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Tenth Mukaddama. — Conversation of the Sultan with his nobles about Khwaja'i Jahan.

Sultan Firoz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwaja-i Jahan, and wished to reinstate him as wazir, *** but the Khans, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. *** They accordingly went to the Sultan and said that as Dehli had now come into his hands, and the Khwaja-i Jahan had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultan perceived their meaning, and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said: "It was a high duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers." [!!!] *** They replied, "That the offences of royal servants were of two classes — one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be forgiven. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by repentance. The Khwaja, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people."

Insurrection followed upon insurrection. During the four or five days of Ramazan that the Sultan halted at Sultanpur, late one evening he sent for the author of this work, Zia Barni. When he arrived the Sultan said, "Thou seeest how many revolts spring up. I have no pleasure in them, although men will say that they have all been caused by my excessive severity. But I am not to be turned aside from punishment by observations and by revolts. You have read many histories; hast thou found that kings inflict punishments under certain circumstances?" I replied, "I have read in royal histories that a king cannot carry on his government without punishments, for if he were not an avenger God knows what evils would arise from the insurrections of the disaffected, and how many thousand crimes would be committed by his subjects. Jamshid was asked under what circumstances punishment is approved. He replied, 'under seven circumstances, and whatever goes beyond or in excess of these causes, produces disturbances, trouble, and insurrection, and inflicts injury on the country: 1. Apostasy from the true religion, and persistence therein; 2. Wilful murder; 3. Adultery of a married man with another's wife; 4. Conspiracy against the king; 5. Heading a revolt, or assisting rebels; 6. Joining the enemies or rivals of the king, conveying news to them, or aiding and abetting them in any way; 7. Disobedience, productive of injury to the State. But for no other disobedience, as detriment to the realm is an essential. The servants of God are disobedient to him when they are disobedient to the king, who is his vicegerent; and the State would go to ruin, if the king were to refrain from inflicting punishment in such cases of disobedience as are injurious to the realm.'" The Sultan then asked me if the Prophet had said anything about these seven offences in respect of their punishment by kings. I replied "that the Prophet had declared his opinion upon three offences out of these seven — viz., apostasy, murder of a Musulman, and adultery with a married woman. The punishment of the other four offences is a matter rather of policy and good government. Referring to the benefits derivable from the punishments prescribed by Jamshid, it has been remarked that kings appoint wazirs, advance them to high dignity, and place the management of their kingdoms in their hands in order that these wazirs may frame regulations and keep the country in such good order that the king may be saved from having to stain himself with the blood of any mortal." The Sultan replied, ''Those punishments which Jamshid prescribed were suited to the early ages of the world, but in these days many wicked and turbulent men are to be found. I visit them with chastisement upon the suspicion or presumption of their rebellious and treacherous designs, and I punish the most trifling act of contumacy with death. This I will do until I die, or until the people act honestly, and give up rebellion and contumacy. I have no such wazir as will make rules to obviate my shedding blood. I punish the people because they have all at once become my enemies and opponents. I have dispensed great wealth among them, but they have not become friendly and loyal. Their temper is well known to me, and I see that they are disaffected and inimical to me."

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

*** Sultan Firoz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwaja. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days — his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imadu-l Mulk to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sultan placed the case of Khwaja-i Jahan in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultan had given up the case. * * * They accordingly agreed that as the Khwaja was aged, the estate of Samana should be assigned to him in in'am, and so he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. *** The Khwaja set out for Samana, and had made some stages when Sher Khan overtook him, but did not go to see him. *** So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khan had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. ** Next day he asked Sher Khan for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. * * * He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Khwaja's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had completed his devotions, the Khwaja bowed his head to his prayer- carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head from his body.

Eleventh Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz at Hansi.

The Sultan being relieved from all apprehension on account of Dehli, marched in great state from Karoda towards the city. After several stages he arrived at Hansi, where he went to wait upon the Shaikhu-l Islam Shaikh Kutbu-d din. *** The Shaikh said to him, "I have heard it said that you are addicted to wine; but if Sultans and the heads of religion give themselves up to wine-bibbing, the wants of the poor and needy will get little attention." *** The Sultan thereupon said that he would drink no more.

With this brave and well-appointed army the Sultan marched towards Bengal, and Khan-i Jahan was left behind as deputy in Dehli. The Khan-i 'azam Tatar Khan accompanied the royal standards some marches, but was then sent back to Hisar Firozah. The author learned the cause of this dismissal from his father, who was then one of the royal attendants (khawass). The Sultan at the beginning of his reign, as is the practice of kings, used to indulge in wine from time to time. After starting on his campaign the Sultan encamped with his army and showed the utmost care and attention to its discipline. But it so happened that one morning they placed some wine before him. It is a remarkable fact that the wines which Firoz Shah used to drink were of various colours and different flavours; some were yellow as saffron, some red as the rose, some were white; and the taste of all was like sweet milk. Thus the personal attendants of this great king used to serve him with wines of different colours. One morning after prayers the Sultan called for a glass to moisten his throat, and it so happened that Tatar Khan came to wait upon him just at the same time. His arrival was announced to the Sultan, who was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his enjoyment; so he desired his son Fath Khan to see Tatar Khan, and to put him off with some excuse. But Tatar Khan was not to be denied; in spite of all excuses he would not go away, but went in and sat down, saying that he had a statement to make. The Sultan was thus compelled to invite him in.

At that time the Sultan was lying half-naked (chun nihang) on his couch; but before the Khan came in, he wrapped a garment around him, and, rising from his couch, sat down on a coverlet. The wine and cups he pushed under the bed, and covered all with a sheet. When Tatar Khan entered, he spied what was hidden under the bed, and his suspicions were aroused. He was so troubled by the sight that his lips failed to utter the usual salutation. The Sultan spoke not a word, neither did he. At length Tatar Khan began to speak (seriously) as if beginning a sermon (dastan), saying, that they were about to march against the enemy, and the time was one for repentance, self-abasement, and prayer. The Sultan inquired what he meant, and asked if anything untoward had happened, and the Khan said he perceived certain articles under the bed. The Sultan replied that he liked to take a little now and then; and Tatar Khan expressed his deep regret that the Sultan should indulge in such a practice. Thereupon the Sultan swore an oath that he would drink no more wine while the Khan was with the army. Tatar Khan gave thanks to God and went away. The Sultan sat brooding over the matter and thought the Khan had spoken to him in a disrespectful and unkind manner. After some days the Sultan bethought him that they were not near Hisar-Firozah, the neighbourhood of which town was in a disturbed state; he therefore sent Tatar Khan thither to restore order and quiet, and the Khan accordingly took his departure....

Sultan Firoz had a great liking for the laying out of gardens, which he took great pains to embellish. He formed 1,200 gardens in the vicinity of Dehli. Such of them as were private property, or were religious endowments, after due investigation of the titles, he settled for with their owners. All gardens received abundant proofs of his care, and he restored thirty gardens which had been commenced by 'Alau-d din. In the neighbourhood of Salaura he made eighty gardens, and in Chitur forty-four gardens. In every garden there were white and black grapes, of seven [named] varieties. They were sold at the rate of one jital per sir. Of the various articles grown in the gardens, the government share of the produce amounted to 80,000 tankas, without taking into account the dues of the owners and gardeners.

--XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultan was passionately fond of hunting; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without necessity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man — all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain from hunting. ***

This History of Firoz Shah is devoted exclusively to the reign of that monarch, and therefore has a better right to the title than Barni's history, which embraces only a small portion of the reign of Firoz, and bears the title simply because it was written or finished during his reign. Little is known of Shams-i Siraj beyond what is gleaned from his own work. He was descended from a family which dwelt at Abuhar, the country of Firoz Shah's Bhatti mother. His great grandfather, he says, was collector of the revenue of Abuhar, and was intimate with Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik before he became Sultan. He himself was attached to the court of Firoz, and accompanied him on his hunting expeditions....

News was then brought that in the jangal there were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant, which was very fierce. The Sultan resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing the pursuit of the Rai.

[Hunt of the Elephants.] After some days the elephants were tired and were cut off from their pasture. The elephant-drivers then went into the jangal, and climbed up the trees; when the animals, weak with thirst and hunger, passed slowly under the trees, the drivers dropped down upon their backs, and, putting ropes and chains upon them, captured the whole eight....

The Sultan then resolved upon pursuing the Rai into his island; but the Rai sent some of his Brahmans (patar) to wait upon the Sultan...

When the Sultan had heard what they had to say, he replied that his intentions had been friendly. He had received certain information that elephants were as numerous as sheep in the jangal round the Rai's dwelling, and he had proceeded thither for the purpose of hunting. When he approached, the Rai fled in alarm, and took refuge in his islands. What was the cause of this flight? After explanations, the Rai sent twenty mighty elephants as an offering, and agreed to furnish certain elephants yearly in payment of revenue. The Sultan then sent robes and insignia by the mahtas to the Rai, he granted robes to them also, and then they returned home. After this the Sultan started on his return, taking with him, from the two countries of Lakhnauti and Jajnagar, seventy-three elephants, having stayed two years and seven months in those territories....

After his return from Lakhnauti, the Sultan was much occupied with building. He completed, with much care, the kushk at Firozabad, and also commenced a kushk in the middle of that town. After the lapse of two half years, every man of the army now returned to his home. The Sultan passed his time in three ways: 1. In hunting; *** 2. In directing the affairs of State; *** 3. In building....

One day the Sultan went hunting, and in pursuit of his quarry, having separated from his followers, he went to a garden where he met a woman [whose conversation showed him the necessity of more strict attention to the duties of revenue administration]....

After his return from Lakhnauti, Sultan Firoz determined upon a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, and started thither with a suitable train of attendants and tent equipage. He arrived at Bhayana, where he rested for a while, and State affairs then necessitated his return to Dehli....

The Sultan was out hunting, when he was informed that Babiniya had arrived in his camp. He allowed no indication of his feelings to appear in his countenance.* * Babiniya followed the Sultan to the hunting ground, where he had just killed a wolf, * * * and there he presented himself, with his turban in front of his throat and a sword upon his neck, like a repentant criminal, and, humbly approaching the Sultan, kissed his stirrup and begged forgiveness. The Sultan then graciously placed his hand on the back of Babiniya and said, "Why were you so afraid of me? I did not wish to hurt any one, especially you; cheer up your spirits and dispel your anxiety, for you shall be twice the man you were before." He then ordered an Arab horse to be presented to Babiniya, and, closing his discourse, he went on hunting again....

Tenth Mukaddama. — Hunting Excursions.

*** The author proposes to describe, in succession, how the various kinds of hunting were carried on.1 [He tells us that he sometimes accompanied these expeditions, and he describes the mode of proceeding in great detail and with evident gusto.] The chase of the gor-khar or wild ass was pursued in the deserts between Dipalpur and Sarsuti *** during the hot season, when these animals congregate. *** The chase of the deer, nil-gaos, etc., was carried on principally in the neighbourhood of Badaun and Anwala,2 [Var. Anwala, Atwala.] where these animals were found in great numbers. This district was waste, but well furnished with water and grass. No other such waste was to be found near Dehli. *** Orders were given for its being retained waste for hunting purposes, otherwise it would quickly have become peopled and cultivated under the prosperous and fostering government of Firoz. * * * If a lion, tiger, or wolf was surrounded, the Sultan used to kill it first, and then pursue the other animals....

When the Sultan departed from Dehli on affairs of State, or for hunting, he used to leave Khan-i Jahan as his deputy, who, during his absence, rode about Dehli with a great display of power, *** having his sons, grandsons, sons-in-law, and slaves in his train. *** During the absence of the Sultan, the city was thus kept in subjection. After the death of the Khan, the Sultan ceased from his excursions, and only went out riding in the neighbourhood of the capital.

--XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

TENTH SECTION

Description of the Excessive Indulgence of the Lord of the World in Hunting, which is a kingly practice and is counted among the characteristics of the great kings

On a few occasions the royal standards marched towards Hansi and Sarsati (for this purpose). When for the first time it headed towards the mountains with an intention of hunting, Allah be praised, if I wish to describe the abundance and variety of game and excessive interest of the lord of the world in the matter of hunting, I will have to pen a Shikar Nama-i Firoz Shahi and in two volumes. The continuous engagement in hunting and the various ways of hunting that have come to us in regard to the asylum of the world, Firoz Shah, has not been witnessed from any other king of Delhi. The books contain descriptions of the great interest of Sultan Shams ud Din in hunting and about the excessive indulgence of Sultan Balban I have heard from my grandfather. As for the inclination of Sultan Ala ud Din Khalji, that I have personally witnessed with my own eyes. But those kings indulged in the hunting of birds during the four months of winter and made the crowned and non crowned falcons to fly. However, as far as hunting of wild beasts and of birds is concerned, in fact Sultan Firoz Shah could not live without hunting throughout the year -- something which is given only to the asylum of the world. On the few occasions when he went hunting in those regions, he neither left the lions in the bushes nor spared any of the wolves or antelope or kozan or deer in those lands. I also don't see the birds flying in the air or alight on some waterbody. Due to the great quantity of meat of hunted animals, the meat would reach the camp of the army and for a long time the butchers did not have any need to slaughter cows and goats and remained idle. This continues to happen even now. Due to the excessive indulgence of the lord of the world in this matter, the amirs of Shikar have attained a very high position which had never been achieved by them in any age and they are greatly honoured. Keepers of falcons, other officers of this department and still others associated with keeping of falcons have come to lead a life of great luxury. A very large number of them have been recruited and arrogance has nestled in their heads. All the falcon keepers of the capital city have been employed in falconry. Countless hawks and falcons have been gathered in the royal falconry and animals are continuously supplied for their feeding. Those associated with the hunting ground of the Sultan recite the following verses:

In front of the onslaught of his arrows due to the problem of acceptance and rejection,
Deer's milk turns into blood and blood turns into milk out of hope,
In front of his two pronged spear with the intention of prostration
The lion bends its back like the branch of guznan.
I have heard that out of fear of this lion of the earth
The lion of the sky cries for help from the Almighty

-- Chapter 6: The Sultan of the Age, One Who is Supported by God, Firoz Shah al Sultan, Excerpt from "Tarikh-I Firoz Shahi, An English Translation" [Written by Zia ud Din Barani], by Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli

Twelfth Mukaddama. — Interview with Shaikh Kutbu'd din-i Munawwar and Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud at Hansi.

[???]

Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Firoz Shah at Dehli.

When the Sultan reached Dehli, the drums of joy were beaten, and the citizens decked themselves out in their jewels and best clothes. Pavilions (kaba) were erected and were decorated according to the custom prevailing in the times of former kings. Six of these pavilions were raised, and for twenty-one days a continual festival was maintained. One lac of tankas was expended in each pavilion in food and sherbet, and no one was excluded. * * *

Without any consultation, and without carefully looking into the advantages and disadvantages on every side, he brought ruin upon Dehli, that city which, for 170 or 180 years, had grown in prosperity, and rivaled Baghdad and Cairo. The city, with its sarais and its suburbs and villages, spread over four or five kos. All was destroyed. So complete was the ruin, that not a cat or a dog was left among the buildings of the city, in its palaces or in its suburbs. Troops of the natives, with their families and dependents, wives and children, men-servants and maid-servants, were forced to remove. The people, who for many years and for generations had been natives and inhabitants of the land, were broken-hearted. Many, from the toils of the long journey, perished on the road, and those who arrived at Deogir could not endure the pain of exile. In despondency they pined to death. All around Deogir, which is an infidel land, there sprung up graveyards of Musulmans. The Sultan was bounteous in his liberality and favours to the emigrants, both on their journey and on their arrival; but they were tender, and they could not endure the exile and suffering. They laid down their heads in that heathen land, and of all the multitudes of emigrants, few only survived to return to their home. Thus this city, the envy of the cities of the inhabited world, was reduced to ruin. The Sultan brought learned men and gentlemen, tradesmen and landholders, into the city (Dehli) from certain towns in his territory, and made them reside there. But this importation of strangers did not populate the city; many of them died there, and more returned to their native homes. These changes and alterations were the cause of great injury to the country....

The Sultan returned victorious to Dehli, where he stayed for two years. He did not proceed to Deogir, whither the citizens and their families had removed. Whilst he remained at Dehli the nobles and soldiers continued with him, but their wives and children were at Deogir....

The Sultan, still ill, then set off for Dehli, and on his way he gave general permission for the return home of those people whom he had removed from Dehli to Deogir. Two or three caravans were formed which returned to Dehli, but those with whom the Mahratta country agreed remained at Deogir with their wives and children....

When the Sultan reached Dehli, not a thousandth part of the population remained. He found the country desolate, a deadly famine raging, and all cultivation abandoned. He employed himself some time in restoring cultivation and agriculture, but the rains fell short that year, and no success followed. At length no horses or cattle were left; grain rose to 16 or 17 jitals a sir, and the people starved. The Sultan advanced loans from the treasury to promote cultivation, but men had been brought to a state of helplessness and weakness. Want of rain prevented cultivation, and the people perished....man was devouring man....

He stayed for some time in Dehli, making loans and encouraging cultivation; but the rain did not fall, and the raiyats did not apply themselves to work, so prices rose yet higher, and men and beasts died of starvation. *** Through the famine no business of the State could go on to the Sultan's satisfaction....

[T]he Malik and his brothers sent to Sargdwari and to Dehli money, grain and goods, to the value of from seventy to eighty lacs of tankas....many nobles and officials of Dehli, through fear of the Sultan's severity, had left the city, alleging the dearness of grain as the reason, and had come to Oudh and Zafarabad, with their wives and families....[The Sultan] sent a message to 'Ainu-l Mulk, ordering that all the people of note and ability, and all those who had fled from Dehli to escape punishment, should be arrested and sent bound to Dehli....

The cash raised from the revenues under Katlagh Khan had been accumulated at Deogir, for it was not possible to convey it to Dehli in consequence of the badness of the roads, the distress in Malwa, and the disaffection of the village chiefs....

One day, while he was thus distressed, he sent for me, the author of this work, and, addressing me, said..."If I can settle the affairs of my kingdom according to my wish, I will consign my realm of Dehli to three persons, Firoz Shah, Malik Kabir, and Ahmad Ayyaz, and I will then proceed on the pilgrimage to the holy temple. At present I am angry with my subjects, and they are aggrieved with me. The people are acquainted with my feelings, and I am aware of their misery and wretchedness. No treatment that I employ is of any benefit. My remedy for rebels, insurgents, opponents, and disaffected people is the sword. I employ punishment and use the sword, so that a cure may be effected by suffering. The more the people resist, the more I inflict chastisement."...

Thereupon he sent Ahmad Ayyaz and Malik Makbul from the army to take charge of the affairs of the capital. He summoned Khudawand-zada, Makhdum-zada, and many elders, learned men and others, with their wives and families, to Kondal. Every one that was summoned hastened with horse and foot to join the Sultan at Kondal, so that a large force was gathered there and was formed into an army.... The Sultan ... marched with his army to the Indus. He crossed that river in ease and safety with his army and elephants. He was there joined by Altun Bahadur, with four or five thousand Mughal horse, sent by the Amir of Farghan. The Sultan showed great attention to this leader and his followers, and bestowed many gifts upon them. He then advanced along the banks of the Indus towards Thatta, with an army as numerous as a swarm of ants or locusts, with the intention of humbling the Sumras and the rebel Taghi, whom they had sheltered.

As he was thus marching with his countless army, and was thirty kos from Thatta, the ''ashura or fast of the 10th of Muharram happened. He kept the fast, and when it was over he ate some fish. The fish did not agree with him, his illness returned and fever increased. He was placed in a boat and continued his journey on the second and third days, until he came to within fourteen kos of Thatta. He then rested, and his army was fully prepared, only awaiting the royal command to take Thatta, and to crush the Sumras of Thatta and the rebel Taghi in a single day, and to utterly annihilate them. But fate ruled it otherwise. During the last two or three days that he was encamped near Thatta, the Sultan's malady had grown worse, and his army was in great trouble, for they were a thousand kos distant from Dehli and their wives and children, they were near the enemy and in a wilderness and desert, so they were sorely distressed, and looking upon the Sultan's expected death as preliminary to their own, they quite despaired of returning home. On the 21st Muharram, 752 H. (1350 A.D.), Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlik departed this life on the banks of the Indus, at fourteen kos from Thatta....

* * * On the third day after the death of Mahammad Tughlik, the army marched from (its position) fourteen kos from Thatta towards Siwistan, on its return homewards. Every division of the army marched without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one heeded or listened to what any one said, but continued the march like careless caravans. So when they had proceeded a kos or two, the Mughals, eager for booty, assailed them in front, and the rebels of Thatta attacked them in the rear. Cries of dismay arose upon every side. The Mughals fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses, camels, troopers, baggage, and whatever else had been sent on in advance. They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the camels which carried it. The villagers (who had been pressed into the service) of the army, and expected the attack, took to flight. They pillaged various lots of baggage on the right and left of the army, and then joined the rebels of Thatta in attacking the baggage train. The people of the army, horse and foot, women and men, stood their ground; for when they marched, if any advanced in front, they were assailed by the Mughals; if they lagged behind, they were plundered by the rebels of Thatta. Those who resisted and put their trust in God reached the next stage, but those who had gone forward with the women, maids, and baggage, were cut to pieces. The army continued its march along the river without any order or regularity, and every man was in despair for his life and goods, his wife and children. Anxiety and distress would allow no one to sleep that night, and, in their dismay, men remained with their eyes fixed upon heaven. On the second day, by stratagem and foresight, they reached their halting ground, assailed, as on the first day, by the Mughals in front and the men of Thatta in the rear. They rested on the banks of the river in the greatest possible distress, and in fear for their lives and goods. The women and children had perished. Makhdum Zada 'Abbasi, the Shaikhu-s Shaiyukh of Egypt, Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud Oudhi, and the chief men, assembled and went to Firoz Shah, and with one voice said, "Thou art the heir apparent and legatee of the late Sultan; he had no son, and thou art his brother's son; there is no one in the city or in the army enjoying the confidence of the people, or possessing the ability to reign. For God's sake save these wretched people, ascend the throne, and deliver us and many thousand other miserable men. Redeem the women and children of the soldiers from the hands of the Mughals, and purchase the prayers of two lacs of people." Firoz Shah made objections, which the leaders would not listen to. All ranks, young and old, Musulmans and Hindus, horse and foot, women and children, assembled, and with one acclaim declared that Firoz Shah alone was worthy of the crown. "If he does not assume it to-day and let the Mughals hear of his doing so, not one of us will escape from the hands of the Mughals and the Thatta men." So on the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (1351 A.D.), the Sultan ascended the throne.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

Fourteenth Mukaddama. — The Sultan's fostering care of the people of Dehli and his remission of arrears.

*** In those days Khwaja Fakhr Shadi was accountant-general. After Sultan Muhammad returned from Daulatabad, he lent the people of Dehli property equivalent to two krors (of tankas?) for the purpose of restoring the land, villages, and quarters which had fallen into ruin during the days of the famine. This money remained in the hands of the people, and Khwaja-i Jahan, after the death of Sultan Mohammad, took the people of Dehli under his protection, and they in their greediness joined themselves to him. When Sultan Firoz ascended the throne at Thatta, the Khwaja distributed jewels and diamonds among them. All the money lent and the jewels stood against the names of the parties concerned in the government books. FakhrShadi, the accountant, brought the fact to the notice of Firoz Shah. After thinking over the matter, the Sultan consulted Kiwamu-l Mulk as to what ought to be done, * * * and that minister replied, "That Sultan Muhammad had deemed it expedient to make loans to the people, and that the Khwaja-i Jahan had squandered the jewels and wealth in prosecution of his projects and vain desires; therefore it would not be seemly to demand their restoration. The people were in great distress and poverty; if such a claim were made, they would be reduced to utter helplessness and ruin, and not one jot of the debt and jewels would be realized." *** The Sultan then asked him how he ought to proceed, and the Khan advised him to have all the accounts brought into the public court, and there to destroy them in the presence of all the people, so that they might be relieved from their great anxiety. The Sultan heartily approved of this advice, and by his direction the records of the debt and of the jewels were brought into his court, where they were publicly cancelled.*** At this time the Sultan appointed Kiwamu-l Mulk his wazir, and bestowed upon him the insignia of his office. * * * The revenues of Dehli, during the forty years which Sultan Firoz reigned, amounted to six krors and seventy-five lacs of tankas (67,500,000).

Seisachtheia (Greek: σεισάχθεια, from σείειν seiein, to shake, and ἄχθος achthos, burden, i.e. the relief of burdens) was a set of laws instituted by the Athenian lawmaker Solon (c. 638 BC–558 BC) in order to rectify the widespread serfdom and slavery that had run rampant in Athens by the 6th century BCE, by debt relief.

Under the pre-existing legal status, according to the account of the Constitution of the Athenians attributed to Aristotle, debtors unable to repay their creditors would surrender their land to them, then becoming hektemoroi, i.e. serfs who cultivated what used to be their own land and gave one sixth of produce to their creditors.

Should the debt exceed the perceived value of debtor's total assets, then the debtor and his family would become the creditor's slaves as well. The same would result if a man defaulted on a debt whose collateral was the debtor's personal freedom.

The seisachtheia laws immediately cancelled all outstanding debts, retroactively emancipated all previously enslaved debtors, reinstated all confiscated serf property to the hektemoroi, and forbade the use of personal freedom as collateral in all future debts. The laws instituted a ceiling to maximum property size – regardless of the legality of its acquisition (i.e. by marriage), meant to prevent excessive accumulation of land by powerful families.

-- Seisachtheia, by Wikipedia

Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz makes new rules for grants of revenue.1 ["Nanha"— plural of nan, a loaf. Grants of revenue instead of salaries or pecuniary allowances.]

The Sultan showed great liberality in his grants of revenue, and excited the cupidity of a host of expectants. To some he gave 10,000 tankas, to others 5,000, and to others 2,000, according to the respective ranks and claims of the different office-bearers. This method (of paying officials) was introduced by Sultan Firoz, and remains as a memorial of him. In the reigns of former rulers of Dehli it had never been the rule to bestow villages as stipends upon office-bearers.

While on this campaign it was again brought to [Sultan Balban's] notice that the old Shamsi military grantees of land were unfit for service, and never went out. *** On returning to Dehli he ordered the muster-master to make out a list of them, with full particulars, and to present it to the throne for instructions. It then appeared that about two thousand horsemen of the army of Shamsu-d din had received villages in the Doab by way of pay....

The Martyr Prince twice sent messengers to Shiraz for the express purpose of inviting Shaikh S'adi to Multan, and forwarded with them money to defray the expenses of the journey. His intention was to build a khankah (monastery) for him in Multan, and to endow it with villages for its maintenance....

In the reign of Balban, while Jalalu-d din was Sar-jandar, he held the territory, of Kaithal and the deputyship of Samana. His officers in Samana demanded revenue from a village belonging to Maulana Siraju-d din Sawi. ***The Maulana was very angry, and wrote a work which he called Khilji-nama, in which he lampooned Jalalu-d din. * * * On the latter becoming sovereign, the Maulana ***came to court with a rope round his neck, despairing of his life, *** but the Sultan called him forward, embraced him, gave him a robe, enrolled him among his personal attendants, restored his village, and added another, confirming them both to him and his descendants. ...

The Sultan continued their allowances for a year or two, but the climate and their city homes did not please them, so they departed with their families to their own country. Some of their principal men remained in India, and received allowances and villages....

[T]he gentry and traders, who had no villages or lands, used to get grain from the markets....

They had held their present territories for many years, and many nobles and officials of Dehli, through fear of the Sultan's severity, had left the city, alleging the dearness of grain as the reason, and had come to Oudh and Zafarabad, with their wives and families. Some of them became connected with the Malik and his brothers, and some of them received villages....

[A]fter much debate it was decided that Tughlik Shah should proceed to the villages (talwandi) belonging to Rana Mall, and demand payment of the year's revenue....

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

The author has understood from various historians that Sultan 'Alau-d din used to speak of this practice with disapprobation, and say that in every village granted there would be two or three hundred residents, all of whom would receive pay (from the grantee). Such a number of pensioners would give rise to pride and insubordination, and if they were to act in concert, there would be danger of rebellion. With these feelings there is no wonder that 'Alau-d-din refused to make grants of villages, and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury.

[Sultan 'Alau-d din] made his friends and principal supporters amirs, and the amirs he promoted to be maliks [a chief or leader (as in a village) in parts of the subcontinent of India.]. Every one of his old adherents he elevated to a suitable position, and to the Khans, maliks, and amirs he gave money, so that they might procure new horses and fresh servants. Enormous treasure had fallen into his hands, and he had committed a deed unworthy of his religion and position, so he deemed it politic to deceive the people, and to cover the crime by scattering honours and gifts upon all classes of people....

My uncle 'Alau-l Mulk, kotwal of Dehli, through his extreme corpulence, used to go (only) at the new moon to wait upon the Sultan, and to take wine with him. On one occasion the Sultan began to consult him...Before closing his speech, 'Alau-l Mulk said "What I have recommended can never be accomplished unless your Majesty gives up drinking to excess, and keeps aloof from convivial parties and feasts. *** If you cannot do entirely without wine, do not drink till the afternoon, and then take it alone without companions." *** When he had finished the Sultan was pleased, and commending the excellence of the advice which he had given, promised to observe it. He gave him a brocaded robe of honour with a gold waistband weighing half a man, ten thousand tankas, two horses fully caparisoned, and two villages in in'am....

The Sultan said, "I have given orders to recover from the various revenue officers whatever they have misappropriated or received in excess, punishing them with sticks, pincers, the rack, imprisonment, and chains. I now hear that alienations of the revenue1 [Dihhai, lit: villages.] and bribery have diminished. I have ordered such stipends to be settled on the various revenue officers as will maintain them in respectability, and if, notwithstanding, they resort to dishonesty and reduce the revenue, I deal with them as thou hast seen."...

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

But when Sultan Firoz came to the throne, he dismissed such thoughts from his heart, and during the forty years of his reign he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by distributing villages and lands among his followers. In the whole of these forty years not one leaf of dominion was shaken in the palace of sovereignty.1 [That is, there was no rebellion.] These facts are among the glories of his reign. ***

Another law made by Firoz Shah was this: If an officer of the army2 [Yake az jumlah i yaran i hashm.] died, he was to be succeeded by his son; if he had no son, by his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, by his slave (ghulam); if he had no slave, by his nearest relation; and if he had no relations, by his wives. During the whole of his reign he made it a rule that, under all circumstances, the succession of every person should be clearly defined. ***

Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz's fostering care of his subjects.

-- Utopia, by Thomas More
-- A Modern Utopia, by H. G. Wells
-- Organic nationalism, by Utopia Britannica
-- The rise and fall of Harmonia, a Spiritualist utopia and home to Sojourner Truth, by Nick Buckley
-- Utopian socialism, by Wikipedia
-- Inside Walt Disney's Ambitious, Failed Plan to Build the City of Tomorrow: Before EPCOT there was Project X, Florida's first utopian metropolis, by Matt Patches
-- The Myth of Shangri-La: Tibet, Travel Writing and the Western Creation of Sacred Landscape, by Peter Bishop
-- Islamic socialism, by Wikipedia

* * * Unwise regulations had been made in former reigns, and the raiyats and subjects were oppressed in the payment of the revenue. Several writers told the author of this work that it was the practice to leave the raiyat one cow and take away all the rest. Sultan Firoz made the laws of the Prophet his guide, acting zealously upon the principles they laid down, and prohibiting all that was inconsistent therewith.

Sultan Firoz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwaja-i Jahan, and wished to reinstate him as wazir, *** but the Khans, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. *** They accordingly went to the Sultan and said that as Dehli had now come into his hands, and the Khwaja-i Jahan had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultan perceived their meaning, and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said: "It was a high duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers." *** They replied, "That the offences of royal servants were of two classes — one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be forgiven. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by repentance. The Khwaja, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people." *** Sultan Firoz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwaja. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days — his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imadu-l Mulk to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sultan placed the case of Khwaja-i Jahan in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultan had given up the case. * * * They accordingly agreed that as the Khwaja was aged, the estate of Samana should be assigned to him in in'am, and so he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. *** The Khwaja set out for Samana, and had made some stages when Sher Khan overtook him, but did not go to see him. *** So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khan had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. ** Next day he asked Sher Khan for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. * * * He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Khwaja's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had completed his devotions, the Khwaja bowed his head to his prayer-carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head from his body.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

Jamshid was asked under what circumstances punishment is approved. He replied, 'under seven circumstances, and whatever goes beyond or in excess of these causes, produces disturbances, trouble, and insurrection, and inflicts injury on the country: 1. Apostasy from the true religion, and persistence therein; 2. Wilful murder; 3. Adultery of a married man with another's wife; 4. Conspiracy against the king; 5. Heading a revolt, or assisting rebels; 6. Joining the enemies or rivals of the king, conveying news to them, or aiding and abetting them in any way; 7. Disobedience, productive of injury to the State. But for no other disobedience, as detriment to the realm is an essential. The servants of God are disobedient to him when they are disobedient to the king, who is his vicegerent; and the State would go to ruin, if the king were to refrain from inflicting punishment in such cases of disobedience as are injurious to the realm.'" The Sultan then asked me if the Prophet had said anything about these seven offences in respect of their punishment by kings. I replied "that the Prophet had declared his opinion upon three offences out of these seven — viz., apostasy, murder of a Musulman, and adultery with a married woman. The punishment of the other four offences is a matter rather of policy and good government.

-- XV. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni [Ziauddin Barani], Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 93-269, 1871

No demand in excess of the regular government dues was to be made, and the officer who made any such exaction was to make full reparation. Brocades, silks, and goods required for the royal establishments were to be purchased at the market price, and the money paid. *** Such rules were made that the raiyats grow rich, and were satisfied. *** Their homes were replete with grain, property, horses, and furniture; every one had plenty of gold and silver; no woman was without her ornaments, and no house was wanting in excellent beds and coaches. Wealth abounded and comforts were general. The whole realm of Dehli was blessed with the bounties of the Almighty.

Ryot (alternatives: raiyat, rait or ravat) was a general economic term used throughout India for peasant cultivators ... While zamindars were landlords, raiyats were tenants and cultivators, and served as hired labour. A raiyat was defined as someone who has acquired a right to hold land for the purpose of cultivating it, whether alone or by members of his family, hired servants, or partners. It also referred to succession rights....

Under the Mughal system of land control there were two types of raiyats: khudkasta and paikasta. The khudkasta raiyats were permanent resident cultivators of the village. Their rights in land were heritable according to Muslim and Hindu laws of succession. The other type of raiyats was called paikasta. They did not cultivate land on a permanent basis in any particular mauza (lowest revenue plus village settlement unit), but instead moved from mauza to mauza and engaged themselves for a crop season. In terms of revenue, the paikasta raiyats were generally paid a much lower rate of rent than the khudkashta raiyats. The dividend to the khudkasta, who thus became an absentee owner, came from hard bargaining. Pahikasht raiyats were a subgroup of peasants who cultivated the land away from the area where they resided.

-- Ryot, by Wikipedia

Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Perfidy of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada.

[D]uring the forty years of his reign he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by distributing villages and lands among his followers. In the whole of these forty years not one leaf of dominion was shaken in the palace of sovereignty. [That is, there was no rebellion.] These facts are among the glories of his reign.

-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871

While Firoz Shah was engaged at Dehli in arranging the affairs of government, Khudawand-zada, daughter of Sultan Tughlik Shah, was also residing there with her husband, Khusru Malik, in a palace which had belonged to the late Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Firoz had made it his custom to go every Friday after prayers to pay a visit to Khudawand-zada, and whenever he saw her he treated her with the greatest possible respect. She also, on her part, shewed every mark of respect to him. The Sultan and Khudawand-zada used to sit down together in the robe-room; Khusru Malik used to stand; and Dawar Malik to sit behind his mother, Khudawand-zada. When their conversation was over, the princess used to present pan, and the Sultan departed. So it went on every Friday. Under the decrees of God envy and rancour still lurk in the constitution of man, and so Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada conceived the idea of hastening the end of Sultan Firoz, and of killing him treacherously in the place where he was in the habit of visiting Khudawand-zada on Fridays.

In the palace there was a long room, having two lateral chambers. These rooms Khusru Malik filled with men armed from head to foot, and gave them instructions that when Khudawand-zada adjusted the garment round her head, they were to rush forth and cut off the Sultan's head. Khusru Malik also concealed some more armed men under the floor of the outer gateway, who were directed to fall upon the Sultan and despatch him should he succeed in escaping from the inside of the palace. * * * When Friday came, the Sultan paid his accustomed visit, and sat down to converse as usual. Dawar Malik, son of Khudawand-zada (but, as the author has been informed, by another husband than the base Khusru Malik), sat behind his mother. He took no part in the plot, and when he saw the Sultan, he made signs that he should depart quickly and secure himself in his own palace. The Sultan took the hint and rose to depart. Khudawand-zada pressed him to wait until the pan was served, but he said that Fath Khan was sick, and he must hasten away, but that he would come another day. The armed men in concealment were not informed of what passed, and so the Sultan escaped from the room. The men who were hidden in the gateway knew the Sultan had gone in, but they were unaware of his having come out, and so, by the grace of God, the Sultan got away safe from the house of Khudawand-zada.

As soon as he got outside the house (into the court-yard), the Sultan raised a loud cry for his followers, but as it was Friday most of the nobles had gone back; Rai Bhiru1 [This name is written [x]] Bhatti remained in attendance. When the Sultan came forth very excited, he cried out in a fierce tone, "Rai Bhiru, give me the sword which thou hast in thine hand!" The Rai perceived that he was in a state of great excitement, and replied, "I will draw my sword and will follow your Majesty; will you not proceed home?" Without heeding what was said, the Sultan snatched the sword from the hands of the Rai, and drew it; then getting safely away from the buildings of Sultan Muhammad's harem, he mounted to the top of the kushk (palace). The princes and nobles were instantly summoned, and they surrounded the dwelling of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada. The armed men were brought forth, and, on being questioned, told all the truth of the matter. The Sultan asked if they were not aware of what had passed. They replied with one voice that the Almighty had closed the eyes of their perception, so that they were aware of the Sultan's going into the house, but did not know of his coming out.

When the facts were proved, the Sultan ordered Khudawand-zada into retirement and settled an allowance upon her. She had very great wealth, by the power of which Khusu Malik had hoped to effect his designs; all this was brought into the public treasury. Khusru Malik was banished, and Dawar Malik was directed to pay a visit to the Sultan at the beginning of every month, wearing an overcoat and slippers on his feet.1 [[x].]

Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz adopts a Khutba, including the names of former Sultans for the public prayers of Fridays and Festivals. Account of the edicts issued by him.

********

1. On the names used in the khutba. -- It had been a rule among the Sultans of Dehli that the name of the reigning monarch only was mentioned in the prayers of Sabbaths and Festivals, and no reference was made to former Sultans. When Sultan Firoz came to the throne, they were about to follow the same rule, and to mention his name only in the khutba; but he disapproved of the omission of former kings, and ordered that a khutba should be said first in the names of former kings, and then one in which his own name should be mentioned. In accordance with this decree, the Sultans in the following list were specially selected to be named in the khutba: — 1. Sultan Shahabu-d din Muhammad Sam; 2. Shamsu-d din Altamsh; 3. Nasiru-d din Mahmud; 4. Ghiyasu-d din Balban; 5. Jalalu-d din Firoz; 6. 'Alau-d din Muhammad Khilji; 7. Kutbu-d din Mubarak; 8. Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Shah; 9. Sultan Muhammad; 10. Firoz Shah. Two names were selected to be mentioned after that of Sultan Firoz Shah; viz., 1. Muhammad bin Firoz Shah; 2. 'Alau-d din Sikandar Shah; and till the end of the reign these names were mentioned in the prayers. ***

2. Account of the edicts on matters of royalty. — Sultan Firoz Shah issued twenty-one edicts (sikka) and thirty-one instructions ('alamat) upon matters of royalty. The author here inserts their titles for the benefit of his readers. 1. On the khutba; 2. On the sandal-wood throne; 3. On the imperial cornelian signet, etc., etc.1 [This list of sikkas has puzzled the copyists, from their having apparently understood the word sikka in its common signification of ''coin," not in that of "rule, regulation." Taken in this latter sense, the title of the list quite agrees with its contents. The MS. of the East India Library, No. 1002, gives interlineary explanations of some of the words, which explanations are copied as part of the original text by the copyists of Sir H. Elliot's and Mr. Thomas's MSS. Sir H. Elliot's scribe appends a marginal note that "the whole is evidently erroneous, and a correct list is desirable," and the writer of Mr. Thomas's copy thought the list so manifestly wrong that "he has not entered it in the book, but copied it on a separate piece of paper."]

Part 1 of 2

Kism II. — The Two Expeditions to Lakhnauti and the Campaigns against Jajnagar and Nagarkot.

First Mukaddama. — The first expedition to Lakhnauti.

About 70,000 men of the khans and maliks having assembled, Firoz Shah marched with his nobles and great men to Lakhnauti. * * * Khan-i Jahan remained behind at Dehli.

Second Mukaddama. -- The Sultan lays siege to Lakhnauti.

Shah Firoz marched triumphantly through Hindustan and reached Bengal in great strength. *** When he arrived on the banks of the Kosi, after resting for a short time, he found the army of Shamsu-d din [???] posted in force on the other side of the river, near its junction with the Ganges.2 [This sentence is derived from another passage which says the position was "on the banks of the Saru and Ganges, and on the Kosi, etc.] The passage appeared difficult, so the Sultan marched 100 kos up the Kosi, and crossed it below Champaran,1 [So in Sir H. Elliot's MS. Mr. Thomas's has [x], and that of the East India Library [x].] at the place where the river issues from the mountain. Here a ford was found, but the waters ran with such force that stones of five hundred mans weight were borne along like straws. The Sultan ordered a line of elephants to be drawn across the river, both above and below the ford, to facilitate the passage. The upper line was to break the force of the current; the lower line was furnished with ropes, to which men carried away by the stream might cling. *** When Shamsu-d din heard that the Sultan had succeeded in crossing the river, he fled in great alarm with all his forces to Ikdala, and the Sultan followed by way of Champaran and Rachap.2 [Var.: [x]. Barni does not mention these places, but says simply the march was through Gorakhpur, Kharosa, and Tirhut. He represents the rais of Gorakhpur and Kharosa as making their submission to the Sultan and following him to Lakhnauti.] Shamsu-d din abandoned the town of Pandwah, and shut himself up in Ikdala, pursued by the Sultan, who closely besieged the place and threw up batteries (kungura), and dug entrenchments all round it. The forces of Shamsu-d din came out daily from Ikdala to make a display, and were received with showers of arrows. They were at length compelled to take shelter in the islands (jazair) of Ikdala. The country was overrun by the troops of the Sultan, and all the raos, ranas, and zamindars of Bengal, who joined the Sultan, were favourably received. Many people of the country of Bengal also came over to him.

When hostilities had thus gone on fiercely for some time between the two sovereigns, unfriendly weather sowed the seed of heat in the moist earth, and the sun was about to enter the sign Cancer. The Sultan therefore called a council, and after much secret debate it was resolved that Shamsu-d din bad taken refuge and fortified himself in the islands of Ikdala, with the belief that when the rains came on, and the country became inundated, the Sultan would be obliged to retreat. It was therefore expedient that the Sultan should fall back strategically a few kos and see what would happen.1 [Barni says the rains were at hand, and the country was low and liable to deep inundations. The mosquitos also were so large and numerous that neither men nor horses would have been able to endure their stings.] This plan was approved, and accordingly next day the Sultan retreated seven kos towards Dehli. Some kalandars were then craftily sent to Ikdala, with instructions that if they were brought before Shamsu-d din, they were to report that the Sultan was in full retreat, with all his forces and baggage, towards Dehli. The kalandars, being captured, were taken into the presence of Shamsu-d din, to whom they told the story they had been taught, and he, believing it, * * * determined to go out of Ikdala and harass the retreat.

Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Firoz and Shamsu-d din. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangala.

When Shamsu-d din heard that Sultan Firoz had retreated towards Dehli, he made up his mind to pursue him. Some writers say that Firoz Shah left his camp (rakht) standing, others that he caused part of his baggage to be burned. Sultan Shamsu-d din came out in pursuit with a force which consisted of 10,000 horse, 200,000 infantry like the infantry of Subuktigin, and fifty mighty elephants. Firoz Shah had marched seven kos, and the place where he was lying in wait was on the bank of the river where the eddies had formed a ford. His baggage was in the act of crossing at this ford, when, unexpectedly, the Sultan of the Bengalis came up and rushed to the attack. **** When the Sultan heard that the enemy had arrived in great force, he proceeded to draw up his army in three divisions. Malik Dilan, the Mir-shikar, had command of the right wing, consisting of 30,000 horse, and the left wing, also consisting of 30,000 warriors, was commanded by Malik Hisam Nawa. The centre, consisting likewise of 30,000 men, was under Tatar Khan. The Sultan himself proceeded from one division to another, encouraging his men. *** The elephants were divided among the three divisions. *** All preparations being made, the drums were beaten, and the din of war arose between the two armies. When Shamsu-d din perceived the Sultan's army drawn up in battle array, he feared and trembled like a willow-leaf, for he found that he had been deluded by the kalandars to bring his forces out of his stronghold; all he could now do was to resign himself to the decrees of fate.

The fight began with the left wing under Hisama-d din Nawa, and was stoutly maintained. The right wing also under Malik Dilan became hotly engaged. *** When the time for shooting arrows was past, they used their spears and swords, and when the conflict became even yet closer, the brave warriors seized each other by the waistbands, and grappled in deadly strife. * * * After much fighting and slaughter, Shamsu-d din retreated and fled towards his own city. Tatar Khan, with the centre of the Sultan's army, strongly reinforced from both wings, pursued; and the Bengali army having abandoned Pandwah, continued its flight to Ikdala. Tatar Khan cried, "O Shams-i siyah (Black Sun), whither art thou running! A man ought to show his face, not turn his back: stop for a moment and feel the strength of Firoz Shah's lads!" Shamsu-d din, however, pursued his flight, heedless of everything. Forty-eight elephants were taken, and three were slain. The King of Bengal, out of all his enormous force, fled with seven horsemen, and his whole army was scattered. The place where Firoz Shah had taken his position on the river was seven kos from Ikdala.*** Sultan Shamsu-d din took refuge in the fort of Ikdala, and by dint of great exertion the commander succeeded in closing the gate, but Firoz Shah's forces occupied the town. When the arrival of Firoz Shah became known, all the ladies and respectable women went to the top of the fort, and when they saw him they uncovered their heads, and in their distress made great lamentation. The Sultan saw their state and heard their wailings; he thereupon reflected that he had occupied the city, had overcome many Musulmans, had taken possession of the country, and that the Khutba would be said in his name. To storm the fort, put more Musulmans to the sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for which he could not answer in the day of judgment, and which would leave no difference between him and the Mughals.

Tatar Khan repeatedly urged the Sultan to retain the territory he had conquered, but the Sultan was adverse to annexation, observing that many of the sovereigns of Dehli had come into this country and had subdued it, but none of them had deemed it prudent to remain there long. For Bengal was a land of swamps,1 [Three MSS. agree in reading [x], or [x], words which have no appropriate meaning. A note in the margin of one MS. suggests [x], "mud," and that reading has been here followed.] and the nobles of the country passed their lives in their islands (jazairat). It would not do therefore for him to act differently from all his sovereign predecessors, so Firoz Shah turned back after having changed the name of Ikdala to Azadpur. Tatar Khan acted with great bravery in this war, and pressed the retreat of Sultan Shamsu-d din with great vigour. He at one time during the pursuit resolved to put the fugitive prince to the sword, but he abandoned that design and fell back slowly to Firoz Shah. ***

Fourth Mukaddama. -- Return of Firoz Shah to Delhi.

When the Sultan resolved upon returning home from Bengal all his followers were much pleased. An order was given for collecting the heads of the slain Bengalis, and a silver tanka was offered for every head. The whole army went busily to work, and brought in the heads of the slain and piled them in heaps, receiving in payment the silver tankas. The heads were counted and amounted to rather more than 180,000, for the battle had raged for a whole day over an extent of seven kos. * * *

The Sultan then turned with his army and marched quickly towards Dehli. When he reached Pandwah,1 [[x] Stewart calls it "pundua," and says it is near Malda. -- "History of Bengal," p. 84.] the khutba was said in his name, and he changed the name of the place to Firozabad. The new names which he gave to Ikdala and Pandwah were made permanent and were entered in the Government records as "Azad-pur, otherwise Ikdala," and "Firozabad, otherwise Pandwah." When the Sultan arrived on the banks of the Kosi the rains came on, and orders were given for the troops to embark in boats (kishtiha-i band-kusha). The whole army thus crossed over. When Shamsu-d din entered Ikdala, he seized the Governor, who had shut the gates, and had him executed.

As the Sultan was returning, he sent forward to Dehli a despatch announcing his conquest of Lakhnauti. Khan-i Jahan Makbul had been left in Dehli as deputy, and when the news of the victory arrived, great rejoicings were carried on for twenty-one days, *** and great preparations were made for the reception of the Sultan. * * * When he entered the city, forty-eight elephants, captured at Lakhnauti with their howdahs and housings, marched at the head of the victorious army. * * * In this, the Sultan's first expedition to Lakhnauti, he was engaged eleven months.

Fifth Mukaddama. — Founding of the city of Hisar Firozah.

After returning victorious from Bengal, Sultan Firoz passed several successive years riding about Dehli. The author was told by his father that, in the second year after the Bengal campaign, the Sultan was in the neighbourhood of Hisar Firozah, and exerted himself actively and liberally in endeavouring to provide for the needs of the country. It was at this time that Hisar Firozah was founded. *** In the place now occupied by the city two large and populous villages formerly stood, which were called Great Laras and Little Laras. There were fifty kharaks included in Great Laras, and forty in Little Laras. In this country there is no other village than the kharak.1 [One MS. reads [x]. Mr. Thomas's copy has [x] instead of [x].] The neighbourhood of Great Laras greatly pleased Sultan Firoz, and he thought it would be well to build a city there, for it was very deficient in water, and during the hot season travellers who came from 'Irak and Khurasan had to pay as much as four jitals for a pitcher full. So the Sultan resolved to build a city, being filled with hope that if he built a town for the benefit of Musulmans, God would provide it with water. He therefore began the work, and persevered in it for several years, assisted by his nobles and great men. Hard stone was brought from the hills of Narsai, and was used with strong quicklime and burnt bricks. A fort of great extent and height was commenced. Various officers were appointed to superintend different portions of the work, and busied themselves in their respective duties, so that in course of time the fort was completed. The Sultan gave to the place the name of Hisar Firozah. When the fort was finished, a ditch was dug round it, and the earth, which was taken from its bed was spread on each side of the ditch, and along the banks of the ditch battlements were built. Inside the fort a large and deep tank was formed, the water of which ran into the ditch and replenished it from year to year. Inside the fort a palace was built, which had no equal in the world, and the various apartments of which were contrived with infinite pains. One of the arrangements of this palace was that any person, having a general acquaintance with the place, after passing through several apartments, would arrive at the centre. This central apartment under the palace was very dark, and the passages were narrow, so that if the attendants did not guide the visitor he would never be able to find his way out. Indeed, it is said that a servant once went into that place, and after he had been missing for some days, the guards went there in search of him and rescued him from the darkness. * * *

The Sultan, perceiving that there was a great scarcity of water, resolved in his munificence to bring a supply thither. He accordingly conducted two streams (jui) into the city from two rivers; one from the river Jumna, the other from the Sutlej.1 [All three MSS. agree that the canals were brought from two rivers, but the MS. of the India Office Library alone mentions the Sutlej. The cause of the omission is palpable: two lines commence with the word Jun, and one of these has been passed over.] That from the Jumna was called Rajiwah, and (the other) Alaghkhani. Both these streams were conducted through the vicinity of Karnal,, and, after a length of about eighty kos, discharged their waters by one channel into the town. The author's father was then in the service of the Court, and held the office of Shabnavis. He informed the author that Sultan Firoz was occupied two years and a half2 [Du-nim; lit. two halves.] in building the town. When it was built he laid out many gardens and planted many trees, including all sorts of fruit trees. * * * Previous to this time there had been an autumn harvest, but the spring harvest failed, because wheat would not grow without water. After the canals had been dug, both harvests came to maturity.

Before this time, in the days of the old kings, this country had been entered in the revenue accounts as belonging to the division (shikk) of Hansi; but now that Hisar Firozah had been built, the Sultan ordered that from henceforth the division should be called Hisar Firozah, and that the districts (ikta'at) of Hansi, Agrowah,3 [Two MSS. have "'Agrah."] Fath-abad, and Sarsuti, as far as Salaurah and Khizrabad, with some other districts, should all be included in the division of Hisar Firozah.4 [This simply means that the new town of Hisar Firozah was made the sadar or chief place of the revenue division, instead of Hansi. The word shikk is not a common revenue term, but its meaning is that of "division, separating," and there can be no doubt of the sense in which it is here employed. Mr. Beames in the Glossary (II., 17) quotes and translates the passage with some doubt. The verb which he comments upon is given correctly in one MS., "mi nabishtand;" which is certainly preferable to the inappropriate "mi-nishinad," which he adopts from the MS. 1002 of the East India Library.] ***

Sixth Mukaddama, -- Settlement of the Sovereign's rental (istikamat-i amlak).1 [The word amlak is used to designate the sovereign's private rental as distinct from the revenue of the public treasury.]

Firoz Shah thus established two cities by land and by water — the city of Fath-abad, of which an account has been given in a former chapter, and the city of Hisar Firozah, which has just been described. Numerous water-courses were brought into these places, and an extent of from eighty to ninety kos in these districts was brought (under cultivation), in which there were many towns and villages, as the kasbas of Janid2 [The name "Janid" is found only in the MS. of the East India Library.] and Dahatarath, and the town of Hansi and its dependencies. In every town and village great advantage was derived from the supply of water. The king therefore convened a general assembly of judges, lawyers, and doctors, and demanded of them an opinion upon this question: "If a man with great labour and expenditure of money conducts water into certain districts, so that the inhabitants thereof realize a large profit, ought he or not to receive any return for his trouble and outlay?" They were unanimously of opinion that the benefactor was entitled to the right of sharb3 [Sharaba, an Arabic verbal root, means "to drink," as a noun, "water" or "drinking." Here it has a technical meaning.] that is to say, ten per cent. The Sultan accordingly realized his sharb, and included it in his rent-roll.

Like unto former kings, he brought many waste lands4 ["Zamin-i amwat," lit. "dead lands."] into cultivation, and subject to the payment of rent; but the proceeds of such lands were devoted to the learned and religious, among whom they were apportioned, and the public treasury was by this means relieved. The king's rental was thus increased from two sources, from the sharb, and secondly from the newly cultivated lands.5 [Karyat'i ahyai, "living villages," as opposed to the "dead lands" before mentioned.] A sum of about two lacs of tankas was in this way added to the king's revenue. No king of Dehli had ever been in the receipt of such an income as Sultan Firoz now enjoyed, and the sovereign's financial business had so greatly increased that separate officers were appointed for the control of the private income of the Sautan, and the public revenue of the State was kept distinct.

When the rainy season came on, and the rains were at their height, officers were appointed to examine the banks of all the water-courses, and report how far the inundations extended. The author's father was several times appointed on this duty. The Sultan was greatly pleased when he heard of the spread of the waters. If any village in his estate went to ruin, he dismissed the officers in disgrace, and so during his reign the country was thriving and prosperous.

Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at Hansi.

Sultan Firoz proceeded from Hisar Firozah to Hansi, in order to have an interview with the author's preceptor, Nuru-d din, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy (sijjada) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d din. [The Sultan's object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisar Firozah, but he declined, because Hansi had been the home of his ancestors and the abode of his predecessors.] In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehli and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmans; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hansi remained in safety, and the people of Hisar Firozah, who there took refuge, also found security.

Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozabad on the river Jumna.

* * * The Sultan having selected a site at the village of Gawin, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Firozabad, before he went to Lakhnauti the second time. Here he commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained (giriftand) houses there, a new town sprang up, five kos [1.8 miles x 5] distant from Dehli. Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasba of Indarpat, the sarai of Shaikh Malik Yar Paran, the sarai of Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, the village of Gawin, the land of Khetwara, the land of Lahrawat, the land of Andhawali, the land of the sarai of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultan Raziya, the land of Bhari, the land of Mahrola, and the land of Sultanpur. So many buildings were erected that from the kasha of Indarpat to the Kushk-i shikar, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.

During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultan Firoz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehli to Firozabad, and from Firozabad to Dehli, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great traffic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules (sutur), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankin-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was four silver jitals for each person; of a mule (sutur) six; of a horse, twelve; and of a palankin, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it. [???!!!]

Ninth Mukaddama, — Arrival of Zafar Khan from Sunar-ganw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.

Zafar Khan was son-in-law of the king of Sunar-ganw, who was called Sultan Fakhru-d din. The capital, Sunar-ganw, is before Pandwah.1 [This sentence is doubtful. One MS. has "Takhtgah-i Sunar-ganw as takhtgah-i Pandwah peshtar ast;" two others have "az takhtgah-i Pandwah wa Sunar-Ganw peshtar ast," which seems to be nonsense; and a fourth has "Pandwah wa Satkah." The application of peshtar is not obvious; it may relate to time, place, or estimation, but it most likely means that Sunar-ganw was a more ancient capital than Pandwah, which had been only lately established.] After Sultan Firoz returned the first time from Bengal, Sultan Shamsu-d din, in pursuit of revenge, embarked in boats, and in the course of a few days reached Sunar-ganw. Fakhru-d din, who was commonly called Fukhra, was living without any thought of danger at Sunar-ganw, where he was taken alive and slain immediately by Shamsu-d din, who established himself in his territory. All the friends and allies of Fakhru-d din were scattered; but Zafar Khan was at that time engaged in the country collecting the revenues and examining the accounts of the collectors. When he was informed of what had happened, he was greatly alarmed, and fled from the territory of Sunar-ganw. He embarked in a boat and departed by the river, and afterwards, pursuing the most difficult roads, he at length, after many hardships, arrived at Thatta, and from thence proceeded to Dehli. He was then conducted to Hisar Firozah to pay his homage and tell his story to Sultan Firoz. * * * The author's father was then in attendance on the Sultan, and, according to his account, Zafar Khan was greatly amazed at the splendour of the court, because he had never seen the like at Lakhnauti. He made an offering of an elephant, and paid his compliments.

The Sultan having very graciously made many inquiries of him, consoled him and told him that, after all his troubles and sufferings, he should at length gain his object, and should receive the double of what he had lost at Sunar-ganw. *** Robes were presented to Zafar Khan and his followers. On the first day he received 30,000 tankas to get his clothes washed,2 [[x].] his title, Zafar Khan, was confirmed to him, and the sum of four lacs of tankas was granted to him and his friends. One thousand horse and large numbers of footmen were assigned to him. He was first appointed deputy-wazir, and subsequently became wazir. ***

On another day, when the Sultan held a court, he perceived Zafar Khan to be downcast and pensive, * * * and he inquired the reason why he was so oppressed. *** He replied that * * he was sore distressed, but that if the Sultan would consider his case, his mind would be set at ease. The Sultan directed him to proceed at once to Khan-i Jahan in Dehli, whither he himself would follow. The Khan accordingly took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Dehli, where he was received with great kindness and respect by the Khan-i Jahan, and was lodged in the Green Palace belonging to his majesty. The Sultan soon followed him to Dehli, and, after consulting with the Khan-i Jahan, directed him to make every suitable preparation for avenging the claims of Zafar Khan.

When Sultan Shamsu-d din heard of the preparations that were making against him, he was dismayed, and felt that he could not remain in the islands of Ikdala. He deemed it expedient to remove to Sunar-ganw, which was in the very centre of Bengal, and there secure himself against the enemy. He accordingly proceeded thither, but the inhabitants of that place were instant in their supplications to Sultan Firoz Shah for relief from the tyrant.