Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni/Shams-i Siraj '
Posted: Sat Nov 13, 2021 1:04 am
by admin
Part 1 of 2
Kism II. — The Two Expeditions to Lakhnauti and the Campaigns against Jajnagar and Nagarkot.
First Mukaddama. — The first expedition to Lakhnauti.
About 70,000 men of the khans and maliks having assembled, Firoz Shah marched with his nobles and great men to Lakhnauti. * * * Khan-i Jahan remained behind at Dehli.
Second Mukaddama. -- The Sultan lays siege to Lakhnauti.
Shah Firoz marched triumphantly through Hindustan and reached Bengal in great strength. *** When he arrived on the banks of the Kosi, after resting for a short time, he found the army of Shamsu-d din [???] posted in force on the other side of the river, near its junction with the Ganges.2 [This sentence is derived from another passage which says the position was "on the banks of the Saru and Ganges, and on the Kosi, etc.] The passage appeared difficult, so the Sultan marched 100 kos up the Kosi, and crossed it below Champaran,1 [So in Sir H. Elliot's MS. Mr. Thomas's has [x], and that of the East India Library [x].] at the place where the river issues from the mountain. Here a ford was found, but the waters ran with such force that stones of five hundred mans weight were borne along like straws. The Sultan ordered a line of elephants to be drawn across the river, both above and below the ford, to facilitate the passage. The upper line was to break the force of the current; the lower line was furnished with ropes, to which men carried away by the stream might cling. *** When Shamsu-d din heard that the Sultan had succeeded in crossing the river, he fled in great alarm with all his forces to Ikdala, and the Sultan followed by way of Champaran and Rachap.2 [Var.: [x]. Barni does not mention these places, but says simply the march was through Gorakhpur, Kharosa, and Tirhut. He represents the rais of Gorakhpur and Kharosa as making their submission to the Sultan and following him to Lakhnauti.] Shamsu-d din abandoned the town of Pandwah, and shut himself up in Ikdala, pursued by the Sultan, who closely besieged the place and threw up batteries (kungura), and dug entrenchments all round it. The forces of Shamsu-d din came out daily from Ikdala to make a display, and were received with showers of arrows. They were at length compelled to take shelter in the islands (jazair) of Ikdala. The country was overrun by the troops of the Sultan, and all the raos, ranas, and zamindars of Bengal, who joined the Sultan, were favourably received. Many people of the country of Bengal also came over to him.
When hostilities had thus gone on fiercely for some time between the two sovereigns, unfriendly weather sowed the seed of heat in the moist earth, and the sun was about to enter the sign Cancer. The Sultan therefore called a council, and after much secret debate it was resolved that Shamsu-d din bad taken refuge and fortified himself in the islands of Ikdala, with the belief that when the rains came on, and the country became inundated, the Sultan would be obliged to retreat. It was therefore expedient that the Sultan should fall back strategically a few kos and see what would happen.1 [Barni says the rains were at hand, and the country was low and liable to deep inundations. The mosquitos also were so large and numerous that neither men nor horses would have been able to endure their stings.] This plan was approved, and accordingly next day the Sultan retreated seven kos towards Dehli. Some kalandars were then craftily sent to Ikdala, with instructions that if they were brought before Shamsu-d din, they were to report that the Sultan was in full retreat, with all his forces and baggage, towards Dehli. The kalandars, being captured, were taken into the presence of Shamsu-d din, to whom they told the story they had been taught, and he, believing it, * * * determined to go out of Ikdala and harass the retreat.
Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Firoz and Shamsu-d din. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangala.
When Shamsu-d din heard that Sultan Firoz had retreated towards Dehli, he made up his mind to pursue him. Some writers say that Firoz Shah left his camp (rakht) standing, others that he caused part of his baggage to be burned. Sultan Shamsu-d din came out in pursuit with a force which consisted of 10,000 horse, 200,000 infantry like the infantry of Subuktigin, and fifty mighty elephants. Firoz Shah had marched seven kos, and the place where he was lying in wait was on the bank of the river where the eddies had formed a ford. His baggage was in the act of crossing at this ford, when, unexpectedly, the Sultan of the Bengalis came up and rushed to the attack. **** When the Sultan heard that the enemy had arrived in great force, he proceeded to draw up his army in three divisions. Malik Dilan, the Mir-shikar, had command of the right wing, consisting of 30,000 horse, and the left wing, also consisting of 30,000 warriors, was commanded by Malik Hisam Nawa. The centre, consisting likewise of 30,000 men, was under Tatar Khan. The Sultan himself proceeded from one division to another, encouraging his men. *** The elephants were divided among the three divisions. *** All preparations being made, the drums were beaten, and the din of war arose between the two armies. When Shamsu-d din perceived the Sultan's army drawn up in battle array, he feared and trembled like a willow-leaf, for he found that he had been deluded by the kalandars to bring his forces out of his stronghold; all he could now do was to resign himself to the decrees of fate.
The fight began with the left wing under Hisama-d din Nawa, and was stoutly maintained. The right wing also under Malik Dilan became hotly engaged. *** When the time for shooting arrows was past, they used their spears and swords, and when the conflict became even yet closer, the brave warriors seized each other by the waistbands, and grappled in deadly strife. * * * After much fighting and slaughter, Shamsu-d din retreated and fled towards his own city. Tatar Khan, with the centre of the Sultan's army, strongly reinforced from both wings, pursued; and the Bengali army having abandoned Pandwah, continued its flight to Ikdala. Tatar Khan cried, "O Shams-i siyah (Black Sun), whither art thou running! A man ought to show his face, not turn his back: stop for a moment and feel the strength of Firoz Shah's lads!" Shamsu-d din, however, pursued his flight, heedless of everything. Forty-eight elephants were taken, and three were slain. The King of Bengal, out of all his enormous force, fled with seven horsemen, and his whole army was scattered. The place where Firoz Shah had taken his position on the river was seven kos from Ikdala.*** Sultan Shamsu-d din took refuge in the fort of Ikdala, and by dint of great exertion the commander succeeded in closing the gate, but Firoz Shah's forces occupied the town. When the arrival of Firoz Shah became known, all the ladies and respectable women went to the top of the fort, and when they saw him they uncovered their heads, and in their distress made great lamentation. The Sultan saw their state and heard their wailings; he thereupon reflected that he had occupied the city, had overcome many Musulmans, had taken possession of the country, and that the Khutba would be said in his name. To storm the fort, put more Musulmans to the sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for which he could not answer in the day of judgment, and which would leave no difference between him and the Mughals.
Tatar Khan repeatedly urged the Sultan to retain the territory he had conquered, but the Sultan was adverse to annexation, observing that many of the sovereigns of Dehli had come into this country and had subdued it, but none of them had deemed it prudent to remain there long. For Bengal was a land of swamps,1 [Three MSS. agree in reading [x], or [x], words which have no appropriate meaning. A note in the margin of one MS. suggests [x], "mud," and that reading has been here followed.] and the nobles of the country passed their lives in their islands (jazairat). It would not do therefore for him to act differently from all his sovereign predecessors, so Firoz Shah turned back after having changed the name of Ikdala to Azadpur. Tatar Khan acted with great bravery in this war, and pressed the retreat of Sultan Shamsu-d din with great vigour. He at one time during the pursuit resolved to put the fugitive prince to the sword, but he abandoned that design and fell back slowly to Firoz Shah. ***
Fourth Mukaddama. -- Return of Firoz Shah to Delhi.
When the Sultan resolved upon returning home from Bengal all his followers were much pleased. An order was given for collecting the heads of the slain Bengalis, and a silver tanka was offered for every head. The whole army went busily to work, and brought in the heads of the slain and piled them in heaps, receiving in payment the silver tankas. The heads were counted and amounted to rather more than 180,000, for the battle had raged for a whole day over an extent of seven kos. * * *
The Sultan then turned with his army and marched quickly towards Dehli. When he reached Pandwah,1 [[x] Stewart calls it "pundua," and says it is near Malda. -- "History of Bengal," p. 84.] the khutba was said in his name, and he changed the name of the place to Firozabad. The new names which he gave to Ikdala and Pandwah were made permanent and were entered in the Government records as "Azad-pur, otherwise Ikdala," and "Firozabad, otherwise Pandwah." When the Sultan arrived on the banks of the Kosi the rains came on, and orders were given for the troops to embark in boats (kishtiha-i band-kusha). The whole army thus crossed over. When Shamsu-d din entered Ikdala, he seized the Governor, who had shut the gates, and had him executed.
As the Sultan was returning, he sent forward to Dehli a despatch announcing his conquest of Lakhnauti. Khan-i Jahan Makbul had been left in Dehli as deputy, and when the news of the victory arrived, great rejoicings were carried on for twenty-one days, *** and great preparations were made for the reception of the Sultan. * * * When he entered the city, forty-eight elephants, captured at Lakhnauti with their howdahs and housings, marched at the head of the victorious army. * * * In this, the Sultan's first expedition to Lakhnauti, he was engaged eleven months.
Fifth Mukaddama. — Founding of the city of Hisar Firozah.
After returning victorious from Bengal, Sultan Firoz passed several successive years riding about Dehli. The author was told by his father that, in the second year after the Bengal campaign, the Sultan was in the neighbourhood of Hisar Firozah, and exerted himself actively and liberally in endeavouring to provide for the needs of the country. It was at this time that Hisar Firozah was founded. *** In the place now occupied by the city two large and populous villages formerly stood, which were called Great Laras and Little Laras. There were fifty kharaks included in Great Laras, and forty in Little Laras. In this country there is no other village than the kharak.1 [One MS. reads [x]. Mr. Thomas's copy has [x] instead of [x].] The neighbourhood of Great Laras greatly pleased Sultan Firoz, and he thought it would be well to build a city there, for it was very deficient in water, and during the hot season travellers who came from 'Irak and Khurasan had to pay as much as four jitals for a pitcher full. So the Sultan resolved to build a city, being filled with hope that if he built a town for the benefit of Musulmans, God would provide it with water. He therefore began the work, and persevered in it for several years, assisted by his nobles and great men. Hard stone was brought from the hills of Narsai, and was used with strong quicklime and burnt bricks. A fort of great extent and height was commenced. Various officers were appointed to superintend different portions of the work, and busied themselves in their respective duties, so that in course of time the fort was completed. The Sultan gave to the place the name of Hisar Firozah. When the fort was finished, a ditch was dug round it, and the earth, which was taken from its bed was spread on each side of the ditch, and along the banks of the ditch battlements were built. Inside the fort a large and deep tank was formed, the water of which ran into the ditch and replenished it from year to year. Inside the fort a palace was built, which had no equal in the world, and the various apartments of which were contrived with infinite pains. One of the arrangements of this palace was that any person, having a general acquaintance with the place, after passing through several apartments, would arrive at the centre. This central apartment under the palace was very dark, and the passages were narrow, so that if the attendants did not guide the visitor he would never be able to find his way out. Indeed, it is said that a servant once went into that place, and after he had been missing for some days, the guards went there in search of him and rescued him from the darkness. * * *
The Sultan, perceiving that there was a great scarcity of water, resolved in his munificence to bring a supply thither. He accordingly conducted two streams (jui) into the city from two rivers; one from the river Jumna, the other from the Sutlej.1 [All three MSS. agree that the canals were brought from two rivers, but the MS. of the India Office Library alone mentions the Sutlej. The cause of the omission is palpable: two lines commence with the word Jun, and one of these has been passed over.] That from the Jumna was called Rajiwah, and (the other) Alaghkhani. Both these streams were conducted through the vicinity of Karnal,, and, after a length of about eighty kos, discharged their waters by one channel into the town. The author's father was then in the service of the Court, and held the office of Shabnavis. He informed the author that Sultan Firoz was occupied two years and a half2 [Du-nim; lit. two halves.] in building the town. When it was built he laid out many gardens and planted many trees, including all sorts of fruit trees. * * * Previous to this time there had been an autumn harvest, but the spring harvest failed, because wheat would not grow without water. After the canals had been dug, both harvests came to maturity.
Before this time, in the days of the old kings, this country had been entered in the revenue accounts as belonging to the division (shikk) of Hansi; but now that Hisar Firozah had been built, the Sultan ordered that from henceforth the division should be called Hisar Firozah, and that the districts (ikta'at) of Hansi, Agrowah,3 [Two MSS. have "'Agrah."] Fath-abad, and Sarsuti, as far as Salaurah and Khizrabad, with some other districts, should all be included in the division of Hisar Firozah.4 [This simply means that the new town of Hisar Firozah was made the sadar or chief place of the revenue division, instead of Hansi. The word shikk is not a common revenue term, but its meaning is that of "division, separating," and there can be no doubt of the sense in which it is here employed. Mr. Beames in the Glossary (II., 17) quotes and translates the passage with some doubt. The verb which he comments upon is given correctly in one MS., "mi nabishtand;" which is certainly preferable to the inappropriate "mi-nishinad," which he adopts from the MS. 1002 of the East India Library.] ***
Sixth Mukaddama, -- Settlement of the Sovereign's rental (istikamat-i amlak).1 [The word amlak is used to designate the sovereign's private rental as distinct from the revenue of the public treasury.]
Firoz Shah thus established two cities by land and by water — the city of Fath-abad, of which an account has been given in a former chapter, and the city of Hisar Firozah, which has just been described. Numerous water-courses were brought into these places, and an extent of from eighty to ninety kos in these districts was brought (under cultivation), in which there were many towns and villages, as the kasbas of Janid2 [The name "Janid" is found only in the MS. of the East India Library.] and Dahatarath, and the town of Hansi and its dependencies. In every town and village great advantage was derived from the supply of water. The king therefore convened a general assembly of judges, lawyers, and doctors, and demanded of them an opinion upon this question: "If a man with great labour and expenditure of money conducts water into certain districts, so that the inhabitants thereof realize a large profit, ought he or not to receive any return for his trouble and outlay?" They were unanimously of opinion that the benefactor was entitled to the right of sharb3 [Sharaba, an Arabic verbal root, means "to drink," as a noun, "water" or "drinking." Here it has a technical meaning.] that is to say, ten per cent. The Sultan accordingly realized his sharb, and included it in his rent-roll.
Like unto former kings, he brought many waste lands4 ["Zamin-i amwat," lit. "dead lands."] into cultivation, and subject to the payment of rent; but the proceeds of such lands were devoted to the learned and religious, among whom they were apportioned, and the public treasury was by this means relieved. The king's rental was thus increased from two sources, from the sharb, and secondly from the newly cultivated lands.5 [Karyat'i ahyai, "living villages," as opposed to the "dead lands" before mentioned.] A sum of about two lacs of tankas was in this way added to the king's revenue. No king of Dehli had ever been in the receipt of such an income as Sultan Firoz now enjoyed, and the sovereign's financial business had so greatly increased that separate officers were appointed for the control of the private income of the Sautan, and the public revenue of the State was kept distinct.
When the rainy season came on, and the rains were at their height, officers were appointed to examine the banks of all the water-courses, and report how far the inundations extended. The author's father was several times appointed on this duty. The Sultan was greatly pleased when he heard of the spread of the waters. If any village in his estate went to ruin, he dismissed the officers in disgrace, and so during his reign the country was thriving and prosperous.
Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at Hansi.
Sultan Firoz proceeded from Hisar Firozah to Hansi, in order to have an interview with the author's preceptor, Nuru-d din, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy (sijjada) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d din. [The Sultan's object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisar Firozah, but he declined, because Hansi had been the home of his ancestors and the abode of his predecessors.] In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehli and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmans; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hansi remained in safety, and the people of Hisar Firozah, who there took refuge, also found security.
Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozabad on the river Jumna.
* * * The Sultan having selected a site at the village of Gawin, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Firozabad, before he went to Lakhnauti the second time. Here he commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained (giriftand) houses there, a new town sprang up, five kos [1.8 miles x 5] distant from Dehli. Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasba of Indarpat, the sarai of Shaikh Malik Yar Paran, the sarai of Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, the village of Gawin, the land of Khetwara, the land of Lahrawat, the land of Andhawali, the land of the sarai of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultan Raziya, the land of Bhari, the land of Mahrola, and the land of Sultanpur. So many buildings were erected that from the kasha of Indarpat to the Kushk-i shikar, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.
During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultan Firoz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehli to Firozabad, and from Firozabad to Dehli, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great traffic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules (sutur), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankin-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was four silver jitals for each person; of a mule (sutur) six; of a horse, twelve; and of a palankin, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it. [???!!!]
Ninth Mukaddama, — Arrival of Zafar Khan from Sunar-ganw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.
Zafar Khan was son-in-law of the king of Sunar-ganw, who was called Sultan Fakhru-d din. The capital, Sunar-ganw, is before Pandwah.1 [This sentence is doubtful. One MS. has "Takhtgah-i Sunar-ganw as takhtgah-i Pandwah peshtar ast;" two others have "az takhtgah-i Pandwah wa Sunar-Ganw peshtar ast," which seems to be nonsense; and a fourth has "Pandwah wa Satkah." The application of peshtar is not obvious; it may relate to time, place, or estimation, but it most likely means that Sunar-ganw was a more ancient capital than Pandwah, which had been only lately established.] After Sultan Firoz returned the first time from Bengal, Sultan Shamsu-d din, in pursuit of revenge, embarked in boats, and in the course of a few days reached Sunar-ganw. Fakhru-d din, who was commonly called Fukhra, was living without any thought of danger at Sunar-ganw, where he was taken alive and slain immediately by Shamsu-d din, who established himself in his territory. All the friends and allies of Fakhru-d din were scattered; but Zafar Khan was at that time engaged in the country collecting the revenues and examining the accounts of the collectors. When he was informed of what had happened, he was greatly alarmed, and fled from the territory of Sunar-ganw. He embarked in a boat and departed by the river, and afterwards, pursuing the most difficult roads, he at length, after many hardships, arrived at Thatta, and from thence proceeded to Dehli. He was then conducted to Hisar Firozah to pay his homage and tell his story to Sultan Firoz. * * * The author's father was then in attendance on the Sultan, and, according to his account, Zafar Khan was greatly amazed at the splendour of the court, because he had never seen the like at Lakhnauti. He made an offering of an elephant, and paid his compliments.
The Sultan having very graciously made many inquiries of him, consoled him and told him that, after all his troubles and sufferings, he should at length gain his object, and should receive the double of what he had lost at Sunar-ganw. *** Robes were presented to Zafar Khan and his followers. On the first day he received 30,000 tankas to get his clothes washed,2 [[x].] his title, Zafar Khan, was confirmed to him, and the sum of four lacs of tankas was granted to him and his friends. One thousand horse and large numbers of footmen were assigned to him. He was first appointed deputy-wazir, and subsequently became wazir. ***
On another day, when the Sultan held a court, he perceived Zafar Khan to be downcast and pensive, * * * and he inquired the reason why he was so oppressed. *** He replied that * * he was sore distressed, but that if the Sultan would consider his case, his mind would be set at ease. The Sultan directed him to proceed at once to Khan-i Jahan in Dehli, whither he himself would follow. The Khan accordingly took leave of the Sultan and proceeded to Dehli, where he was received with great kindness and respect by the Khan-i Jahan, and was lodged in the Green Palace belonging to his majesty. The Sultan soon followed him to Dehli, and, after consulting with the Khan-i Jahan, directed him to make every suitable preparation for avenging the claims of Zafar Khan.
When Sultan Shamsu-d din heard of the preparations that were making against him, he was dismayed, and felt that he could not remain in the islands of Ikdala. He deemed it expedient to remove to Sunar-ganw, which was in the very centre of Bengal, and there secure himself against the enemy. He accordingly proceeded thither, but the inhabitants of that place were instant in their supplications to Sultan Firoz Shah for relief from the tyrant.
Re: Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziaud Din Barni/Shams-i Siraj '
Posted: Sat Nov 13, 2021 1:08 am
by admin
Part 2 of 2
Tenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz's second expedition to Lakhnauti.
*** As on the first occasion when the Sultan marched to Lakhnauti, his army (was large and) consisted of 70,000 cavalry, innumerable infantry, 470 warlike elephants, and many barrier- breaking boats (kishtiha'i band-kusha). The warlike fervour was so great at the time that many volunteers assembled in Dehli, and were sent on by the Sultan to the army. There were two outer tents (dihliz), and two reception tents (bargah); two sleeping tents, and two tents for cooking and domestic work. There were also one1 [The authorities differ here; three of my four MSS. read "ham sad o hashtad, also one hundred and eighty;" the fourth has "nuham sad o hashtad, nine hundred and eighty;" which agrees with Lieut. Lewis's translation in the Dehli Archaeological Journal.] hundred and eighty standards of various kinds, eighty-four ass-loads of drums and trumpets (tabal o damamah), and camels, asses, and horses in great numbers.
With this brave and well-appointed army the Sultan marched towards Bengal, and Khan-i Jahan was left behind as deputy in Dehli. The Khan-i 'azam Tatar Khan accompanied the royal standards some marches, but was then sent back to Hisar Firozah. The author learned the cause of this dismissal from his father, who was then one of the royal attendants (khawass).
The Sultan at the beginning of his reign, as is the practice of kings, used to indulge in wine from time to time. After starting on his campaign the Sultan encamped with his army and showed the utmost care and attention to its discipline. But it so happened that one morning they placed some wine before him. It is a remarkable fact that the wines which Firoz Shah used to drink were of various colours and different flavours; some were yellow as saffron, some red as the rose, some were white; and the taste of all was like sweet milk. Thus the personal attendants of this great king used to serve him with wines of different colours. One morning after prayers the Sultan called for a glass to moisten his throat, and it so happened that Tatar Khan came to wait upon him just at the same time. His arrival was announced to the Sultan, who was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his enjoyment; so he desired his son Fath Khan to see Tatar Khan, and to put him off with some excuse. But Tatar Khan was not to be denied; in spite of all excuses he would not go away, but went in and sat down, saying that he had a statement to make. The Sultan was thus compelled to invite him in.
The nobles of Sultan Muhammad Shah then assembled in council, and, after a long and anxious deliberation, the nobles and the administrative officers both agreed that the proper course was to place the reins of government in the hands of Firoz Shah...
All the nobles then agreed upon choosing Firoz Shah, but still he would not consent. Writers of credit report that Tatar Khan, who was president of the meeting, then stood up, and taking the arm of Firoz Shah, forced him to sit upon the throne. Upon this Sultan Firoz said to Tatar Khan, ''Since you have placed this heavy trouble and grievous labour upon my shoulders, you must be patient for a while till I have performed my devotions." He then went through his ablutions, and repeated the regular form of prayer in singleness of heart. Afterwards, bowing his head to the ground, he, with tearful eyes, poured forth his supplications to the Almighty, saying, "O Lord! the stability of states, the peace, regulation, and occupations of governments do not depend upon man. Permanence of dominion depends upon thy behests. Oh God, thou art my refuge and my strength." After this they placed the crown of empire upon his head, and invested him with the robes of sovereignty.
-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871
At that time the Sultan was lying half-naked (chun nihang) on his couch; but before the Khan came in, he wrapped a garment around him, and, rising from his couch, sat down on a coverlet. The wine and cups he pushed under the bed, and covered all with a sheet. When Tatar Khan entered, he spied what was hidden under the bed, and his suspicions were aroused. He was so troubled by the sight that his lips failed to utter the usual salutation. The Sultan spoke not a word, neither did he. At length Tatar Khan began to speak (seriously) as if beginning a sermon (dastan), saying, that they were about to march against the enemy, and the time was one for repentance, self-abasement, and prayer. The Sultan inquired what he meant, and asked if anything untoward had happened, and the Khan said he perceived certain articles under the bed. The Sultan replied that he liked to take a little now and then; and Tatar Khan expressed his deep regret that the Sultan should indulge in such a practice. Thereupon the Sultan swore an oath that he would drink no more wine while the Khan was with the army. Tatar Khan gave thanks to God and went away. The Sultan sat brooding over the matter and thought the Khan had spoken to him in a disrespectful and unkind manner. After some days the Sultan bethought him that they were not near Hisar-Firozah, the neighbourhood of which town was in a disturbed state; he therefore sent Tatar Khan thither to restore order and quiet, and the Khan accordingly took his departure.
The Sultan being relieved from all apprehension on account of Dehli, marched in great state from Karoda towards the city. After several stages he arrived at Hansi, where he went to wait upon the Shaikhu-l Islam Shaikh Kutbu-d din. *** The Shaikh said to him, "I have heard it said that you are addicted to wine; but if Sultans and the heads of religion give themselves up to wine-bibbing, the wants of the poor and needy will get little attention." *** The Sultan thereupon said that he would drink no more. After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultan was passionately fond of hunting; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without necessity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man — all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain from hunting. ***
-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871
The Sultan then marched through Kanauj and Oudh to Jaunpur. Before this time there was no town of any extent (shahr-i abadan) there, but the Sultan, observing a suitable site, determined upon building a large town. He accordingly stayed there six months, and built a fine town on the banks of the Kowah,1 [The Gumti.] to which he determined to give the name of Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of Tughlik Shah, and as that sovereign bore the name of Jaunan, he called the place Jaunanpur (Jaunpur). An account of this foundation was sent to Khwaja-i Jahan at Dehli. Jaunpur was made a (capital) city in the reign of the Sultanu-sh Shark Khwaja-i Jahan,2 [See Stewart's "History of Bengal," p. 96.] and I intend to give a full account of this King of the East in my memoirs (manakib) of the reign of Sultan Muhammad, son of Firoz. After this delay of six months, he marched for Bengal, and in due time arrived there.
Sultan Shamsu-d din was dead, and had been succeeded by Sultan Sikandar, who, fearing the invading force, fled with all his forces into the islands (jazair) of Ikdala. Firoz Shah surrounded these islands, and by his command all his forces built themselves wooden huts,1 [[x].] and prepared for battle.
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Firozshah started with a huge army of Muslim marauders, neo convert Hindus who served as understudies. Tatar Khan, a courtier accompanied the expedition. Marching Muslim armies always used to feed on surrounding Hindu homes and farms. Many Hindu women dragged from their raided homes used to be subjected to rape from the sultan down to the meanest Muslim camp follower. During these marches, therefore, it was not uncommon to see many Muslims naked in their tents busily engaged in various kinds of lecherous activities. Afif unwittingly provides a glimpse of this aspect of Muslim conduct:
Afif tells us: “The Sultan used to indulge in wine from time to time. The wines were of different colors and flavors…yellow as saffron, red as rose and white. One morning after the prayers, the sultan called for a glass to moisten his throat and it so happened that Tatar Khan came to wait upon him. The sultan was greatly annoyed at being thwarted in his engagement so he desired that Tatar Khan be put off with some excuse.” (Pg. 306, Vol. III, Elliot & Dowson) But Tatar Khan refused to budge. The heavy footsteps of the enraged Tatar Khan approaching the innermost forbidden recesses of the harem, tearing down one curtain after another, had sent sultan Firozshah and his hapless victims of lechery, scurrying for cover under beds and hurriedly drawn over sheets and quilts. Drinking cups, goblets and tumblers lay scattered all over the place. Tatar Khan dragged out the crouching sultan from under the bad. The sheet the sultan had hurriedly covered himself with, fell off and low and behold! there stood before Tatar Khan a stark naked Firoz -- one who is made to masquerade in Indian history as a great builder and benefactor! Thereafter Firoz hibernated for six months at Jaunpur fleecing the Hindu peasants and farmers. He proceeded then toward Lakhnauti. Shamsuddin had died by then and his place taken by Sikandar. Sikandar fortified himself in the isles of Ikdala. For the second time heavy losses were inflicted on Firozshah. The sultan and his minion Zafar Khan had to beat a shameful retreat to Delhi.
Having lost his all in the Bengal conflict, Firozshah decided to attack Jajnagar (or Jagannathpuri). The sultan let loose an orgy of Islamic vandalism. Like a hyena run amuck, Firoz now entered the Jagannath Temple, one of the four sentinels of Hindudom. In emulation of Subuktigin, he uprooted the idol of Jagannath, carried it to Delhi and placed it in an ignominious position.
After Jagannathpuri Firozshah proceeded to the Chilka lake region near the sea coast. Nearly a hundred thousand people had fled in terror. The sultan converted the island into a basin of blood by massacre of the unbelievers. “The women were carried away to serve the Muslim soldiers. Women with babies and pregnant ladies were haltered, manacled, fettered and chained.” (Pg. 61, Vol. VIII, JRASBL [???], English translation of Sirat-i-Firuz Shahi)
The Hindu army mustered strong, though a little too late, forced the Muslim sultan to retreat. The sultan’s plight may be imagined from Afif’s statement that all that the sultan brought back from Lakhnauti and Jagannathpuri, after spending two years and seven months, was 73 elephants, assuming that this figure too, is not an exaggeration.
Firozshah was an optimist. After so many defeats, instead of mending his ways, he attacked Daultabad this time. But hardly had he reached Bayana than he was so harassed by Rajput guerrilla attacks that he went back cowering to Delhi. His path to the south was barred for some reason. Firozshah now attacked Nagarkot in Punjab (1361 A.D.). He laid a siege to Nagarkot (Kangra) for six months but was forced to retreat and forced to pay homage to the Hindu idol at the famous Jwalalmukhi temple and “robes of honor and an umbrella on the Rai of Nagarkot.”
In 1380 A.D. Firozshah marched against Kharku. The ruler of Katehar in Rohilkhand had slain the Muslim governor Sayyad of Badaun and his two brothers. The sultan on reaching the outskirts of the kingdom started indiscriminate killing of the Hindus. “indeed the massacre was so general and indiscriminate that ‘the spirit of the murdered Sayyads themselves arose to intercede’” (Pg. 96, The Delhi Sultanat, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan publication Vol. VI of the series History and Culture of the Indian People). As usual, Firozshah suffered another defeat at the hands of the Hindus.
The most surprising thing about this blighter Firozshah is that he was goaded by an insatiable desire to increase his territory but was a past master in the art of snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.
Firozshah’s next attempt to conquer Thatta also failed. Famine and pestilence took over. Firoz arrived in Gujarat and a rebellion took place in his army. The sultan ordered commanders of Muslim held territories such as Badaun, Kannauj, Sandila, Oudh, Jaunpur, Bihar, Tirkut, Chanderi, Dhar, the Doab, Samana, Dipalpur, Multan, Lahore to undertake to raise funds for the forthcoming Thatta campaign. But by the time the resources came with the new conscripts to fight the battle with Thatta, another famine took place in the country. The Rajputs of Thatta never did allow Firozshah to take over their country.
Firozshah’s rule is thus a long story of one shameful rout after another and incessant ravage and plunder of Hindu homes. Firozshah has himself left an account of his own reign besides the one written two generations later by the flattering Afif. Firozshah describes the punishments that his Muslim predecessors used to inflict. These were “amputation of hands and feet, ears and noses, tearing out the eyes, pouring molten lead into the throat, crushing the bones of the hands and feet with mallets, burning the body with fire, driving iron nails into the hands, feet and bosom, cutting the sinews, sawing men asunder. These and many similar tortures were practiced.” (Pg. 375, Ibid) This bastard half-caste beast finally died after a long reign of 37 years in the year of 1388 A.D.
Eleventh Mukaddama. — Sultan Sikandar takes refuge in his fortress. — Fall of a bastion of the fort.
The Sultan having blockaded the islands of Ikdala, as above stated, 'arradas (small balistas) and manjaniks were erected on both sides, arrows and darts were discharged, the business of the siege went on, and conflicts occurred every day. The besieged were unable to come out of their fortress, and strict guard was kept on both sides by night and day. Suddenly one of the principal bastions of the fort of Sikandariya fell down, because it was unable to bear the men and the immense weight placed upon it. A great cry arose from the besiegers before the place and the besieged within, and both sides prepared for battle. When the alarm reached the ears of the Sultan, he looked inquiringly upon his attendants, and Prince Fath Khan suggested that the Bengal army had made a sally from Ikdala.The Sultan immediately called for his dress, and, girding on his arms, he rode to the scene of the uproar. There he was met by the impetuous Hisamu-l Mulk, who told him that the chief tower had fallen under the pressure of the crowds placed upon it, and urged him to make an immediate assault and capture the place. The Sultan thought over the proposition, and after serious reflection he replied to Hisamu-d din, that although it was very desirable that the place should be captured, still, if it were taken by sudden assault, thousands of worthy and respectable women would be subjected to violence and indignity at the hands of graceless men, and he was therefore resolved to wait awhile and trust in Providence. All the army expected the order for the assault, but accepted patiently the royal decision.
During the night "the King of the Blacks" mounted "the eastern roof," and urging his Bengalis to work energetically, they laboured all night, and, restoring the ruined fort, were again prepared for the attack. The author has been informed by trustworthy people that the fort of Ikdala was built of mud, so that it was soon repaired and made ready for action.
Fighting recommenced and went on, of which no description can be given. Provisions at length grew short in the fort, which made the Bengalis anxious, and both parties being heartily tired of fighting, the Almighty disposed the two kings for peace.
Twelfth Mukaddama. — Conclusion of Peace between Sultan Sikandar and Sultan Firoz, with the presentation of forty elephants.
Sultan Sikandar and his people being in great distress, he consulted with his ministers as to the best course to be pursued to escape from their difficulties. They being unanimous, said that the people of Bengal had never been very friendly with the people of the Upper provinces,1 [Faro'dast, "the lower country," meaning Bengal; and bala-dast, "the upper country," meaning the provinces dependent on Dehli.] because the decrees of fate had so ruled; but if the Sultan would give his consent, they, his servants and well-wishers, would send a person to the ministers of Sultan Firoz Shah and make propositions of peace. Sultan Sikandar kept silence, and his advisers retired, observing that "Silence is one of the signs of assent." His ministers accordingly sent a clever, confidential agent to the ministers of Sultan Firoz to open negotiations for peace, representing that * * * the combatants on both sides were Muhammadans, and that these contentions were productive of evil to the professors of Islam; it therefore behoved the ministers of Sultan Firoz to make him disposed for peace, as Sultan Sikandar was already inclined.
When these overtures were made to the ministers of Firoz Shah, they assembled together, and, after carefully considering the matter, they agreed that the propositions were reasonable, and that they would recommend them to his acceptance. These wise men accordingly repaired to his presence, and made known to him the proposals of Sultan Sikandar. He entertained the proposal, and said that as his adversary was reduced to distress, and was disposed to peace, it behoved him to listen to the proposition in conformity to the Divine precept that "Peace is good," and so stop the sword in its ravages on the people of Islam. After some consideration he replied, that he would accept the proposition, on condition that the Khan-i 'azam, Zafar Khan, should be placed on the throne in Sunar-ganw. When the ministers heard this resolution of the Sultan, they * * * sent Haibat Khan as envoy, to settle the terms of peace.
The ministers of Sultan Sikandar met and received the envoy; but although Sultan Sikandar was fully acquainted with all the negotiations which had been carried on, he pretended to be in ignorance. Haibat Khan was, according to trustworthy statements, a countryman of his, and had two sons in his service. When he set forth the terms on which peace might be made, Sultan Sikandar replied, that Sultan Firoz had been kind to him, and that he was very averse to carrying on war and slaughter with him. Haibat Khan conducted himself like an accomplished ambassador; what he had to say he said well, tenderly, and warmly. When he perceived that Sikandar also spoke in favour of peace, he said that the chief reason why Sultan Firoz had undertaken the campaign was the establishment of Zafar Khan in the country of Sunar- ganw. Sultan Sikandar accepted the proposed terms, and agreed to surrender Sunar-ganw to Zafar Khan. But he added, that if this were the object of the campaign, much unnecessary trouble had been undertaken; for if an order had been sent to him from Dehli, he would have placed Zafar Khan in possession of the place.
Haibat Khan returned to Sultan Firoz in high spirits, and made an exact report of all that had passed, including Sikandar's consent to allow Zafar Khan to occupy Sunar-ganw. The Sultan was satisfied, and expressed his desire to remain at peace with Sikandar, and to look upon him as a nephew, [Haibat Khan suggested that some presents should be given to Sultan Sikandar and] the Sultan sent into the fort of Ikdala, by the hands of Malik Kabul, otherwise called Toraband, a crown worth 80,000 tankas, and 500 valuable Arab and Turki horses, with an expression of his wish that henceforth they might never again draw the sword. The Sultan then advanced two marches, while Malik Kabul proceeded to the fort.
It is credibly reported that the ditch of the fort of Iskandariya was twenty gaz broad. When Malik Kabul reached it, to show his daring, he made his horse take a leap, and the high-spirited animal carried him over in safety, to the great amazement and admiration of the Bengalis. When Malik Kabul was received, he walked seven times round the throne of Sikandar, and placed the crown upon his head and the robes upon his breast [expressing in strong terms the hope of peace and friendship between the two kings]. Sultan Sikandar asked him what his name was, and he replied, in the Hindi language, "Toraband." The Sultan again spoke and asked if his master had other servants like him, and the Khan replied, that he was a slave in the second palace, and that 10,000 men as good as he kept night watch over the palace of his sovereign. At which Sultan Sikandar was much amazed.
Sultan Sikandar, to show his satisfaction, sent forty elephants and other valuable presents, expressing, at the same time, his desire that every year there might be a similar interchange of brotherly and friendly feeling between them. So long as these two sovereigns lived, presents and souvenirs were exchanged, as was well known to their subjects; but when they died, the people of the two kingdoms did the best they could (rah-i khud giriftand).
When the forty elephants were sent to Sultan Firoz, the Sultan of Bengal sent one also for Malik Kabul. Firoz Shah was greatly pleased, and, in gratifying language, he told Malik Kabul that Sultan Sikandar had done well in restoring Sunar-ganw to Zafar Khan, and that he did not intend to interfere further about it. He then sent for Zafar Khan, and directed him to proceed to Sunar-ganw, offering to remain for a time where he was, with his whole force to sustain him. Zafar Khan consulted with his friends, and they all agreed that it would be impossible for him to stay at Sunar-ganw, for all his relations and friends had perished. He therefore returned to the Sultan and said that he and his family were so happy and secure under the government of Dehli, that he had given up all desire of Sunar-ganw, and had resolved to retain his present position in peace. For all the Sultan's persuasion he would not return. Sultan Firoz then, to the joy of his friends, went back to his garden, and sent off dispatches to Khan-i Jahan. After some time, the Sultan proceeded to Jaunpur, and from thence he went towards Jajnagar, accompanied by the forty elephants from Lakhnauti.
Thirteenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Jaunpur to Jajnagar.1 [The Jajnagar of Cuttack, see supra, pp. 112 and 234.]
When Sultan Firoz reached Jaunpur in returning from his campaign against Bengal, he determined to proceed to Jajnagar, and his officials made every preparation for the march. The Sultan left his baggage2 [Two MSS. have [x], "the King of Bengal" proceeded to Karra, which agrees with Lieut. Lewis's translation in the Dehli Journal. The other two MSS. say [x], "the Sultan left his baggage train at Karra," which is undoubtedly correct, and is confirmed by a subsequent passage in the fifteenth Mukaddama, page 316.] at Karra, and proceeding from thence he hastened to Jajnagar, which place he reached by making successive marches through Bihar. The country of Jajnagar was very prosperous and happy. The author's father, who was in the royal suite, informed the writer that it was in a very flourishing state, and the abundance of corn and fruit supplied all the wants of the army and animals, so that they recovered from the hardships of the campaign. Sultan Firoz rested at Banarasi, an ancient residence of the arrogant Rais. At that time the Rai of Jajnagar, by name Adaya, had deemed it expedient to quit Barinasi, and to take up his residence elsewhere; so Sultan Firoz occupied his palace. The writer has been informed that there were two forts in Banarasi, each populated with a large number of people. The Rais were Brahmans, and it was held to be a religious duty that every one who succeeded to the title of Rai at Jajnagar should add something to these forts. They had thus grown very large.
The cowardly Rai of Jajnagar, when he heard of the approach of the Sultan's army, embarked on board a boat in great alarm, and took refuge on the water. All his country was thrown into confusion — some of the inhabitants were made prisoners, others fled to the hills. Their horses (burda) and cattle became the spoil of the army. Those who accompanied the Sultan relate that the numbers of animals of every kind were so great that no one cared to take them. Two jitals was the price of a horse (burda);1 [In page 350, Vol. II., I assigned the meaning of "horse" to burda, instead of "prisoner." That interpretation is here confirmed.] as for cattle, no one would buy them. Sheep were found in such countless numbers, that at every halt great numbers were slaughtered. If any were not required, they were left behind, because a plentiful supply was sure to be found at the next stage. The author has mentioned these matters to show the prosperity of the country. He has further been informed that the inhabitants had spacious houses and fine gardens; they had even gardens and walks within their houses, and fruit trees, flowers, etc., were cultivated therein. ***
The Sultan left Banarasi with the intention of pursuing the Rai of Jajnagar, who had fled to an island in the river, having let loose a fierce elephant to occupy the attention of his enemies, and to divert them from pursuing him. This elephant was very wild, and would allow no other elephant to approach him. For three days the army was actively engaged in endeavouring to take him alive, but failed. By the Sultan's order he was then slain, and the Sultan with his army entered the fort.[/b][/size] News was then brought that in the jangal there were seven elephants, and one old she-elephant, which was very fierce. The Sultan resolved upon endeavouring to capture these elephants before continuing the pursuit of the Rai.
Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Elephant hunt. Submission of the Rai of Jajnagar.
[Hunt of the Elephants.] After some days the elephants were tired and were cut off from their pasture. The elephant-drivers then went into the jangal, and climbed up the trees; when the animals, weak with thirst and hunger, passed slowly under the trees, the drivers dropped down upon their backs, and, putting ropes and chains upon them, captured the whole eight.
After the hunt was over, the Sultan directed his attention to the Rai of Jajnagar, and entering the palace where he dwelt he found many fine buildings. It is reported that inside the Rai's fort there was a stone idol which the infidels called Jagannath, and to which they paid their devotions. Sultan Firoz, in emulation of Mahmud Subuktigin, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to Dehli, where he subsequently had it placed in an ignominious position. The Sultan then resolved upon pursuing the Rai into his island; but the Rai sent some of his Brahmans (patar) to wait upon the Sultan. As Sultans consult with their clear-sighted ministers, so do rais, ranas, and zamindars take counsel with their mahtas1 [This word is written mahta and matha in the different MSS. It is evidently the Hindi mahant or mahat. Patar is common in Orissa.] on matters of war. In the country of Jajnagar the mahtas are called patars; and the Rai of Jajnagar had twenty patars, otherwise called mahtas, under whose advice he conducted all the affairs of his State. In great fear, the Rai sent five of these patars to wait on the Sultan, and make his submission; when they represented, with much respect, that the Rai had long been a dependent and subject of the Sultan, and they desired to ascertain the Sultan's intentions.
When the Sultan had heard what they had to say, he replied that his intentions had been friendly. He had received certain information that elephants were as numerous as sheep in the jangal round the Rai's dwelling, and he had proceeded thither for the purpose of hunting. When he approached, the Rai fled in alarm, and took refuge in his islands. What was the cause of this flight? After explanations, the Rai sent twenty mighty elephants as an offering, and agreed to furnish certain elephants yearly in payment of revenue. The Sultan then sent robes and insignia by the mahtas to the Rai, he granted robes to them also, and then they returned home. After this the Sultan started on his return, taking with him, from the two countries of Lakhnauti and Jajnagar, seventy-three elephants, having stayed two years and seven months in those territories.
Fifteenth Mukaddama, — Return of Firoz Shah from Jajnagar by difficult roads.
After the Sultan had started on his return to Dehli, the guides lost their way, and proceeded over mountains and plains and along the banks of a river like the Jihun. The author's father, who accompanied the march, stated that the army ascended and descended mountain after mountain, and passed through jangals and hills until they were quite in despair and utterly worn out with the fatigues of the arduous march. No road was to be found, nor any grain. Provisions became very scarce, and the army was reduced to the verge of destruction. For six months no news of the Sultan reached Dehli, and the Khan-i Jahan was in great alarm. Day after day he rode about the environs of the city, and fear of him kept the country at peace. At the end of six months, a road was discovered, and the Sultan determined to send a messenger to Dehli. He gave public notice that all who wished to write to their families and friends might take this opportunity. This gave great satisfaction, and every man of the army, from the highest to the lowest, wrote some account of his condition. The letters were sent to the tent of the Sultan, and the number of them was so great that a camel-load of letters was sent to Dehli. When they reached the city, the Khan-i Jahan made great public rejoicing, the letters were piled in a heap before the palace, and all who expected letters were directed to come forward and receive them.
The Sultan's army having at length traversed the mountains and jungles, and having crossed the river, after enduring great privations and practising many expedients, came out into the open country. They thanked God for their deliverance, and the Sultan hastened to rejoin his baggage-train (bungah). When the Sultan was at Jajnagar, he left the baggage train at Karra, where it still remained. A farman was sent to Dehli announcing the return of the Sultan, and the Khan-i Jaban made suitable preparations for his reception.
Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of the Sultan at Dehli. Erection of kabbas (pavilions for public rejoicings).
[Rejoicings at Dehli.] The author has been informed that the town of Firozabad was not yet populous, and neither the kushk (palace) nor the fort was erected, yet one kabba was erected there. On the day the Sultan entered Dehli, *** the seventy-three elephants, in gorgeous trappings, preceded him like a flock of sheep *** into the Kushk-i Humayun, without any drivers. **
The Sultan employed himself at Dehli in State affairs.
Among his other qualities, he had a remarkable fondness for history. Just at this time Maulana Ziau-d din Barni, the author of the Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi died, and the Sultan expressed to every learned man the great desire he felt for an historical record of the events of his own reign. When he despaired of getting such a work written, he caused the following lines, of his own composition (az zaban-i kkwesh), to be inscribed in letters of gold on the walls ('imarat) of the Kushk-i Shikar-rav, and on the domes of the Kushk-i nuzul, and the walls ('imarat) of the minarets of stone which are within the Kushk-i Shikar-rav at Firozabad: —
"I made a great hunt of elephants, and I captured so many:
"I performed many glorious deeds; and all this I have done
"That in the world and among men; in the earth and among mankind, these verses
"May stand as a memorial to men of intelligence, and that the people of the world, and the wise men of the age, may follow the example."1 [The Sultan's verses certainly do not rise above the level of his exploits.]
Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Happiness of the people in the reign of Firoz Shah.
After his return from Lakhnauti, the Sultan was much occupied with building. He completed, with much care, the kushk at Firozabad, and also commenced a kushk in the middle of that town. After the lapse of two half years, every man of the army now returned to his home.
The Sultan passed his time in three ways: 1. In hunting; *** 2. In directing the affairs of State; *** 3. In building; *** Through the attention which the Sultan devoted to administration,
the country grew year by year more prosperous and the people more happy. He assigned thirty-six lacs of tankas for learned and religious men, and about a 100 lacs in pensions and gifts to the poor and needy. [Every class of the community/ shared in the general prosperity.] One day the Sultan went hunting, and in pursuit of his quarry, having separated from his followers, he went to a garden where he met a woman [whose conversation showed him the necessity of more strict attention to the duties of revenue administration].
During the forty years that Firoz Shah reigned, all his people were happy and contented; but when he departed, and the territory of Dehli came into the hands of others, by the will of fate, the people were dispersed and the learned were scattered. At length the inhabitants, small and great, all suffered from the inroads of the Mughals. The aged author of this work has written a full account thereof in his Description of the Sack of Dehli [Zikr-i kharabi Dehli] [???].
Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultan with the preceptor of the Author at Hansi.
Sultan Firoz proceeded from Hisar Firozah to Hansi, in order to have an interview with the author's preceptor, Nuru-d din, who had succeeded to the spiritual supremacy (sijjada) lately vacated by the death of Kutbu-d din. [The Sultan's object was to induce the Shaikh to remove to Hisar Firozah, but he declined, because Hansi had been the home of his ancestors and the abode of his predecessors.] In these latter days the accursed (Mughals) have captured the city of Dehli and have plundered and laid waste the possessions of Musulmans; but through the protection of the Shaikh, the town of Hansi remained in safety, and the people of Hisar Firozah, who there took refuge, also found security.
***
Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Firozabad on the river Jumna....
During the forty years of the reign of the excellent Sultan Firoz, people used to go for pleasure from Dehli to Firozabad, and from Firozabad to Dehli, in such numbers, that every kos of the five kos between the two towns swarmed with people, as with ants or locusts. To accommodate this great traffic, there were public carriers who kept carriages, mules (sutur), and horses, which were ready for hire at a settled rate every morning after prayers, so that the traveller could make the trip as seemed to him best, and arrive at a stated time. Palankin-bearers were also ready to convey passengers. The fare of a carriage was four silver jitals for each person; of a mule (sutur) six; of a horse, twelve; and of a palankin, half a tanka. There was also plenty of porters ready for employment by any one, and they earned a good livelihood. Such was the prosperity of this district; * * but it was so ravaged by the Mughals, that the inhabitants were scattered in all directions. This was the will of God, and none can gainsay it. [???!!!]
-- XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj 'Afif, Excerpt from The History of India As Told By Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, edited from the posthumous papers of the Late Sir H.M. Elliot, K.C.B., East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S., Staff college, Sandhurst, Vol. III, P. 269-364, 1871
Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Conquest of Nagarkot (Kangra).
After his return from Lakhnauti, Sultan Firoz determined upon a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, and started thither with a suitable train of attendants and tent equipage. He arrived at Bhayana, where he rested for a while, and State affairs then necessitated his return to Dehli. Afterwards
he marched with his army towards Nagarkot, and, passing by the valleys of Nakhach nuh garhi,1 [This not not very intelligible; the original words are [x]. It may be read "Nakhach of the nine forts."] he arrived with his army at Nagarkot, which he found to be very strong and secure. The Rai shut himself up in his fort, and the Sultan's forces plundered all his country. The idol, Jwala-mukhi, much worshipped by the infidels, was situated in the road to Nagarkot. This idol is said to have been placed in a secluded room, where it was worshipped by the Hindus. Some of the infidels have reported that Sultan Firoz went specially to see this idol and held a golden umbrella over its head. But the author was informed by his respected father, who was in the Sultan's retinue, that the infidels slandered the Sultan, who was a religious, God-fearing man, who, during the whole forty years of his reign, paid strict obedience to the law, and that such an action was impossible. The fact is, that when he went to see the idol, all the rais, ranas, and samindars who accompanied him were summoned into his presence, when he addressed them, saying, "O fools and weak-minded, how can ye pray to and worship this stone, for our holy law tells us that those who oppose the decrees of our religion will go to hell?" The Sultan held the idol in the deepest detestation, but the infidels, in the blindness of their delusion, have made this false statement against him. Other infidels have said that Sultan Muhammad Shah bin Tughlik Shah held an umbrella over this same idol, but this also is a lie; and good Muhammadans should pay no heed to such statements. These two Sultans were sovereigns specially chosen by the Almighty from among the faithful, and in the whole course of their reigns, whenever they took an idol temple they broke and destroyed it; how, then, can such assertions be true! These infidels must certainly have lied!
The Rai of Nagarkot withdrew into the keep of his stronghold, which was invested by the royal forces in double, nay, even in ten-fold lines. Manjaniks and 'arradas were erected on both sides, and so many stones were discharged that they clashed in the air and were dashed to pieces. For six months the siege went on, and both sides exhibited great courage and endurance. At length fortune inclined to the Sultan. He was one day examining the fortress, when he perceived the Rai standing on the top of his citadel. There he stood, in an attitude of humility, and stretching forth his hand in sign of distress, he clasped his hands and bowed in subjection. When the Sultan observed this, he drew a handkerchief from his bosom, and, waving it kindly towards the Rai, he signed for him to come down. The Mahtas of the Rai assembled [and counselled surrender]. So the Rai, throwing off his pride, came down from his fort, and, making apologies, cast himself at the feet of the Sultan, who with much dignity placed his hand on the back of the Rai, and having bestowed on him robes of honour and an umbrella, sent him back to his fort. So the Rai returned laden with presents which he had received from the royal treasury, and accompanied by several fine horses which had been given to him. Thus, by the favour of God, the Sultan became master of Nagarkot. When he left the fort, to return to his capital, the Rai sent many offerings and horses of priceless worth. * * *