FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

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Ugolino della Gherardesca
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/25/24

Nothing in history or fiction, not even the story which Ugolino told in the sea of everlasting ice, after he had wiped his bloody lips on the scalp of his murderer, approaches the horrors which were recounted by the few survivors of that night.

-- Lord Clive, by Thomas Babington Macaulay


Image
Portrait of Ugolino by Johann Kaspar Lavater

Ugolino della Gherardesca (c. 1214 – March 1289), Count of Donoratico, was an Italian nobleman, politician and naval commander. He was frequently accused of treason and features prominently in Dante's Divine Comedy.

Biography

In the 13th century, the states of Italy were beset by the strife of two parties, the Ghibellines and the Guelphs. While the conflict was local and personal in origin, the parties had come to be associated with the two universal powers: the Ghibellines sided with the Holy Roman Emperor and his rule of Italy, while the Guelphs sided with the Pope, who supported self-governing city-states.

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Coat of arms of the House of della Gherardesca

Pisa was controlled by the Ghibellines, while most of the surrounding cities were controlled by the Guelphs, most notably Pisa's trading rivals Genoa and Florence. Under the circumstances, Pisa adopted the "strong and vigilant government" of a podestà "armed with almost despotic power".[1]

Ugolino was born in Pisa into the della Gherardesca family, a noble family of Germanic origins whose alliance with the Hohenstaufen emperors had brought them to prominence in Tuscany and made them the leaders of the Ghibellines in Pisa.

Between 1256 and 1258 he participated in the war against the philo-Genoese giudicato of Cagliari, in Sardinia. Ugolino then obtained the southwestern portion of the former Judicate, with its rich silver mines, where he founded the important city of Villa di Chiesa, today Iglesias.

Image
Ugolino and his sons by Jean-Baptiste Carpeaux, 1861, Petit Palais.

As head of his family, the Ghibelline party and podestà of Pisa, Ugolino took action to preserve his power in the face of the political hostility of Pisa's neighbours. In 1271, through a marriage of his sister with Giovanni Visconti, judge of Gallura, he allied himself with the Visconti, the leaders of the Guelphs in Pisa. In doing so, he aroused the suspicions of his fellow Ghibellines.[2]

The subsequent disorders in the city in 1274 led to the arrest of both Ugolino and Giovanni, who were accused of plotting to undermine Pisa's government and, with the support from Tuscany's Guelphs, share power among themselves. Ugolino was imprisoned and Giovanni banished from Pisa. Giovanni Visconti died soon afterwards, and Ugolino, no longer regarded as a threat, was set free and banished. In exile, Ugolino immediately began to intrigue with the Guelph cities of Florence and Lucca. With the help of Charles I of Anjou, he attacked his native city and forced it to make peace on humiliating terms, pardoning him and all the other Guelph exiles.[2] After his return, Ugolino at first remained aloof from politics but quietly worked to reassert his influence.

In 1284, war broke out between Pisa and Genoa and both Ugolino and Andreotto Saracini were appointed as captains of two divisions of fleets by Albertino Morosini, the Podestà of Pisa. The two fleets met in August in the Battle of Meloria. The Genoese fought valiantly and destroyed seven Pisan galleys and captured twenty-eight. Among the eleven thousand captives was the Podestà.[1] Ugolino and his division set the sign of surrender and withdrew, deciding the battle in favour of Genoa.[1] This flight was later interpreted as treachery but not by any writer earlier than the 16th century.[3]

When Florence and Lucca took advantage of the naval defeat to attack Pisa, Ugolino was appointed podestà for a year and succeeded in pacifying them by ceding certain castles. When Genoa suggested peace on similar terms, Ugolino was less eager to accept, for the return of the Pisan prisoners, including most of the leading Ghibellines, would have diminished his power.[2]

Ugolino, now appointed capitano del popolo for ten years, was now the most influential man in Pisa but was forced to share his power with his nephew Nino Visconti, son of Giovanni. The duumvirate did not last, as Ugolino and Nino soon quarrelled.[2] In 1287, Nino, striving to become Podestà, entered into negotiations with Ruggieri degli Ubaldini, Archbishop of Pisa, and the Ghibellines. Ugolino reacted by driving Nino and several Ghibelline families out of the city, destroying their palaces and occupying the town hall, where he had himself proclaimed lord of the city.

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Torre della Muda, Giovanni Paolo Lasinio, engravings dated 1865.

In April of that year, Ugolino again refused to make peace with Genoa, even though the enemy was willing to be content with financial reparations. Ugolino still feared the return of the captured Pisans, who saw Ugolino as the cause for their prolonged captivity and had sworn to get their revenge for this.

In 1288, Pisa was hit by a dramatic increase in prices, resulting in food shortages and riots among the bitter populace. During one of these riots, Ugolino killed a nephew of the archbishop, turning the latter against him. On 1 July 1288, after leaving a council-meeting discussing peace with Genoa, Ugolino and his followers were attacked by a band of armed Ghibellines. Ugolino withdrew into the town hall and repelled all attacks. The archbishop, accusing Ugolino of treachery, aroused the citizens. When the town hall was set on fire, Ugolino surrendered. While his illegitimate son was killed, Ugolino himself – together with his sons Gaddo and Uguccione and his grandsons Nino (surnamed "the Brigand") and Anselmuccio – were detained in the Muda, a tower belonging to the Gualandi family.[2] In March 1289, on orders of the archbishop, who had proclaimed himself podestà, the keys were thrown into the Arno river and the prisoners left to starve.

Their corpses were buried in the cloister of Saint Francis Church and remained there until 1902, when they were exhumed and transferred to the Gherardesca family chapel.

Literary afterlife

The historical details of the episode are still involved in some obscurity, and although mentioned by Villani and other writers, it owes its fame entirely to Dante's Divine Comedy. Dante's account has been paraphrased by Chaucer in the Monk's Tale of the Canterbury Tales, as well as by Shelley.[2] Irish poet Seamus Heaney also recounts the legend in his poem "Ugolino", a free translation from Dante, found in his 1979 book Field Work. Giovanni Pascoli writes of Ugolino in "Conte Ugolino", a poem from his Primi Poemetti.

Ugolino in Dante's Inferno


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Dante and Virgil in the Inferno before Ugolino and His Sons by Priamo della Quercia (15th century)

Dante placed Ugolino and Ruggieri in the ice of the second ring (Antenora) of the lowest circle of the Inferno, which is reserved for betrayers of kin, country, guests, and benefactors.

Ugolino's punishment involves his being entrapped in ice up to his neck in the same hole with his betrayer, Archbishop Ruggieri, who left him to starve to death. Ugolino is constantly gnawing at Ruggieri's skull. As Dante describes it,


[I saw two shades frozen in a single hole
packed so close, one head hooded the other one;
the way the starving devour their bread, the soul
above had clenched the other with his teeth
where the brain meets the nape.

— (Canto XXXII, lines 124–29), [4]


Ugolino's gnawing of Ruggieri's head has been interpreted as meaning that Ugolino's hatred for his enemy is so strong that he is compelled to "devour even what has no substance."[5] Ugolino, though punished for his betrayal of his people, is allowed some closure for the betrayal that he himself was forced to suffer under Ruggieri, when he is allowed to act as Ruggieri's torturer for eternity. According to Frances Yates, both are "suffering the torments of the damned in the traitors' hell; but Ugolino is given the right to oppress ... Archbishop Ruggieri with a ghastly eternal punishment which fits his crime."[6]

Ugolino and his children

Image
Ugolino and his sons in their cell, as painted by William Blake circa 1826.

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Ugolino gnawing at his own fingers, in an engraving by Domingos Sequeira

According to Dante, the prisoners were slowly starved to death and before dying Ugolino's children begged him to eat their bodies.

'Father our pain', they said,
'Will lessen if you eat us you are the one
Who clothed us with this wretched flesh: we plead
For you to be the one who strips it away'.

— (Canto XXXIII, ln. 56–59)


… And I,
Already going blind, groped over my brood
Calling to them, though I had watched them die,
For two long days. And then the hunger had more
Power than even sorrow over me

— (Canto XXXIII, ln. 70–73), [4]


Ugolino's statement that hunger proved stronger than grief has been interpreted in two ways, either that Ugolino devoured his offspring's corpses after being driven mad with hunger, or that starvation killed him after he had failed to die of grief. The first and more ghastly of these interpretations has proved the more popular and resonant. For this reason Ugolino is known as the "Cannibal Count" and is often depicted gnawing at his own fingers ("eating of his own flesh") in consternation, as in the sculpture The Gates of Hell by Auguste Rodin, in Ugolino and his Sons by Jean-Baptiste Carpeaux and in other artwork, though this may also simply refer to Ugolino's own statement in the poem that he gnawed his fingers in grief.

Ugolino in Borges

The case of Ugolino and Ruggiero is behind the story of the short story "The Wait" (La espera) of Jorge Luis Borges in the collection named The Aleph (El Aleph) (1949).

Scientific analysis of the remains

In 2002, paleoanthropologist Francesco Mallegni conducted DNA testing on the recently excavated bodies of Ugolino and his children. His analysis agrees with the remains being a father, his sons and his grandsons. Additional comparison to DNA from modern-day members of the Gherardesca family leave Mallegni about 98 percent sure that he has identified the remains correctly. However, the forensic analysis discredits the allegation of cannibalism. Analysis of the rib bones of the Ugolino skeleton reveals traces of magnesium, but no zinc, implying he had consumed no meat in the months before his death. Ugolino also had few remaining teeth and is believed to have been in his 70s when he was imprisoned, making it further unlikely that he could have outlived and eaten his descendants in captivity. Additionally, Mallegni notes that the putative Ugolino skull was damaged; perhaps he did not ultimately die of starvation, although malnourishment is evident.[7][8]

In 2008, Paola Benigni, superintendent to the Archival Heritage of Tuscany, disputed Mallegni's findings in an article, claiming that the documents assigning the burial to Ugolino and his descendants were Fascist-era forgeries.[9]

Notes

1. "Count Ugolino of Pisa", Bentley's Miscellany 55 (1864), p. 173–78.
2. One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Villari, Luigi (1911). "Della Gherardesca, Ugolino". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 7 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 965–966.
3. G. del Noce, in Il Conte U. della Gherardesca (1894), takes treachery as the only motive behind the flight, while Daniella Bartoli, in the 6th volume of his Storia della letteratura italiana, suggests Ugolino's alliance with the Ghibellines as the motive.
4. Alighieri, Dante. The Inferno. Translated and edited by Robert Pinsky. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1996
5. Joan M. Ferrante. The Political Vision of the Divine Comedy. Princeton University Press (1984).
6. Frances A. Yates. "Transformations of Dante's Ugolino". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 14(1/2) (1951), p. 92–117. doi:10.2307/750354. JSTOR 750354.
7. Nicole Martinelli, "Dante and the Cannibal Count" Archived 2009-01-06 at the Wayback Machine, Newsweek (1 February 2007).
8. Francesco Mallegni, M. Luisa Ceccarelli Lemut. Il conte Ugolino di Donoratico tra antropologia e storia (2003). ISBN 978-8884920591
9. Paola Benigni, Massimo Becattini. "Ugolino della Gherardesca: cronaca di una scoperta annunciata". Archeologia Viva 128 (2008). pp. 64–67.

Literature

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ugolino della Gherardesca.
• Paola Benigni, Massimo Becattini. "Ugolino della Gherardesca: cronaca di una scoperta annunciata". Archeologia Viva 128 (2008). pp. 64–67.
• Thomas Caldecot Chub. Dante and His World. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. (1996).
• Joan M. Ferrante. The Political Vision of the Divine Comedy. Princeton: Princeton University Press (1984).
• Robert Hollander. "Inferno XXXIII, 37–74: Ugolino's Importunity". Speculum 59(3) (July 1984), p. 549–55. doi:10.2307/2846299. JSTOR 2846299.
• Robert Hollander. Circle 9 The Trustees of Princeton University (1997).
• James Miller. Dante & the Unorthodox; The Aesthetics of Transgression. Waterloo, Canada: Wilfrid University Press (2005).
• Gilbert, Allan H. Dante's Conception of Justice. Duke University Press, 1925.
• Francesco Mallegni, M. Luisa Ceccarelli Lemut. Il conte Ugolino di Donoratico tra antropologia e storia (2003). ISBN 88-8492-059-0.
• Nicole Martinelli, "Dante and the Cannibal Count", Newsweek (1 February 2007).
• Guy P. Raffa. Circle 9, Cantos 31–34. University of Texas at Austin (2002).
• Theodore Spencer. "The Story of Ugolino in Dante and Chaucer". Speculum 9(3) (July 1934), p. 295–301. doi:10.2307/2853896. JSTOR 2853896.
• Paget Toynbee, A Dictionary of the Proper Names and Notable Matters in the Works of Dante, Oxford University Press (1968).[1]
• Frances A. Yates. "Transformations of Dante's Ugolino". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 14(1/2) (1951), p. 92–117. doi:10.2307/750354. JSTOR 750354.

External links

• World of Dante, canto 33: Multimedia website with Italian text and Allen Mandelbaum's translation, as well as art
• The Princeton Dante Project
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon Aug 26, 2024 3:53 am

Indian Education Commission (1882-83)
by YourArticleLibrary
Accessed: 8/25/24


The Calcutta School-Book Society was an organisation based in Kolkata during the British Raj. It was established in 1817, with the aim of publishing text books and supplying them to schools and madrasas in India.

In 1814, four years before the establishment of the Calcutta School Society and three years before the formation of the Calcutta School-Book Society, the London Missionary Society, under the supervision of Robert May, set up 36 elementary schools in Chinsurah, West Bengal, India (now Chunchura).[1]

Fort William College was created in 1800 by Lord Wellesley, the Governor-General at the time. A growing eagerness and enthusiasm towards education led to the translation and printing of the Bible in Sanskrit, Bengali, Assamese and Oriya. Scholars like Mrityunjay Vidyalankar and Ramram Basu did the work with foreign language experts and alongside, the Ramayana, Mahabharata and other Indian epics were skilfully translated into different languages. The Calcutta School-Book Society followed a similar path and helped Bengali prose writers achieve national and international acclaim. As a result of rise of widespread higher education, journalism became a major component of British society, with magazines like the Magazine for Indian Youth and newspapers like the Samachar Darpan (The News Mirror) becoming a widespread phenomenon. Mass education, however, came much later in 1885 with the Hunter Education Commission, which ended James Long's and other missionary organisations' zealous ideas of dissipating education among the masses, in an expression of the continuing battle for superiority of the British over the natives.

To strengthen their political colonisation of India, the British strategised emotional and intellectual colonisation and, in the Charter of 1833, announced English as the official language of British India. This ideology had at its fulcrum, Thomas Babington Macaulay’s assertion of the British ideology that Western learning was superior to Oriental languages and indigenous Sanskrit and other vernacular knowledge. The setting up of several colleges in Calcutta, India, namely the Hindu College in 1816 and the Sanskrit College in 1824, portrays this shift of emphasis from the study of Oriental languages in Fort William College to the establishment of the English language, ensuring that all Indian students studying in these new colleges and schools, which were developed under the Calcutta School Society (1818), had to learn English whether they liked it or not.

In the shadow of this shift in cultural paradigm, the Calcutta School-Book Society also known as the Calcutta Book Society, was instituted on 4 July 1817, in Calcutta (now known as Kolkata), the then capital of the British Empire. The society was set up under the patronage of Lord Marquess of Hastings who was Governor-General at that point of time. The School-Book Society was set up with the coming of Western methods in education to India and henceforth, the rising demand for textbooks and dictionaries. The society also encouraged the establishment of new elementary schools. The Calcutta School Society, an educational institution independent from the School-Book Society was set up on 1 September 1818. The government established it with a sole aim 'to endorse education beyond the curriculum' and to introduce similar teaching techniques at different schools and to develop, build or reconstruct old and new schools. The Calcutta School-Book Society on the other hand aimed at publishing textbooks for these new schools and other institutions of higher learning.

-- Calcutta School-Book Society [Calcutta Book Society], by Wikipedia


Essay Contents:

1. Essay on the Background of Indian Education Commission
2. Essay on Composition of the Council
3. Essay on the Report of Indian Education Commission
________________________________________

1. Essay on the Background of Indian Education Commission:

1. There was no spread of mass education due to the indifferent and apathetic attitude of the Government since 1854. The progress of primary education was extremely slow.
2. The system of indigenous education was gradually decaying due to willful neglect of the Government as well as want of native patronage.
3. There was no suitable Government help to primary education.
4. The Government did not help in any way the Indian private enterprise in education which was the directive of the Despatch. It was practically crushed and consequently primary education was neglected.
5. The Government had little intention to withdraw gradually from the arena of education which the framers of the Despatch intended.
6. The quality of instruction was deteriorated at an alarming rate.
7. The Despatch categorically discarded the Downward Filtration Theory but it was still favoured by the Government.
8. The system of “grant-in-aid” did not work properly. It was not carried out by the Government as suggested by the Despatch. The Indian private enterprise did not get much financial assistance from the Government. Educational expenditure was mainly directed to Government educational institutions.
The declared non-interference on the part of the Government in education was not carried into effect. But the number of Government educational institutions was increasing day by day. A strong belief was created in the minds of the common people that the Government was trying to destroy the private enterprise in education. Thus the Government was determined to destroy the very spirit of the Despatch.
9. National consciousness was aroused in India which was demanding national education based on national cultural tradition as against western culture. At the end of the 19th century Hindu chauvinism was at its peak.
10. The missionaries were also dissatisfied. After the Despatch they thought they would be the chief agency in Indian education. But their hope was totally frustrated. They criticised the Government policy of religious neutrality in education which they characterised as “Godless and irreligious”. They were agitating against the step-mother-like attitude of the Education Department.
They even started campaign in England and a Council known as the “General Council of Education in India” was set up there in 1878. The missionaries sent a deputation to the then Secretary of State for India (Lord Huttington) and the future Governor-General of India (Lord Ripon) to place their grievances.

________________________________________

2. Essay on Composition of the Council:

The Commission was appointed on 3rd Feb., 1882, by Lord Ripon. It is the first Education Commission in India. Sir William W. Hunter, a member of the Governor General’s Executive Council, was its chairman. Hence it is commonly known as the Hunter Commission. It consisted of twenty members.
The Indian members of the commission were Syed Ahmed Khan, Mr. Haj Ghulam of Amritsar, Mr. Anand Mohan Bose, Mr. P. Rangananda Mudaliar, Babu Bhudeb Mukherjee, Justice K. T. Telang and Maharaja Jyotindra Mohan Tagore. Dr. W. Miller was the representative of the missionaries in the Commission.
Mr. B. L. Rice, the then D.P.I, of Mysore was appointed the Secretary of the Commission.
The main objectives and terms of reference of the Commission were:
………. “to enquire into the manner in which effect had been given to the principles of Despatch of 1854 and to suggest such measures as it might think desirable with a view to the further carrying out of the policy therein laid down”.
1. To enquire especially about the primary education as there was a strong demand for mass education;
2. To consider ways and means about the expansion of the grant-in-aid system;
3. To enquire into the activities of the provincial department of education;
4. To enquire about the respective role of the Government Institutions and private institutions in a national system of education;
5. To decide Government attitude towards religious instruction.
Activities of the Indian Universities, technical education and education of the Europeans were kept outside the purview of the Commission.
The Commission toured throughout the country for eight months. It worked for seven weeks in Calcutta. The commission appointed provincial Committees which gave reports about education of their respective provinces. The final report was based on these provincial reports. In 1883 the Commission submitted its voluminous report of 600 pages with 222 resolutions. It is an important historical document.
________________________________________

3. Essay on the Report of Indian Education Commission:

Policy:

It severely criticised the educational policy of the Government. It opined that the Government has been going against the directives of the Despatch. Private educational institutions were not at all financially helped by the provincial Governments.
The Commission as such proposed liberalisation of the grant-in-aid system; the Government should refrain from establishing new educational institutions; primary education should be handed over to local bodies; and secondary and collegiate education to responsible committees.
The Commission suggested two important measures for working out the policy:
(a) The Government should curtail its educational activities and withdraw from direct enterprise;
(b) It should organise a proper system of grant-in-aid.
1. Primary Education:
The Commission paid special attention to the-subject of primary education. In view of the slow progress of primary education during the period 1854-1882, the subject of primary education figures prominently in the Report of the Indian Education Commission.
The Commission declared boldly that while every branch of education can justly claim the fostering care of the State, the elementary education of the masses, its provision, extension and improvement deserves the greatest attention in any national system of education.
The Commission made altogether 36 important recommendations for the spread of elementary education which can conveniently be divided into the following six heads:
A – Policy;
B – Encouragement to indigenous schools;
C – Legislation and Administration;
D – School administration (internal management);
E – Training of teachers;
F – Finance.
A-Policy:
i. Primary education should be self-sufficient. It should not be preparatory to secondary education.
ii. Mass education is needed to remove mounting illiteracy. Primary education should be regarded as the instruction of the masses through the vernacular in such subjects as will fit them best for their position in life.
iii. Strenuous efforts of the State should now be directed to the improvement, provision and extension of elementary education of the masses.
iv. Highest priority should be attached to the extension and development of primary education without which no national system of education can be laid down.
v. Immediate attention should be devoted to those districts which are backward in respect of primary education.
B – Indigenous institutions: Encouragement to indigenous schools:
i) The Commission was of the opinion that these schools deserved encouragement and incorporation into official system. The Commission was fully aware of the utility of the indigenous schools and recommended that these should form the basis of mass education. This was a recommendation in the right direction.
ii) The commission recognised the merits and demerits of the indigenous schools. “Admitting, however, the comparative inferiority of indigenous institutions we consider the efforts should now be made to encourage them. They have survived competition, and thus have proved that they possess both vitality and popularity”. The Commission defined the indigenous schools “as one established or conducted by natives of India on native methods”. For the improvement of these schools the Commission made the following recommendations:
iii) Instruction in indigenous schools should be secular;
iv) The system of “payment by result” should be introduced as a method of financing the indigenous schools. This was not a happy recommendation. A better system would have been that of “capitation grants”;
v) The Commission suggested that an attempt should be made to improve the teaching in indigenous schools, gradually and steadily. For this purpose training of teachers should be encouraged;
vi) The system of inspection and standard of examination should be improved;
vii) Indigenous schools should be open to all irrespective of caste, creed and sex;
viii) The Commission held the view that the administration of indigenous schools should be handed over to the District and Municipal Boards. Financial support should be given to these schools by the Boards. The Education Departments of the provincial Governments should help financially to the District and Municipal Boards. This was no doubt a memorable proposal for democratization of Indian education,
ix) Financial help should be provided to encourage the depressed classes to receive education.
C – Legislation and Administration:
The Commission recommended that the control of primary education should be made over to District and Municipal Boards. These local boards should form “Education Boards” in their localities. The primary schools of their localities should be handed over to these “Education Boards”. But unfortunately the “Education Boards” failed to fulfill the desired expectation in respect of improvement in the field of primary education.
D – School Administration (internal management of schools):
i) There should be no attempt to achieve uniformity. The content of instruction, i.e., the curriculum in primary schools should be adopted to the local needs and environment and should be simplified wherever possible,
ii) Practical subjects such as Indian methods of arithmetic and accounts (book-keeping), agriculture, physical science, hygiene, medicine, fine arts etc. should be introduced.
iii) School managers should be free to choose the text books for their schools.
iv) Utmost elasticity should be permitted regarding hours of the day and the seasons of the year during which schools are to remain open.
v) There should be provision for physical exercise and native games and sports in primary schools.
vi) Primary education should not be compulsory in any province.
vii) The Inspectors themselves will take examinations as far as possible.
viii) Instruction should be through the mother-tongue of the children
ix) There should be one Normal School in each sub-division for training primary teachers.
E – Training of Teachers:
To improve the standard of teaching, the indigenous school teachers and their probable successors should be encouraged to undergo training. Inspite of the positive directive in the Despatch there was no remarkable improvement in this field. The Commission laid great emphasis on the training of primary teachers. It emphasised the need of establishing more Normal Schools for the training of teachers so that there might be at least one Normal School in each Sub-division and under a Divisional Inspector.
The Commission recommended that the teachers should not only know the principles of teaching but also they should learn how to apply them in practice. The Government should bear all the expenses of training of teachers.
F- Finance:
In the opinion of the Commission finance is the greatest obstacle in the way of primary education.
So it made important recommendations with regard to finance:
i) A specific fund should be created in each local-self Govt. for primary education.
ii) Local funds should be utilised mainly for primary education.
iii) It was the duty of the Provincial Government to assist the local funds by a suitable system of grant-in-aid.
iv) The accounts of the primary education fund in municipal areas should be separated from those for the rural areas.
v) The Provincial Governments should bear the expenditure for Normal Schools and School Inspection.
vi) The Commission desired that one-third of the total expenditure for primary education should be borne by the Provincial Government; but it was silent regarding from where the huge money required for primary education would be available. For this lacuna in the Report most of the recommendations of the Commission for the development of primary education remained ineffective.
vii) The report emphasised “payment by results” to the primary schools. This was no doubt a wrong suggestion.
viii) Free studentships to poor students and scholarships to meritorious students were also recommended.
ix) The doors of all the Government and aided primary schools should be open to all.
2. Secondary Education:
Soon after the receipt of the Despatch, the number of secondary schools under Government control multiplied rapidly. Due to the provision of grant-in-aid there was a large increase in the number of private Secondary schools also.
The Commission had to make recommendations on two important matters connected with the expansion of secondary education:
(1) Firstly, it had to suggest ways and means for seeming a more rapid expansion of secondary education;
(2) Secondly, the Commission had to recommend the best agency for expansion of secondary education.
Opinion was strongly divided on this subject:
(a) One view held that Government ought to multiply the number of secondary schools directly under its control,
(b) Another view favoured private enterprise, particularly Indian private enterprise, as an effective means of expanding secondary education because it is less costly and will take shorter time. The Commission recommended that the Govt. ought to withdraw from the field of direct management of secondary schools and encourage private enterprise as largely as possible.
It was of opinion that the relation of the State to primary education was different from that to secondary education. It was a duty of the State to provide primary education. Secondary education did not have such a paramount claim upon the State. Government was not under an obligation to provide it directly.
The Commission, therefore, recommended that secondary education should, as far as possible, be provided on the grant-in-aid basis and Government should withdraw, as early as possible from the direct management of secondary schools. The Commission emphasised that the system of grant-in-aid should liberally and judiciously be followed. The goal of Govt. efforts should be to transfer gradually all Government secondary schools to a suitable non-Government agency.
The Govt., of course, could establish secondary schools in places “where they may be required in the interests of the people, and where the people themselves may not be advanced or wealthy enough to establish such schools for themselves with a grant-in-aid”. The Commission emphasised that the duty of the Govt. was restricted only to the establishment of one efficient and Model High School, Govt. or aided, in each district.
Regarding the use of mother-tongue as the medium of instruction the recommendation of the Commission was disappointing and unsatisfactory. It was silent on the subject, and evidently favoured the use of English. Thus the mother-tongue as a medium of instruction was neglected by the Commission. The Despatch, of course, favoured the mother-tongue as the medium of instruction at the secondary stage. Again, the Commission did not lay down any definite policy with regard to Middle Schools.
The Despatch also emphasised the importance of training of secondary teachers for qualitative improvement of education. But no satisfactory measures were taken to train secondary teachers. There were only two training institutions at that time for secondary teachers in India (Madras and Lahore). The Commission emphasised training of secondary teachers with some hesitation both in theory and practice, in the principles of teaching and practice of teaching.
More normal schools should be established for training of Secondary teachers and the Govt. should bear all the expenses of these institutions. In respect of appointments, in Government or aided schools, preference should be given to trained teachers. In the cases of graduate teachers the period of training may be shorter (one year) than that for other teachers.
Secondary education was mainly theoretical, narrow and unpractical. The Despatch explicitly stated that the instruction in secondary schools should be practically useful. But this advice for vocational education was utterly neglected. The Commission, therefore, gave considerable attention to the provision of vocational courses at the upper secondary stage (VIII – X) with a view to preparing pupils for various walks of life.
It recommended a bifurcation of the secondary course and said:
“We, therefore, recommend that in the upper classes of high schools there be two divisions, – one leading to the Entrance Examination of the Universities, the other of a more practical character, intended to fit youths for commercial or non-literary pursuits”. The first is known as “Course ‘A’ and the Second ‘B’ course. But the attempt to popularise the ‘B’ Course ultimately failed.
3. Collegiate and University Education:
The Government Resolution appointing the Commission observed that it would “not be necessary for the Commission to enquire into the general working of the Indian Universities”. The Commission, therefore, could not study the problem of collegiate education in a comprehensive manner and hence its recommendations on this subject are not so important.

The Report of the Commission did little to improve University education. The Commission was also precluded from studying professional colleges because that “would expand unduly” the task before it.
But its recommendations on other matters reacted indirectly on the development of collegiate education in two ways:
a) Firstly, the recommendations led to a great expansion of secondary education. As there was no alternative channel and University degree was regarded as passport of lucrative Govt. posts the students who passed matriculation examination joined the colleges. As a result the number of students seeking admission to colleges increased substantially.
b) Secondly, the recommendations of the Commission created a background in which Indian private enterprise could thrive. Contrary to missionary institutions new institutions managed by Indians came into the field in large numbers.
The Commission also voluntarily made some direct references to the development of collegiate education.
These are:
a) Gradual withdrawal by the Govt. from the field of collegiate education;
b) More liberal grants to colleges in order to encourage Indian private enterprise in collegiate education;
c) Necessity of the maintenance of higher education in India;
d) Freedom to private colleges to determine college fees;
e) Introduction of a large number of optional subjects;
f) Liberal grants for libraries and research work;
g) Scholarships to poor but meritorious students.
As a result of these recommendations higher liberal education expanded rapidly at the cost of professional and technical education. Quality of higher education had also been lowered.
4. Special Recommendations for the Establishment of Special schools and Colleges for the Children of Native Princes and the Muhammedans:
The Commission recommended the establishment of institutions, schools and colleges, for the education of princes and children of native chiefs. On account of the existence of wide disparity between the educational advancement of the Hindus and Muslims, the commission also proposed to provide some special educational facilities to the Muslim community to encourage them to receive education.
Hence, it was recommended that Government should award scholarships, stipends and free studentship to Muslim students in large numbers, and to establish Muslim Normal Schools and appoint Muslim Inspectors. This recommendation was not a happy one as it led to communal trouble in later years.
5. Adult Education:
Mass illiteracy in India attracted the attention of the Commission, and hence it recommended the establishment of Night Schools for adults.
6. Religious Education:
The missionaries demanded that religion should be made an integral part of education. The Commission discarded this demand and recommended complete religious neutrality in the field of education. It, of course, favoured religious instruction on voluntary basis and recommended preparation of text books on morality and organisation of religious lectures.
7. Women’s Education:
The Commission was fully conscious of the low rate of literacy among Indian women. It found that 95.5% of women were illiterate. “It will have been seen that female education is still in an extremely backward condition and that it needs to be fostered in every legitimate way………….. Hence we think it expedient to recommend that public funds of all kinds – local, municipal and provincial – should be chargeable in an equitable proportion for the support of girls’ schools as well as for boys’ schools”.
For the spread of women education the commission made some important recommendations:
a) Govt. should give more liberal grants to private girls’ schools;
b) School fees should be nominal;
c) Govt. should give award grants to women teachers;
d) Prizes should be given to girls above 12;
e) Establishment of Normal Schools for training of women teachers;
f) Introduction of simpler and easier curriculum for girls than boys;
g) Organisation of a separate Inspectorate for girls’ education and appointment of lady Inspectors.
8. Role of the Missionaries in Indian Education:
The missionaries hoped that they would dominate the entire educational arena in India. In order to fulfill this objective they were agitating even in England. But the recommendations of the Commission totally frustrated their expectations. The fate of the missionaries was completely sealed by the Commission. Their demand for spreading education as the main agency was rejected by the Commission.
The Commission favoured purely Indian private enterprise and not European private enterprise like the missionaries. “The private effort, which it is mainly intended to evoke is that of the people themselves”, the Commission remarked. It further observed: “We think it will to put on record our unanimous opinion that withdrawal of direct departmental agency should not take place in favour Of missionary bodies and the departmental institutions of the higher order should not be transferred to missionary management”. It is evident thus that missionary enterprise was regarded as inferior to Indian private enterprise.
9. Gradual Withdrawal of the Government from Educational Field:
It was the policy of the Commission to make the Government free from the responsibilities of national education. It recommended that the responsibilities of mass education should be entrusted to the Indian people. Therefore, the people were required to raise funds for their own education.

The money thus saved could be utilised in sanctioning grants-in-aid to a larger number of institutions. Accordingly primary education was placed under the control and supervision of Local Boards and secondary and collegiate education was entrusted to the fostering care of Indian private enterprise under the proper direction of the Government.
10. Grant-in-Aid System:
The Commission laid special stress on the improvement and extension in the system of grant-in-aid. It gave directions to all the provinces to set up a general principle in this respect consistent with their local needs. It, however, wiped out the distinction between Government and non-Government institutions. The rules of grant-in-aid were liberalised, made simpler and lenient.
Every application for a grant-in-aid should receive an official reply and in case of refusal the reasons for such refusal should always be given. Grants be paid without delay when they become due according to the rules. Interference with internal affairs of the institutions was forbidden.
11. Results:
The Government of India accepted almost all the recommendations except the recommendation regarding religion.
The report produced three major results:
a) Administration of primary education was entirely handed over to the Local Self-Government Bodies.
b) Withdrawal by the Government from the field of secondary education was partially carried out.
c) Place of Indian enterprise in national education was recognised.
12. Criticism:
(1) The Commission favoured withdrawal by the Govt. from the field of education as early as possible. This was a memorable recommendation with far-reaching effects.
(2) It intended rapid development of education from primary to uni¬ersity level with the help of both Govt. and private enterprises.
(3) The commission emphasised keenly on adult education with the intention to remove mass illiteracy in our country more than a century ago and thus the intention was definitely good.
(4) Administration of primary education was left to the local Self-Government bodies mostly represented by Indians. Thus an attempt was made to democratise and Indianise educational administration. The attempt is no doubt praiseworthy.
(5) Indian enterprise in a national system of education was recognised by the Commission.
(6) Recommendations with regard to the place of the missionaries and religion in education were also no doubt commendable.
(7) The Commission virtually supported the educational policies laid down in the Despatch of 1854 and Standby Despatch of 1859. No new policy was recommended by the Commission. The only and most important policy recommended by the Commission was regarding the place of missionaries in education. But we should remember that it was not the function of the Commission to frame policy but to execute.
(8) Vocational education in the upper classes of secondary schools was recommended and two types of Courses ‘A’ and ‘B’ were to be introduced for the purpose. But the ‘B’ course was not implemented. Technical and industrial education was not recommended by the Commission with obvious reasons. This major defect was exhibited later in the field of secondary education which the national leaders wanted to rectify.
(9) The Commission laid emphasis on primary education, but it was not made free, universal and compulsory.
(10) It failed to make any suitable provision for financing primary education. Most of its financial recommendations with regard to primary education were not carried out due to lack of adequate finances.

(11) The principle of “payment by result” was not a happy recommendation. It was not good for the country and as such it was later abolished by Lord Curzon.
(12) The Commission was almost silent on the question of medium of instruction at the secondary stage and thereby indirectly supported English as the medium of instruction and neglected the claim of the mother-tongue and other modern Indian languages.
(13) The Commission made some recommendations with regard to training of teachers at secondary stage in half-hearted manner and these were not implemented in right earnest, and this non-implementation led to dearth of trained teachers in the field of secondary education.
(14) The recommendation for granting special educational facilities to the Muslim students introduced communalism in education in later years.
(15) The area of recommendation of the Commission was narrow. The Government desired that the Commission should only enquire into limited and specific fields of education.
(16) The Commission made some casual recommendations with regard to higher education. As a result, some defects originated in the field of higher education which Lord Curzon had to heal up. These included lop-sided development of liberal education, neglect of professional education, deterioration in the quality of higher education and neglect of modern Indian languages.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon Aug 26, 2024 6:47 am

First Indian Education Commission or the Hunter Commission
by YourArticleLibrary
Accessed: 8/26/24



Lord Ripon the then Governor-General of India appointed the first Indian Education Commission on February 3, 1882 under the Chairmanship of Sir William Hunter, a member of the Executive Council of Viceroy. So this Commission is popularly known as Hunter Commission. The Government desired that “the commission should specially bear in mind the great importance which the Government attaches to the subject of primary education”. Though the development of primary education was one of the main objects contemplated by the Despatch, 1854, yet owing to the variety of circumstances expected result could not be achieved in the field of primary education.

The government clearly admitted the negligence of primary education and so the Commission was directed “to enquire particularly into the manner in which effect has been given to the Despatch of 1854 and to suggest measures as it may think desirable in order to the further carrying out the policy there in laid down”. Besides, the Commission was also required to suggest ways and means by which the system of grant-in-aid could be extended.

After considering the different aspects of education in general and primary education in particular the Commission submitted its voluminous report nearly of 700 pages with various important suggestions for the future progress of education. A brief account of the recommendations of the commission is given below. The Commission defined the indigenous schools “as one established or conducted by natives of India on native methods”, and recommended that the indigenous schools should be developed, patronized and admitted into new educational pattern. Indigenous schools imparting secular education should be recognized and encouraged.

The system of payment by results should be followed for giving grant-in-aid to the indigenous schools. Before going to give recommendation regarding primary education the Commission defined it “as the instruction of the masses through the vernacular in such subjects as will fit them for their position in life and be not necessarily regarded as a portion of instruction leading up to the University”.

The Commission recommends that:

I. “In selecting persons to fill the lowest offices under Government. Preference be always given to candidates who can read and write”.

II. Extension of primary education in backward districts especially the areas inhabited by aboriginal races.

III. Entrusting the District and Municipal Boards with the work of the management of primary education. These boards were entrusted with the supervision of primary education as a result of the Local self-Government Act.

IV. Formation of school district taking the area of any municipal or rural unit of Local self-Government and establishment of schools placed under their jurisdiction in each district.

V. District and Municipal Boards were directed to assign specific funds to primary education.

VI. The accounts of rural and urban primary institutions be separated so that the funds of rural institutions might not be misappropriated by urban primary schools.

The Commission gave positive direction that the local funds should be utilized exclusively on primary education. Besides local funds, the provincial governments should contribute to local funds and such financial help had not been specified.

Regarding school administration, Commission suggested that the upper and lower primary examinations should not be made compulsory and “care should be taken not to interfere with the freedom of the managers of aided schools in the choice of text­books”.

The Commission also emphasized the promotion of the physical development of the pupils by the encouragement of native games, special care for the discipline, manners and character of the children. Besides, the Commission suggested for the establishment of Normal schools under a Divisional Inspector for the training of teachers and also allowed the provinces to adopt a curriculum suiting to their needs and inclusion of certain subjects of practical utility.

With a view to expand secondary education the Commission recommended:

I. The gradual withdrawal of the Government from this field and to transfer secondary education to efficient private bodies by sanctioning grant-in-aid to it;

II. Establishment of model Government high school in each district;

III. At the secondary stage two types of courses were recommended. Course ‘A’ was to be pursued to the entrance examination of the Universities and course ‘B’ was to be a ‘more practical character, intended to fit Youths for commercial or other non-literary pursuits’.

Thus the commission laid special emphasis on the diversification of courses. As regards the medium of instruction at the secondary stage the commission did not refer to the use of mother tongue and also did not lay down any definite policy with regard to middle schools and left them to the care of the private management. Though the Commission was not authorized by the government to enquire into the general working of the Indian Universities, yet the Commission made some minor recommendations about collegiate education.

The Commission suggested that “The rate of aid to each college be determined by the strength of the staff, the expenditure on its maintenance, the efficiency of the institution and the wants of the locality”. Special financial assistance to the institutions could be made for the construction of building, furniture, library and scientific apparatus. Further the Commission suggested for the writing of moral textbook based upon the fundamental principles of natural religion, arrangement of religious talks by the Principal or Professor in each session, empowering private college to levy less than government institutions etc.

The Commission’s recommendations were very significant pertaining to missionary enterprise in India. The Commission made very clear cut suggestion on the subject of private agency which was to take over the task of education from the government. It is mentioned in the report. “The private effort which it is mainly intended to evoke is that of the people themselves. Natives of India must constitute the most important of all agencies and educational means are ever to be co-extensive with educational wants”. Thus, it is evident that missionary enterprise was regarded as inferior to private institution in the sphere of private venture in educational field.

In the sphere of grant-in-aid the commission examined all the prevailing systems i.e. Salary Grant system of Madras, the Payment by Results system of Bombay, and the Fixed period system of Northern and Central India. In this connection the Commission allowed full discretion to all the provinces consistent with their local needs.

In addition to these, the Commission suggested pertaining to women education; the liberal grants for girls’ schools, award grants to women teachers, facilities in appointment, differentiation of curriculum etc. Besides these, the Muslim education, Religious education. Education of aboriginals. Adult education were equally emphasized by the Commission.

Though some of the recommendations of the Commission were quite significant and befitting to the time even then those were not free from criticism. The fact is that the Commission failed to realize the true magnitude of the problem of primary education and it did not visualize the possibility of introducing universal primary education. Though the bifurcation of the course at the secondary stage was useful, yet it could not be effectively implemented. Because the non-literary course could not attract a sufficient number of pupils.

By charging less fees the private institutions attracted more students; but the institutions were insufficiently staffed, miserably equipped and utterly unfit to give useful education. Efficient teachers were not available to teach modern Indian languages. To speak the truth the new system of education, did not take due notice of cultural heritage of the country.

After the recommendations of the Hunter Commission, district boards and local boards were entrusted for the expansion of primary education. The rights and duties of these local boards were codified. With respect to granting aid to local boards provincial Governments framed regulations. This system adversely affected the indigenous institutions as there was maximum control of the Government upon education.

Thus, by the end of the nineteenth century the indigenous system of education almost went out of existence and the entire fabric of the system was shattered to pieces
. But the roots of the modern type of primary education went deeper and deeper into the soil of the country.

The local boards increased their expenditure on primary education. But consideration of the population of the country and the magnitude of illiteracy the funds were quite inadequate for the acceleration of the pace of primary education. Though there was vertical progress owing to good teaching and effective supervision, but horizontally it proceeded at a snails’ pace.

At the secondary level the private enterprise was much encouraged. During the period the secondary education attained a high level of progress and the number of schools rose from 3,916 in the year, 1882 to 5,124 in 1902. However, all provincial Governments had included practical education in some measures in the curricula. But the ‘B’ course introduced in some schools could not enjoy popularity. In 1902, when 23,000 candidates appeared at the matriculation examination only 2,000 candidates appeared in vocational subjects.

The progress of provincial languages was dealt a serious blow, due to the non-implementation of the mother tongue as the medium of instruction. Instead, English language dominated the field of secondary education. As a result, free intellectual growth of the pupils was stunted and cramped.

The recommendations of the Commission indirectly influenced the expansion of college education and as a result some of the new Universities were established at Punjab, Allahabad etc. the increase in the number of High Schools and the student’s population forced for the establishment of new colleges. The formation of National Congress in 1885 and the National Movement contributed much to the advancement of education.

Instead of accepting Government posts some of the national leaders look the reins of private educational institutions and contributed their mite for educational expansion. But it is worthy to note that the increase in number of institutions and the enormous growth of indents population greatly affected the standard of education. The Christian Missionaries were very much disillusioned after the publication of the Hunter Commission Report. Consequently they changed their educational policy and concentrated their attention solely to mass education.[???]
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Mon Aug 26, 2024 7:15 am

Minute by the Hon'ble T. B. Macaulay
by Thomas Babington Macaulay
February 2, 1835

From: Bureau of Education. Selections from Educational Records, Part I (1781-1839). Edited by H. Sharp. Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1920. Reprint. Delhi: National Archives of India, 1965, 107-117.

[1] As it seems to be the opinion of some of the gentlemen who compose the Committee of Public Instruction, that the course which they have hitherto pursued was strictly prescribed by the British Parliament in 1813, and as, if that opinion be correct, a legislative act will be necessary to warrant a change, I have thought it right to refrain from taking any part in the preparation of the adverse statements which are now before us, and to reserve what I had to say on the subject till it should come before me as a member of the Council of India.

[2] It does not appear to me that the Act of Parliament can, by any art of construction, be made to bear the meaning which has been assigned to it. It contains nothing about the particular languages or sciences which are to be studied. A sum is set apart "for the revival and promotion of literature and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories." It is argued, or rather taken for granted, that by literature, the Parliament can have meant only Arabic and Sanscrit literature, that they never would have given the honorable appellation of "a learned native" to a native who was familiar with the poetry of Milton, the Metaphysics of Locke, and the Physics of Newton; but that they meant to designate by that name only such persons as might have studied in the sacred books of the Hindoos all the uses of cusa-grass, and all the mysteries of absorption into the Deity. This does not appear to be a very satisfactory interpretation. To take a parallel case; suppose that the Pacha of Egypt, a country once superior in knowledge to the nations of Europe but now sunk far below them, were to appropriate a sum for the purpose of "reviving and promoting literature, and encouraging learned natives of Egypt," would anybody infer that he meant the youth of his pachalic to give years to the study of hieroglyphics, to search into all the doctrines disguised under the fable of Osiris, and to ascertain with all possible accuracy the ritual with which cats and onions were anciently adored? Would he be justly charged with inconsistency, if, instead of employing his young subjects in deciphering obelisks, he were to order them to be instructed in the English and French languages, and in all the sciences to which those languages are the chief keys?

[3] The words on which the supporters of the old system rely do not bear them out, and other words follow which seem to be quite decisive on the other side. This lac of rupees is set apart, not only for "reviving literature in India," the phrase on which their whole interpretation is founded, but also for "the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories,"--words which are alone sufficient to authorise all the changes for which I contend.

[4] If the Council agree in my construction, no legislative Act will be necessary. If they differ from me, I will prepare a short Act rescinding that clause of the Charter of 1813, from which the difficulty arises.


[5] The argument which I have been considering, affects only the form of proceeding. But the admirers of the Oriental system of education have used another argument, which, if we admit it to be valid, is decisive against all change. They conceive that the public faith is pledged to the present system, and that to alter the appropriation of any of the funds which have hitherto been spent in encouraging the study of Arabic and Sanscrit, would be down-right spoliation. It is not easy to understand by what process of reasoning they can have arrived at this conclusion. The grants which are made from the public purse for the encouragement of literature differed in no respect from the grants which are made from the same purse for other objects of real or supposed utility. We found a sanatarium on a spot which we suppose to be healthy. Do we thereby pledge ourselves to keep a sanatarium there, if the result should not answer our expectation? We commence the erection of a pier. Is it a violation of the public faith to stop the works, if we afterwards see reason to believe that the building will be useless? The rights of property are undoubtedly sacred. But nothing endangers those rights so much as the practice, now unhappily too common, of attributing them to things to which they do not belong. Those who would impart to abuses the sanctity of property are in truth imparting to the institution of property the unpopularity and the fragility of abuses. If the Government has given to any person a formal assurance; nay, if the Government has excited in any person's mind a reasonable expectation that he shall receive a certain income as a teacher or a learner of Sanscrit or Arabic, I would respect that person's pecuniary interests -- I would rather err on the side of liberality to individuals than suffer the public faith to be called in question. But to talk of a Government pledging itself to teach certain languages and certain sciences, though those languages may become useless, though those sciences may be exploded, seems to me quite unmeaning. There is not a single word in any public instructions, from which it can be inferred that the Indian Government ever intended to give any pledge on this subject, or ever considered the destination of these funds as unalterably fixed. But had it been otherwise, I should have denied the competence of our predecessors to bind us by any pledge on such a subject. Suppose that a Government had in the last century enacted in the most sole,nn manner that all its subjects should, to the end of time, be inoculated for the smallpox: would that Government be bound to persist in the practice after Jenner's discovery? These promises, of which nobody claims the performance, and from which nobody can grant a release; these vested rights, which vest in nobody; this property without proprietors; this robbery, which makes nobody poorer, may be comprehended by persons of higher faculties than mine.--- I consider this plea merely as a set form of words, regularly used both in England and in India, in defence of every abuse for which no other plea can be set up.

[6] I hold this lakh of rupees to be quite at the disposal of the Governor-General in Council for the purpose of promoting learning in India in any way which may be thought most advisable. I hold his Lordship to be quite as free to direct that it shall no longer be employed in encouraging Arabic and Sanscrit, as he is to direct that the reward for killing tigers in Mysore shall be diminished, or that no more public money shall be expended on the chaunting at the cathedral.

[7] We now come to the gist of the matter. We have a fund to be employed as Government shall direct for the intellectual improvement of the people of this country. The simple question is, what is the most useful way of employing it?

[8] All parties seem to be agreed on one point, that the dialects commonly spoken among the natives of this part of India contain neither literary nor scientific information, and are moreover so poor and rude that, until they are enriched from some other quarter, it will not be easy to translate any valuable work into them. It seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectual improvement of those classes of the people who have the means of pursuing higher studies can at present be affected only by means of some language not vernacular amongst them.

[9] What then shall that language be? One-half of the committee maintain that it should be the English. The other half strongly recommend the Arabic and Sanscrit. The whole question seems to me to be -- which language is the best worth knowing?


[10] I have no knowledge of either Sanscrit or Arabic. But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value. I have read translations of the most celebrated Arabic and Sanscrit works. I have conversed, both here and at home, with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the valuation of the orientalists themselves.[!!!] I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is indeed fully admitted by those members of the committee who support the oriental plan of education.

[11] It will hardly be disputed, I suppose, that the department of literature in which the Eastern writers stand highest is poetry. And I certainly never met with any orientalist who ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanscrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations. But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded and general principles investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.

[12] How then stands the case? We have to educate a people who cannot at present be educated by means of their mother-tongue. We must teach them some foreign language. The claims of our own language it is hardly necessary to recapitulate. It stands pre-eminent even among the languages of the West. It abounds with works of imagination not inferior to the noblest which Greece has bequeathed to us, -- with models of every species of eloquence, -- with historical composition, which, considered merely as narratives, have seldom been surpassed, and which, considered as vehicles of ethical and political instruction, have never been equaled -- with just and lively representations of human life and human nature, -- with the most profound speculations on metaphysics, morals, government, jurisprudence, trade, -- with full and correct information respecting every experimental science which tends to preserve the health, to increase the comfort, or to expand the intellect of man. Whoever knows that language has ready access to all the vast intellectual wealth which all the wisest nations of the earth have created and hoarded in the course of ninety generations. It may safely be said that the literature now extant in that language is of greater value than all the literature which three hundred years ago was extant in all the languages of the world together. Nor is this all. In India, English is the language spoken by the ruling class. It is spoken by the higher class of natives at the seats of Government. It is likely to become the language of commerce throughout the seas of the East. It is the language of two great European communities which are rising, the one in the south of Africa, the other in Australia, -- communities which are every year becoming more important and more closely connected with our Indian empire. Whether we look at the intrinsic value of our literature, or at the particular situation of this country, we shall see the strongest reason to think that, of all foreign tongues, the English tongue is that which would be the most useful to our native subjects.


[13] The question now before us is simply whether, when it is in our power to teach this language, we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, there are no books on any subject which deserve to be compared to our own, whether, when we can teach European science, we shall teach systems which, by universal confession, wherever they differ from those of Europe differ for the worse, and whether, when we can patronize sound philosophy and true history, we shall countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines which would disgrace an English farrier, astronomy which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school, history abounding with kings thirty feet high and reigns thirty thousand years long, and geography made of seas of treacle and seas of butter.

On 2 February 1898 — that is to say, when Fuhrer was still deeply entrenched in his main dig at Sagarwa — the Government of Burma wrote to the Government of the NWP&O concerning complaints it had received from a monk named U Ma. These involved a certain Dr. A. A. Fuhrer, Archaeological Surveyor to the Government of the NWP&O. Shin U Ma had first taken the complaints to a local government official in Burma, Brian Houghton, and had then backed them up with tangible evidence in the form of letters received from Dr. Fuhrer. Houghton had duly passed U Ma's complaints and copies of his letters on to government headquarters in Rangoon, as a consequence of which they arrived on the desk of the Chief Secretary to the Government of the NWP&O, who passed them on to the Secretary of the Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Archaeology and Epigraphy. From there they made their way to the desk of the Commissioner of Lucknow.

As soon as he returned to his offices at the Lucknow Museum in early March Fuhrer was confronted with the communication from Burma and asked to explain himself. According to the file, his letters to the Burmese monk went back as far as September 1896, when he had written to U Ma about some Buddhist relics he had sent him, allegedly obtained from Sravasti. The contents of this first letter indicate that the two had met while the Burmese was on a pilgrimage to the holy sites in India and had struck up a friendship not unlike that described by Rudyard Kipling in his novel Kim (then in the process of being written in England), which begins with a wandering Tibetan lama being greatly moved by the knowledge of Buddhism shown by the Curator of the Lahore Museum (Rudyard's father J. L. Kipling).

Dr. Fuhrer and U Ma had then come to some arrangement for the one to send the other further relics. On 19 November 1896 Fuhrer wrote again to U Ma to say that:
The relics of Tathagata [Sakyamuni Buddha] sent off yesterday were found in the stupa erected by the Sakyas at Kapilavatthu over the corporeal relics (saririka-dhatus) of the Lord. These relics were found by me during an excavation of 1886, and are placed in the same relic caskets of soapstone in which they were found. The four votive tablets of Buddha surrounded the relic casket. The ancient inscription found on the spot with the relics will follow, as I wish to prepare a transcript and translation of the same for you.

This letter of 19 November 1896 was written more than a year after Fuhrer's first trip into Nepal made in March 1895 (during which he made his discovery of the Asokan inscription on the stump at Nigliva Sagar), but just before he set out on his second foray into Nepal (where he would meet up with General Khadga Shumsher Rana at Paderiya on 1 December 1896). Yet already, it seems, he had found Kapilavastu. In the year referred to in his letter — 1886 — he was still a relative newcomer to the NWP&O Archaeological Department and had yet to conduct his first excavation.

Fuhrer's next letter to U Ma was dated 6 March 1897, three months after his much trumpeted Lumbini and Kapilavastu discoveries. In it he referred to more Buddha relics in his keeping which he would hold on to until U Ma returned to India. Seven weeks later, on 23 June, there was a first reference to a 'tooth relic of Lord Buddha', and five weeks on, on 28 August, a further reference to 'a real and authentic tooth relic of the Buddha Bhagavat [Teacher, thus Sakyamuni]' that he was about to post to U Ma.

The letters now began to come thick and fast. On 21 September Dr. Fuhrer despatched 'a molar tooth of Lord Buddha Gaudama Sakyamuni ... found by me in a stupa erected at Kapilavatthu, where King Suddhodana lived. That it is genuine there can be no doubt.' The tooth was followed on 30 September by an Asokan inscription Fuhrer claimed to have found at Sravasti. Then on 13 December Fuhrer wrote to say that he was now encamped at Kapilavastu, in the Nepal Tarai, where he had uncovered 'three relic caskets with dhatus [body relics] of the Lord Buddha Sakyamuni, adding that he would send these relics to U Ma at the end of March. What is most odd here is that on 13 December 1897 Fuhrer had not yet entered the Nepal Tarai, having been given strict instructions that he was not to do so until 20 December.

This bizarre hoaxing — for no element of financial fraud seems to have been involved — could not go on. The arrival in Burma of the Buddha's molar tooth seems to have been too much for the hitherto credulous Burmese monk, who soon afterwards wrote what sounds like a very angry letter protesting at the remarkable size of the tooth in question. This letter was evidently forwarded from Lucknow to Basti and then probably carried by mail runner to Fuhrer's 'Camp Kapilavastu' at Sagarwa. It was replied to on 16 February 1898, when the Archaeological Surveyor was still encamped at Sagarwa. Writing at some length, Fuhrer went to great pains to mollify the Burmese, declaring that he could quite understand why `the Buddhadanta [Buddha relic] that I sent you a short while ago is looked upon with suspicion by non-Buddhists, as it is quite different from any ordinary human tooth' — as indeed it was, since it was most probably a horse's tooth — 'But you will know that Bhagavat Buddha was no ordinary being, as he was 18 cubits in height [18" x 18 = 27 feet] as your sacred writings state. His teeth would therefore not have been shaped like others: In a further bid to shore up the credibility of the tooth, Fuhrer went on to say that he would send U Ma —
Image
All The Buddha We Could Handle

an ancient inscription that was found by me along with the tooth. It says, 'This sacred tooth relic of Lord Buddha is the gift of Upagupta.' As you know, Upagupta was the teacher of Asoka, the great Buddhist emperor of India. In Asoka's time, about 250 BC, this identical tooth was believed to be a relic of the Buddha Sakyamuni. My own opinion is that the tooth in question is a genuine relic of Buddha.

This supposed Asokan inscription was afterwards found to be written in perfectly accurate Brahmi Prakrit, its most obvious models being the many similar relic inscriptions found at Sanchi and other Buddhist sites, with which Fuhrer was very familiar through his work on Epigraphia Indica.

-- The Buddha and Dr. Fuhrer: An Archaeological Scandal, by Charles Allen

[14] We are not without experience to guide us. History furnishes several analogous cases, and they all teach the same lesson. There are, in modern times, to go no further, two memorable instances of a great impulse given to the mind of a whole society, of prejudices overthrown, of knowledge diffused, of taste purified, of arts and sciences planted in countries which had recently been ignorant and barbarous.

[15] The first instance to which I refer is the great revival of letters among the Western nations at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. At that time almost everything that was worth reading was contained in the writings of the ancient Greeks and Romans. Had our ancestors acted as the Committee of Public Instruction has hitherto noted, had they neglected the language of Thucydides and Plato, and the language of Cicero and Tacitus, had they confined their attention to the old dialects of our own island, had they printed nothing and taught nothing at the universities but chronicles in Anglo-Saxon and romances in Norman French, -- would England ever have been what she now is? What the Greek and Latin were to the contemporaries of More and Ascham, our tongue is to the people of India. The literature of England is now more valuable than that of classical antiquity. I doubt whether the Sanscrit literature be as valuable as that of our Saxon and Norman progenitors. In some departments -- in history for example -- I am certain that it is much less so.

[16] Another instance may be said to be still before our eyes. Within the last hundred and twenty years, a nation which had previously been in a state as barbarous as that in which our ancestors were before the Crusades has gradually emerged from the ignorance in which it was sunk, and has taken its place among civilized communities. I speak of Russia. There is now in that country a large educated class abounding with persons fit to serve the State in the highest functions, and in nowise inferior to the most accomplished men who adorn the best circles of Paris and London. There is reason to hope that this vast empire which, in the time of our grandfathers, was probably behind the Punjab, may in the time of our grandchildren, be pressing close on France and Britain in the career of improvement. And how was this change effected? Not by flattering national prejudices; not by feeding the mind of the young Muscovite with the old women's stories which his rude fathers had believed; not by filling his head with lying legends about St. Nicholas; not by encouraging him to study the great question, whether the world was or not created on the 13th of September; not by calling him "a learned native" when he had mastered all these points of knowledge; but by teaching him those foreign languages in which the greatest mass of information had been laid up, and thus putting all that information within his reach. The languages of western Europe civilised Russia. I cannot doubt that they will do for the Hindoo what they have done for the Tartar.

[17] And what are the arguments against that course which seems to be alike recommended by theory and by experience? It is said that we ought to secure the co-operation of the native public, and that we can do this only by teaching Sanscrit and Arabic.

[18] I can by no means admit that, when a nation of high intellectual attainments undertakes to superintend the education of a nation comparatively ignorant, the learners are absolutely to prescribe the course which is to be taken by the teachers. It is not necessary however to say anything on this subject. For it is proved by unanswerable evidence, that we are not at present securing the co-operation of the natives. It would be bad enough to consult their intellectual taste at the expense of their intellectual health. But we are consulting neither. We are withholding from them the learning which is palatable to them. We are forcing on them the mock learning which they nauseate.

[19] This is proved by the fact that we are forced to pay our Arabic and Sanscrit students while those who learn English are willing to pay us. All the declamations in the world about the love and reverence of the natives for their sacred dialects will never, in the mind of any impartial person, outweigh this undisputed fact, that we cannot find in all our vast empire a single student who will let us teach him those dialects, unless we will pay him.

[20] I have now before me the accounts of the Mudrassa for one month, the month of December, 1833. The Arabic students appear to have been seventy-seven in number. All receive stipends from the public. The whole amount paid to them is above 500 rupees a month. On the other side of the account stands the following item:

Deduct amount realized from the out-students of English for the months of May, June, and July last -- 103 rupees.

[21] I have been told that it is merely from want of local experience that I am surprised at these phenomena, and that it is not the fashion for students in India to study at their own charges. This only confirms me in my opinions. Nothing is more certain than that it never can in any part of the world be necessary to pay men for doing what they think pleasant or profitable. India is no exception to this rule. The people of India do not require to be paid for eating rice when they are hungry, or for wearing woollen cloth in the cold season. To come nearer to the case before us: --The children who learn their letters and a little elementary arithmetic from the village schoolmaster are not paid by him. He is paid for teaching them. Why then is it necessary to pay people to learn Sanscrit and Arabic? Evidently because it is universally felt that the Sanscrit and Arabic are languages the knowledge of which does not compensate for the trouble of acquiring them. On all such subjects the state of the market is the detective test.

[22] Other evidence is not wanting, if other evidence were required. A petition was presented last year to the committee by several ex-students of the Sanscrit College. The petitioners stated that they had studied in the college ten or twelve years, that they had made themselves acquainted with Hindoo literature and science, that they had received certificates of proficiency. And what is the fruit of all this? "Notwithstanding such testimonials," they say, "we have but little prospect of bettering our condition without the kind assistance of your honourable committee, the indifference with which we are generally looked upon by our countrymen leaving no hope of encouragement and assistance from them." They therefore beg that they may be recommended to the Governor-General for places under the Government -- not places of high dignity or emolument, but such as may just enable them to exist. "We want means," they say, "for a decent living, and for our progressive improvement, which, however, we cannot obtain without the assistance of Government, by whom we have been educated and maintained from childhood." They conclude by representing very pathetically that they are sure that it was never the intention of Government, after behaving so liberally to them during their education, to abandon them to destitution and neglect.

[23] I have been used to see petitions to Government for compensation. All those petitions, even the most unreasonable of them, proceeded on the supposition that some loss had been sustained, that some wrong had been inflicted. These are surely the first petitioners who ever demanded compensation for having been educated gratis, for having been supported by the public during twelve years, and then sent forth into the world well furnished with literature and science. They represent their education as an injury which gives them a claim on the Government for redress, as an injury for which the stipends paid to them during the infliction were a very inadequate compensation. And I doubt not that they are in the right. They have wasted the best years of life in learning what procures for them neither bread nor respect. Surely we might with advantage have saved the cost of making these persons useless and miserable. Surely, men may be brought up to be burdens to the public and objects of contempt to their neighbours at a somewhat smaller charge to the State. But such is our policy. We do not even stand neuter in the contest between truth and falsehood. We are not content to leave the natives to the influence of their own hereditary prejudices. To the natural difficulties which obstruct the progress of sound science in the East, we add great difficulties of our own making. Bounties and premiums, such as ought not to be given even for the propagation of truth, we lavish on false texts and false philosophy.

[24] By acting thus we create the very evil which we fear. We are making that opposition which we do not find. What we spend on the Arabic and Sanscrit Colleges is not merely a dead loss to the cause of truth. It is bounty-money paid to raise up champions of error. It goes to form a nest not merely of helpless placehunters but of bigots prompted alike by passion and by interest to raise a cry against every useful scheme of education. If there should be any opposition among the natives to the change which I recommend, that opposition will be the effect of our own system. It will be headed by persons supported by our stipends and trained in our colleges. The longer we persevere in our present course, the more formidable will that opposition be. It will be every year reinforced by recruits whom we are paying. From the native society, left to itself, we have no difficulties to apprehend. All the murmuring will come from that oriental interest which we have, by artificial means, called into being and nursed into strength.

[25] There is yet another fact which is alone sufficient to prove that the feeling of the native public, when left to itself, is not such as the supporters of the old system represent it to be. The committee have thought fit to lay out above a lakh of rupees in printing Arabic and Sanscrit books. Those books find no purchasers. It is very rarely that a single copy is disposed of. Twenty-three thousand volumes, most of them folios and quartos, fill the libraries or rather the lumber-rooms of this body. The committee contrive to get rid of some portion of their vast stock of oriental literature by giving books away. But they cannot give so fast as they print. About twenty thousand rupees a year are spent in adding fresh masses of waste paper to a hoard which, one should think, is already sufficiently ample. During the last three years about sixty thousand rupees have been expended in this manner. The sale of Arabic and Sanscrit books during those three years has not yielded quite one thousand rupees. In the meantime, the School Book Society is selling seven or eight thousand English volumes every year, and not only pays the expenses of printing but realizes a profit of twenty per cent. on its outlay.

[30] The fact that the Hindoo law is to be learned chiefly from Sanscrit books, and the Mahometan law from Arabic books, has been much insisted on, but seems not to bear at all on the question. We are commanded by Parliament to ascertain and digest the laws of India. The assistance of a Law Commission has been given to us for that purpose. As soon as the Code is promulgated the Shasters and the Hedaya will be useless to a moonsiff or a Sudder Ameen. I hope and trust that, before the boys who are now entering at the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College have completed their studies, this great work will be finished. It would be manifestly absurd to educate the rising generation with a view to a state of things which we mean to alter before they reach manhood.

[31] But there is yet another argument which seems even more untenable. It is said that the Sanscrit and the Arabic are the languages in which the sacred books of a hundred millions of people are written, and that they are on that account entitled to peculiar encouragement. Assuredly it is the duty of the British Government in India to be not only tolerant but neutral on all religious questions. But to encourage the study of a literature, admitted to be of small intrinsic value, only because that literature inculcated the most serious errors on the most important subjects, is a course hardly reconcilable with reason, with morality, or even with that very neutrality which ought, as we all agree, to be sacredly preserved. It is confined that a language is barren of useful knowledge. We are to teach it because it is fruitful of monstrous superstitions. We are to teach false history, false astronomy, false medicine, because we find them in company with a false religion. We abstain, and I trust shall always abstain, from giving any public encouragement to those who are engaged in the work of converting the natives to Christianity. And while we act thus, can we reasonably or decently bribe men, out of the revenues of the State, to waste their youth in learning how they are to purify themselves after touching an ass or what texts of the Vedas they are to repeat to expiate the crime of killing a goat?

[32] It is taken for granted by the advocates of oriental learning that no native of this country can possibly attain more than a mere smattering of English. They do not attempt to prove this. But they perpetually insinuate it. They designate the education which their opponents recommend as a mere spelling-book education. They assume it as undeniable that the question is between a profound knowledge of Hindoo and Arabian literature and science on the one side, and superficial knowledge of the rudiments of English on the other. This is not merely an assumption, but an assumption contrary to all reason and experience. We know that foreigners of all nations do learn our language sufficiently to have access to all the most abstruse knowledge which it contains sufficiently to relish even the more delicate graces of our most idiomatic writers. There are in this very town natives who are quite competent to discuss political or scientific questions with fluency and precision in the English language. I have heard the very question on which I am now writing discussed by native gentlemen with a liberality and an intelligence which would do credit to any member of the Committee of Public Instruction. Indeed it is unusual to find, even in the literary circles of the Continent, any foreigner who can express himself in English with so much facility and correctness as we find in many Hindoos. Nobody, I suppose, will contend that English is so difficult to a Hindoo as Greek to an Englishman. Yet an intelligent English youth, in a much smaller number of years than our unfortunate pupils pass at the Sanscrit College, becomes able to read, to enjoy, and even to imitate not unhappily the compositions of the best Greek authors. Less than half the time which enables an English youth to read Herodotus and Sophocles ought to enable a Hindoo to read Hume and Milton.

[33] To sum up what I have said. I think it clear that we are not fettered by the Act of Parliament of 1813, that we are not fettered by any pledge expressed or implied, that we are free to employ our funds as we choose, that we ought to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing, that English is better worth knowing than Sanscrit or Arabic, that the natives are desirous to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanscrit or Arabic, that neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have the Sanscrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement, that it is possible to make natives of this country thoroughly good English scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.

[34] In one point I fully agree with the gentlemen to whose general views I am opposed. I feel with them that it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern, -- a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.

[35] I would strictly respect all existing interests. I would deal even generously with all individuals who have had fair reason to expect a pecuniary provision. But I would strike at the root of the bad system which has hitherto been fostered by us. I would at once stop the printing of Arabic and Sanscrit books. I would abolish the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College at Calcutta. Benares is the great seat of Brahminical learning; Delhi of Arabic learning. If we retain the Sanscrit College at Bonares and the Mahometan College at Delhi we do enough and much more than enough in my opinion, for the Eastern languages. If the Benares and Delhi Colleges should be retained, I would at least recommend that no stipends shall be given to any students who may hereafter repair thither, but that the people shall be left to make their own choice between the rival systems of education without being bribed by us to learn what they have no desire to know. The funds which would thus be placed at our disposal would enable us to give larger encouragement to the Hindoo College at Calcutta, and establish in the principal cities throughout the Presidencies of Fort William and Agra schools in which the English language might be well and thoroughly taught.

[36] If the decision of His Lordship in Council should be such as I anticipate, I shall enter on the performance of my duties with the greatest zeal and alacrity. If, on the other hand, it be the opinion of the Government that the present system ought to remain unchanged, I beg that I may be permitted to retire from the chair of the Committee. I feel that I could not be of the smallest use there. I feel also that I should [not] be lending my countenance to what I firmly believe to be a mere delusion. I believe that the present system tends not to accelerate the progress of truth but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. I conceive that we have at present no right to the respectable name of a Board of Public Instruction. We are a Board for wasting the public money, for printing books which are of less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank -- for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology-- for raising up a breed of scholars who find their scholarship an incumbrance and blemish, who live on the public while they are receiving their education, and whose education is so utterly useless to them that, when they have received it, they must either starve or live on the public all the rest of their lives. Entertaining these opinions, I am naturally desirous to decline all share in the responsibility of a body which, unless it alters its whole mode of proceedings, I must consider, not merely as useless, but as positively noxious.

T[homas] B[abington] MACAULAY

2nd February 1835.

I give my entire concurrence to the sentiments expressed in this Minute.

W[illiam] C[avendish] BENTINCK.
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English Education Act 1835
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English Education Act 1835
Council of India
Enacted by: Council of India
Status: Repealed

The English Education Act 1835 was a legislative Act of the Council of India, gave effect to a decision in 1835 by Lord William Bentinck, then Governor-General of the British East India Company, to reallocate funds it was required by the British Parliament to spend on education and literature in India. Previously, they had given limited support to traditional Muslim and Hindu education and the publication of literature in the then traditional languages of education in India (Sanskrit and Persian); henceforward they were to support establishments teaching a Western curriculum with English as the language of instruction. Together with other measures promoting English as the language of administration and of the higher law courts (instead of Persian, as under the Mughal Empire), this led eventually to English becoming one of the languages of India, rather than simply the native tongue of its foreign rulers.

In discussions leading up to the Act Thomas Babington Macaulay produced his famous Memorandum on (Indian) Education which was scathing on the inferiority (as he saw it) of native (particularly Hindu) culture and learning. He argued that Western learning was superior, and currently could only be taught through the medium of English. There was therefore a need to produce—by English-language higher education—"a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals and in intellect" who could in their turn develop the tools to transmit Western learning in the vernacular languages of India. Among Macaulay's recommendations were the immediate stopping of the printing by the East India Company of Arabic and Sanskrit books and that the company should not continue to support traditional education beyond "the Sanskrit College at Benares and the Mahometan College at Delhi" (which he considered adequate to maintain traditional learning).

The act itself, however, took a less negative attitude to traditional education and was soon succeeded by further measures based upon the provision of adequate funding for both approaches. Vernacular language education, however, continued to receive little funding, although it had not been much supported before 1835 in any case.

British support for Indian learning

When the Parliament had renewed the charter of the East India Company for 20 years in 1813, it had required the company to apply 100,000 rupees per year[1] "for the revival and promotion of literature and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories."[2]

This lac of rupees is set apart, not only for "reviving literature in India," the phrase on which their whole interpretation is founded, but also for "the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories...."

-- Minute by the Hon'ble T. B. Macaulay, by Thomas Babington Macaulay


This had gone to support traditional forms (and content) of education, which (like their contemporary equivalents in England) were firmly non-utilitarian. [non-utilitarian: decorative and not designed to be useful (Cambridge Dictionary] In 1813, by the request of Colonel John Munro, the then British Resident of Travancore and Pulikkottil Dionysius II, a learned monk of Orthodox Syrian Church, Gowri Parvati Bayi, the Queen of Travancore granted permission to start a Theological college in Kottayam, Travancore. The queen granted the tax free 16 acre property, ₹ 20,000, and the necessary timber for construction. The foundation stone was laid on 18 February 1813 and the construction completed by 1815. The structure of the Old Seminary Building is called Naalukettu translated into English as central-quadrangle. The early missionaries who worked here – Norton, Henry Baker, Benjamin Bailey and Fenn – rendered remarkable service. Initially called Cottayam College, the Seminary was not exclusively meant for priest training. It was a seat of English general education in the State of Travancore and is regarded as the "first locale to start English education" in Kerala and the first to have Englishmen as teachers in 1815 itself. In course of time it even came to be known as Syrian College. The students were taught English, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Syriac and Sanskrit over and above Malayalam along with Theological subjects.

By the early 1820s, some administrators within the East India Company were questioning if this was a sensible use of the money. James Mill noted that the declared purpose of the Madrassa (Mohammedan College) and the Hindu College in Calcutta set up by the company had been "to make a favourable impression, by our encouragement of their literature, upon the minds of the natives" but took the view that the [plan] of the company should have been to further not Oriental learning but "useful learning". Indeed, private enterprise colleges had begun to spring up in Bengal teaching Western knowledge in English ("English education"), to serve a native clientele which felt it would be more important that their sons learnt to understand the English than that they were taught to appreciate classic poetry.

Broadly similar issues ('classical education' vs 'liberal education') had already arisen for education in England with existing grammar schools being unwilling (or legally unable) to give instruction in subjects other than Latin or Greek and were to end in an expansion of their curriculum to include modern subjects. In the Indian situation
a complicating factor was that the 'classical education' reflected the attitudes and beliefs of the various traditions in the sub-continent, 'English education' clearly did not, and there was felt to be a danger of an adverse reaction among the existing learned classes of India to any withdrawal of support for them.

This led to divided counsels within the Committee of Public Instruction. Macaulay, who was Legal Member of the Council of India, and was to be President of the committee, refused to take up the post until the matter was resolved, and sought a clear directive from the Governor-General on the strategy to be adopted
.

It should have been clear what answer Macaulay was seeking, given his past comments. In 1833 in the House of Commons Macaulay (then MP for Leeds),[3] had spoken in favour of renewal of the company's charter, in terms which make his own views on the culture and society of the sub-continent adequately clear:

I see a government[4] anxiously bent on the public good. Even in its errors I recognize a paternal feeling towards the great people committed to its charge. I see toleration strictly maintained. Yet I see bloody and degrading superstitions gradually losing their power. I see the morality, the philosophy, the taste of Europe, beginning to produce a salutary effect on the hearts and understandings of our subjects. I see the public mind of India, that public mind which we found debased and contracted by the worst forms of political and religious tyranny, expanding itself to just and noble views of the ends of government and of the social duties of man.


In the peroration, he emphasized the moral imperative of educating Indians in English ways, not to keep them submissive but to give them the potential eventually to claim the same rights as the English:

What is that power worth which is founded on vice, on ignorance, and on misery—which we can hold only by violating the most sacred duties which as governors we owe to the governed—which as a people blessed with far more than an ordinary measure of political liberty and of intellectual light—we owe to a race debased by three thousand years of despotism and priest craft? We are free, we are civilized, to little purpose, if we grudge to any portion of the human race an equal measure of freedom and civilization.

Are we to keep the people of India ignorant in order that we may keep them submissive? Or do we think that we can give them knowledge without awakening ambition? Or do we mean to awaken ambition and to provide it with no legitimate vent?
Who will answer any of these questions in the affirmative? Yet one of them must be answered in the affirmative, by every person who maintains that we ought permanently to exclude the natives from high office. I have no fears. The path of duty is plain before us: and it is also the path of wisdom, of national prosperity, of national honour.

The destinies of our Indian empire are covered with thick darkness. It is difficult to form any conjecture as to the fate reserved for a state which resembles no other in history, and which forms by itself a separate class of political phenomena.
The laws which regulate its growth and its decay are still unknown to us. It may be that the public mind of India may expand under our system till it has outgrown that system; that by good government we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better government, that, having become instructed in European knowledge, they may, in some future age, demand European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not. But never will I attempt to avert or to retard it. Whenever it comes, it will be the proudest day in English history. To have found a great people sunk in the lowest depths of slavery and superstition, to have so ruled them as to have made them desirous and capable of all the privileges of citizens would indeed be a title to glory all our own.[5] The sceptre may pass away from us. Unforeseen accidents may derange our most profound schemes of policy. Victory may be inconstant to our arms. But there are triumphs which are followed by no reverses. There is an empire exempt from all natural causes of decay. Those triumphs are the pacific triumphs of reason over barbarism; that empire is the imperishable empire of our arts and our morals, our literature and our laws.


Macaulay's "Minute Upon Indian Education"

To remove all doubt, however, Macaulay produced and circulated a Minute on the subject. Macaulay argued that support for the publication of books in Sanskrit and Arabic should be withdrawn, support for traditional education should be reduced to funding for the Madrassa at Delhi and the Hindu College at Benares, but students should no longer be paid to study at these establishments.[6] The money released by these steps should instead go to fund education in Western subjects, with English as the language of instruction. He summarised his argument

To sum up what I have said, I think it is clear that we are not fettered by the Act of Parliament of 1813; that we are not fettered by any pledge expressed or implied; that we are free to employ our funds as we choose; that we ought to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing; that English is better worth knowing than Sanskrit or Arabic; that the natives are desirous to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanskrit or Arabic; that neither as the languages of law, nor as the languages of religion, have the Sanskrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our engagement; that it is possible to make natives of this country thoroughly good English scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.


With Macaulay’s Minute – notes that are recorded during a meeting, highlighting key issues that are discussed, motions proposed or voted on, and certain activities that may need to be acted upon – his efforts were not always perceived in the kindest of light. The proposed “Minute on Education” has had its importance questioned by hundreds of scholars throughout the years, especially Warren Hastings. From 1780 to 1835, the British government in India had followed the educational policy that was in place under Warren Hastings. He wanted to maintain the British East India Company’s stance that they had to do more than the pre-British Muslim governments had done to encourage classes of Muslim and Hindu society. However, Macaulay demotes this policy through his Minute, using it as a final, yet successful, attack upon the Hastings educational policy, speaking to how completing an education should not be rewarded with payment or how the educated should ‘expect any remunerative employment by which they might put their specialized learning to work’. The conflicting viewpoint gathered Macaulay's disdain in the public eye, even to the present day.

Macaulay's comparison of Arabic and Sanskrit literature to what was available in English is forceful, colourful, and nowadays often quoted against him.

I have conversed both here and at home with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the valuation of the Orientalists themselves. I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia.[7] [...] And I certainly never met with any Orientalist who ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanscrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations. But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded, and general principles investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say, that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.


In 1937 and 1938, writers Edward Thompson and Percival Spear argued how Macaulay’s Minute was more “secondhand nonsense” and how the “decisive consideration was financial economy… it was cheaper to teach people to read in English than to subsidize translations in a variety of Indian languages….” With this came the idea of a divide in Indian society on how to approach this new way of thinking. The incorporation of English and Westernized education into traditional education in India was not perceived in the best light by most natives. With there being already a lack of formal education in India, the intrusiveness of incorporating Western concepts made many natives feel that receiving an ‘English education’ in India is entirely different than a ‘desire to learn English’ [?].

There had already been an implementation of English and Western society in India at the time, primarily focused on the East India Company, where speaking English was embedded into everyday use. These native ‘elite’ group of English speakers in India worked in offices, factories, and warehouses of the East India Company, with their numbers increasing rapidly, giving Macaulay more reason to impose the Minutes upon the natives. However, despite the increasing numbers of English speakers and learners in India, there came the ‘Downward Filtration Theory’, where many of the wealthy class – mainly those who studied and practiced English – failed to help improve the lives of those in the lower class. This was largely due to the amount of the lower class that tried to receive a better education, but there were only some ‘students who learned English were [able] to pay’. The more financial stability one had equated to how much of a Western education they received, with the elite and wealthy gaining most of the knowledge. Despite some doing better off in a game of winners and losers, most natives were detrimentally affected by the Minutes, with many being impacted by this drastic shift into ‘westernizing’ of ‘Indian’ cultures.

He returned to the comparison later:

Whoever knows [English] has ready access to all the vast intellectual wealth, which all the wisest nations of the earth have created and hoarded in the course of ninety generations. It may be safely said, that the literature now extant in that language is of far greater value than all the literature which three hundred years ago was extant in all the languages of the world together. [...] The question now before us is simply whether, when it is in our power to teach this language, we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, there are no books on any subject which deserve to be compared to our own; whether, when we can teach European science, we shall teach systems which, by universal confession, whenever they differ from those of Europe, differ for the worse; and whether, when we can patronise sound Philosophy and true History, we shall countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines, which would disgrace an English farrier,—Astronomy, which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school,—History, abounding with kings thirty feet high, and reigns thirty thousand years long,—and Geography, made up of seas of treacle and seas of butter.


Mass education would be (in the fullness of time) by the class of Anglicised Indians the new policy should produce, and by the means of vernacular dialects [?? :roll:] :

[...] it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.


What came along with the ‘Westernization of Indian cultures’ was an abandonment of culture and religion. In a letter to his father, Zachary Macaulay detailed the ‘success’ of the Minute, and the impact it had on Indian culture and livelihood since its enactment. He details how “the effect of this education on the Hindoos is prodigious… no Hindoo who has received an English education ever continues to be sincerely attached to his religion….” The shift to Western education, although favored by a majority of the general committee, was not the results that India had expected. The abandonment of some of their religion, changing over to implementing was to fulfill ‘serving the colonial bureaucracy’. Relaying [Relating?] back to how only the elite could receive higher English education, this created the divide that resulted in the major religious and cultural shifts throughout India. [?]

The Act

[url-http://survivorbb.rapeutation.com/viewtopic.php?f=60&t=4204&start=172]Bentinck[/url] wrote that he was in full agreement with the sentiments expressed.[8] However, students at the Calcutta Madrassa raised a petition against its closure; this quickly got considerable support and the Madrassa and its Hindu equivalent were therefore retained. Otherwise the Act endorsed and implemented the policy Macaulay had argued for.

The Governor-General of India in Council has attentively considered the two letters from the Secretary to the Committee of Public Instruction,[9] dated the 21st and 22nd January last, and the papers referred to in them.

First, His Lordship in Council is of opinion that the great object of the British Government ought to be the promotion of European literature and science among the natives of India; and that all the funds appropriated for the purpose of education would be best employed on English education alone.

Second, But it is not the intention of His Lordship in Council to abolish any College or School of native learning, while the native population shall appear to be inclined to avail themselves of the advantages which it affords, and His Lordship in Council directs that all the existing professors and students at all the institutions under the superintendence of the Committee shall continue to receive their stipends. But his lordship in Council decidedly objects to the practice which has hitherto prevailed of supporting the students during the period of their education. He conceives that the only effect of such a system can be to give artificial encouragement to branches of learning which, in the natural course of things, would be superseded by more useful studies and he directs that no stipend shall be given to any student that may hereafter enter at any of these institutions; and that when any professor of Oriental learning shall vacate his situation, the Committee shall report to the Government the number and state of the class in order that the Government may be able to decide upon the expediency of appointing a successor.

Third, It has come to the knowledge of the Governor-General in Council that a large sum has been expended by the Committee on the printing of Oriental works; his Lordship in Council directs that no portion of the funds shall hereafter be so employed.

Fourth, His Lordship in Council directs that all the funds which these reforms will leave at the disposal of the Committee be henceforth employed in imparting to the native population a knowledge of English literature and science through the medium of the English language
; and His lordship.


Opposition in London suppressed

On the news of the Act reaching England, a despatch giving the official response of the company's Court of Directors was drafted within India House (the company's London office). James Mill was a leading figure within the India House (as well as being a leading utilitarian philosopher). Although he was known to favour education in the vernacular languages of India, otherwise he might have been expected to be broadly in favour of the Act. However, he was by then a dying man, and the task of drafting the response fell to his son John Stuart Mill. The younger Mill was thought to hold similar views to his father, but his draft despatch turned out to be quite critical of the Act.

Mill argued that students seeking an 'English education' in order to prosper could simply acquire enough of the requisite practical accomplishments (facility in English etc.) to prosper without bothering to acquire the cultural attitudes; for example it did not follow that at the same time they would also free themselves from superstition. Even if they did the current learned classes of India commanded widespread respect in Indian culture, and that one of the reasons they did so was the lack of practical uses for their learning; they were pursuing learning as an end in itself, rather than as a means to advancement. The same could not reliably said of those seeking an 'English education', and therefore it was doubtful how they would be regarded by Indian society and therefore how far they would be able to influence it for the better. It would have been a better policy to continue to conciliate the existing learned classes, and to attempt to introduce European knowledge and disciplines into their studies and thus make them the desired interpreter class. This analysis was acceptable to East India Company's Court of Directors but unacceptable to their political masters (because it effectively endorsed the previous policy of 'engraftment')[?] and John Cam Hobhouse insisted on the despatch being redrafted to be a mere holding statement noting the Act but venturing no opinion upon it. [?]

Aftermath

Reversion to favouring traditional colleges


By 1839 Lord Auckland had succeeded Bentinck as Governor-General, and Macaulay had returned to England. Auckland contrived to find sufficient funds to support the English Colleges set up by Bentinck's Act without continuing to run down the traditional Oriental colleges. He wrote a Minute (of 24 November 1839) giving effect to this; both Oriental and English colleges were to be adequately funded. The East India Company directors responded with a despatch in 1841 endorsing the twin-track approach and suggesting a third:

We forbear at present from expressing an opinion regarding the most efficient mode of communicating and disseminating European Knowledge. Experience does not yet warrant the adoption of any exclusive system. We wish a fair trial to be given to the experiment of engrafting European Knowledge on the studies of the existing learned Classes, encouraged as it will be by giving to the Seminaries in which those studies are prosecuted, the aid of able and efficient European Superintendence. At the same time we authorise you to give all suitable encouragement to translators of European works into the vernacular languages and also to provide for the compilation of a proper series of Vernacular Class books according to the plan which Lord Auckland has proposed.


The East India Company also resumed subsidising the publication of Sanscrit and Arabic works, but now by a grant to the Asiatic Society rather than by undertaking publication under their own auspices.[10]

Mill's later views

In 1861, Mill in the last chapter ('On the Government of Dependencies') of his 'Considerations on Representative Government' restated the doctrine Macaulay had advanced a quarter of a century earlier – the moral imperative to improve subject peoples, which justified reforms by the rulers of which the ruled were as yet unaware of the need for,

"There are ... [conditions of society] in which, there being no spring of spontaneous improvement in the people themselves, their almost only hope of making any steps in advance [to 'a higher civilisation'] depends on the chances of a good despot. Under a native despotism, a good despot is a rare and transitory accident: but when the dominion they are under is that of a more civilised people, that people ought to be able to supply it constantly. The ruling country ought to be able to do for its subjects all that could be done by a succession of absolute monarchs guaranteed by irresistible force against the precariousness of tenure attendant on barbarous despotisms, and qualified by their genius to anticipate all that experience has taught to the more advanced nation. Such is the ideal rule of a free people over a barbarous or semi-barbarous one. We need not expect to see that ideal realised; but unless some approach to it is, the rulers are guilty of a dereliction of the highest moral trust which can devolve upon a nation: and if they do not even aim at it, they are selfish usurpers, on a par in criminality with any of those whose ambition and rapacity have sported from age to age with the destiny of masses of mankind"


but Mill went on to warn of the difficulties this posed in practice; difficulties which whatever the merits of the Act of 1835 do not seem to have suggested themselves to Macaulay:[11]

It is always under great difficulties, and very imperfectly, that a country can be governed by foreigners; even when there is no disparity, in habits and ideas, between the rulers and the ruled. Foreigners do not feel with the people. They cannot judge, by the light in which a thing appears to their own minds, or the manner in which it affects their feelings, how it will affect the feelings or appear to the minds of the subject population. What a native of the country, of average practical ability, knows as it were by instinct, they have to learn slowly, and after all imperfectly, by study and experience. The laws, the customs, the social relations, for which they have to legislate, instead of being familiar to them from childhood, are all strange to them. For most of their detailed knowledge they must depend on the information of natives; and it is difficult for them to know whom to trust. They are feared, suspected, probably disliked by the population; seldom sought by them except for interested purposes; and they are prone to think the servilely submissive are the trustworthy. Their danger is of despising the natives; that of the natives is of disbelieving that anything the strangers do can be intended for their good.[12]


See also

• Education in India
• Indianisation
• Timeline of Hindu texts

References

1. The rupee was then worth about two shillings, so roughly £10,000 (equivalent current purchasing power clearly considerably more)
2. quoted in Macaulay's Minute
3. subsequent financial difficulties had led him to go out to India to rebuild his fortunes
4. that of the East India Company
5. But in an essay of 1825, Macaulay had defended the politics of Milton (objected to by Johnson's Lives of the Poets) on very different lines
Many politicians of our time are in the habit of laying it down as a self-evident proposition, that no people ought to be free till they are fit to use their freedom. The maxim is worthy of the fool in the old story who resolved not to go into the water till he had learnt to swim. If men are to wait for liberty till they become wise and good in slavery, they might indeed wait forever. "Milton", Edinburgh Review, August 1825 ; included in T. B. Macaulay 'Critical and Historical Essays, Vol 1', J M Dent, London, 1910 [Everyman's Library, volume 225]
6. Macaulay described it as unheard of that students should have to be paid to study, but later had to concede that scholarships were routinely awarded at English universities
7. Indeed, a response to the Minute circulated by Henry Thoby Prinsep (also to be found in Sharp, H. (ed.). 1920. Selections from Educational Records, Part I (1781–1839). Superintendent, Govt. Printing, Calcutta) whilst disagreeing strongly with the proposed course of action agreed with this verdict: "It is laid down that the vernacular dialects are not fit to be made the vehicle of instruction in science or literature, that the choice is therefore between English on one hand and Sanskrit and Arabic on the other – the latter are dismissed on the ground that their literature is worthless and the superiority of that of England is set forth in all animated description of the treasures of science and of intelligence it contains and of the stores of intellectual enjoyment it opens. There is no body acquainted with both literatures that will not subscribe to all that is said in the minute of the superiority of that of England.
8. most likely because he had held them before the Minute was written; the Minute should therefore be read as a rumbustious justification of a foregone conclusion, not as an exercise in persuasive analysis. Perhaps the point was made to Macaulay at the time; in an essay published in the Edinburgh Review in July 1835 (and therefore roughly contemporaneous with the Minute), he wrote of Charles James Fox's History of James the Second: ..those more serious improprieties of manner into which a great orator who undertakes to write history is in danger of falling. There is about the whole book a vehement, contentious, replying manner. Almost every argument is put in the form of an interrogation, an ejaculation or a sarcasm. The writer seems to be addressing himself to some imaginary audience
"Sir James Mackintosh", Edinburgh Review, August 1825; included in T. B. Macaulay 'Critical and Historical Essays, Vol 1', J M Dent, London, 1910 [Everyman's Library, volume 225]
9. Prinsep, who was given a hard time on 2 different counts
• procedurally he should have waited to be asked before giving his views
• there was some suspicion that he had leaked news of the likely new policy to the Calcutta Madrassa students
10. Stephen Evans,"Macaulay’s Minute Revisited: Colonial Language Policy in Nineteenth-century India", Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development Vol. 23, No. 4, 2002
11. of whom Lord Melbourne is said to have remarked "I wish I was as cocksure of anything as Tom Macaulay is of everything" – see Oxford Dictionary of Quotations
12. 'Of the Government of Dependencies by a Free State' Chapter XVIII of 'Considerations on Representative Government' pages 382–384 of "Utilitarianism, Liberty & Representative Government", J S Mill, J M Dent & Sons Ltd, London (1910) [no 482 of 'Everyman's Library']

Further reading

• Caton, Alissa. "Indian in Colour, British in Taste: William Bentinck, Thomas Macaulay, and the Indian Education Debate, 1834-1835." Voces Novae 3.1 (2011): pp 39–60 online.
• Evans, Stephen. "Macaulay's minute revisited: Colonial language policy in nineteenth-century India." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 23.4 (2002): 260–281.
• Ghosh, Suresh Chandra. "Bentinck, Macaulay and the introduction of English education in India." History of Education 24.1 (1995): 17–24.
• Kathiresan, B., and G. Sathurappasamy, "The People’s English." Asia Pacific Journal of Research 1#33 (2015) online.
• O'Dell, Benjamin D. "Beyond Bengal: Gender, Education, and the Writing of Colonial Indian History" Victorian Literature and Culture 42#3 (2014), pp. 535–551 online
• Spear, Percival. "Bentinck and Education" Cambridge Historical Journal 6#1 (1938), pp. 78–101 online
• Whitehead, Clive. "The historiography of British imperial education policy, Part I: India." History of Education 34.3 (2005): 315–329.

Primary sources

• Moir, Martin and Lynn Zastoupil, eds. The Great Indian Education Debate: Documents Relating to the Orientalist-Anglicist Controversy, 1781-1843 ( 1999 ) excerpts
• Elmer H. Cutts. “The Background of Macaulay’s Minute.” The American Historical Review 58, no. 4 (1953): 824–53. https://doi.org/10.2307/1842459.
• “The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay”, ed. by Thomas Pinney, vol. 3 (January 1834-August 1841). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976. https://franpritchett.com/00generallink ... sourceinfo.
• Sharp, Henry. “Selections from Educational Records (1840-59) Pt.2 : Richey, J. A. : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming.” Internet Archive, 1922. https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dl ... Beducation.
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John Munro, 9th of Teaninich
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/26/24

Major-General John Munro, 9th of Teaninich
Image
Calotype portrait of John Munro by David Octavius Hill and Robert Adamson, 1843.
Born: February 1775, Glasgow, Scotland, Kingdom of Great Britain
Died: 25 January 1858 (aged 82)
Buried: Saint George CSI Church, Pallikkunnu
Rank: Adjutant; Private Secretary to the Commander in Chief; Quartermaster-General of the Madras army 1807; Lieutenant Colonel 1818; Colonel 1829; Major General 1837; Resident of the English East India Company; Diwan of Travancore
Spouse(s): Charlotte Blacker

General John Munro (June 1778 – 25 January 1858) of the H.E.I.C.S was a Scottish soldier and administrator who served as Resident and Diwan [Diwan: a powerful government official, minister, or ruler.] of the States of Travancore and Cochin between 1810 and 1819.[1]

Early life

John Munro, fourth son of Captain James Munro, 7th of Teaninich (Royal Navy), was baptised in Alness on 11 February 1775.[2] The Munros of Teaninich were a cadet branch of the Scottish Highland Clan Munro and their family home was at Teaninich Castle in Ross-shire.[1]

Image
Teaninich Castle, front


Military career

John Munro enlisted as a cadet in the East India Company's Madras Army in April 1791, aged 16,[2] and was appointed Lieutenant in August 1794.[3] He took part in the Battle of Seringapatam in 1799, and was shortly afterwards promoted to Captain[3] and appointed Adjutant of his regiment, in which office he displayed a thorough acquaintance with military duties.[1] John Munro was an accomplished linguist, being able to speak and write in French, German, Italian, Arabic, Persian and several Indian language.[1]

Munro held various appointments on the Staff, and was private secretary and interpreter to successive Commanders in Chief in India.[1][4] He was personally acquainted and in regular correspondence with Colonel Arthur Wellesley, later Duke of Wellington, during the Mahratta War.[1] He also served alongside his distinguished namesake Sir Thomas Munro, 1st Baronet (of Lindertis). John Munro assisted in quelling the Vellore Mutiny and was soon afterwards appointed Quartermaster-General of the Madras army, directly from the rank of captain, at the early age of 27 years.[1]

As Quartermaster-General, Munro was asked in 1807 by the then commander-in-chief Sir John Craddock to compile a confidential report on the Tent Contract, an allowance to Madras Army officers to be paid equally in peace and war and regarded by them as part of their emoluments. Munro's report pointed out that the contract gave officers "strong inducements to neglect their most important duties".[5] Craddock agreed with Munro's recommendation that it be discontinued and replaced by enhanced batta. The implementation of these changes added to the discontent simmering amongst officers of the Madras Army, already resentful at being less well rewarded than those of the Bengal Army. Moreover, the report was leaked; fellow officers who read it inferred that their honour had been impugned, and charged Munro with conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman.[6] The episode occurred during a period of dispute between the Madras civil government and the new commander-in-chief, Lieut-General Hay Macdowall, who, no longer ex-officio a member of the governing council, had given notice of his resignation. On 20 January 1809, some months after the appeal from his officers, and despite his impending departure, Macdowall had Munro arrested, leaving the supposed court martial to be heard by his successor. A week later, on the eve of departure Macdowall was reluctantly compelled to release Munro from arrest on the orders of the Governor Sir George Barlow. Together with his Adjutant-General, Col. Francis Capper (who was probably responsible for leaking Munro's report), Macdowall boarded the East Indiaman Lady Jane Dundas for England, issuing as he did so a General Order which reprimanded Munro for making a direct appeal to the Governor. Capper's deputy Major Thomas Boles, who had signed the order on behalf of the departing commander-in-chief, was suspended for doing so. The perceived unfair treatment of Boles, who was only acting on a superior's order, was the subject of a memorial by officers led by Arthur St Leger (soldier), who was then also dismissed; the continuing repercussions of these events led to the 1809 "White Mutiny" by officers of the Madras Army. The Lady Jane Dundas, with Macdowall and Capper aboard, was lost off the Cape of Good Hope in March 1809.

Shortly after these events, Munro was appointed Resident in Travancore; his successor as Quarter-Master General was his deputy, Valentine Blacker, who had recently become his brother-in-law.

Administrative career

John Munro was a major figure in the development of the states of Travancore and Cochin.[4][8][9] In the aftermath of the attack by Velu Thampi Dalawa on the East India Company, he was appointed Resident of the company for these kingdoms in 1810. Col. Munro also served as Diwan (Prime Minister) to the queens Rani Gowri Lakshmi Bayi and Rani Gowri Parvati Bayi of Travancore and Raja Kerala Varma of Cochin from 1812 to 1814.[10] With his freedom of action, he won such confidence of the rulers and the people as to be able to introduce the practice, in the administration of justice, of having a Christian sitting on the bench as judge beside a Brahmin.[4]

Image
British Residency in Kollam city built by Col. John Munro

He influenced these rulers to introduce many progressive reforms.[11] During his tenure as Diwan, he reformed the judicial system, improved the revenue of the states, prevented corruption and mismanagement and started the process of abolishing slavery. Slavery was abolished in Munroe Island on 8 March 1835 and finally by Royal proclamation of the maharajah of Travancore in 1853 and 1855. Munro removed many taxes levied on the poorer sections of the community. With deep Christian convictions, he persuaded the Rani of Travancore to donate land in Kottayam as well as the money and timber, in-order to build the Orthodox Pazhaya Seminary and also petitioned the Church Missionary Society to send missionaries on a Help Mission, to educate and train the clergy of the Malankara Church.[12][13][14][15] In 1816, the Church Missionary Society sent Benjamin Bailey, Henry Baker senior, and Joseph Fenn, who established what became CMS College Kottayam. Bailey was the first principal. With Munro's support, Bailey had the bible translated into Malayalam.[16] About the same time, Thomas Norton established a CMS School at Alleppy. The network of schools established by missionaries, and also their wives, meant Travancore led the world in primary education for girls as well as boys, and laid the foundations for the high levels of literacy in Kerala.[17]

Image
Munro Light at Pullam, Kottayam

Later life

John Munro came home on leave in 1819, when he bought Teaninich Castle from his brother Hugh.[18] He returned briefly to India in 1823–4, before ill-health compelled his retirement. As an evangelical Christian, he supported the Great Disruption of 1843. His calotype portrait by David Octavius Hill was the model for his inclusion in the Hill's famous painting of the signing of the Deed of Separation at the First Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland. He provided land for the Free Church in Alness, of which he became an elder. On Hugh's death in 1846, he inherited the Teaninich distillery which the latter had founded in 1817.

Major-General John Munro, 9th of Teaninich, died on 25 January 1858, and was buried in the Teaninich family vault in Alness Old Parish Church.

Legacy

Munro is remembered as one of the most brilliant and popular administrators of the kingdoms of Cochin and Travancore.[8] The Travancore State Manual of 1906 said of him, "He has left an imperishable name in the hearts of the Travancore population for justice and probity. The most ignorant peasant or cooly in Travancore knows the name of Munrole Sahib... He worked with a single-handed devotion to the interests of the state."[10] Canon Horace Monroe claimed "He lived to see Muslims and high caste Hindus appreciate the integrity and fairness of Christian judges, and he paved the way for those who since his day have tried to interpret Western Christianity to the Eastern people."[4]

An archipelago of eight islands located in the Ashtamudi Lake of Kollam (Quilon), called Munroe Island,[19] was named in his honour. On his death, a series of lights to guide travellers in the lakes and backwaters of the State were called ‘Munro Lights’ in his honor by the Travancore Government.[10]

Family

John Munro had four children while serving in Madras, probably by native mother(s).[2]
1. Urban Vigors Munro (baptised 1801 Madras d. Travancore 1844) was in 1827 appointed first Conservator of Forests of Travancore, to manage the state monopoly of teak, and later also cardamom, ebony and sandalwood. His son John Daniel Munro was first a coffee planter, but headed the newly separate Cardamom Department from 1869. He built paths to open up the area round Peermade and Munnar, enabling the founding of tea industry in the Kan(n)an Devan Hills.[20] His short book The High Ranges of Travancore describes these hills.[21]
2. James Munro (baptised 1805 died 1805).
3. Margaret Munro (died 1807).
4. Theodosia (born 1805, baptised 1807, probably also died young). Her mother's name is given as Chauby.

John Munro was married in Madras in 1808 to Charlotte, sister of Valentine Blacker. Their children were:[4][22]

1. Charlotte Munro (1810 - 1875, who married George Augustus Spencer)
2. James St. John Munro (baptised December 1811 in Padanilam, Travancore). He disposed of his succession to Teaninich to his brother Stuart Caradoc Munro, and became British Consul in Montevideo, Uruguay, where he died in 1878.
3. John Munro (1820 - 1845, served as captain in the 10th Light Cavalry of the Bengal army and as Aide de Camp to Lord Hardinge. After being promoted to major, he was wounded at the Battle of Moodkee in Dec 1845 and died two days later)
4. Stuart Caradoc Munro (1826 - 1911), a tea-planter in Ceylon, who left no issue.
5. Maxwell William Munro (1827 - 1854, died at sea).

See also

• Vyavahāramālā

***********************

John Munro and the History of Munroe Island, Kollam Kerala
by Manish Jaishree
Accessed: 8/28/24
https://manishjaishree.com/john-daniel- ... oe-island/

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


A visit to the Munroe Island and a desire to know more about the history of the Munroe island takes me to John Munro, a famous Scot, who left his indelible marks on the affairs of Travancore.

The History Of Munroe Island And Its Association With John Munro

Munroe Island is 13.54 square kilometre strip of land surrounded by the backwaters of Ashtamudi Lake and the Kallada River. It is named after John Munro, the British Resident and the Deewan of Travancore. I dig into the history to know more about John Munro and it takes me to the Travancore at the end of the eighteenth century.

Image
Munroe Island

The History Of Munroe Island, Kollam

The Rule Of Raja Balaram Varma And The Diverse Population Of Travancore


It is 1798. At a tender age of sixteen Raja Balaram Varma is ruling over Travancore. He is reigning over a diverse population of extremely old sects of Muslims and the Syrian Christians inhabiting the region since first millennium; low-caste fishermen, who got converted to Roman Catholicism; and a highly stratified Hindu Society.

Among Hindus the Brahmins are at the elitist position having major land holdings; at the middle strata of the society are the Nairs, the military caste, some of its members own land and some work as managers to the land owning Brahmins; at the lowest level are the enslaved agriculture workers, the Pariah, the Pulaya, the Ezhara and the Nadars.

Increasing British Influence

Around the same period of time, the British are also increasing their influence in South India. They are sensing an opportunity to establish their own rule by making local kings dependent on them.

They are coercing local kings into treaties with a promise to protect them from foreign invaders. Most feared among them is Tipu Sultan. The British cajole the kings into a treaty with a promise that after signing it they no longer need to maintain big armies, a huge financial burden for the cash-strapped states.

The Kingdom Of Travancore Entering Into An Alliance With British

The kingdom of Travancore is suffering an acute mismanagement in revenue collection; corruption is rampant and the royal coffers are empty. So the kingdom of Travancore along with Cochin decides to enter into a treaty with British. The treaty demands a fixed pay-out in return for the protection.

The Corrupt But Influential-Jayanthan Sankaran Nampoothiri

Maharaja is under great influence of a corrupt nobleman, Jayanthan Sankaran Nampoothiri.


Nampoothiri has murdered Raja Kesavadas, the previous Deewan, and has nominated himself as new Deewan. Maharaja is not happy with him, but he is not able to assert, himself and his kingdom is characterized by intrigue and corruption. Ruthless and arrogant Deewan has even started to behave as the virtual ruler.

Deewan Nampoothiri is not bothered about the bad financial condition of the state and instead of bringing expenditure under control he is busy enjoying the luxuries with increased tax on the subjects.


Velu Thampi - A Great Warrior And A Freedom Fighter

Velu Thampi, a Jagirdar, revolts against Nampoothiri and after a bloody civil war manages to get him exiled.

Velu is now the new Deewan.

However, he is also not able to improve the state of revenue collections and to meet the demand of money in lieu of British support. He realizes that as the kingdom is completely dependent on British army, the pay-out has been increased manifolds.

Maharaja is now a mere puppets with no sovereign control over his own kingdom. Velu is a fighter and decides to fight against the British and to get rid of them. The bad luck looms over the kingdom. Velu Thampi's revolution is curtailed and in 1809 he kills himself, dying as a martyr.


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Velu Thampi (courtesy Amar Chitra Katha)

King Balaram Varma Convinces British About His Innocence In Velu Thampi's Revolt

The king Balaram Varma convinces the British that he had no role in the revolt and Velu acted on his own. The British allows him to continue, though now with much lesser army under his direct command, and further increase in the pay-outs to them.

Gowri Lakshmi Bai And Her Deewan Ummini Thampi

Maharaja Balaram Varma dies in 1810 and is succeeded by Gowri Lakshmi Bai, daughter of his adopted sister.

She is facing several conspirators, most notable among them is Kerala Varma, a distant cousin of Maharaja Balaram Varma. She also realizes that her Deewan Ummini Thampi is acting independent, and is unanswerable to her.

Appointment Of John Munro As Deewan. The royal treasure is reducing at an alarming rate. All this alerted Rani, and one day, within one year of her occupying the throne, she sacks U.Thampi and appoints the British Resident Col John Munro, her new Deewan. A master-stroke from a political novice.

His goal is to balance the Government’s books and ensure the company receives regular tribute.


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Maharani Lakshmi Bayi, as painted by Raja Ravi Varma, she was the elder sister of Raja Ravi Varma's wife.

Personality Of John Munro

John Munro has a forceful and shrewd personality. He is also an accomplished linguist, being able to speak and write fluently in French, German, Italian, Arabic, Persian and several of the Indian dialects.

The twin appointments make him the most powerful person in Travancore. However, instead of indulging in royal luxuries, he carries a number of reforms that change the history of Travancore.


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Quaint water-alleys of Munroe Island

John Munro - The Reformist

Munro realizes soon that many of the district and village officials responsible for collecting tax revenues are corrupt. So to rein them in and to bring the much-needed administrative reforms, he limits their power only to the tax collection.

In case of misconduct or corruption these officials can now be subjected to judicial trials. For judicial system he selects officers among the natives, the most respectable Brahmins, the Nairs and the Syrian Christians, maintaining a balance among these powerful sects of the society. Travancore thus becomes the first kingdom where the judicial system of 20th century is introduced.

He re-organizes and re-energizes the police department. He is also taking initiative to fight the deadly smallpox disease and in order to eradicate it from Travancore he starts India's first vaccination department.

However, he realizes soon that the vaccination department and the team supporting the program has aroused suspicion among locals.

He requests Maharani Gowri Laxmi Bai to get vaccinated. Maharani whole-heartedly agrees to the cause. She is so convinced that she gets all her family members vaccinated as well. This complete faith in vaccination alleviates fear and misconceptions of many.


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A solitary boat@Munroe Island

John Munro And Gowri Lakshmi Bai - Relationship Of Mutual Respect

John Munro respects the queen and has a soft corner for her. It is a common belief that he is discharging his duties with honesty. Time and again he also argues against the British on behalf of the Travancore state he represents.

The Oppressive Tax Regiment Of Travancore

Travancore has an oppressive caste system and an equally oppressive tax regiments for the downtrodden. Each strata in the society is oppressed by its upper strata and in turn oppresses its lower strata with equal vehemence. The social rule and the tax levied on lower castes are weird. Here is a list of a few of them.

The women of lower caste are required to pay "Mulakkaram - The breast tax" to cover their bosoms in public and the tax amount is calculated according to the size of the breast.

The lower castes people are also subject to Oozhiyam where they can be involved in any business that involves strenuous work without paying any wage for the same. The people of lower castes are taxed for marriages, childbirth, and even for any death occurring in their family.

The country boats, ploughs, carts, umbrellas, head-scarves, palm leaf, jaggery, the dry leaves used as fuel, huts the lower caste people live in, and even their moustaches are taxed.

There are taxes on oil mills, bows, iron and forges, exchanges, palanquins, hunting and on even on keeping a civet cat. There is also an important tax called 'purushantaram', a tax of twenty-five percent normally levied on all hereditary property.

Munro convinces Maharani and she forbade slavery except in agriculture that is completely dependent on it.


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Munroe Island

John Munroe, The Shrewd Scotsman

Munro is also a shrewd Scot, well aware of the English interests. He believes that engaging local Christian population in state jobs will help him in garnering their support for the British interests in the region.

Till this time, the foreign Christian invaders, be it the Portuguese, or the Dutch, treated the Syrian Christians with suspicion and persecuted them similar to the other natives. Munro supports Syrian Christians. As a Christian Philanthropist, he also wishes to revive the Syrian Church.


He rescues Christians from compulsory services on Sunday and also from the temple taxes. He shows special interest in getting the Syrian scriptures translated to Malayalam. And as soon as the translation is ready, he gets its copies printed and places them in all churches of the region.

Connection Of John Munro With The History Of The Munroe Island

During this time, a senior priest Pulikkottil Joseph Kathavar of the Malankara Church, expresses his desire to establish a seminary for training priests and a place to settle the newly converts. This piece of land provided by Col Munro is later named as Munro-Thuruth (Munro Island) in his remembrance.


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A path into Munroe Island

Grey Shades Of John Munro

Not everyone is happy with Munro though. In the name of revenue reforms he has seized sizable Hindu temple properties with no compensation and is blamed for jumbling and mixing of the land records in such a manner that even when he retires, it becomes impossible to catalog temple land from the Government land.

Some people believe that in this manner he single-handedly annihilated the temples of the region by reducing their revenues drastically.


In 1814, John Munro resigns from his Deewanship and returns to his birth place Teaninich Ross-Shire in Scotland. He lived there until his death in 1858. Today he is remembered as one of the Greatest British administrators of Travancore and Cochin, in one hundred fifty years of British domination.

For further reading on Travancore history, read the book "Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the house of Travancore” by Manu S. Pillai.  
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 27, 2024 1:41 am

The little-known mutiny by British officers in Madras: Almost 50 years before the 1857 rebellion, British officers of the Madras Presidency mutinied against their superior officers and plunged southern India into turmoil for three months [White Mutiny of 1809]
by Ferdinand Mount
Last Updated : Mar 14 2015 | 3:51 PM IST

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The Governor Sir George Barlow

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Lt-General Hay Macdowall

It was an inglorious start to a military career. The first shots that John Low's battalion had fired with deadly intent since his arrival in India had been aimed at their mutinous comrades….

What came next was, if anything, even more inglorious, still more bizarre, and very nearly as bloody….

Three years later, it was not the Indian sepoys but their European commanders who mutinied almost to a man. Out of 1,300 officers commanding native troops in the Madras Presidency, 90 per cent refused to obey the orders of their superior officers. Only 150, most of them lieutenant-colonels and above, signed the test of loyalty imposed by the Governor, Sir George Barlow. The rest locked up their colonels, broke open the nearest Treasury and took out thousands of pagodas to pay their native troops, whom they then marched off wherever the fancy took them.

From the beginning of July to the middle of September 1809, the whole of southern India was in a state of lawlessness …. Never before and never since had a mutiny by British officers swept through an entire army.

The mutiny of the Madras Officers in 1809 remains a unique event. Yet the affair has remained strangely obscured, glossed over if not actually omitted in most histories of the British Empire and the Indian Army. … So why was there a White Mutiny? Why on earth did the handpicked guardians of the new master race in India turn on their commanders and plunge the bottom half of the country into giddy internal strife?

There were not one but two British armies in India. There was the King's Army, those of His Majesty's Regiments which had been seconded to India for a period …. And then there was the army of the East India Company, which was raised in India, trained in India, fought in India….In all three British regions, or Presidencies as they were called - Madras, Bombay and Bengal - not only did the Company's Army soon come to outnumber the King's Regiments, the Company's Army was soon predominantly made up of Indian troops. British rule depended on the fidelity of the sepoys [native soldiers], and on that alone. And that fidelity could be earned and kept only if the British officers who commanded the native regiments were up to the job. …

On the European side, the growing corps of young British officers in the native infantry and cavalry were growing disillusioned. … Most of them arrived in India without a penny and soon fell into debt. A subaltern on arrival had to find between 1,500 and 1,800 rupees for equipment and uniform. He would need to borrow this money and then insure his life as security for the debt. Even if he did not drink or gamble, his debt was likely to have doubled by the time he became a captain, up to six or seven thousand rupees -£35-40,000 in today's money. He was unlikely to be able to clear his debts until and unless he became a major, which might be years off, because promotion was so slow….


Grimmer still, an officer who joined the Company's Army at the end of the eighteenth century had little reason to hope that he would ever see England or his family again. The annual returns of the Bengal Army showed that between 1796 and 1820 only 201 officers lived to retire to Europe on pension, while 1,243 were killed or died on service….

The officers of the Coast Army had another source of grievance, too.… The officers of Bombay and Bengal were entitled to higher pay and allowances. From the beginning of 1807, if not from an earlier date, a spirit of discontent was fermenting among the Madras officers. …

The first reform that tickled up the existing resentments was the affair of the bazaar duties. From time immemorial… officers commanding districts and stations all over India had been entitled to take a cut on the goods sold in the military bazaars which straggled along the back of cantonments, where everybody did their shopping. This had been a nice earner to supplement those wretched salaries. The Court now pronounced that levying such duties was contrary to the Articles of War and 'has an evident tendency to make the soldiers discontented with their officers, by feeling themselves taxed for the benefit of those who command them'. Worse still, 'the amount of the collections in military bazaars has always depended, principally, on the extension of spirituous liquors to the troops.' Not only were the officers exploiting the poor sepoys and their families, they were encouraging them to drink - something which particularly horrified the Court, where strong Evangelical tendencies were taking hold. …

In July 1807, the bazaar duties were duly abolished.


The next scam to be tidied up… was the so-called 'tent contract'…. Under the existing system, which was only five years old (it had begun in 1802), the CO of a regiment held the contract for everything required to fit it out for movement in the field - tents, carts, bullocks, drivers and labourers etc.…[I]n May 1808 (these things always took time) the tent contract, too, was abolished.

By now [Lieutenant-General] Hay Macdowall was in post, and he was already in a steaming rage. What had first detonated his umbrage was…characteristically, a question of his own pay and perquisites. Previous Commanders-in-Chief had always enjoyed an ex officio seat on the Governor's Council, with a handsome additional allowance to go with it. But Bentinck… appealed to the Court of Directors to curb the excessive power of the military in India. The Court had responded by removing the C-in-C's automatic right to a seat in Council.

When he found out, [Macdowell] …soon gathered a noisy and indignant following throughout the Coast Army for his campaign against what he called 'these disgusting measures'.

On Christmas Eve, he reviewed the Madras European regiment at Masulipatam. He told them that they had been overlooked and neglected in their remote station. …. Then he took ship for England, firing off reprimands and protests in all directions. …

Instead of pausing to reflect that his greatest enemy had now disappeared from the scene and it might be possible to begin mending his fences with the Army, Sir George in his feverish pet cast around for someone else to punish. Major Thomas Boles was the Deputy Adjutant-General. His signature appeared on Macdowall's parting sally, but only as a formality because all such orders had to be transmitted through the Adjutant…. Barlow suspended both Boles and Capper…. Not unnaturally, Major Boles protested that he had done nothing wrong and refused to apologize.

In no time, yet another petition was circulating through the cantonments, this time addressed to the Governor-General in Calcutta, demanding that Barlow be sacked…. But …on May 1, 1809, [Barlow] had half a dozen colonels and another half-dozen majors and captains suspended or removed from their commands. Finally, provoked and inflamed, the officers of the Madras Army broke into open mutiny. …


The first outbreak took place within a European regiment, the first division Madras, which was stationed at Masulipatam. These were the very men to whom Hay Macdowall had delivered his inflammatory farewell address on Christmas Eve …. Macdowall's remarks could not help having an impact, and the new commanding officer had been warned to expect trouble.

Colonel James Innes, well-known to be not the sharpest knife in the box, arrived in a mood to detect 'sedition in every word and mutiny in every gesture'. …

By sheer bad luck, at this very moment, Admiral Drury, the naval commander at Madras, ran short of European troops to serve as marines on his coast squadron. Under recent regulations, King's soldiers were no longer to be detached for such purposes except in an emergency, which this was not, so the Government lighted on the 1st Madras European regiment to fill the complement that Drury desired - 100 men and three officers. This was the last thing anyone in Masulipatam wanted, service at sea being even more dangerous and unhealthy than service on land…

A deputation of officers went to Innes and begged Innes to suspend the embarkation until they had referred their protest to HQ. No dice. …

Tumult broke out across the barracks. Major Joseph Storey of the 1st/19th Native Infantry, the officer next in seniority to the Colonel, led a posse to Innes's bungalow, demanding he recall his orders. Innes refused… The men were with Storey. Innes was confined in his bungalow under armed guard. The embarkation orders were cancelled.


Major Storey wrote to Madras explaining what he had done. He also wrote urgent messages to the disaffected officers in other garrisons, appealing for their support. Joseph Storey was the first white mutineer.

The officers at Masulipatam had formed a committee. So had the officers at most other stations in the Coast Army. These committees now began to pledge each other to support their brother officers to the last drop of their blood. At Secunderabad, Jalna and Ellore, plans were speedily formed to march to the aid of the Masulipatam officers, if they were attacked by Government forces….

The next move for the more determined mutineers was to march off and join forces with other rebellious garrisons. They needed to pay and feed their sepoys to keep them loyal. So in station after station the mutineer officers took to armed robbery. They went to the nearest Treasury, overpowered the guards, broke open the chests and took whatever they found inside.

Upon the scene now comes Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Gibbs of HM 59th Regiment. … [He] ordered his Dragoons to attack the startled sepoys from Chittledroog.…The official tally was nine dead and 281 missing…. A realistic estimate might be around 300 dead. The British had no casualties to speak of….

So the great White Mutiny came to its inglorious end. And several hundred sepoys lay dead in the ditches of Seringapatam, gunned down by Dragoons who were supposed to be their comrades-in-arms. The sepoys had never had any quarrel with the Honourable Company. In marching, they were simply obeying the commands of their discontented officers.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 27, 2024 2:30 am

Disruption of 1843
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/26/24

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The Disruption Assembly by David Octavius Hill

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Disruption brooch showing the graves of Andrew Melville, John Knox, David Welsh, James Renwick, and Alexander Henderson. Chalmers, Dunlop and Candlish are also mentioned.[1]

The Disruption of 1843, also known as the Great Disruption,[2] was a schism in 1843[3][4] in which 450 evangelical ministers broke away from the Church of Scotland[5] to form the Free Church of Scotland.[6] The main conflict was over whether the Church of Scotland or the British Government had the power to control clerical positions and benefits. The Disruption came at the end of a bitter conflict within the Church of Scotland, and had major effects in the church and upon Scottish civic life.[7]

The patronage issue

"The Church of Scotland was recognised by Acts of the Parliament as the national church of the Scottish people". Particularly under John Knox and later Andrew Melville, the Church of Scotland had always claimed an inherent right to exercise independent spiritual jurisdiction over its own affairs. To some extent, this right was recognised by the Claim of Right of 1689, which ended royal and parliamentary interference in the order and worship of the church. It was ratified by the Act of Union in 1707.

The brooch was made for the wives of the ministers who supported the Disruption to wear as a token of their support.


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Disruption Brooch. Back side.

On the other hand, the right of patronage, in which the patron of a parish had the right to install a minister of his choice, became a point of contention. Many church members believed that this right infringed on the spiritual independence of the church. Others felt that this right was a property of the state. As early as 1712 the right of patronage had been restored in Scotland, amid remonstrances from the church. For many years afterwards, the church's General Assembly tried to reform this practice. However the dominant Moderate Party in the church blocked reform out of fear of conflict with the British Government.[8]

The "Ten Years' Conflict"

Veto Act


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Parishioners walk out of church in protest at the unpopular appointment of a minister in the parish of Marnoch, Strathbogie in 1841

In 1834, the evangelical party attained a majority in the General Assembly for the first time in 100 years. One of their actions was to pass the Veto Act, which gave parishioners the right to reject a minister nominated by their patron.[9] The Veto Act was to prevent the intrusion of ministers on unwilling parishioners, and to restore the importance of the congregational "call". However, it served to polarise positions in the church, and set it on a collision course with the government.

The first test of the Veto Act came with the Auchterarder case of 1834. The parish of Auchterarder unanimously rejected the patron's nominee – and the Presbytery refused to proceed with his ordination and induction. The nominee, Robert Young, appealed to the Court of Session. In 1838, by an 8–5 majority, the court held that in passing the Veto Act, the church had acted ultra vires, and had infringed the statutory rights of patrons. It also ruled Church of Scotland was a creation of the state and derived its legitimacy from act of Parliament.

The Auchterarder ruling contradicted the Scottish church's Confession of Faith. As Burleigh puts it: "The notion of the Church as an independent community governed by its own officers and capable of entering into a compact with the state was repudiated" (p. 342). An appeal to the House of Lords was rejected.


Further conflicts

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Mr Dunlop and David Welsh by Hill & Adamson. Dunlop wrote a memoir of Welsh.

In a second case, the Court of Session summoned the Presbytery of Dunkeld for proceeding with an ordination despite a court interdict. In 1839, the General Assembly suspended seven ministers from Strathbogie for proceeding with an induction in Marnoch in defiance of its orders. In 1841, the seven Strathbogie ministers were deposed for acknowledging the superiority of the secular court in spiritual matters.

The evangelical party later presented to parliament a Claim, Declaration and Protest Anent the Encroachments of the Court of Session. The claim recognised the jurisdiction of the civil courts over the endowments that the government gave to the Scottish church. This "The Claim of Right" was drawn up by Alexander Murray Dunlop.[10] However, the claim resolved that the church give up these endowments rather than see the 'Crown Rights of the Redeemer' (i.e. the spiritual independence of the church) compromised.[11] This claim was rejected by parliament in January 1843, leading to the Disruption in May.[12]


The Disruption

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St Andrew's Church, Edinburgh, scene of the Disruption

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The 1843 deed of demission

On 18 May 1843, 121 ministers and 73 elders led by David Welsh met at the Church of St Andrew in George Street, Edinburgh.[13] After Welsh read a Protest, the group left St. Andrews and walked down the hill to the Tanfield Hall at Canonmills. There they held the first meeting of the Free Church of Scotland, the Disruption Assembly. Thomas Chalmers was appointed the first Moderator. On 23 May, a second meeting was held for the signing of the Act of Separation by the ministers. Eventually, 474 of about 1,200 ministers left the Church of Scotland for the Free Church.[14]

In leaving the established church, however, they did not reject the principle of establishment. As Chalmers declared: "Though we quit the Establishment, we go out on the Establishment principle; we quit a vitiated Establishment but would rejoice in returning to a pure one. We are advocates for a national recognition of religion – and we are not voluntaries."


Perhaps a third of the evangelicals, the "middle party", remained within the established church – wishing to preserve its unity. However, for those who left, the issue was clear. It was not the democratising of the church (although concern with power for ordinary people was a movement sweeping Europe at the time), but whether the Church was sovereign within its own domain. The body of the church reflecting Jesus Christ, not the monarch nor Parliament, was to be its head. The Disruption was basically a spiritual phenomenon – and for its proponents it stood in a direct line with the Reformation and the National Covenants.

Splitting the church had major implications. Those who left forfeited livings, manses and pulpits, and had, without the aid of the establishment, to found and finance a national church from scratch. This was done with remarkable energy, zeal and sacrifice. Another implication was that the church they left was more tolerant of a wider range of doctrinal views.


There was also the issue of needing to train its clergy, resulting in the establishment of New College, with Chalmers appointed as its first principal. It was founded as an institution to educate future ministers and the Scottish leadership, who would in turn guide the moral and religious lives of the Scottish people. New College opened its doors to 168 students in November 1843, including about 100 students who had begun their theological studies before the Disruption.[15]

Most of the principles on which the protestors went out were conceded by Parliament by 1929, clearing the way for the re-union of that year, but the Church of Scotland never fully regained its position after the division.

Photographic portraiture

The painter David Octavius Hill was present at the Disruption Assembly and decided to record the scene. He received encouragement from another spectator, the physicist Sir David Brewster who suggested using the new invention, photography, to get likenesses of all the ministers present, and introduced Hill to the photographer Robert Adamson. Subsequently, a series of photographs were taken of those who had been present, and the 5-foot x 11-foot 4 inches (1.53 m x 3.45 m) painting was eventually completed in 1866. The partnership that developed between Hill and Adamson pioneered the art of photography in Scotland. The painting predominantly features the ministers involved in the Disruption but Hill also included many other men – and some women – who were involved in the establishment of the Free Church. The painting depicts 457 people of the 1500 or so who were present at the assembly on 23 May 1843.

Gallery

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A minister and his family leaving their Church of Scotland manse during the Disruption (engraving J. M. Corner[8]) based on Quitting The Manse[9] [17] (oil painting G. Harvey) – featuring Tullibody Old Kirk

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New College, on the Mound, designed by William Henry Playfair and built 1845–1850.[10][18]

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Hill & Adamson took photographic portraits of all the clergymen who had been at the assembly.

In literature and the arts

The social tensions underlying the Disruption are the subject of William Alexander's novel, Johnny Gibb of Gushetneuk (1870).[19] David Octavius Hill's use of photography to record the ministers who participated in the schism of 1843 features in Ali Bacon's novel In the Blink of an Eye (2018).[20]

See also

• History of Scotland
• Religion in the United Kingdom

References

Citations

1. "Disruption Brooch". Retrieved 1 June 2019.
2. Buchanan 1854a.
3. Durham, James; Blair, Robert (preface) (1659). The dying man's testament to the Church of Scotland, or, A treatise concerning scandal. London: Company of Stationers. Retrieved 22 April 2017.
4. Macpherson, John (1903). McCrie, C.G. (ed.). The doctrine of the church in Scottish theology. Edinburgh: Macniven & Wallace. pp. 91–128.
5. Miller, Hugh (1871). The Headship of Christ (5th ed.). Edinburgh: William P. Nimmo. pp. 472–479. Retrieved 1 May 2017.
6. Walker 1895.
7. Bayne 1893.
8. Withrington, Donald J. (1993). The Disruption: a century and a half of historical interpretation. Scottish Church History Society. pp. 119–153. Retrieved 25 August 2018.
9. Lynch, Michael (1992). Scotland: A New History. Pimlico. p. 401. ISBN 0-7126-9893-0.
10. Johnston 1887, pp. 205–209.
11. Claim 1842.
12. Johnston 1887, p. 209.
13. Johnston 1887, p. 210.
14. Wylie 1881, p. cxii.
15. Brown, Stewart J. (1996). "The Disruption and the Dream: The Making of New College 1843–1861". In Wright, David F.; Badcock, Gary D. (eds.). Disruption to Diversity: Edinburgh Divinity 1846–1996. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. pp. 29–50. ISBN 978-0567085177.
16. Brown, Thomas (1893). Annals of the disruption. Edinburgh: Macniven & Wallace. pp. 132–143. Retrieved 8 July 2017.
17. Harvey, George. "Quitting the Manse". National Galleries of Scotland. Antonia Reeve. Retrieved 8 July 2017.
18. Goold, David (1 September 2022). "Free High Church and Free Church College". Dictionary of Scottish Architects. Retrieved 1 September 2022.
19. Alexander, William (1995), Johnny Gibb of Gushetneuk, Tuckwell Press, East Lothian, ISBN 9781898410447
20. Bacon, Ali (2018), In the Blink of an Eye, Linen Press,ISBN 9780993599736

Sources

• Bayne, Peter (1893). The Free Church of Scotland : her origin, founders and testimony. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark.
• Brown, Thomas (1893). Annals of the disruption with extracts from the narratives of ministers who left the Scottish establishment in 1843 by Thomas Brown. Edinburgh: Macniven & Wallace.
• Bryce, James (1850a). Ten Years of the Church of Scotland from 1833 to 1843. Vol. 1. Edinburgh: Blackwood.
• Bryce, James (1850b). Ten Years of the Church of Scotland from 1833 to 1843. Vol. 2. Edinburgh: Blackwood.
• Buchanan, Robert (1854a). The ten years' conflict : being the history of the disruption of the Church of Scotland. Vol. 1. Glasgow ; Edinburgh ; London ; New York: Blackie and Son.
• Buchanan, Robert (1854b). The ten years' conflict : being the history of the disruption of the Church of Scotland. Vol. 2. Glasgow ; Edinburgh ; London ; New York: Blackie and Son.
• Dunlop, Alexander Murray (1839). An answer to the dean of faculty's [J. Hope's] Letter to the lord chancellor on the claims of the Church of Scotland. Edinburgh: John Johnstone.
• Hanna, William (1849). Memoirs of the life and writings of Thomas Chalmers. Vol. 4. Edinburgh: Pub. for T. Constable.
• Johnston, John C. (1887). Treasury of the Scottish covenant. Edinburgh: Andrew Elliot. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
• MacGeorge, Andrew (1875). The statements in the claim of right : are they true?. Glasgow: James Maclehose.
• Macpherson, Hector C. (1905). Scotland's battles for spiritual independence. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd. pp. 205–222.
• M'Crie, Charles Greig (1893). The Free Church of Scotland : her ancestry, her claims, and her conflicts. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
• Turner, Alexander (1859). The Scottish Secession of 1843 : being an examination of the principles, and narrative of the contest, which led to that remarkable event. Edinburgh: Paton and Ritchie.
• Walker, Norman L. (1895). Chapters from the History of the Free Church of Scotland. Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier.
• Welsh, David; Colquhoun-Stirling-Murray-Dunlop, Alexander (1846). Sermons by the Late Reverend David Welsh D.D. With a Memoir by A. Dunlop. Edinburgh: W. P. Kennedy.
• Wilson, William, minister of St. Paul's Free Church, Dundee (1880). Memorials of Robert Smith Candlish, D.D. : minister of St. George's Free Church, and principal of the New College, Edinburgh with a chapter on his position as a theologian by Robert Rainy. Edinburgh: A. and C. Black.
• Wylie, James Aitken, ed. (1881). Sketch of the Disruption Day from Disruption worthies : a memorial of 1843, with an historical sketch of the free church of Scotland from 1843 down to the present time. Edinburgh: T. C. Jack. pp. 131–136. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
• "ACT XIX. 1842 – Claim, Declaration and Protest, Anent the Encroachments of the Court of Session". Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Archived from the original on 2 May 2008. Retrieved 21 July 2008.

Further reading

• Cameron, N. et al. (eds.) Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology, Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993.
• Burleigh, J. H. S. A Church History of Scotland Edinburgh: Hope Trust 1988.
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Thu Aug 29, 2024 6:48 am

Wood's dispatch
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/30/24

Wood's Despatch
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Sir Charles Wood, G.C.B., 1st Viscount Halifax (1800-1885)
Created: 1854
Commissioned by: President of the Board of Control of India
Author(s): Sir Charles Wood
Signatories: Adish
Media type: Communiqué
Subject: Education
Purpose: To hasten the development of education in British India

Wood's dispatch is the informal name for a formal dispatch that was sent by Sir Charles Wood, the President of the Board of Control of the British East India Company to Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General of India. Wood's communique suggested a major shift to popularising the use of English within India. As for the language of instruction, Wood recommended that primary schools adopt vernacular languages, for secondary schools to adopt both English and vernacular languages and for colleges to adopt English.

The letter played an important role in spreading English-language learning and female education in British India. One of the most favourable steps taken was to create an English-speaking class among the Indian people to be used as a workforce in the company's administration. Vocational and women's education also became more heavily emphasised.[1]


This period of time in the British Raj was part of a final phase in which the British government administration brought social reforms to India. The governing policies later tended to become more reactionary, notably in the wake of major social and political unrest surrounding the Indian Rebellion of 1857.[2]

Difference between conservative and reactionary
r/Socialism_101
Reddit.com
https://www.reddit.com/r/Socialism_101/ ... actionary/

AegonIConqueror
2y ago
It is important to emphasize that American 'conservatives' are reactionaries. But generally we would refer to conservatives as still desiring to uphold bourgeois democracy and 'free market' capitalism, but with even more emphasis on enabling the fullest exploitation of the workers and of deregulation. Along of course with the addition that they tend to emphasize more traditionalist and thus oppressive views on social morality, acting as 'softer' oppressors of groups such as our LGBT comrades. In short, they are in many regards like other liberals but with even more obvious contempt for the poor and a desire to enforce even more archaic moral structures.

Reactionary is a bit more complex than that, it has a distinctly socialist meaning in theory written in the later 1800s to mid 1900s. However in modern discourse, and in truth I find this most valuable as a way of grouping, you can consider them to be those ideological groups which propose effective autocracy for government and center themselves around the most militant and oppressive of social morality. Ultra nationalism, severe enforcement of religious fundamentalism, all usually enforced by dictatorship de facto or de jure, these are what link fascists, theocrats, monarchists, and other such groups to all be 'reactionaries'.

bigblindmax
2y ago
Conservatives are generally right-leaning liberals who uphold capitalism and liberal democracy. Most small-c conservatives would say that their preference is to maintain the status quo and that they are wary of rapid change or social progress.

Reactionaries actively want to take society backwards and return to some idealized past. They may consider themselves liberals, or they may reject liberal democracy entirely in favor of monarchism, fascism, etc. Most reactionaries are bigots, militarists, religious zealots or some combination of the three.

Both groups are our enemies, but reactionaries are typically the ones who actively want us dead. It’s also important to remember that a lot of people who claim to be conservatives are reactionaries, either to obscure their politics or (more commonly) because people genuinely confuse and conflate the two.

Someone that an American liberal would consider a conservative, we would typically consider a reactionary.

[deleted]
2y ago
Also generally worth noting is that conservatives and reactionary are relative terms, not absolute terms. They change with whatever the dominant ideology is. Compared to terms like socialist and liberal were are more consistent and less dependent on the society they find themselves in.

For example conservatives during the time of the French Revolution were monarchists and the radicals were liberal Republicans.

JudgeSabo
2y ago
Generally, I see reactionary as a broader category than conservatives. Fascists, for example, are reactionary because they oppose progressive reform, but are not conservative since they are focused on building this mass movement of radical nationalist militants, rather simply quietly maintaining the status quo.

Hawkatana0
2y ago
All conservatives are reactionaries, but not all reactionaries are conservatives.

NiceBrick4418
2y ago
The differences aren't so big, reactionary is the one that actively fights against social progress, while conservative is the one that tries to preserve the social status quo.

Most of the times these 2 go together, and almost always, conservatives tend to become reactionary and not the opposite.

ElEsDi_25
2y ago
It’s going to be blurry irl, but in broad strokes I think of it this way: worldview is based on your relationship to the capitalist status quo/social hierarchy.

So US liberals/conservatives generally think the status quo is fine. It’s just higher or lower taxes, more or less regulation to “make things [capitalism] run naturally/fair”

The left and right think the liberal status quo needs to change in some way. The right thinks the hierarchy needs to be bolstered (remove obstacles to allow the “true” elite to emerge or just straight up dictatorship to make the “natural” hierarchy more pronounced, protected.)

Reactionaries think society needs to be ordered in a way that allows a mythic/natural/true hierarchy/social order to be realized. They are “reacting” to the relative decline in hard caste. Conservatives in the US are basically just socially-conservative liberals.

Obviously (or it should be) the left wants no/less capitalist social hierarchy.

Hister333
2y ago
On paper, conservatives favor smaller government, and less spending. In reality, they spend the same amount of money on different things, and create a pseudo-religious nationalist smokescreen to distract their voters from it.

SirZacharia
2y ago
The two terms are not technically related. Being reactionary is a way of thinking, or rather choosing to not think and just react. You consider it the foil to critical thought. Critical thought being the act of questioning everything before making a conclusion.

“Conservative” is a political position of upholding the preservation of traditional institutions practices and values to try to keep society the same because they believe it is already good. The foil to this would “progressive” a political position of embracing change to try to improve society.

I would certainly argue that impedes critical thought to avoid change. Combatting change of all kinds because you refuse to believe that change is good is always reactionary imo.

FIELDSLAVE
2y ago
conservatives - preserve the status quo

reactionaries - go back to a previous status quo

A reactionary in the US would be somebody who wants to bring back chattel slavery or eliminate gay marriage.


Background

The East India Company (EIC) largely ignored development of education in India until the mid-19th century. Some of its members thought that they should transform India into a civilised society and convert the Indian mindset by making rapid changes. Others thought that it was best to educate Indians and recruit them in Indian Civil Services (ICS). By learning English, Indians would adopt British rule. Those were some of the reasons that the EIC wanted Indians to learn English. Lord Macaulay said, "We (Britishers) should try to create a class of people, who would work as translators between the people who we are ruling and us, even though they may look like Indians by color; but their likes and dislikes, morals and thinking will be like an Englishman".[1]

Recommendations

Wood's recommendations were the following:

1. English-language education would enhance the moral character of Indians and thus supply the East India Company with civil servants who could be trusted.
2. An separate education department should be set up in every province to run the schools properly and for the advancement of education system.
3. Universities on the model of the University of London be established in large cities such as Bombay, Calcutta and Madras.
4. At least one government school should be opened in every district.
5. Affiliated private schools should be given grants in aid.
6. Indian natives should be given training in their mother tongue as well.
7. Provision should be made for a systematic method of education from the primary to the university levels.
8. The government should support education for women.
9. The medium of instruction at the primary level should be the vernacular but at the higher levels should be English.
10. The training of teachers at all levels should be promoted and stressed and for this purpose , training schools of teachers should be established.
11. The government schools and colleges ought to be renovated.
12. Secular education is to be promoted.


Measures taken

After Wood's dispatch, several measures were taken by the East India Company:

1. New institutions were set up like the University of Calcutta, the University of Bombay and the University of Madras in 1857, as well as the University of the Punjab in 1882 and the University of Allahabad in 1887.
2. In all provinces, education departments were set up.
3. English-language education was promoted within academics and the bureaucracies of companies and public services.


Consequences

Merits:

According to the recommendations of Sir Charles Wood-

1. Three universities were established in Kolkata, Bombay and Madras in 1857. # Later on two more universities were founded in Lahore and Allahabad.
2. The education department or Directorate of Public Instruction was established in 1855.
3. The number of primary schools all over India increased from 3916 in 1881-82 to 5124 in 1900-02.
4. The Indian Education Service was formed in 1896 to conduct the 4 administrative activities in the field of education.
5. The Hunter Commission (1882- of 83), the Raleigh Commission (1902-04) [Indian Universities Commission 1902] and the Sadler Commission (1917-19) were set up with the purpose of expanding education.

The Indian Universities Commission was a body appointed in 1902 on the instructions of Viceroy of India Lord Curzon intended to make recommendations for reforms in university education in India. Appointed following a conference on education at Simla in September 1901, the commission was led by Law member Thomas Raleigh and included among its members Syed Hussain Belgrami, future Justice Sir C. Sankaran Nair, and Justice Gooroodas Banerjee. The recommendations of the commission included regulations for reformation of University Senates in Indian Universities, greater representation of affiliated colleges in the senates, and stricter monitoring of affiliated institutions by the universities. It also made recommendations for reform of school education, curricular reforms at universities, recommendations on education and examinations, research, as well as student welfare and state scholarships. The recommendations were, however, controversial at the time. There was a growing nationalist sentiment in British India, and a number of colleges and institutions of higher education had risen in metropolitan suburbs which were linked to the major universities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. These set their own curriculum, and the recommendations of the commission were seen as measures to derecognize and regulate indigenous institutions which fell into disfavour of the Raj. Despite strong and sustained opposition from Indian populace, the recommendations were enacted by Curzon as Indian Universities Act 1904.

Indian Universities Commission 1902, by Wikipedia


The Sadler Commission

In 1917 to 1919, Sadler led the "Sadler Commission" which looked at the state of Indian Education.[2]

Towards the end of the First World War, the Secretary of State for India, Austen Chamberlain, invited Sadler to accept the chairmanship of a commission the government proposed to appoint to inquire into the affairs of the University of Calcutta. Chamberlain wrote: "Lord Chelmsford [the Viceroy] informs me that they hope for the solution of the big political problems of India through the solution of the educational problems." After some hesitation, Sadler accepted the invitation. Under his direction the Commission far exceeded its initial terms of reference. The result was 13 volumes issued in 1919, providing a comprehensive sociological account of the context in which Mahatma Gandhiwas campaigning for the end of the British Raj and the independence of India. The lines of inquiry pursued make it possible to deduce a concept of expanding higher education that goes far beyond the traditional university image in its search to relate higher education to the 20th century, along with its increasing availability of educational opportunities to women. Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee, known as the Tiger of Bengal, was a member of that commission.

Before the publication of the Calcutta University Report, Sadler delivered a private address to the Senate of the University of Bombay. He put forward his personal conclusions as he surveyed The Educational Movement in India and Britain. It was characteristic of Sadler's belief in the inter-relationship of all the various levels of education and the importance of teacher training. He warned his listeners about producing an academic proletariat with job expectations that could not be fulfilled. And finally he told the members of the Senate:
And in India you stand on the verge of the most hazardous and inevitable of adventures—the planning of primary education for the unlettered millions of a hundred various races. I doubt whether the European model will fit Indian conditions. If you want social dynamite, modern elementary education of the customary kind will give it to you. It is the agency that will put the masses in motion. But to what end or issue no one can foretell.

-- Michael Sadler (educationist), by Wikipedia


Demerits:

1. Since the western education schemes were mainly confined to the cities the villages were deprived of its benefits. As the western education was mainly imparted through the medium of English the common people of India did not show much interest in it.

References

Wikisource has original text related to this article:
The Despatch of 1854, on General Education in India
1. Kale, Dr. M.V. (2021). Modern India (in Marathi) (4 ed.). Pune. p. 73.
2. Mia Carter, Barbara Harlow (2003). Archives on Empire Volume I, From East India Company to Suez Canal. Duke university Press. p. 400. ISBN 9780822385042.

Sources

• Bayly, Christopher Alan (1987), Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, The New Cambridge History of India, vol. II.1, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-38650-0.
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• History of education in India
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Re: FREDA BEDI CONT'D (#4)

Postby admin » Fri Aug 30, 2024 5:35 am

Part 1 of 2

The Advent of British Educational System and English Language in the Indian Subcontinent: A Shift from Engraftment to Ultimate Implementation and Its Impact on Regional Vernaculars
by Muhammad Tufail Chandio, Saima Jafri, & Komal Ansari
International Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (IRJAH) Vol. 42
January 2014

Abstract

The research study critically traces the historical background of the introduction of the western education system with English as the medium of instruction in the Indian subcontinent and its impact on the teaching of various subjects and local languages in the postcolonial phase. It analyzes the transitional shift from the indigenous/regional vernaculars to engraftment (translating western knowledge into indigenous languages for teaching) and eventual shift to English as the medium of instruction, which thwarted the process of engraftment and development of indigenous languages. The study analyzes that how the education in the subcontinent was affected in the wake of diametrical shift in the British political policy from orientalism, engraftment, conciliation and consolidation to hostility, antagonism and oppression. Although, the study repudiates the popular myth of the revolutionary changes claimed by the British education system in the subcontinent, yet it establishes that how in the longer term it contributed to the academic, literary, social, political and economic advancement of the region. Nevertheless its repercussions for the regional languages were immense. The study reveals that how English, which was the language of power, authority and center, became a means of retaliation, communication and resistance at the hands of natives. The study, in its nature, is descriptive and historical one.

Key Words: British Colonial Education system, Vernaculars, Engraftment, English Language.

Introduction

The undertaken study focuses the introduction of English language in the educational system of the Indian subcontinent in the wake of the British colonization. The region remained under the indirect and direct rule of the British Empire for about three centuries. The colonizers used Eurocentric historical construct, English literature and English-based western educational system to justify and perpetuate the colonial rule. The pre-colonial educational system of the region was based on the indigenous languages viz. Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit and other vernaculars. Initially to avoid confrontation and resistance, the colonizers did not interfere in the educational system of the region. In the later period, the approach of engraftment was introduced, in which the content of the western knowledge were translated into the indigenous languages; however, there had been a prolonged controversy and polemical debate between the Conservatives (Orientalists) and the Reformists (Anglicists) over the education system and medium of instruction: the former preferred the oriental educational system and the engraftment of the western contents, whereas the latter were bent upon the introduction of the western educational system with English as the medium of instruction.

One of Voltaire's favorite teachers at the Jesuit college Louis-le-Grand in Paris was Father Rene Joseph DE TOURNEMINE (1661-1739), the chief editor of the journal Memoires de Trevoux. Father Tournemine had been involved in the controversy about the Chinese Rites that culminated in 1700 with the banning of several books on China at the Sorbonne. This so-called Querelle des rites [Google translate: Quarrel of rites.] had been accompanied by the publication of reams of pamphlets and books and is a striking example of public attention to oriental issues in Voltaire's youth and of their impact on the established religion in Europe (Etiemble 1966; Pinot 1971; Cummins 1993).

On the losing side of the rites controversy, which came to a peak one century after Ricci in Voltaire's school years, were those who agreed with his idea that the ancient Chinese had from remote antiquity venerated God and abandoned pure monotheism only much later under the influence of Persian magic (Daoism) and Indian idolatry (Buddhism). They liked to evoke Ricci's statement about having read with his own eyes in Chinese books that the ancient Chinese had worshipped a single supreme God. In order to explain how this pure ancient religion had degenerated into idolatry, they cited Ricci's Story about the dispatch in the year 65 C.E. of a Chinese embassy to the West in search of the true faith (Trigault 1617:120-21). Instead of bringing back the good news of Jesus, the story went, the Chinese ambassadors had stopped short on the way and returned infected with the idolatrous teachings of an Indian impostor called Fo (Buddha). In the following centuries, this doctrine had reportedly contaminated the whole of East Asia and turned people away from original monotheism. Since Ricci's Story was told in one of the seventeenth century's most widely translated and read books about Asia, Nicolas Trigault's edition of Ricci's History of the Christian Expedition to the Kingdom of China (first published in Latin in 1615), it had an enormous influence on the European perception of Asia's religious history.

Ricci's extremist successors, the so-called Jesuit figurists (see Chapter 5), sought to locate the ancient monotheistic creed of the Chinese not just in Confucian texts but also in the Daoist Daodejing (Book of the Way and Its Power) and of course in the book that some believed to be the oldest extant book of the world, the Yijing (or I-ching; Book of Changes).

These figurists included the French China missionaries Joachim Bouvet (1656-1730), the correspondent of Leibniz, and younger Jesuit colleagues like Joseph-Henri Premare (1666-1736) and Jean-Francois Foucquet (1665-1741), the man to whom Voltaire later falsely attributed the translation of his own "Chinese catechism." The Jesuits of the Ricci camp thought that since genuine monotheism had existed in a relatively pure state at least until the time of Confucius, their role as missionaries essentially consisted in reawakening the old faith, documenting its "prophecies" regarding Christ, identifying its goal and fulfillment as Christianity, and eradicating the causes of religious degeneration such as idolatry, magic, and superstition. Ritual vestiges of ancient monotheism were naturally exempted from the purge and subject to "accommodation."

By contrast, the extremists in the victorious opposite camp of the Chinese Rites controversy held that -- regardless of possible vestiges of monotheism and prediluvian science -- divine revelation came exclusively through the channels of Abraham and Moses, that is, the Hebrew tradition, and was fulfilled in Christianity. This meant that the Old and New Testaments were the sole genuine records of divine revelation and that all unconnected rites and practices were to be condemned. From this exclusivist perspective, the sacred scriptures of other nations could only contain fragments of divine wisdom if they had either plagiarized Judeo-Christian texts or aped their teachers and doctrines.


-- The Birth of Orientalism, by Urs App


The Minutes of Macaulay 1835 settled the issue in the favour of Reformists (Anglicists), and English was introduced as the medium of instruction. Macaulay reiterated that the western English-based educational system would groom a band of the natives who would be Indian in colour but English in taste and intellect and they would play the role of intermediary between the colonizers and the colonized. After the War of Independence (1857), the British government replaced the policy of reconciliation and cooperation with antagonism and oppression. This caused three major losses to the field of education and language teaching: the first, the gradual process of engraftment of western contents was stopped which, if continued, had enriched the indigenous languages with the modern knowledge; the second, the oriental knowledge went into the background as the colonial discourse belittled its worth and scope; the third, English dominated and overshadowed the indigenous languages and halted their progress and development.

When the natives started National Movements against the foreign rule, there occurred a dramatic shift in the status of English from the language of center to the periphery, from the language of power to the tool of retaliation, from the symbol of authority to subversion; moreover, it was altogether transformed from the tool of colonial, imperial and cultural indoctrination to the powerful means of protest and communication at the hands of the natives. This study upholds the issue of occidental versus oriental education system and traces its consequences.


Scope of the Study

The study traces the transitional and historical shift in the educational system of the Indian subcontinent from the oriental to occidental contents and pattern with English as the medium of instruction. The study provides fresh insight into the historical development of language and content teaching in the region. Besides, it also deals with the status, scope, contribution and impact of English language in the academic, political, social, economic and literary realms of the region.

Hypothesis

There is a significant impact of the western education system with English as the medium of instruction on the educational system of the Indian subcontinent in the wake of the British colonization.

The British Colonization of the Indian Subcontinent

After the discovery of the Cape of Hope by a Portuguese navigator in 1498, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the English and the French East India Companies landed in the South Asia. The English East India Company dominated in the Indian subcontinent and outdid its rival European companies. The company had its army for the security and protection of the trade; however, the same military was used in the princely conflicts among the small states and the company was paid for it. With the passage of time, the company made contracts with these small states and provinces for their security and persuaded them not to keep their army on the pretext that the company would defend them. It served dual purpose: the company extended its trade in these states and got political power to intervene and settle the political affairs. Robert Clive defeated the French and their Indian allies and attacked on Bengal. His victory over Siraj-ud-Dawlah in the War of Plassey (1757) laid the foundation of British rule in India.



Diwan Act 1765 empowered the company to collect revenue and tax from Bengal, Behar and Orissa.

Provisions of the Diwan Act 1765 in India
by Google AI
Accessed: 8/30/24

In 1765, the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II granted the East India Company (EIC) the Diwani (revenue rights) of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. This marked a significant milestone in the history of British colonialism in India.

Key Provisions

1. Diwani Rights: The EIC was appointed as the Diwan, responsible for collecting revenue from these provinces, with a fixed annual tribute of twenty-six lakhs of rupees to the Mughal Emperor.
2. Company Rule: The EIC assumed direct control over the diwani administration, replacing the autonomous nawabs and diwans. This marked the beginning of British colonial rule in Bengal.
3. End of Clive’s Double Government: In 1772, the EIC’s Court of Directors abolished the Clive’s Double Government system, where the Company and the nawabs shared power. Warren Hastings, the Governor, took direct control of the diwani administration, solidifying British rule.

Impact

The Diwan Act of 1765:

• Established British dominance over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa
• Marked the beginning of the East India Company’s expansion beyond trade to territorial control
• Set a precedent for future British territorial acquisitions in India
• Led to the eventual decline of the Mughal Empire and the rise of British colonial rule in India


The news of making abnormal profit and misappropriation reached England, for that, Regulation Act 1773 was passed to monitor the business activities of the English merchants in India.

India's 1773 Regulation Act
by Google AI
Accessed: 8/30/24

The Regulation Act of 1773 was a significant piece of legislation passed by the British Parliament to regulate the activities of the East India Company (EIC) in India. The Act aimed to revamp the company’s governance and management, addressing concerns about its financial troubles, corruption, and lack of accountability.

Key Provisions:

1. Limited Company Dividends: The Act capped company dividends at 6% until the company repaid a £1.5m loan.
2. Restricted Court of Directors: The Court of Directors’ terms were limited to four years, ensuring greater accountability and rotation of leadership.
3. Prohibition on Private Trade: Company employees were banned from engaging in private trade or receiving gifts or bribes from Indians.
4. Establishment of a Governor-General: The Act created the position of Governor-General, responsible for overseeing the company’s administration in India, with the authority to issue orders and regulations.
5. Centralization of Power: The Act centralized power in the Governor-General, reducing the autonomy of local officials and the Court of Directors.

Impact:

1. First Step towards Parliamentary Control: The Regulation Act marked the beginning of parliamentary control over the EIC’s Indian administration, paving the way for further reforms.
2. Improved Governance: The Act introduced measures to reduce corruption and increase accountability, leading to a more transparent and efficient administration.
3. Limited Company’s Autonomy: The Act curtailed the company’s autonomy, making it more accountable to the British government and Parliament.
4. Prepared Ground for Future Reforms: The Regulation Act laid the groundwork for subsequent reforms, such as Pitt’s India Act of 1784, which further centralized power and introduced more significant changes to the company’s governance.

Conclusion: The Regulation Act of 1773 was a crucial step in the British Parliament’s efforts to regulate and control the East India Company’s activities in India. While it had its limitations, the Act introduced important reforms, including the establishment of a Governor-General and the prohibition on private trade, which helped to improve governance and reduce corruption.


The Court of Directors was constituted to deal with the affairs of the company and the members of the court were chosen through election process. Later on, William Pit[t] moved a resolution in the British Parliament in 1784 for bringing the company under the administrative control of the ministry. Thus, the company through the ministry was responsible to the British Parliament. From 1757 onwards, the British Government indirectly ruled India through the company but after the upsurge of 1857, the British Government terminated the company’s power and assumed its rule in India, hence India went under the direct rule of the British government, which ended in 1947. Brian (1996) reveals that the territory of about two hundred and eighty thousand square miles, equal to all Christian Europe, consisting of thirty millions of human race, were under the direct control of the East India Company. However, the native laid the foundation of the anti-British empire movements: both the Muslim and the Hindus, in harmony to the extent, jolted, questioned, frowned, and eventually up-rooted the British empires, which split the then Indian subcontinent into two separate states – India and Pakistan, the latter was further subdivided with the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.

British Withdrawal from India in 1947
by Google AI
Accessed: 8/30/24

Based on the provided search results, here is a concise answer:

The British left India in 1947 due to a combination of factors, including:

1. Financial burden: World War II had severely damaged the British economy, making it difficult for them to maintain their colonial empire.
2. Local resistance: The Indian Independence movement, led by Mahatma Gandhi and others, had been gaining momentum, and the British realized that they were losing control.
3. Royal Indian Navy Mutiny (1946): This mutiny showed the British that they were no longer able to maintain control over the local armed forces, making their presence untenable.
4. Shift in global politics: The post-war world order was changing, and the British Empire was no longer the dominant power it once was.
5. Partition: The British decided to partition India into two separate countries, India and Pakistan, to accommodate the demands of Muslim leaders and to reduce the complexity of governing a diverse population.
Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, played a key role in negotiating the transfer of power and setting the date for independence, August 15, 1947. The British government, led by Prime Minister Clement Attlee, ultimately concluded that it was no longer feasible to maintain control over India.

Note that some sources, like Dr. Susmit Kumar’s claim, suggest that Hitler’s defeat in World War II and the subsequent shift in global politics contributed to the British decision to leave India. However, this perspective is not widely accepted and is not supported by the majority of historical accounts.


A Snapshot of the Pre and Post Colonial Indigenous Educational System

The pre-colonial Indian education system was based on oriental pattern consisting of Pathshalas, the madrassas, the Persian schools called Maktabs, in which Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit were mediums of instruction; later in 1829, Urdu was also added as a medium of instruction. With the advent of the British rule, the western education system based on European scientific knowledge and literature with English as the medium of instruction was introduced. Warren Hastings, Lord Bentinck, Charles Grant, Zachary Macaulay and William Wilberforce influenced the British policy of education in the region. Subsequently, Macaulay’s Minutes of 1935, Wood’s dispatch 1854, Hunter Commission 1882, Saddler Commission 1917, Hartog Committee 1929, Abbot and Wood Report 1937 and Sargent Report 1944 emphasized the superiority of occidental over oriental system of education.

Hartog Committee Report, 1929
by YourArticleLibrary
Accessed: 8/30/24

In 1929, the Hartog Committee submitted its report. This Committee was appointed to survey the growth of education in British India. It “devoted far more attention to mass education than Secondary and University Education”. The committee was not satisfied with the scanty growth of literacy in the country and highlighted the problem of ‘Wastage’ and ‘Stagnation’ at the primary level.

It mentioned that the great waste of money and efforts which resulted because of the pupils leaving their schools before completing the particular stage of education. Its conclusion was that “out of every 100 pupils (boys and girls) who were in class I in 1922-23, only 18 were reading in class IV in 1925-26. Thus resulted in a relapse into illiteracy. So, it suggested the following important measures for the improvement of primary education.


I. Adoption of the policy of consolidation in place of multiplication of schools;

II. Fixation of the duration of primary course to four years;

III. Improvement in the quality, training, status, pay, service condition of teachers;

IV. Relating the curricula and methods of teaching to the conditions of villages in which children live and read;

V. Adjustment of school hours and holidays to seasonal and local requirements;

VI. Increasing the number of Government inspection staff.

In the sphere of secondary education the Committee indicated a great waste of efforts due to the immense number of failures at the Matriculation Examination. It attributed that the laxity of promotion from one class to another in the earlier stages and persecution of higher education by incapable students in too large a number were the main factors of wastage.

So it suggested for the introduction of diversified course in middle schools meeting the requirements of majority of students. Further it suggested “the diversion of more boys to industrial and commercial careers at the end of the middle stage”. Besides, the Committee suggested for the improvement of University Education, Women Education, Education of Minorities and Backward classes etc.

The Committee gave a permanent shape to the educational policy of that period and attempted for consolidating and stabilizing education. The report was hailed as the torch bearer of Government efforts. It attempted to prove that a policy of expansion had proved ineffective and wasteful and that a policy of consolidation alone was suited to Indian conditions. However, the suggestions of the Committee could not be implemented effectively and the educational progress could not be maintained due to worldwide economic depression of 1930-31. Most of the recommendations remained mere pious hopes.


Abbot and Wood's 1937 Investigation Report
by Google AI
Accessed: 8/30/24

Abbot and Wood Report 1937: Recommendations for Vocational Education in India

The Abbot and Wood Report, submitted in 1937, was a comprehensive study on vocational [training in a special skill to be pursued in a trade] education in India. The report’s authors, A. Abott and S.H. Wood, were British experts invited by the Government of India to prepare a plan for vocational education in the country.

Key Recommendations

• Hierarchy of Vocational Institutions: The report suggested a complete hierarchy of vocational institutions parallel to the hierarchy of institutions imparting general education.
• Regional Vocational Areas: Vocational education should be organized according to the needs of various regional vocational areas, with no area considered less important.
• Main Regional Vocations: The organization of vocational education should prioritize main regional vocations, such as agriculture, industry, and commerce.
• Standardization: Vocational education should be considered at par with literary and science education, and its standard should be raised.
• Institutional Setup: The Government should establish vocational institutions in big cities and big vocational centers.

Junior and Senior Vocational Schools

• The junior vocational school should be considered equivalent to a high school, and the senior one should be equivalent to an intermediate college.

The Abbot and Wood Report played a significant role in shaping India’s vocational education system, leading to the establishment of polytechnics and other technical institutions. Its recommendations continue to influence India’s vocational education landscape to this day.


The Controversy over Educational System and the Medium of Instruction

There had been prolonged controversy and polemical debate between the Conservatives (Orientalists) and the Reformists (Anglicists) over the education system to be introduced in the colonized India. The Conservatives preferred the continuation of pre-colonial oriental education system after translating some content of European learnings into the classical languages like Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit or local vernaculars and they emphasized that these languages, as prevalent, should be continued as the medium of instruction. The Conservatives had the firsthand experience of India therefore they were very cautious and did not want to unnecessarily intervene or meddle with the sensitive issues like religion, culture and language. Conversely, the Anglicists intended to introduce the western education pattern, based on science and literature with English as the medium of instruction.

In addition, the missionary wished to bring the superstitious natives to Light and Truth through Christianity. Spear (1938) maintains though it was missionary that wanted to Anglicize the education system of India, yet the most powerful demand was raised by the champions of utilitarianism and free-trade, who wanted to invigorate the stagnant fabric of the Indian society with the infusion of western learning.

Thus, each faction wanted to reform India in accordance with its ideology and affiliation. The Reformists were the followers Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), the founder of utilitarian philosophy, and preferred the education system based on European science and literature. The Orientalists were
orthodox hence very much prudent and scrupulous [?!], whereas the missionary ascertained that only Christianity could render salvation to the pagan and superstitious Indians.
A far more promising approach to the problem, indeed a short cut, seemed to be heralded in a letter to Jones from Lieutenant Francis Wilford, a surveyor and an enthusiastic student of all things oriental, who was based at Benares. Jones had been sent copies of inscriptions found at Ellora and written in Ashoka Brahmi, the still undeciphered pin-men. He had probably sent them to Wilford because Benares, the holy city of the Hindus, was the most likely place to find a Brahmin who might be able to read them. In 1793 Wilford announced that he had found just such a man:
I have the honour to return to you the facsimile of several inscriptions with an explanation of them. I despaired at first of ever being able to decipher them... However, after many fruitless attempts on our part, we were so fortunate as to find at last an ancient sage, who gave us the key, and produced a book in Sanskrit, containing a great many ancient alphabets formerly in use in different parts of India. This was really a fortunate discovery, which hereafter may be of great service to us.

According to the ancient sage, most of Wilford's inscriptions related to the wanderings of the five heroic Pandava brothers from [url]the Mahabharata[/url]. At the unspecified time in question they were under an obligation not to converse with the rest of mankind; so their friends devised a method of communicating with them by "writing short and obscure sentences on rocks and stones in the wilderness and in characters previously agreed upon betwixt them." The sage happened to have the key to these characters in his code book; obligingly he transcribed them into Devanagari Sanskrit and then translated them.

To be fair to Wilford, he was a bit suspicious about this ingenious explanation of how the inscriptions got there. But he had no doubts that the deciphering and translation were genuine. "Our having been able to decipher them is a great point in my opinion, as it may hereafter lead to further discoveries, that may ultimately crown our labours with success." Above all, he had now located the code book, "a most fortunate circumstance."

Poor Wilford was the laughing stock of the Benares Brahmins for a whole decade. They had already fobbed him off with Sanskrit texts, later proved spurious, on the source of the Nile and the origin of Mecca. After the code book there was a geographical treatise on The Sacred Isles of the West, which included early Hindu reference to the British Isles. The Brahmins, to whom Sanskrit had so long remained a sacred prerogative, were getting their own back. One wonders how much Wilford paid his "ancient sage."

Jones was already a little suspicious of Wilford's sources, but on the code book, which was as much a fabrication as the translations supposedly based on it, he reserved judgment until he might see it. He never did. In fact it was never heard of again. But in spite of these disappointments Jones continued to believe that in time this oldest script would be deciphered. [Jones] had been sent a copy of the writings on the Delhi pillar and told a correspondent that they "drive me to despair; you are right, I doubt not, in thinking them foreign; I believe them to be Ethiopian and to have been imported a thousand years before Christ." It was not one of his more inspired guesses and at the time of his death the mystery of the inscriptions and of the monoliths was as dark as ever.

-- India Discovered, by John Keay


GENTLEMEN,

Before our entrance into the Disquisition promised at the close of my Ninth Annual Discourse, on the particular Advantages which may be derived from our concurrent Researches in Asia, it seems necessary to fix with precision the sense in which we mean to speak of advantage or utility.... though labour be clearly the lot of man in this world, yet, in the midst of his most active exertions, he cannot but feel the substantial benefit of every liberal amusement which may lull his passions to rest, and afford him a sort of repose, without the pain of total inaction, and the real usefulness of every pursuit which may enlarge and diversity his ideas, without interfering with the principal objects of his civil station or economical duties; nor should we wholly exclude even the trivial and worldly sense of utility, which too many consider as merely synonymous with lucre, but should reckon among useful objects those practical, and by no means illiberal arts, which may eventually conduce both to national and to private emolument. With a view then to advantages thus explained, let us examine every point in the whole circle of arts and sciences....

I. In the first place, we cannot surely deem it an inconsiderable advantage that all our historical researches have confirmed the Mosaic accounts of the primitive world; and our testimony on that subject ought to have the greater weight, because, if the result of our observations had been totally different, we should nevertheless have published them, not indeed with equal pleasure, but with equal confidence; for truth is mighty, and, whatever be its consequences, must always prevail; but, independently of our interest in corroborating the multiplied evidences of revealed religion, we could scarce gratify our minds with a more useful and rational entertainment than the contemplation of those wonderful revolutions in kingdoms and states which have happened within little more than four thousand years; revolutions, almost as fully demonstrative of an all-ruling Providence, as the structure of the universe, and the final causes which are discernible in its whole extent, and even in its minutest parts. Figure to your imaginations a moving picture of that eventful period, or rather, a succession of crowded scenes rapidly changed. Three families migrate in different courses from one region, and, in about four centuries, establish very distant governments and various modes of society: Egyptians, Indians, Goths, Phenicians, Celts, Greeks, Latians, Chinese, Peruvians, Mexicans, all sprung from the same immediate stem....

For example: A most beautiful poem by Somadeva, comprising a very long chain of instinctive and agreeable stories, begins with the famed revolution at Pataliputra, by the murder of king Nanda with his eight sons, and the usurpation of Chandragupta....

It is now clearly proved, that the first Purana contains an account of the deluge; between which and the Mohammedan conquests the history of genuine Hindu government must of course be comprehended....Now the age of Vicramaditya is given; and if we can fix on an Indian prince contemporary with Seleucus, we shall have three given points in the line of time between Rama, or the first Indian colony, and Chandrabija, the last Hindu monarch who reigned in Bahar; so that only eight hundred or a thousand years will remain almost wholly dark.... A Sanscrit [Sanskrit] history of the celebrated Vicramaditya was inspected at Benares by a Pandit, who would not have deceived me, and could not himself have been deceived; but the owner of the book is dead, and his family dispersed; nor have my friends in that city been able, with all their exertions, to procure a copy of it....for, while the abstract sciences are all truth, and the fine arts all fiction, we cannot but own, that in the details of history, truth and fiction are so blended as to be scarce distinguishable.

The practical use of history, in affording particular examples of civil and military wisdom, has been greatly exaggerated; but principles of action may certainly be collected from it; and even the narrative of wars and revolutions may serve as a lesson to nations, and an admonition to sovereigns....

Geography, astronomy, and chronology have, in this part of Asia, shared the fate of authentic history; and, like that, have been so masked and bedecked in the fantastic robes of mythology and metaphor, that the real system of Indian philosophers and mathematicians can scarce be distinguished: an accurate knowledge of Sanscrit [Sanskrit], and a confidential intercourse with learned Brahmens, are the only means of separating truth from fable; and we may expect the most important discoveries from two of our members, concerning whom it may be safely asserted, that if our Society should have produced no other advantage than the invitation given to them for the public display of their talents, we should have a claim to the thanks of our country and of all Europe....

Lieutenant Wilford has exhibited an interesting specimen of the geographical knowledge deducible from the Puranas, and will in time present you with so complete a treatise on the ancient world known to the Hindus, that the light acquired by the Greeks will appear but a glimmering in comparison of that he will diffuse....


The jurisprudence of the Hindus and Arabs being the field which I have chosen for my peculiar toil, you cannot expect that I should greatly enlarge your collection of historical knowledge; but I may be able to offer you some occasional tribute; and I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for though it could not have been Prayaga, where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja, which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks; nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erannoboas, which the accurate M. D'Ancille had pronounced to be the Yamuna; but this only difficulty was removed, when I found in a classical Sanscrit [Sanskrit] book, near 2000 years old, that Hiranyabahu, or golden armed, which the Greeks changed into Erannoboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself; though Megasthenes, from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately. This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandracottus the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes; and was no other than that very Sandracottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator; so that we have solved another problem, to which we before alluded, and may in round numbers consider the twelve and three hundredth years before Christ, as two certain epochs between Rama, who conquered Silan a few centuries after the flood, and Vicramaditya, who died at Ujjayini fifty-seven years before the beginning of our era.

Since these discussions would lead us too far, I proceed to the History of Nature.

-- Discourse X. Delivered February 28, 1793, P. 192, Excerpt from "Discourses Delivered Before the Asiatic Society: And Miscellaneous Papers, on The Religion, Poetry, Literature, Etc. of the Nations of India," by Sir William Jones1824


However, Thomas Babington Macaulay, the Law Member of Governor-General’s Council and the Chairman of the Committee of Public Instruction in Bengal, finally resolved the matter in the favour of the Anglicists in his minutes of 1835 by choosing the western line of education with English as the medium of instruction (Ashton, 1988: 23).

The Transition from Oriental to Occident Education System in the Region

In the early period, the East India Company (EIC) took initiatives only for providing education to the European children whose families traveled to India for business and commercial enterprise. Though, some of the upper class Indians enrolled their children in these schools. Benson (1972) mentions that the EIC did not encourage the educational development during the last quarter of the 18th and the first decade of the 19th century. The underlying prudence for employing such approach was the apprehension the company envisaged that the western education based on English language might ensue cultural conflict and subversion in the subjects (David, 1984; Rahim, 1986).

Initially the EIC patronized the prevailing oriental education system in India to avoid any confrontation with the local culture.
Hastings’ (1773-85) pursuit of establishing the institutes for oriental studies based on Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic languages, was incorporation of that political ideology which was diametrically changed with the arrival of Lord Bentinck, the Governor-General during 1828-1835 (Rosselli, 1974). Viswanathan (1989) maintains that pro-oriental approach was an essential political strategy to harmonize the natives with the expanding British rule in India. To obtain such goals, the refined and acculturated band of English officers was appointed in India for the cultivation of cultural synthesis and forbearing to obliterate the feelings of foreboding (quoted by Pachori, 1990). Kopf (1969) adds that Hastings believed that those officers would have sympathetic outlook and broader understanding of the culture, laws and traditions of the Indian society, hence they would wield their power prudently. However, during the last quarter of the 18th and the first quarter of the 19th century, this approach was diametrically changed by the liberal reformists and the European education system based on English language was introduced in the colonized Indian subcontinent. They leveled their arguments on the grounds that the subject should acquaint themselves with western knowledge and culture for their assimilation with the rulers and not the vice versa (Clive, 1973). It indeed was a paradigm shift in the attitude of British towards India from “interest and appreciation to criticism and disdain”, which got momentous effect after the arrival of Lord Bentinck. Macaulay once mentioned in the House of Common that it was better to trade with the civilized people than rule over the savages.

The Role of the Missionary

The missionary, though not with official permission, started proselytizing the people in the 18th century. William Carry [Carey] translated Ramayana and Sanskrit grammar book. Besides, missionary established vocational schools where reading of the Bible was compulsory. The Bible was also translated into the indigenous languages. These institutes provided religious and vocational education to the children of the converts to earn their livelihood. The majority of the converts belonged to the lower Indian class (Chatterji, 1983). Thus, English language and contents first time got their roots in the Indian education system.

Charles Grant, Zachary Macaulay and William Wilberforce were in the favour of English education system in India. Wilberforce moved a resolution in the British Parliament in 1773 for introducing English education system in India so that the subjects could be uplifted morally, socially, politically and religiously. The explicit content and intention of converting people into Christianity led the parliament to disapprove the resolution. Besides, the parliament was prudent enough and did not want cultural and religious confrontation with the natives.

The Pro-Oriental Phase

Warren Hastings was appointed as the governor of Fort William, Calcutta in April 1772, he had much reverence for Indian culture and religion in general and Indian philosophy and literature in particular. He believed in the policy of consolidation and conciliation. He took initiatives for the translation of the Bhagavad Gita and the Mahabharata. Wilkin translated the Bhagavad Gita and Major Rennel, the inventor of printing type of Bengali and Persian script, wrote The Bengal Atlas. Hastings founded “Asiatic Society of Bengal” which rendered integral service to Indian culture and history. In addition, Hastings founded the Calcutta Madrassa in 1781 and the Benares Sanskrit College in 1791 to encourage oriental learning for the natives. The Orientalists were not in the favour of any covert or overt support for the promotion of missionary activities in India, because they knew it would be counterproductive and would beget dissatisfaction and confrontation. Some of the parliamentarians were of the opinion that the idea of educating colonies might not be carried further as they had already lost colonies after educating them – the experience of losing America was fresh in their memory.

The First Official Step: Leading from Oriental Knowledge to Engraftment of Western Contents

The first official blueprint for Indian education system was presented by Charles Grant, the director of EIC, in 1792. He is regarded as father of modern education in India. He was pro-Christian and had strong conviction that if the natives accepted Christianity they would adhere to the culture, politics, economic system and language of their rulers without any resistance or contempt. For him, Christianity, English language and western learning were the tools to mould the Indian natives morally, politically, socially, and religiously (Kirshnaswamy and Lalitah, 2006:12). Charles Grants’ treatise: Observation on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain (1792) was in tune with evangelical stance to convince the British parliament for introducing English education and missionary activities in India for the stability of the British rule.

However, missionaries were not happy with the Oriental system of education. They supported the Anglicists for introducing European knowledge of science and literature with English as the medium of instruction. Although, the missionaries approached the British Parliament to seek permission for conducting missionary activities in India, yet given to the policy of conciliation and consolidation, the parliament did not overtly support the missionary activities in the region.

Charles Grant was appointed as the Chairman of EIC in 1805, Deputy Chairman in 1807-1808 and again was appointed as Chairman in 1809. This appointment remained in the favour of both Anglicists and missionary. The Charter Act of 1813 determined that English would be incorporated in Indian schools in coexistence with the local vernaculars. Thus, the English education of science and art would gradually be “engrafted” to produce a class of elite that could serve as cultural intermediaries between the rulers and the ruled. Besides, it was envisaged that European education would boost the moral and social development of the Indians. The missionary now overtly continued its activities as the resolution included religious and moral uplift of the natives. Charles Grant made English as the medium of instruction; science, literature and the content of Christianity were used for the cultural indoctrination and transplantation so that the British could rule peacefully over Indians. In the follow up of the 1773 resolution, a Charter was passed in 1823 which made the government bound to spend at least one lac rupees for the education in India.

James Mill, the senior officer of the company in London during 1819-1836, published a book: History of British India in 1817 based on the utilitarian outlook upon the Indian society. The company’s dispatch of 1824, written by Mill on the behalf of the company, was imbued with Mills’ utilitarian convictions, and it deprecated the company’s policy of “engraftment”. He reiterated that the objectives of education should not be to disseminate Islamic or Hindu learning “but the useful knowledge.” (Zastoupil & Moir, 1999:116). Though Mill was in concord with Charles Grant regarding the teaching of European knowledge of science and literature and rejected the oriental studies yet he, unlike Charles Grant, did not support the implementation of English as the medium of instruction, but suggested that the translation of European knowledge into classical or local Indian vernaculars would yield fruitful harvest moreover in abundance (Zastoupil, 1994). In the response of Mills’ dispatch, the Committee of Public Instructions submitted the note of dissent that the prevailing dislike against the western education was a hindrance in its implementation. The note succinctly mentioned that any innovation in the education system might invoke the public prejudice and end in confrontation (Zastoupil & Moir, 1999:121). It was further reported that even the elite class nourished in the traditional education system would not favour the western education, until such favour was gained from the elite class in particular and society in general. The explicit advocacy and implementation of western education would endanger the peaceful rule in India.

Though there was conspicuous pressure from the middle class Hindu for learning in English, but the Committee of Public Instructions, being dominated by the Orientalists, was reluctant to favour the Anglicists. Majumdar (1955) testifies that the establishment of Hindu College at Calcutta for the higher education in English was the manifestation of growing interest of the public in English learning. Frykenberg (1986) adds that the same demand was incorporated in the private schools of Madras to teach rudiments of English language. In addition, the intellects like Rammohan Roy also preferred and demanded the education system based on western science and literature (Zastoupil & Moir, 1999).

The controversy between the Orientalists and Anglicists still continued but owing to the Gurkhas and Marathas wars during 1813- 1823, the education and other work of development could not receive serious consideration. In 1823, a committee was constituted consisting of the members of both Orientalists and Anglicists to settle the issues regarding education policy and system in India. The committee during 1823-1833 recognized the Calcutta Madrassa, Benares Sanskrit College and established Sanskrit College at Pona in 1821 and two Oriental colleges at Agra in 1823. The Oriental schools were asked to translate the books from English into Indian classical languages. The EIC was interested in trade, the British government endeavoured for the expansion of empire, whereas the missionary strove for conversion. Their interests were mutually dependent therefore missionary also succeeded in getting covert support from the government.

The Establishment of Missionary Schools

The missionary schools were established in India during 1815-1840 that included the Baptist Mission School 1815, the Seramore College 1818, the London Missionary Society’s School 1818, the Bishop College at Sibpur 1820, the Calcutta Society’s School 1819, the Jaya Narayan School and Ghoshal’s English School at Benars 1818. The most prominent one was the General Assembly’s Institution 1830 founded by the Scottish missionary headed by Alexander Duff, who was of the opinion that for converting people in Christianity, European knowledge and English language could be used as tools in the Indian education system. Duff and the missionary were very critical of “godless policy” of the British government in India.

The English-based Schools vis-à-vis the Demand of the Natives

The government started English classes at Calcutta Madrassa, the Benares Sanskrit College, Delhi College and Agra College during 1824-35. The young Indians were very much keen interested in English education based on the knowledge of science and art. They regarded it as Indian Renaissance. The English newspapers were published in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay during 1780-95. They Indian were incentivized to read and write in English. Owing to the increasing demand, the natives established the Hindu College in 1817 in Calcutta to impart education in English. The then chief justice of Supreme Court of Calcutta entertained a petition from a group of people who demanded for the provision of education based on European knowledge of science and art.

Raja Rammohan Roy, the prominent Indian figure and now regarded as the founder of modern India, also demanded for the education of science, mathematics, medicine, law and art, because he was of the opinion that Indian society could not progress until it was provided with the modern education. He supported English utilitarian approach in education and opposed the orthodox system dominated by the pundits, but he did not oppose the knowledge of Sanskrit. He was liberal and enlightened who struggled against the tradition of satti, self -immolation by a wife at the funeral pyre of her husband, child marriage and he fought for the rights of women in property and equal treatment in the society (Reena Chatterji, 1983). Thus, the demand for the education based on European subjects translated into Indian classical languages was manipulated to start education in English language. Lord Bentinck, who was friend of Charles Grant, was appointed as governor-general in 1828. He took initiatives for making English as the official language in India. Besides, both the company and British government also needed natives having skills in English language to run the affairs of government and company, because the number of English present in India did not meet the requirement. The committee, constituted for the settlement of line of education and language in India, remained divided in two ideological factions and the Orientalists and Anglicists could not reach to any feasible conclusion unanimously.

Frykenberg (1988) reveals that owing to mounting pressure from both the Indian and the British reformists during the first quarter of the 19th century, western knowledge and English language as the medium of instruction were introduced in the Indian subcontinent. With appointment of Lord Bentinck as the Governor-General and Charles Trevelyan, the brother in law of Macaulay, at the London office of GCPI in place of Wilson, the Orientalists were relegated in the background and Hastings’ policy of conciliation and consolidation was thwarted (Washbrook, 1999).

The Minutes of Macaulay (1835)

Lord Bentinck was appointed to squeeze the expenditures of the company. In the pursuit of the same, he introduced some reforms in which the traditions of satti and child marriages were abolished. Meanwhile, Charles Trevelyan after assuming his charge in London depreciated the oriental model of education in India (Fisher, 1919) and called the oriental pattern as “sleepy, sluggish, inanimate machines” (Hilliker, 1974:282). He further corresponded with Lord Bentinck for the Romanizing of Indian vernaculars and implementing “our language, our learning, and ultimately our religion” (Philips, 1977: 1239). For educational reform, he appointed Thomas Babington Macaulay, the Law Member of Governor-General’s Council, as the Chairman of the Committee of Public Instruction in Bengal, who finally resolved the matter in the favour of the Anglicists by choosing the western line of education in his minutes of 1835 regarded as “the manifesto of English education in India”.

Ghosh (1995) argues that there is no documented proof, but it cannot be ruled out that Macaulay before writing his minutes must have read Charles Grant’s “Observation”. As the minutes were very much tuned with line of action presented in the work of Charles Grant. Clive (1973) adds that Zachary, Macaulay’s father, was close associate of Charles Grant. Charles Jr., the son of Charles Grant, was intimate friend of Macaulay, therefore, the evangelical influence cannot be ruled out altogether. The Bentinck-Macaulay educational reforms were already planned and pre-conceived. Macaulay just officially produced it in black and white form and even its time was also decided. Bentinck knew that there would be much hue and cry in the wake of implementation of western education pattern and English language. Therefore, he chose the time when his tenure of governor-generalship was at end. Because, in past when he introduced some reforms in Madras, at the protest of the people he was removed from his office. So avoiding the replica at the end of his tenure, he implemented the recommendations made in the minutes of Macaulay without further delay and discussion.

Macaulay founded his arguments on the bases of inherit quality of western knowledge of literature and science. He provided a justification for imposing English language that it was another anomaly as it was strange phenomenon the British government ruled a country, thousands miles away having no cultural, social, linguistic and political affinity or sound reasons, where the subjects belonged to different caste, colour, religion, culture and political system. As the rule of British was an exception likewise the decision of making English as the medium of instruction was another strange step in the midst of prevailing political anomaly (Bailey, 1991:137). Besides, he further emphasized that Indian natives also demanded for English to build their career in the government services.

Lord Bentinck approved the minutes forthwith and sent to the Board of Directors, John Stuart Mill critically deprecated the proposal and suggested for the continuity of the past policy of “engraftment”. The proposal of Mill was sent to Sir John Hobhouse, the President of the Board and an ardent admirer of Macaulay. He directly contacted the Directors and asked them to give their assent without any comments or critique. After two months Sir John Hobhouse showed strong objection on the draft of Mill in his letter to James Carnac, the Chairman of the company (Zastoupil & Moir, 1999). Thus, in the follow up of the minutes, the resolution was passed in which promotion of European science and literature was made essential and all the funds were reserved only for English education (Zastoupil & Moir, 1999: 195). It all was done to have political and social control over the subjects by mesmerizing and influencing them with European knowledge (Pennycook, 1994:102-03).
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