoire covertly. In these efforts, Epstein provided critical assistance.

On March 19, 2013, one day after leaving his government post, Barak received an email from his business partner and brother-in-law Doron Cohen, containing materials prepared by MF Group, a French-Israeli security contractor run by Michel Farjon. The consortium of companies, spread across several European countries, did security work in Africa; the group had been involved in a controversial sale of military helicopters to the government of Cameroon.

An email address associated with Farjon sent details of MF Group’s planned projects in Côte d’Ivoire: a mobile and internet communications surveillance center and a video monitoring center in Abidjan. According to email logs, Barak and Farjon met three days later, on the fourth floor of G Tower in Tel Aviv, on March 22, 2013.

Barak and Cohen made efforts to keep these communications secret. Farjon’s emails to Cohen never mentioned Barak by name—instead using cryptic subject lines like “files to be transferred to your friend”—and Barak and Cohen’s emails referred to Farjon by his initials “MF,” often in connection with another player called “AM,” or “Maoz.” Cohen took precautions to ensure their conversations were not overheard; on April 12, he emailed Barak: “I had a good meeting today with MF and AM. I’ll be glad [to] update you. I’ll be in the car alone at 0415 am until 5am.”

Reached for comment by Drop Site at the same email address that appears in the files, Farjon acknowledged that the documents containing proposals for Côte d’Ivoire had originated from his company. But, he said, his company did not actually engage in business in the country and denied that he had ties with Barak and Cohen. “The documents are accurate as previously stated. No cooperation with Barack, Cohen, Epstein. No deal with Ivory Coast, nor any cooperation,” Farjon said. Drop Site was unable to reach Cohen.

Although the talks were proceeding briskly, the momentum was halted after an unexpected report came from the United Nations.

Since 2004, during the country’s first civil war, Côte d’Ivoire had been subject to a UN arms embargo that blocked weapons sales and applied strict requirements for even “non-lethal” training and equipment transfers. On April 17, 2013, the UN Security Council reported the discovery of “dozens of crates” of Israeli ammunition at the presidential palace and the Attécoubé naval base, likely transferred to Gbagbo’s security forces during the 2010-2011 crisis. The crates had Israel Military Industries labels and Spanish markings; the report suggested the ammunition had been relabelled and retransferred to Côte d’Ivoire from a third country.



UN Group of Experts Report, suspected Israeli ammunition crates with Spanish markings
On April 21, Cohen emailed Barak: “I met with MF and AM last night. We are facing a problem. We need to schedule a serious talk about them.” Cohen refrained from discussing the problem over email. Four days later, the Security Council announced it was extending the arms embargo on Côte d’Ivoire for another year.

Immediately upon his return to Israel, Barak made phone calls to Israeli security leaders with some connection to Côte d’Ivoire. On May 15, he called Amos Malka, the former head of Israeli intelligence and a recent chairman of Israeli armor manufacturer Plasan. Plasan had also been swept up in the sanctions enforcement: in addition to the Spanish-marked ammunition crates, UN embargo monitors had flagged a five-ton shipment of Plasan body armor to Abidjan.

Malka, like Barak, occupied a blurred public-private boundary in Israeli intelligence. Malka’s company Logic Industries was installing a surveillance apparatus in the United Arab Emirates under contract with a Swiss company, as Israel and the U.A.E. did not have direct security ties. The email logs do not disclose the subject matter of Barak and Malka’s phone call—but, after hanging up, Barak emailed Malka the résumé of a Spanish-Israeli logistics expert at the “Prime Minister’s Office,” a common cover name for either Shin Bet, Israel’s counterintelligence service, or the Mossad, both of which are based out of the office.

“I have never worked with Mr. Barak since my retirement,” Malka told Drop Site when reached for comment, referencing his departure from the security services in 2002. “I know him very well but no business together.”

Barak called one more stakeholder on May 19, 2023: the Honorary Consul of Côte d’Ivoire in Israel, Michael “Micky” Federmann, chairman of the Israeli military technology giant, Elbit Systems. Federmann was experienced at navigating UN sanctions and West African politics; Elbit had supplied military helicopters to Côte d’Ivoire during the first Ivorian civil war.

Finally, on May 27, Barak called Sidi Tiémoko Touré, Chef de Cabinet (head of office) of President Ouattara. Barak emailed Touré after the call to formally request an audience with Ouattara, and they arranged a meeting in Abidjan in August.

In preparation for his West Africa trip, Barak asked private intelligence firm Ergo to prepare a briefing on Côte d’Ivoire. It contained a dossier on Ouattara and his inner circle and detailed organization charts of the state’s defense and internal security organs.

Meanwhile, Barak prepared paperwork for a “non-security” pretext to visit West Africa. On July 22, he received a document from his son-in-law Michael Menkin, a manager at the medical equipment supplier Elsmed, containing a brief proposal to build hospitals and diagnostic centers in Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire.

Barak arrived in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire on the first of August. According to an itinerary sent to him by Touré, Barak met with Marcel Amon-Tanoh, Ouattara’s chief of staff, and Hamed Bakayoko, Minister of the Interior and Security, on August 2, 2013, who shared more information about the Ivorian security apparatus. Barak and his wife even visited Amon-Tanoh’s home, and met his two daughters, both Oxford-educated graduate students in London. The next day, August 3, Barak met with President Ouattara and Paul Koffi Koffi, the deputy in charge of Defense.

Farjon, of MF Group, told Drop Site that he learned independently that Barak had indeed met with Ouattara, but said he did not know how his materials became involved. “I don’t see how or why Barak could have accessed my documents. Keep digging,” he told Drop Site.



Ehud Barak and wife Nili Priel at hotel Le bélier de Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire (August 2013). Photograph taken by Maud Amon-Tanoh, daughter of Marcel Amon-Tanoh, chief of staff of Alassane Ouattara.
“How Can We Move Forward”
Barak finally returned to Israel late at night in August. Upon arriving, emails show that Barak made a phone call to Stanley Fischer, the governor of the Bank of Israel and a close friend of Ouattara from their days at the International Monetary Fund during the late 1990s.

A few days later, Barak was contacted by Jean-Baptiste Gomis, the Ivorian ambassador to Israel, bearing gifts from Côte d’Ivoire. Gomis wrote: “i seize this opportunity to ask you for a meeting to talk about your impression of your visit in Cote d Ivoire and moreover how can we move forward.” Barak visited Gomis at his home soon after.

On September 16, 2013 the details of Israel’s offer arrived in Barak’s inbox. Barak received a proposal from Aharon Ze’evi-Farkash, former head of Israeli intelligence, for a SIGINT (“signals intelligence”) organization in Côte d’Ivoire.

The document, a 13-page PDF, mapped out the complete architecture for eavesdropping on phone calls, satellites, tactical radio, and “special targets” like cyber cafés. The data streams flowed to “media processing” servers, to be reviewed by analysts, then synthesized into reports for security leaders.



SIGINT processing chain included in proposal document.
The document was authored by Farkash and Amnon Unger, who developed these systems in occupied Palestine during the two periods of Intifada between 1990 and 2005. The two men had been senior commanders in Israel’s Unit 8200 signals intelligence unit, before branching off to other roles in the military and private sector.


Ic Preliminary Proposal
1.37MB ∙ PDF file
Download
Farkash reminded Barak that he was operating in a gray area by sharing planning documents with a foreign country. He wrote to Barak in Hebrew: “The document is based on experience that has been accumulated during Amnon’s and my service in the unit… I believe this meets the ‘export‑of‑knowledge’ test. I thought it appropriate to bring this to your attention.” “Export-of-knowledge” (יצוא ידע) refers to Israel’s Defense Export Control Act, which requires a license for transfer of “defense know-how,” even unclassified, exploratory material like a technical spec.

Barak replied to inform Farkash that he would “probably be in touch with the client toward the end of the month.” A few days later, Barak flew to New York where he visited Epstein, during the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Epstein had been coordinating meetings for Barak for that week.

Epstein had been helping manage Barak’s itinerary in anticipation of his visit, writing that “we should try to scheudle some people for dinners or lunches when you are here.” Epstein proposed several prominent business and political leaders: New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, British Ambassador Peter Mandelson, banker Ariane de Rothschild, and Joshua Cooper Ramo, advisor to former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

Epstein also planned a meeting for Barak with another, less famous guest—Sidi Tiémoko Touré, Chef de Cabinet for President Ouattara. Before arranging the meet, he made a phone call to Ouattara’s niece, Nina Keita, according to last month’s House Oversight release.

On September 21, Epstein sent Barak a message with Touré’s personal email address: “chief of staff of outara, he arrives tomorw, try to coordianate, i am flexible. if you decide you have time.” Barak planned to visit Epstein’s house the next morning for coffee: “Let’s talk it tomorrow.”



Emails between Epstein to Barak, September 21 and 22, 2013.
For several months, Barak’s email logs showed no further discussion of the Côte d’Ivoire plan. But Epstein’s calendars, released by Congress, show another meeting with Nina Keita on November 7, 2013—the same day UN peacekeepers launched a joint operation with Ivorian security forces to dismantle armed militias and remove illegal checkpoints. The security operation, followed by a UN Security Council meeting two weeks later, set the stage for the lifting of sanctions.

In March 2014, a piece was printed in the Israeli publication Calcalist about the pending Ivorian security deal, with glowing remarks about Barak’s business acumen and his reputation in the global defense industry. Barak gave a quote coyly denying his involvement, saying “These are private conversations, and the public has no interest in them.” Barak’s brother Avinoam emailed him a link to the story, and Barak replied, “Creative minds. HaLevay Alay,” a Hebrew saying for “I wish it were me.”

As winter turned to spring, the key players were mobilized again. Ouattara made preparations for a sweeping re-organization of the Ivorian intelligence apparatus. On April 10, 2014, he dissolved the intelligence service, Agence nationale de la stratégie et de l’intelligence (ANSI), and transferred its resources into a new body, the Coordination nationale du Renseignement (CNR).

Four days later, the UN Group of Experts issued a new recommendation to the UN Security Council to ease the arms embargo in Côte d’Ivoire and lift a decades-long ban on diamond exports. Non-lethal equipment used for maintaining “public order” no longer required notification to the UN Sanctions Committee. Barak’s wife Nili emailed Ivorian ambassador Gomis to arrange a meeting with Barak.

The UN embargoes were officially lifted on April 29, 2014. After Gomis returned to Israel from Abidjan in May, Barak’s wife invited the ambassador to G Tower for a meeting with Barak and Danny Yatom, the former head of Mossad. Gomis replied to the invitation: “I WAS IN COTE D IVOIRE LAST WEEK AND HAD A CHANCE TO TALK TO THE PRESIDENT HE IS WILLING TO TALK TO THE PRIME MINISTER EHUD BARAK NOT TO ANYONE ELSE.”

Barak emailed his wife: “Just tell Danny that following their request I will meet alone first and then arrange for a trilateral meeting.” Barak and Gomis met in the afternoon on May 29, 2014, and Gomis sent Barak’s wife a thank-you note afterward:

erev tov
i would like to thank your husband for the nice meeting we had yesterday
i will report to the president
thank you again for your patience

Two weeks later, on June 13, 2014, Avigdor Liberman, Israel’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, arrived in Côte d’Ivoire to sign an agreement on defense and internal security, accompanied by more than 50 businessmen, who came to evaluate prospective investments in the country. The dollar amounts of the deals conducted were not made public.

The efforts that Barak had taken with the assistance of contacts like Epstein bore fruit with this formal agreement signed between Israel and Côte d’Ivoire. But the deal was only one of several that the two men were orchestrating on behalf of Israeli interests on the continent.

On August 17, 2014, Doron Cohen emailed Barak with an update on their other endeavors in Africa: “I met the man who has some money in the bank in Africa. Very interesting and very generous offer. Let’s talk.” This time, even Barak was confused by the cryptic message. He replied: “Who is the man who has money in Africa and what does he offer[?] Catch me on the mobile to explain.”

Re: Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:24 pm
by admin
Israeli Spy Stayed for Weeks at a Time With Jeffrey Epstein in Manhattan. Leaked emails show Epstein working on a wire transfer to Ehud Barak's top aide, Yoni Koren, who regularly stayed at his apartment.
by Ryan Grim and Murtaza Hussain
Dropsite News
Nov 11, 2025
https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/israeli- ... ehud-barak

With the looming end of the U.S. government shutdown amid a deal in the Senate, the House will soon be swearing in Adelita Grijalva to her rightful seat from Arizona, after a historic delay at the hands of Speaker Mike Johnson, taking direction from President Donald Trump, all aimed at blocking her from becoming the final signature needed to force a vote on releasing the Epstein files.

In mid-October, the House Oversight Committee released an interview with former U.S. prosecutor Alex Acosta, who told the panel that—contrary to widespread public reporting—he had never told Steve Bannon that Epstein “belonged to intelligence.” Acosta denied ever discussing Epstein with Bannon, and claimed to have “no knowledge as to whether he was or was not a member of the intelligence community.”

Yet, along with Acosta’s interview, the House panel also released a new cache of documents from Epstein’s estate containing direct evidence of Epstein’s links to Israeli intelligence: Epstein’s personal calendars reveal that a senior Israeli intelligence officer, with personal ties to former CIA Director Leon Panetta, lived at Epstein’s Manhattan apartment for multiple stretches between 2013 and 2016. When cross-referenced with emails leaked from the inbox of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, a portrait emerges of Epstein at the nexus of high-ranking intelligence officials in both the U.S. and Israel.

This is the fourth piece in Drop Site’s ongoing series on Jeffrey Epstein’s role in brokering intelligence deals for Israel.

In the first, we exposed Epstein’s role in brokering a security agreement between Israel and Mongolia. In the second, we identified Epstein’s effort to set up a backchannel between Israel and Russia during the Syria civil war. In the third, we showed Epstein’s role as a key facilitator of a security agreement between Israel and the West African nation of Côte d’Ivoire.

Meanwhile, we’re left wondering why the rest of the media, which has demonstrated no lack of excitement when it comes to the saga of Jeffrey Epstein, has all of a sudden lost its reporting capacity, in the face of reams of publicly available newsworthy documents. A question for editors reading this newsletter: What are you doing?

From a place of competition, we’re glad the media are sitting on their collective hands and we’re proud to have broken this series of stories, which give us a glimpse of a world that is often hidden from public view. But it’s also a topic that would benefit from the collective attention of our national media. Here’s hoping some will join in.

Either way, we’ll continue the work, and are grateful for the support of readers who make it possible. If you haven’t yet upgraded your subscription, please consider doing so.

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Ehud Barak and Leon Panetta. Photo obtained via Ehud Barak’s emails.
Israeli Spy Stayed for Weeks at a Time With Jeffrey Epstein in Manhattan
Leaked emails show Epstein working on a wire transfer to Ehud Barak’s top aide, Yoni Koren, who regularly stayed at his apartment.

An Israeli military intelligence officer stayed at Jeffrey Epstein’s Manhattan apartment on at least three occasions—including once, in February 2013, while working as a senior aide to then-Israeli Minister of Defense Ehud Barak.

Yoni Koren made his intelligence career working in covert operations alongside the Mossad, and remained a lieutenant colonel in reserve duty after he officially left the intelligence directorate. He stayed in Epstein’s apartment again for two weeks, in October 2014, and a third time for ten more days in September 2015.

Drop Site compiled evidence of these stays from schedules released by the House Oversight Committee last month and Barak’s hacked emails, originally released by the Handala hack team and later shared by Distributed Denial of Secrets.

On all three trips, Koren appeared to be conducting official or unofficial business. A Times of Israel article from late January 2013, a few weeks before Koren’s first documented stay, identifies him as still actively serving as the “bureau chief” for the Israeli Ministry of Defense that month.



Epstein’s personal calendar, 2/21/2013. Source: House Oversight Committee.
After Barak’s retirement from government, Koren continued to serve as an informal intermediary between the American and Israeli intelligence communities, with Barak acting as his handler. Email records show Barak using Koren as an intermediary to exchange information with AMAN, the Israeli military intelligence directorate. Koren was also active in Epstein and Barak’s efforts to source cybersecurity startups from the technology research units of AMAN, demonstrating how enmeshed in Israeli spy networks he remained.

In February 2015, leaked emails show Barak sending Epstein bank details for funds to be wired to Koren’s Citibank account. The purpose of the wire transfer is not known. Drop Site was unable to confirm if the funds were successfully transferred. But the bank transfer information was followed by an unusually cryptic communication between Barak and Koren regarding hand-off of a physical bank card.

Koren helped arrange a private tour of the White House and Pentagon for Barak and his grandchildren, which took place a few days later. The Pentagon trip was coordinated by Jeremy Bash, former chief of staff of the Central Intelligence Agency and the Department of Defense (as well as the ex-husband of CNN host Dana Bash). Koren and Bash helped to exchange messages and arrange meetings between their respective bosses—Barak and Leon Panetta, the former C.I.A. Director and Secretary of Defense.

“Keep the Card”
On February 14, 2015, Barak sent a note to Epstein. “Hi Jeff Will you be in NY during the coming week?”, Barak wrote. Epstein replied, “im flying back to ny tues to meet with you.” Epstein’s personal calendars, released by the U.S. House Oversight Committee last month, shows that they ultimately met on February 19 at 5 p.m.

But the two men had a second, last-minute meeting that wasn’t reflected on calendars released by Congress. According to hacked emails, Barak arranged an urgent appointment with Epstein on February 20, writing, “Are you still in town? Can we meet again for 30min today or tomorrow?.” Epstein’s meetings had run late the previous night, and he’d already missed his flight to Paris—but he agreed to meet.

Three days later, on February 23, Barak sent Epstein an email titled “Yoni acc. Info,” containing wire transfer details for a Citibank account belonging to “Itzhak Koren.”



Barak sends Koren’s bank transfer details to Epstein. February 23, 2015.
The purpose of the wire transfer is not apparent from the email records. That Saturday, February 28, Barak sent an unusual email to Koren, containing detailed instructions to pick up a package from the Hyatt 48LEX hotel in Manhattan’s Midtown East.

According to the email, Barak purchased red “Beats by Dre” headphones on February 24, the day after sending Epstein the bank details. Barak instructed Yoni to collect a package containing the headphones from the hotel and return them to an Apple Store on the Upper West Side. According to Barak’s message, attached to the box was an envelope with a receipt and a bank card. Barak wrote Koren, “To get a refund in cash, you’ll need the card. Email me when you collect it.”

Barak’s request was highly unusual. For one thing, it was in English. Across hundreds of emails exchanged between Barak and Koren in the leaked email dataset, the two men communicated almost exclusively in Hebrew. It was also unheard of for Barak to request Yoni to run a mundane errand, and the timing of the exchange also raises a red flag. After purchasing the headphones and leaving them for Koren, Barak was scheduled to leave the country.

Koren seemed to immediately understand Barak’s request, and he agreed, writing back, in Hebrew: “No problem, what’s her name?” Barak replied with a woman’s name: “Rachel Levin.” This name doesn’t appear anywhere else in Barak’s emails and it’s unclear who or what he was referring to.



Barak makes an unusual request for a mundane errand. Koren says, “No problem, what’s her name?” Barak replies, “Rachel Levin.”
The next Monday, March 2, Koren collected the package and reported to Barak that the card had been credited with the funds. Barak instructed Koren to “Keep the card,” and they made arrangements to meet in Israel. On March 12, after a brief trip to London, Barak landed in Tel Aviv and immediately emailed Koren, asking to speak on the phone.



Koren and Barak at the 9/11 Memorial in New York City, no date. Private photo from Barak’s inbox.
“It Never Happened”
Sometimes an earphone is just an earphone, but Barak and Koren had good reason to write emails in coded language. Documents leaked by Edward Snowden just over a year prior revealed that the two men were major counter-intelligence targets for the United States and the NSA had been snooping on their messages.

Koren’s intelligence career began in the Research Division of AMAN, the IDF’s Military Intelligence Directorate, eventually rising through the ranks to become a senior officer. In 1985, Koren worked on a covert campaign with Mossad to help Syrian intelligence kidnap PLO operatives traveling from Cyprus to Lebanon. Koren described the operation in an interview with Israeli New York Times journalist Ronen Bergman, for his book “Rise and Kill First.”

When Barak became the Chief of Staff of the IDF in the 1990s, Koren became his Bureau Chief, managing Barak’s schedule and operations. He was also an assistant to Israel’s military attaché in Washington, coordinating senior Pentagon contacts like Colin Powell, then the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. After Barak left the IDF, Koren headed Barak’s staff as Interior Minister, then Foreign Minister, then Defense Minister. Barak served as prime minister from 1999 until 2001.



Koren and former Secretary of State Colin Powell, no date. Private photo uploaded to Wikimedia Foundation in 2021.
After Barak’s retirement, Koren was a covert “fixer” in Washington, who enjoyed special access to senior national security figures, including Leon Panetta, and his senior adviser, Jeremy Bash. Panetta, who went straight from director of the CIA to defense secretary under former President Barack Obama, was Barak’s U.S. equivalent. As soon as Barak left the Israeli government, Koren became a key go-between for Barak and the American and Israeli intelligence communities.

On March 25, 2013, one week after Barak left his defense minister post, Koren forwarded a personal invitation from Jeremy Bash to participate on a panel on the Arab Spring (or as they called it, “Middle East turmoil”) at the Panetta Institute for Public Policy in Monterey, California. In an email thread with Bash, Barak agreed to come to California, and expressed his eagerness to discuss “possible opportunities with LP [Leon Panetta] and YK [Yoni Koren].”



The Panetta Institute invitation to Barak, two days after Barak left his defense minister post in Israel.
After the Monterey event, Barak and his wife drove north to the San Francisco Bay Area, for a private meeting with Oracle founder Larry Ellison at his mansion in Woodside, a massive estate modeled after a 16th-century Japanese emperor’s palace. In his Evernote app, Barak bookmarked a conversation with Ellison’s chief of staff, with the tags “@Private” and “#Initiatives.”

The following year, according to Epstein’s personal calendars, released by the House, Koren stayed at Epstein’s spare apartment again, for the first two weeks of October 2014. The calendar released by the House committee reads: “Reminder: Yoni in apt Sept. 30-Oct 13.”

In the weeks preceding his stay at Epstein’s apartment, Koren maintained contact with spies in AMAN, despite his supposed status as a “private citizen.” On September 14, 2014, Barak and Koren exchanged emails about a Haaretz opinion column titled “A strange man, al‑Sisi” that asserted Egyptian President Abdel‑Fattah el‑Sisi offered to give Palestinians a huge plot of land in the Sinai peninsula, adjacent to Gaza, but Mahmoud Abbas rejected the idea. Barak asked Koren to confirm with someone in AMAN if the report was true. Koren returned a few hours later with a response: “It never happened.”



Emails between Barak and Koren, September 16, 2014.
The emails suggest Koren worked as a two-way intermediary, with Barak hinting at Koren to pass a message back to contacts in Israel. When Haaretz published a second column about el-Sisi’s alleged offer, the next day, Barak wrote Koren: “2nd time? Probably someone should deny it.”

On October 6, 2014, while staying in Epstein’s apartment, Koren forwarded Barak a message from Bash, Panetta’s henchman, containing details of Panetta’s travel dates to promote his book “Worthy Fights,” about his service as C.I.A. Director and Secretary of Defense under President Obama. The message was taken by Barak as a proposal by Koren to meet with Panetta in New York. He expressed that he would be unable to make it in time.

Barak later asked Koren for help getting special access to secured areas of the White House and Pentagon. On December 8, 2014, Barak emailed Koren to inform him of plans to take his daughter and two grandkids to Washington D.C. in the spring, writing, “I want to take them to the WH and get there something more than the regular public tourists visit…Please see if you can be of help.”

Bash took care of the arrangements for Barak and his family to get access to secure facilities in the White House and the Pentagon. Bash was by then a private citizen, and he had started his own consulting company, Beacon Global Strategies — but he still enjoyed high-level access to the White House and U.S. defense establishment. Yoni helped Barak pass along his family’s passport details to Beacon, so they could receive clearance.

Barak, his daughter, and his two grandchildren visited the White House and Pentagon on March 31. They received a Secret Service escort, and a guided tour from Yael Lempert, a Special Assistant to President Obama, and the National Security Council director for the Levant, Israel, and Egypt. Lempert later negotiated the largest military aid package in American history, a ten-year, $38 billion dollar package for Israel, in 2016.



Barak visits the White House with Leon Panetta, May 17, 2012. Photo: Public domain.
The Pentagon visit was coordinated by Eric Lynn, another senior advisor to Panetta, who arranged for a private tour by Laura Updegrove, the Defense Department’s Israel Country Director. A few weeks after the visit, in April 2015, Lynn emailed Barak details about fundraising for his congressional campaign in Florida’s 13th District—Barak forwarded the message to Koren, asking ,“What should be done?” Yoni replied: “You don’t have to do anything.”

Lynn lost. The seat is now held by Republican Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, who spearheads the House effort to release the Epstein files. Lynn did not respond to request for comment.

“Endless loyalty to the state”
Yoni Koren died of cancer on January 8, 2023. His career of service to Israel ran exactly parallel to Barak’s, albeit in the shadows. He remained one of Barak’s most trusted advisors and closest confidantes throughout his military and civilian careers. Barak did not respond to a request for comment; neither did Jeremy Bash.

On Koren’s passing, Barak wrote a eulogy for Koren, calling him, “A talented intelligence officer…with endless loyalty to the role, the IDF and the state. A brave man who knew no fear, even when he stood in front of the forces of evil.”



Koren stayed in Epstein’s apartment for a third time in September 2015.
Correction: The article headline originally referenced Epstein’s mansion i

Re: Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:26 pm
by admin
Epstein & Israel: Drop Site News Investigates Jeffrey Epstein’s Ties to Israeli Intelligence
November 12, 2025

https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/12 ... transcript



A new series by Drop Site News looks at Jeffrey Epstein’s ties to Israeli intelligence and how he secretly brokered numerous deals for Israeli intelligence. Drop Site revealed that Epstein had played a role in brokering a security agreement between Israel and Mongolia and setting up a backchannel between Israel and Russia during the Syrian civil war.

Epstein had an “extensive relationship with Israeli intelligence, U.S. intelligence and the intelligence agencies of other countries as well,” says Murtaza Hussain, reporter for Drop Site News. “He was a dealmaker and a fixer at a very, very elite level.”

Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.

As the House of Representatives moves closer to forcing the release of the Epstein files by the Department feel Justice, we turn now to look at a new series by Drop Site News looking at Epstein’s ties to Israeli intelligence and how he secretly brokered numerous deals for Israeli intelligence.

On Tuesday, Drop Site revealed an Israeli spy stayed for weeks at a time with Epstein in Manhattan. Drop Site has also looked at Epstein’s role brokering a security agreement between Israel and Mongolia and Epstein’s role in setting up a backchannel between Israel and Russia on Syria.

This all comes as CNN’s reveal today, Epstein mentioned Donald Trump by name multiple times in private correspondence over the last 15 years, according to newly released emails from Democrats in the House Oversight Committee.

CNN’s reporting the email show Epstein asserts Trump spent significant time with a woman whom Oversight Democrats describe as a victim of Epstein sex trafficking. We’re joined now by Drop Site’s Murtaza Hussain, who’s been reporting on Epstein with his colleague, Ryan Grim.

Murtaza, welcome back to Democracy Now!. Explain what you feel the media is not covering. What is the role of Jeffrey Epstein when it comes to U.S. foreign policy?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: There’s been a lot of justifiable focus on Epstein’s very grave crimes and facilitation of the crimes of others related to sex trafficking and sex abuse, but one critical aspect of the story that’s not been covered is Epstein’s own relationships to foreign governments, the U.S. government and particularly foreign intelligence agencies.

Now, this information is not entirely private; a lot of it is out there, actually, in House disclosures, as parts of certain lawsuits against Epstein or over Epstein’s activities over the past few years and in a few databases of leaked emails from certain figures around the world which have come out showing extensive contact with Epstein.

So, I think that a lot of the coverage of him so far, to date, at least, it’s focused, again, on salacious details of his life and the crimes he was involved in related to minors, women, but the other aspect, the political aspect, who he was and the role he played at this very high level, facilitating deals, interacting and liaising with intelligence agencies in different parts of the world, has not been covered.

We don’t know exactly who Epstein was specifically to be in the position to commit the crimes that he was doing, and our story’s aiming to focus and shedding light upon one particular aspect, which is Epstein’s extensive relationship with Israeli intelligence, U.S. intelligence, and the intelligence agencies of other countries as well, too. He was a dealmaker and a fixer at a very, very elite level, and he was making deals that would ultimately wind up, in some cases, being signed as formal security agreements between the government of Israel and other countries.

That’s what our series is focusing on right now, and it’s just coming across naturally looking at the information contained in the publicly available data about his communications over the past – during the period of about 2013 to 2016.

AMY GOODMAN: So, tell us who Yoni Koren is. You reveal that this senior Israeli intelligence officer lives in one of Epstein’s apartments, had close personal ties to former CIA director Leon Panetta. Can you talk about what specific intelligence-gathering operations you believe that Koren was conducting from Epstein’s apartment? And also, the relationship between Jeffrey Epstein and the former prime minister of Israel, Ehud Barak, which has been documented again and again.

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, a lot of the information we have now coming out about these intelligence ties do come from private correspondence between Barak and Epstein, which were leaked by hackers some years ago and posted online, but have never really been analyzed in great detail but shed profound light on Epstein’s ties not just to Barak, but officials all over the world and foreign governments in Africa, in Central Asia, in Europe, in Russia, whom he was helping connect Barak with.

Interestingly, Barak was relying on Epstein’s support rather than vice versa, despite the fact that Barak was a very powerful figure in the Israeli security establishment. And so, these emails, in addition to House disclosures, which also point to the same information, show that this intelligence agent, who was a longtime military intelligence agent in Israel, who was Barak’s chief aide for many years, lived at Epstein’s house for significant stretches of time, weeks at a time, between this period of 2013 to 2015.

He was staying at Epstein’s house. We don’t know specifically from the communications what they may have been working on or what his role may have been there, the reason he was staying at his house. Barak would also stay at his house sometimes to hold meetings and to do business in New York. That was facilitated by that. But we do see that they were corresponding, and at one point, Epstein does transfer money to Koren.

And there was also communication between Barak and Koren in the inbox which we believe is coded communication, perhaps referring to dead drops of information or something else in New York City that they were engaged in. It’s hard to tell because part of the reason that this correspondence is interesting is that we knew from the Snowden disclosures many years ago that Barak and Koren were being surveilled by the NSA in New York around this time or in the United States around this time.

So, whatever they were doing with Epstein in his house, in New York, amongst each other, with money, with sharing information, or data, or packages or something else, it was taking place in this period. And again, the interesting thing is that even if one would not look at the emails and keep those separate, this information’s in the House disclosures. In Jeffrey Epstein’s calendars, it’s mentioned that Koren’s coming and going from his home, and the day of his departure, how long he was staying for.

So, this is stuff that the broader media could be covering, it’s just escaped attention for reasons which one could speculate, or it was hard to say exactly. But we’re going to continue drilling down on this, not shying away from the political implications of his activities, Epstein’s activities, and the ties he had with powerful figures like Barak and intelligence agents like Koren.

AMY GOODMAN: The leaked emails show that the former prime minister, Ehud Barak, bookmarked a private initiative with Oracle’s Larry Ellison. Can you talk about the significance of this initiative?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, what we saw from the email is effectively that around the time that Epstein and Barak were corresponding, that Koren’s activities in New York at Epstein’s home were going on, Barak himself had gone on to have a separate meeting with Larry Ellison. Now, Larry Ellison is a very well-known pro-Israel donor. He’s a billionaire and the founder of Oracle. Currently, he’s involved in, with his son, buying up much of the American media.

We’ve done other reporting on Ellison, drawing not from this database but from a separate database of communications which were also leaked and posted on the website called Distributed Denial of Secrets, and they show that Ellison had been very involved with the Israeli government in other facets, helping, in a way, shape the American political system for Israel. He was helping vet political candidates at the behest of Israeli officials for their favorability towards Israel to determine who he’d give money to.

So, we don’t know from the correspondence with Barak what he was discussing with Ellison at that time or what the private initiative may have been. There’s no further – not everything was discussed by email, a lot of things were discussed by phone, so not everything is documented in that manner. But we do know that Ellison was very closely involved in promoting the perceived interests of Israel in the United States at that time, and Barak was doing the same thing.

And interestingly, Epstein was doing the same thing. Epstein was helping Barak facilitate Israeli interests around the world, different countries, helping him refine his pitches, connecting him with people to help pursue the geopolitical interests of the Israeli government, and this is all coming as one parcel of that. And so, at Barak’s meeting with Ellison, one can imagine it would have something to do with the ongoing efforts he’d been engaged in.

AMY GOODMAN: And the leaked emails showing Jeffrey Epstein and Barak securing a private meeting with Vladimir Putin in 2013 to orchestrate the removal of Bashar al-Assad, it didn’t succeed, but in an email exchange, Epstein wrote to the former prime minister of Israel, “With civil unrest exploding in Ukraine, Syria, Somalia, Libya, and the desperation of those in power, isn’t this perfect for you?” Barak replied, “You’re right, in a way, but not simple to transform it into a cashflow. A subject for Saturday,” Ehud Barak wrote. Can you talk about, as we wrap up, that relationship between Jeffrey Epstein and Ehud Barak, attempting to profit from the war in Syria?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: Well, that email that you just read out is a very important email because it kind of explains the broader thesis that Epstein and Barak had been operating under and what they’d been doing exactly.

They’d been going around the world, pitching – Epstein had been pitching Barak as someone who could solve the security problems of different countries and introducing him to powerful people in these countries – we’re going to cover more of those in the weeks and months to come – and telling that that Barak, through his connections with the Israeli intelligence and Israeli intelligence-linked surveillance technology firms especially, could help introduce him to these countries, embed them, and then later sign formal deals with Israel.

We did a story about this, how it manifested in Côte d’Ivoire, also Mongolia. In this tie with Russia, it’s very fascinating because Epstein was the one who was arranging a backchannel between Barak and Putin to discuss this deal to remove Bashar al-Assad and replace him with a pro-Russian dictator who Israel was also OK with.

That didn’t come to pass, but I think the interactions show the tremendous access that Epstein enjoyed not just with Israeli officials or U.S. officials but also Russian officials. He had the ability to get meetings with Putin, he met with Putin himself on numerous occasions, according to his own correspondence. And that is something that – how did that come about? What was the background behind that? We don’t know.

But we do know that at the very least, Epstein was somebody who considered himself to have the ability to access high-level Russian officials. He claimed in the emails, as I mentioned, that he met Putin, or Putin asked to meet him. That’s Epstein’s own depiction of the interaction. But he did absolutely have the juice to get Barak in the room with Putin, and the funny thing is that Barak had to rely on Epstein for that, to create that backchannel. It shows the tremendous influence and power that Epstein had, which does not really – we have not had a full accounting of that. That has not been accounted for in the public understanding of this case.

We hope to shed more light on that in our own reporting, but we need the government, we need other news outlets to pay attention to this and put together the pieces of who Epstein was and the role he played as an international dealmaker.

AMY GOODMAN: Murtaza Hussain, I want to thank you for being with us, National Security Reporter at Drop Site News. We’ll link to your new articles about Jeffrey Epstein’s ties to Israeli intelligence.

Coming up, Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk, a new documentary on Gaza by the acclaimed Iranian director Sepideh Farsi.

Re: Dropsite News Investigates Epstein Ties To Intelligence

PostPosted: Wed Nov 12, 2025 8:29 pm
by admin
Epstein’s Ties To Mossad UNVEILED In BOMBSHELL Report
by Ana Kasparian
The Young Turks
Nov 11, 2025

Senior Israeli intelligence officer Yoni Koren lived at Jeffrey Epstein’s apartment for multiple stretches before 2016, igniting questions about Epstein's ties to Israel. Ana Kasparian discusses on The Young Turks.



Transcript

An Israeli military intelligence officer
happened to stay at Jeffrey Epstein's
Manhattan apartment on at least three
separate occasions. And that's according
to a new report from Drop Site News.
Now, Epstein may have even wired money
to him. Once again, raising questions
about Epstein's alleged ties to Israeli
intelligence networks. Alleged.
Alleged. Uh now Dropsite compiled some
of the evidence for this story from
former Israeli Prime Minister Ahoud
Barack's hacked emails. So we have that
super interesting in addition to
Epstein's personal schedules which were
in fact released by the House Oversight
Committee just last month. Now the
intelligence officer that we're
referring to here that was reported by
the drop site news story is a man by the
name of Yoni Corin. Yoni Corin, Israeli
military intelligence officer who stayed
at Epstein's Manhattan apartment on at
least three separate occasions. And
here's what we know about him. He
started his career in the research
division of the IDF's military uh
intelligence uh directorate uh which is
called Aman and he eventually rose
through the ranks uh to become a senior
officer. Now, in 1985, Corin worked on a
covert campaign with Mossad to help
Syrian intelligence kidnap PLO
operatives traveling from Cyprus to
Lebanon. And he also worked very closely
with Israel's former prime minister,
Ahud Barack. He did so for years while
serving as his chief of staff, uh, I'm
sorry, while serving as the chief of
staff for the IDF,
managing his schedules and his
operations. Now, Barack's friendship
with Epstein uh has been well
documented. You know, we actually have
images of him entering Epstein's
apartment, so we've known about that
already. Uh but he did, so that's well
documented. He met with Epstein dozens
of times. He flew on Epstein's jet and
once visited uh the infamous Epstein
Island. We're talking about Ahood Barack
here. Now, one of the times uh Corin
stayed at Epstein's place was while he
was working as a senior aid to Ahud
Barack. Now, after Barack left the IDF,
Corin headed his staff as interior
minister, then foreign minister, and
then after that, defense minister.
And uh the details here are super
interesting. After Barack's retirement,
Corin was a covert fixer
in Washington,
who enjoyed special access to senior
national security figures. I'm sure he
did, including Leon Panetta and his
senior adviser, Jeremy Bash. As soon as
Barack left the Israeli government,
Corin became a key gobetween for Barack
and the American and Israeli
intelligence communities.
So, let's get to the email records and
what they show because apparently they
show that Barack was using Cororin as an
intermediary to exchange information
with Aman. Corin was also active in
Epstein and Barack's efforts to source
cyber security startups from the
technology research units of Aman,
demonstrating how enshed in Israeli spy
networks he remained.
So, now let's get to some details about
his stays at Epstein's Manhattan
apartment. By the way, are you guys
seeing the intertwined nature of Mossad
and the CIA and the fact that they had a
relationship with Epstein in the first
place?
So, um, that child trafficking that took
place wasn't part of a blackmail
operation. Are we stupid?
I'm sorry. I don't believe anyone
who tries to pour cold water on the fact
that Epstein was running a blackmail
operation. It's so obvious. I mean, how
else do you explain the unwavering
commitment to Israel regardless of who's
in charge in that country, regardless of
the political makeup of the Knesset,
uh, regardless of what type of
atrocities Israel is carrying out,
regardless of how much money it costs
the American taxpayers and how much it
destroys the economic health of this
country to keep up with this charade?
No, there there are American politicians
and elites in the US, powerful,
influential people
who might be pedophiles
and do Israel's bidding because they
don't want that information to come out
like that. It's just so obvious, guys.
It's so obvious.
But anyway, let's talk about Corin's
stays uh at Epstein's apartment. So
Corin was also active uh oh, so sorry.
So let's talk about the first day. The
first day at Epstein's Manhattan
apartment was back in February of 2013.
So this is when he was working as Ahood
Barack's senior aid. Now the following
year, according to Epstein's personal
calendars released by the House, Corin
stayed at Epstein's spare apartment
again for the first two weeks of October
2014. The calendar released by the House
Committee reads, "Reminder, Yonyi in
apartment September 30 through October
13th."
And then in the weeks preceding his stay
at Epstein's apartment, Corin maintained
contact with spies in Aman despite his
supposed status as a private citizen.
And then there was his third stay that
we know of. There might be more, but in
terms of the reporting we're seeing from
Drop Site News, uh, they were able to
identify three separate occasions. Let's
talk about the third one. His third stay
at Epstein's apartment was for 10 days
in September. That's a long time. It's a
long time hanging out with a freaking
child sex trafficker and pedophile. But
that's what this guy was up to.
Uh Epstein's assistant Leslie wrote an
email to Corin essentially informing him
that she had reserved an apartment for
him for 10 days. And then Corin
responded and that's what you're looking
at here with thanks a lot. Send my
regards and thanks to Jeffrey. Obviously
he's referring to Jeffrey Epstein there.
Now, during all three of his stays in
Epstein's Manhattan apartment, Corin
appeared to be conducting official or
unofficial business on behalf of Ahood
Barack. So let's talk a little bit about
Ahood Barack
because in February of 2015, a few
months before Corin's third visit to
Epstein's Manhattan apartment, leaked
emails show that Ahood Barack was
actually sending Epstein bank details
for funds that were to be wired to
Corin's city bank account. We have the
evidence right here. Let's take a quick
look at that. There it is. That's the
email. Uh, obviously the account numbers
and all that have been redacted,
but it's from Ahood Barack to Jeffrey
Epstein. Hi, Jeff. That's the info. Then
you have the account number.
Dropsite could not determine the purpose
of the wire transfer or confirm whether
or not the funds were successfully sent
to Cororin. All we know right now is
that uh a former prime minister of
Israel
got into contact with Jeffrey Epstein to
provide bank account details of an
Israeli spy
so Epstein can wire money to this
individual. Okay. Uh but the bank
transfer information uh bank transfer
information was followed by an unusually
crypted communication between Barack and
Corin regarding handoff
of a physical bank card. The two had a
pretty good reason to communicate in
coded language because documents leaked
by Edward Snowden just over a year prior
revealed that the two men were major
counter intelligence targets for the
United States and the NSA had been
snooping on their messages.
Did they know? I mean, did did our
intelligence community know that they
were spying on it on an Israeli? Like,
you don't do that. They get to do
whatever they want, including here on US
soil. Uh, with a disgusting, disgraced
child sex trafficker and pedophile.
So, this is Drop Sight's fourth
installment in its series about Jeffrey
Epstein and his ties to Israel. So far,
they've exposed quite a bit, including
Epstein's role in brokering a security
agreement between Israel and Mongolia.
They've also identified Epstein's effort
to set up a back channel between Israel
and Russia during the Syrian civil war.
And they also showed Epstein's role as a
key facilitator of a security agreement
between Israel and the West African
nation. and a West African nation that
I'm not going to try to pronounce
because I'm gonna mispronounce it. And
their reporting throws a wrench in the
government's official line that Epstein
had no foreign or domestic intelligence
ties. Obviously, like who would believe
our government on this issue in
particular? I wouldn't. I wouldn't at
all. They're either being blackmailed or
bribed and they're not telling us the
truth.
Our media laers Israel's reputation. Our
media lies to the American people about
what Israel is actually up to. Why would
we believe for a second that our
government, which has been in bed with
the Israelis, would ever tell us the
truth about a guy who was very likely
running a blackmail operation and his
ties to the Israelis? Because guess
what? That wouldn't be a good look,
right? It wouldn't be a good look for
Israel and certainly it wouldn't be a
good look for the United States either
since we're obviously involved in this
if um literal miners
were being trafficked with the main
purpose
of um getting blackmail on powerful
people whether it's in this country or
any other country. You're literally
expose exploiting children minors
to be raped. So foreign governments can
have dirt on powerful people.
H Okay.
Meanwhile, Mike Johnson uh said the
Republicans are doing everything they
can to prevent the Epstein files from
being exposed.
So he didn't say that he's doing that,
but Mike Johnson's behavior has made it
clear that he and the Republicans are
doing everything they can to prevent
like real transparency uh about the
Epstein files. He's refused to swear in
Democratic Congresswoman uh elect
Adelina Graalva, who would serve as the
final member needed to force a vote on
the release of the Epstein files. And in
Marjgery Taylor Green's recent
conversation with Megan Kelly, she
wondered whether the Epstein issue was
the real reason Mike Johnson uh refused
to convene the House during the
shutdown, the government shutdown. Take
a look at that. everyone for how many
years now, how many all of us have been
calling to release that scene files and
um Thomas Massie entered a resolution to
release. Yeah. And I'm a co-sponsor. I'm
I want to release the ATCM files and um
it's been blocked over and over
unfortunately. I tell you what, I've
I've started to question is this why
we're not in session?
Really?
Yeah.
I think it's fair to have that
suspicion. I know that I've certainly
had that suspicion. And today, uh, Mike
Johnson, again, House Speaker, called
the House back into session. So, we'll
see if he immediately swears in Graalva
as promised or if he, uh, continues to
block a vote on the Epstein files. I'd
bet on the latter, but who knows? He
might prove me wrong. I hope he does.
Israel's involvement with Epstein is
disgusting.
And the fact that our government is
trying to cover this all up is even more
disgusting.